PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMS. IN FIVE BOOKS. The first, Containing Peregrinations and Discoveries, in the remotest North and East parts of ASIA; called TARTARY and CHINA. The second, Peregrinations, Voyages, Discoveries, of CHINA, TARTARY, RUSSIA, and other the North and East parts of the World, by Englishmen and others. The third, Voyages and Discoveries of the North parts of the World, by Land and Sea, in ASIA, EUROPE; the Polare Regions, and in the Northwest of AMERICA. The fourth, English Northern Navigations, and Discoveries: Relations of Greenland, Greenland, the Northwest passage, and other Arctike Regions, with later RUSSIAN OCCURRENTS. The fifth, Voyages and Travels to and in the New World, called AMERICA: Relations of their Pagan Antiquities and of the Regions and Plantations in the North and South parts thereof, and of the Seas and Lands adjacent. The Third Part. Vnus Deus, una Veritas. LONDON Printed by William Stansby for Henry Fetherstone, and are to be sold at his shop in Paul's Churchyard at the sign of the Rose. 1625. TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE, AND RIGHT REVEREND FATHER IN GOD: JOHN, Lord Bishop of LINCOLN, Lord Keeper of the GREAT SEAL OF ENGLAND, etc. Right Reverend and Honourable: THese PILGRIMS delivering a History of the World in their own Travels by Sea and Land, not only needed authority from the Admiralty, but fearing suspicion of Riot without warrantable assembly, become humble Suitors for your Lordship's favour. So shall they in the approbation of both (to apply by a warrant of Ego dixi, dij estis, the Patriarches mystical Dream to our Historical purpose) find a Scala Coeli to ascend from the ground where they are prostrate Petitioners, to the Prince's Highness, Gen. 28.12▪ whence authorised they may again descend and become the Commons of Common Readers. Order requires a Medium betwixt Princely Height and his Lowliness, whose function is also termed Holy Orders, as further tying him to that equal inequality; wherein he beseecheth your Lordship as by special Office and in Propriety to own that which he hath presumed to offer to the Prince in Capite, Quemadmodum sub optimo rege omnia Rex imperio possidet, Domini dominio. Ad reges protestas pertinet, Sense. Benef. l. 7. cap. 4.5. ad singulos proprietas. Many are the reasons which moved the Author to obtrude his PILGRIMS on your Lordship; because he is deeply obliged Yours former favours, even then when you were initiated in the Mysteries of Honour (learning by service to Command) in the Discipline of that Honourable Worthy, Lord Chancellor EGERTON! because some conceptions of this Work were in your Honourable jurisdiction of Westminster, whither lest some traduce Travellers for Vagrants, they return in hope of Sanctuary, not so much trusting to the ancient Liberties, as to your Lordship's liberal respect to literate endeavours: because these Travellers adventuring the world, seek like jacob at his going and return, a Reverend Father's Blessing and Confirmation. The Author likewise being called on for his promised Europe, Gen. 28. & 32.20, submits himself to your Lordship's Order, here tendering of that debt, what he is able, in ready payment. The work itself also being a Library in this kind, presents, itself to your Honour, the Founder of two famous Libraries; one in Westminster, (where the Stones & renewed Fabrikes speak your Magnificence) the other in that famous Nursery of Arts and Virtue Saint JOHN'S College in Cambridge, which sometime knew you a hopeful Son, but now acknowledgeth your Lordship a happy Father, where also the Author first conceived with this Travelling Genius, whereof (without travelling) he hath traveled ever since. Learning, the Advancer of your Honour, hath secured her well-willers not to be rejected in whatsoever endeavours (Scribimus indocti, doctique) to advance Learning. The greatness of Nature to goodness of Nature, variety of Estates to a prime Pillar of State, the History of Religions to a Religious Prelate, of Antiquities to an Antiquary, cannot be altogether unwelcome; that I mention not the dependence of London Ministers livings (fined by the Time's iniquity) on your Lordship's equal Sentence. These Causes have moved; One hath enforced; these PILGRIMS are your Servants, fitly so called à Seruando, saved by your Lordship's hand when they were giving up the ghost, despairing through a fatal stroke of ever seeing light. Aug. de C.D. li. 19 cap. 5. Most humbly therefore, sue unto your Honour, these PILGRIMS for acknowledgement, esteeming your Lordship's Name in forefront a cognisance of blessed Liberty and best Service; Now when janus sends many with grateful emulations to present their acclamations of a New Year, presenting (a wordie rather than worthy Present) a World, yea, a New world, in great part one Age younger to men's knowledge then America, sometimes styled by that Name. I had written others Causes of my address to your Honour, but dare not proceed to interrupt Others more weighty. In all humble earnestness beseecheth, now in this Festival time, the Author with his PILGRIMS to find Hospital entertainment, not at your Honour's table, where Great affairs of Church and State are feasted (except some recreation some times permit) but with Scholars and Gentlemen in the Hall, which will welcome such Guests as your Lordship shall Countenance. So shall you encourage ever to pray for the increase of your Lordship's happiness in the Happy Service of his MAJESTY, Your Lordship's most bounden, SAMVEL PURCHAS. THE CONTENTS OF THE CHAPTERS AND PARAGRAPHS IN THE SECOND BOOK OF THE SECOND PART OF PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMS. CHAP. I. THe journal of Friar William de Rubruquis, a Frenchman, of the Order of the Minorite Friars, unto the East parts of the World, Anno Dom. 1253. H. pag. 1. CHAP. II. Tartarian and Northern Relations written in Latin by the famous Friar Roger Bacon. H. p. 52 Relations of Vincentius Beluacensis, the most of which he received from Friar Simon de Sancto Quintino, one of the four Friars sent by Pope Innocent the fourth to the Tartars: serving to the illustration of the former. pag. 58. CHAP. III. Relations touching the Tartars, taken out of the History of R. Wendover, and Mat. Paris: with certain Epistles of the same subject. pag. 60. CHAP. four The first book of Marcus Paulus Venetus, or of Master Marco Polo, a Gentleman of Venice, his Voyages. pag. 65. §. 1. The voyages of Master Nicolo and M. Maffio, from Constantinople to the Great Can, and their coming home to Venice: their second voyage with the Author and return. ibid. §. 2. Observations of M. Polo, of Armenia, Turkey, Zorzania, Baldach, Persia, Chirmain, Cobniam, Ormus, Knave-fooles paradise, and other Eastern parts in Asia, and Armenia the less. pag. 69. §. 3. Of Sapurgan, Balac, Thaican, Scassem, Balaxiam, Bascia, Chesmur, Vochan, Samarchan, Carchan, Peym, the dreadful Desert of Lop and Tanguth. pag. 73. §. 4. Of Carchoran, the original, proceedings and exploits of the Tartars; of Priest john and his discendants. Customs of the Tartars. Of Bargu, Erginul, Xandu, the Cans City and Palace; of Musk: of strange Sorcerers, and anstere Monks. pag. 77. §. 5. Of Cublai Can, his Reign and Acts, Magnificent feasts and hunt, Court and Counsel. His City Cambalu and glorious Palace. pag. 81. §. 6. The Cans provisions for Ambassadors and for Posts, against Dearth; for Highways; for the Poor in Cambalu, for Astrologers; Tartar's Wine, Fuel, Religion, Opinions, Behaviour, Court-neatnesse: Polos proceeding from Cambalu westward. Of Pulisangan, Gouza, Tainfu, Pianfu, Thaigin, Cacianfu, Quenzaufu, Sindinfu, Thebeth, Caindu, Caraian, Carachan, Cardandan and Vociam. pag. 87. §. 7. Of the Province of Mien and Bengala, how they were conquered to the Can: Of Cangigu, Amu, Tholoman, Cintigui, and some other parts of Cataio. And of the Conquest of Mangi. pag. 93. §. 8. Of the Cities of Mangi (now called China) and the rarities thereof: the many wonders of Quinsai, the Palaces, Pleasures, Rites and Government, observed by the Natives, and the Tartars. pag. 96. §. 9 The ships of India described, the I'll of Zipangu, the Sea Chin, and World of Lands, the two javas, Zeilan, and other Lands, with the rarities therein. pag. 102. §. 10. Of the firm Land of the Creater India. pag. 104▪ CHAP. V. The History of Ayton, or Anthony the Armenian, of Asia, and specially touching the Tartars. H. P pag. 108. §. 1. Of the Kingdom of Cathay, and diverse other Provinces of Asia, and of the first habitation of the Tartars: and of Cangius, or Cingis his beginnings. ibid. §. 2. Of Changius Can his second vision and conquests. Of Hocco●● and his three sons expeditions; of Gino Can; of Mangu Can, who was visited by the King of Armenia, and ●apt●●ed; of the expedition of his brother Haloon. pag. 112. §. 3. Of Co●na Can the fifth Emperor of the Tartar●ans▪ Of the war with Barcha, and Tartarian quarrel with the Christians, Haolaons' death. Acts of the Sol●an of Egypt▪ Of Abaya and other sons and successors of Haloon. pag. 117. §. 4. Of Argon the son of Abaga, and 〈◊〉, his brother; of Ba●do, and of the exploits of Casan against the Sultan of Egypt, and others. pag. 120. §. 5. Casan dyeth, Carbanda succeedeth; his Apostasy. The Author's entrance into a Religious habit. Of Tamor Can the sixth Emperor, and of Chapar, Hochta●, and Carbanda, three other Tartarian Kings. pag. 125. CHAP. VI Travels and Memorials of Sir john Mandevile. pag. 128. CHAP. VII. The Voyage of Nicolo di Conti a Venetian, to the Indies, Mangi, Cambalu and Quinsai, with some observations of those places. pag. 158. CHAP. VIII. Extracts of Alhacen his Arabike History of Tamerian, touching his Martial travels, done into French by jean de Bec, Abbot of Mortimer. pag. 160. §. 1. Tamerlans birth and person, his Expedition against the Muscovite; his marriage with the Cans daughter; his over-throwing of Calix. ibid. §. 2. Cataio, Cambalu; Tamerlans Expedition into China, entering the Wall, conquering the King, and disposing of the Country, and return to Cataio. pag. 14●. §. 3. The differences betwixt Tamerian and Bajazet the Turk, his return to Samarcand, and Expedition against Bajazet; the battle, and victory, his Caging of Bajazet, and making him his footstool. pag. 155. §. 4. Increase of Samarcand; Affairs of China: Funerals of the Can; coming to Quinza, and description thereof. His disposition of his estate and death. pag. 160. CHAP. IX. Reports of Chaggi Memet a Persian of Tabas in the Province of Ch●●an, touching his travels and observations in the Country of the Great Can, unto M. G. Baptista Ramu●ic. pag. 164. CHAP. X. A Treatise of China, and the adjoining Regions, written by Gaspar da Cruz a Dominican●riar ●riar, and dedicated to Sebastian King of Portugal: here abbreviated. H. P. pag. 166. Of Camboia and the Bramenes there; the cause of his going to China: Of China and the neighbouring Regions. ibid. §. 2. Cantan described; the public and private buildings and government. The shipping and husbandry of China; their contempt of the idle, and provision for impotent poor. pag. 170. §. 3. Of their mecha●ix all Trades, Merchandises and Monies: their provisions of flesh and fish; the Persons and attire of Men and Women: their Feasts. pag. 176. §. 4. Of their Lo●thias, Mandarines or Magistrates, their creation, privileges, maintenance; of Prisons and Tortures; of the King and of Ambassadors. pag. 183. §. 5. Of the Portugal commerce with the Chinois; of the severe justice executed upon certain Magistrates, for wrongs done to the Portugals. pag. 190. §. 6. Of the Religion in China; difficulty of bringing in Christianity. Terrible Earthquakes and Tempests in China. pag. 195. CHAP. XI. The relation of Galeotto Perera, a Gentleman men of good credit, that lay prisoner in China. pag. 199. The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in the second Book of the Second part of Purchas his PILGRIMS. CHAP. I. THe beginning of English Discoveries towards the North, and North-east, by Sir Hugh Willoughby, Richard Chancellor, and others; of the Muscovie Trade, as also Voyages by Russia, over the Caspian Sea, and thorough diverse Regions of Tartary. pag. 211. §. 1. The first voyage for discovery with three ships, set forth under the charge of Sir Hugh Willoughby, Knight, in which he died; and Muscovia was discovered by Captain Chancellor. ibid. Some additions for better knowledge of this Voyage, taken by Clement adam's, Schoolmaster to the Queen's Henshmen, from the mouth of Captain Chancellor. pag. 218. The Copy of the Duke of Moscovie and Emperor of Russia his Letters, sent to King Edward the Sixth, by the hands of Richard Chancellor. pag. 221. §. 2. The first voyage made by Master Anthony jenkinson, from the City of London, toward the Land of Russia, begun the twelfth of May, in the year 1557. pag. 222. §. 3. Notes taken out of another man's Relation of the same voyage, touching the Russian Rites. pag. 226. §. 4. The voyage of Master Anthony jenkinson, made from the City of Moscow in Russia, to the City of Boghar in Bactria, in the year 1558. written by himself to the Merchants of London, of the Moscovie Company. pag. 231. §. 5. Advertisements and reports of the sixth voyage into the parts of Persia and Media, gathered out of sundry Letters written by Christopher Borough; and more especially a voyage over the Caspian Sea, and their shipwreck and miseries there endured by the Ice. pag. 243. A Letter of Master Henry Lane, to the worshipful Master William Sanderson, containing a brief discourse of that which passed in the North-east discovery, for the space of three and thirty years. pag. 249. CHAP. II. Observations of China, Tartary, and other Eastern parts of the World, taken out of Fernam Mendez Pinto his Peregrination. pag. 252. §. 1. Mendez his many miserable adventures, his strange Expedition with Antonio de Faria; diverse Coasts visited, Pirates tamed, miseries suffered, glory recovered. pag. 252. §. 2. Antonio Faria his taking of Nouda a City in China, triumph at Liampoo; strange voyage to Calempluy, miserable shipwreck. pag. 258 §. 3. Their shipwreck in which Faria and most of them were drowned; the miserable wanderings of the rest to Nanquin: their imprisonment, sentence and appeal to Pequin; rarities observed in those places and ways; of the beginnings of the China Kingdom, and of their admirable Wall. pag. 263. §. 4. Mindo Salt pits: Mines of Coretumbaga, Copper-workes; Idolatry and Christianity; China Trades, and River Fairs; their coming to Pequin, trial and sentence. Rarities of Pequin. pag. 269. §. 5. Four buildings incredibly admirable in Pequin, and diverse of their superstitions: their Hispitals and provisions for the Poor. The King's revenues and Court; their Sects. pag. 273. §. 6. Their remooue to Quansie, quarrels, miseries; Tartarian huge Army, and loss at the siege of Pequim, reported. Quansie taken, and Nixianco: Mendez his exploit. Their entertainment by the Tartar King, and going to Cauchinchina with his Ambassadors, with many Tartarian observations. pag. 277. CHAP. III. Spanish plantation of the Philippinas, and what intercourse hath thence happened betwixt them and the Chinois. pag. 282. §. 1. First discovery of the Philippinas: written by Friar juan Gonzales de Mendoza. ibid. §. 2. First plantation of the Philippinas, by Michael Lopez de Legaspi. pag. 284. §. 3. Of Limahon a China Robber and Rover, by whose occasion the Spaniards sent into China. pag. 286. §. 4. Friar Martin de Herrada, and other Spaniards entertainment in China, and their return to the Philippinas. pag. 292. Two Letters taken out of Bartolome Leonardo de Argensola his Treatise, called Conquista de las Islas Malucas, printed at Madrid, 1609. pag. 336, 337. mentioning the coming of two English ships to China: which seem to be two ships of the fleet of Benjamin Wood: The former written by the Visitor of Chincheo in China, unto the Governor of the Philippinas, Don Pedro de Acunna. H. P. pag. 309. The Answer of Don Pedro de Acunna, Governor of the Philippinas, to the Visitor of Chincheo in China. pag. 310. CHAP. four The report of a Mahometan Merchant, which had been in Cambalu: and the troublesome travel of Benedictus Goes, a Portugal jesuit, from Lahor to China by land, thorough the Tartars Countries. pag. 310. CHAP. V. A general collection and historical representation of the Jesuits entrance into japon and China, until their admission in the Royal City of Nanquin. pag. 316. §. 1. Of Francis Xavier, Melchior Nuns, Valignanus, Ruggerius and Pasius. ibid. §. 2. japonian Embassage to the Pope; Of Nabunanga and Quabacondono their government; Corai invaded, Embassage from China, Taicosamas Temple, and Ogoshosamas succession. pag. 322. §. 3. Ruggerius enters again into China with Ricius, and is forced back to Amacao; thence sent for again by the Viceroy. Sande and Almeida are sent to them, and enter the Country as far as Cequion, and return to Sciauchin. pag. 327. §. 4. False brethren and others accusations detected, they are expelled Sciauchin: erect a Seat at Xauceum. Monastery of Nanhoa and other things of note in those parts. They alter their habit; Voyage to Nanquin; the Lake, Rivers, Idols and other rarities. pag. 332. §. 5. Nanquin described; Ricius expelled thence, he settleth at Nancian, thence goeth to Nanquin again, and to Pequin; description of it, the way thither, the King's Palace, and of Suceu, and Hamceu. pag. 338. §. 6. Letters from Father Longobard and Taiso. Ricius his entertainment at Nanquin and residence there. The Chinois unlearned learning. pag. 343. CHAP. VI A Letter of Father Diego de Pantoia, one of the Company of JESUS, to Father Lewis de Guzman, Provincial in the Province of Toledo: written in Paquin, which is the Court of the King of China, the ninth of March, the year 1602. H. P. pag. 350. §. 1. Difficulties of entering China, their dwelling at Nanquin, going from thence to Paquin, with Presents for the King, troubles in the way by an Eunuch. pag. 350. §. 2. The King sends for them, is delighted with their Clocks and Pictures; they are shut up, after take a House, are admired for learning; Christianity of China. pag. 356. §. 3. The description of the Kingdom of China: of Catay and Musk; the division into Provinces; Cities and Towns described, River, Shipping, Commodities, Diet, and feeding. pag. 360. §. 4. Their monies, apparel, persons, trades, wealth, learning, marriages, superstitions, rites, and opinions. pag. 366. §. 5. Their bad soldiery and Artillery; Degrees, privileges, honours and promotions of learning. Their Authors and Books, and Printing. The Mandarins commended. pag. 369. §. 6. Of the government of China: Of the Mandarins; the China compliments and manifold niceties. pag. 372. §. 7. Of their Women: Of the Tartars Conquest, acts and expulsion. The greatness of the King, and neighbouring States. Of the Queen's Eunuches. pag. 375. CHAP. VII. A discourse of the Kingdom of China, taken out of Ricius and Trigautius, containing the country, people, government, religion, rites, sects, characters, studies, arts, acts; and a Map of China added, drawn out of one there made with Annotations for the understanding thereof. pag. 380. §. 1. Of the name, scite, and greatness; the Tributaries, commodity, arts, printing, seals, ink, pencill-pennes and fans. ibid. §. 2. Of their Characters and writing downward: their studies, ethics, Astrology, Physic, authentic Authors, Degrees how taken both Philosophical and Military. pag. 384. §. 3. Of the Tartarian conquest; Of Humu● the Establisher of the present government. The Revenues. Magistrates in the Courts Royal, Provinces, Cities, Orders, Exaltations, Visitations, Deprivations. pag. 387. §. 4. Their manifold rites in Salutations, Entertainments, and other civility: to the King and Magistrates: Of Burials and Marriages, Birthday's; their Men, Women, Names and Games, Habits. pag. 391. §. 5. Of their Superstitions, Cruelties, fears of Magistrates, of the King's kindred, of Strangers and Soldiers. Their Deities and three Sects: Priests, Nuns, Monasteries, Legends, Lies. pag. 395. §. 6. Of strangers, and foreign Religions in China. pag. 399. §. 7. The Map of China, taken out of a China Map, printed with China Characters; illustrated with Notes, for the understanding thereof. pag. 401. CHAP. VIII. A continuation of the Jesuits Acts and observations in China till Ricius his death and some years after. Of Hanceu or Quinsay. An Extract of Monfa●ts travel. pag. 405. The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in the third Book of the first part of Purchas his PILGRIMS. CHAP. I. A Treatise of Russia and the adjoining Regions, written by Doctor Giles Fletcher, Lord Ambassador from the late Queen, Euer-glorious Elizabeth, to Theodore then Emperor of Russia, A. D. 1588. pag. 413. CHAP. II. A brief discovery of the Northern discoveries of Seas, Coasts, and Countries, delivered in order as they were hopefully begun, and have ever since happily been continued by the singular industry and charge of the Worshipful Society of Muscovia Merchants of London, with the ten several Voyages of Captain Thomas Edge the Author. pag. 462. §. 1. Greenland first discovered by Sir Hugh Willoughby: the Voyages of Frobisher, Pet, and jackman, Davis', the Dutch; First Morse and Whale-killing, with further discoveries. ibid. §. 2. Dutch, Spanish, Danish disturbance; also by Hull men, and by a new Patent, with the succeeding success and further discoveries till this present. pag. 466. §. 3. The description of the several sorts of Whales▪ with the manner of killing them: Whereto is added the description of Greenland. p. 470. The description of Greenland. pag. 472. CHAP. III. The first Navigation of William Barents, alias Bernard's, into the North Seas; Written by Gerart de Veer. pag. 473. CHAP. four A brief declaration of Barents his second Navigation, made in Anno 1595. behind Norway, Muscovia, and Tartary, written by Gerart de Veer. pag. 478 Chap. V. The third voyage Northward to the Kingdoms of Cathaia, and China, in Anno 1596. Written by Gerart de Veer. pag. 482. §. 1. What happened to them at Sea, before they came to build their House. ibid. §. 2. Their cold, comfortless, dark and dreadful winter: the Sun's absence, Moon's light, Sun's unexpected return with miraculous speed. Of Bears, Foxes, and many many wonders. p. 492. §. 3. Their preparation to go from thence: they depart in a Boat and Scute both open, and come to Cola, 1143. miles. Their many dangers by Bears, Ice, Famine, Scorbute, in the way. pag. 505. This was written by William Barentson in a loose Paper, which was lent me by the Reverend Peter Plantius in Amsterdam, March the seven and twentieth, 1609. pag. 518. CHAP. VI A Treatise of juer Boty a Gronlander, translated out of the North language into High Dutch. H. ibid. The Course from Island to Groneland. p. 520. CHAP. VII. A description of the Countries of Siberia, Samoieda, and Tingoesia. Together with the journeys leading unto the same Countries toward the East and North-east, as they are daily frequented by the Moscovites. pag. 522. §. 1. Discovery of Siberia, and the subiecting of the same to the Russes. ibid. §. 2. A brief description of the Ways and Rivers, leading out of Moscovia toward the East and North-east into Siberia, Samoiedia, and Tingoesia, as they are daily frequented by the Russes: with further discoveries towards Tartary and China. pag. 525. §. 3. A Note of the travels of the Russes over Land, and by water from Mezen, near the Bay of Saint Nicholas to Pechora, to Obi, to Yenisse, and to the River Geta, even unto the Frontiers of Cataia; brought into England by Master john Mericke, the English Agent for Moscovie, and translated out of the Ruff by Richard Finch. H. pag. 530. CHAP. VIII. A voyage made to Pechora 1611. Written by William Gourdon of Hull, appointed chief Pilot, for discovery to Ob, etc. H. ibid. CHAP. IX. A Letter of Richard Finch to the Right Worshipful Sir Thomas Smith, Governor; and to the rest of the Worshipful Company of English Merchants, trading into Russia: touching the former voyage, and other observations. H. pag. 534. The names of the places that the Russes sail by, from Pechorskoie Zavorot, to Mongozey: with the manner of their travel, and distance between each place, or time of Sailing, Halling, and Rowing unto the same. pag. 539. CHAP. X. The Voyage of Master josias Logan to Pechora, and his wintering there, with Master William Pursglone, and Marmaduke Wilson. Anno 1611. H. pag. 541. Extracts taken out of two Letters of josias Logan from Pechora, to Master Hakluyt Prebend of Westminster. pag. 546. CHAP. XI. A brief relation of a Voyage to Pechora, and wintering there, began in the year 1611. Written by William Pursglone. H. pag. 547. Other observations of the said William Pursglone. pag. 550. The travel from Pechora to Permia, Ougoria, and to the River Ob, and the Towns situated thereupon, over Land. pag. 551. Commodities for Pechora, Siberia, Permia, Ougoria, and among the Tingussies. pag. 552. Commodities for the Tingussies. ibid. CHAP. XII. Later observations of William Gourdon, in his wintering at Pustozera, in the years 1614 and 1615. with a description of the Samoyeds life. H. pag. 553. CHAP. XIII. diverse Voyages to Cherie Island, in the years 1604, 1605, 1606, 1608, 1609. Written by jonas Poole. H. pag. 556. CHAP. XIIII. diverse Voyages and Northern discoveries of that worthy irrecoverable Discoverer Master Henry Hudson. His Discovery toward the North Pole, set forth at the charge of certain Worshipful Merchants of London, in May 1607. Written partly by john Plaice one of the Company, and partly by H. Hudson. H. pag. 567. CHAP. XV. A second voyage or employment of Master Henry Hudson, for finding a passage to the East Indies by the North-east: written by himself. H. pag. 574. CHAP. XVI. The third voyage of Master Henry Hudson toward Nova Zembla, and at his return, his passing from far Lands, to newfoundland, and along to forty four degrees and ten minutes, and thence to Cape Cod, and so to thirty three degrees; and along the Coast to the Northward, to forty two degrees and an half, and up the River near to forty three degrees. Written by Robert Iu●t of Limehouse. H. pag. 581. CHAP. XVII. An Abstract of the journal of Master Henry Hudson, for the discovery of the Northwest passage, begun the 17. of April, 1610. ended with his end, being treacherously exposed by some of the Company. H. pag. 596. A larger discourse of the same voyage, and the success thereof, written by Abacuk Pricket. pag. 597. A Note found in the Desk of Thomas Widhouse, Student in the Mathematics, he being one of them who was put into the Shallop. pag. 609. CHAP. XVIII. The discoveries of M. M. Nicolo, and Antonio Zeni, gathered out of their Letters by Francisco Marcolino: whereto is added Quirino his shipwreck. H. P. pag. 610. The shipwreck of Master Piero Quirino, described by Christophoro Fioravanti, and Nicolo di Michiel, who were present there: here contracted. H. P. pag. 611. CHAP. XIX. Ancient commerce betwixt England and Norway, and other Northern Regions. pag. 619. CHAP. XX. A brief Memorial of the great travels by Sea and Land, of Master George Barkley, Merchant of London, in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, and their Lands. pag. 625. CHAP. XXI. Collections out of Martin Broniovius de Biezerfedea sent Ambassador from Stephen King of Poland, to the Crim Tartar: Containing a description of Tartary, or Chersonesus Taurica, and the Regions subject to the Perecop or Crim Tartars, with their Customs private and public in peace and war. pag. 632. CHAP. XXII. Dithmar Blefkens his Voyages, and History of Island and Groenland. pag. 643. Of the Islanders Religion. pag. 645. The Life and Manners of the Islanders. ibid. Of the wonderful standing Pools, Lakes, and Fountains in Island. pag. 647. Of the wonderful Mountains in Island. pag. 648. Of the Riches of the Islanders. pag. 649. Of the judgement of the Islanders. pag. 650. Of Groneland. pag. 651. CHAP. XXIII. Extracts of Arngrim jonas, an Islander, his Chrymogaea or History of Island: published Anno Dom. 1609. H. P. pag. 654. §. 1. Of Island, the Situation, Discovery, Plantation and Language. ibid. §. 2. A discourse of the first Inhabitants of the Northern World, supposed to be Giants expelled from Canaan. Of the Islanders Houses, Fewell, victual. pag. 659. §. 3. Of their Politic, and Religion in old times. pag. 664: The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in the fourth Book of the Second part of Purchas his PILGRIMS. CHAP. I. A Voyage set forth by the Right Worshipful Sir Thomas Smith, and the rest of the Muscovie Company, to Cherry Island: and for a further Discovery to be made towards the North-Pole, for the likelihood of a Trade or a passage that way, in a Ship called the Amity, of burden seventy tons; in the which I jonas Poole was Master, hauhaving fourteen Men and one Boy: Anno Dom. 1610. H. pag. 699. A brief note what Beasts, Fowls, and Fishes were seen in this land. pag. 707. CHAP. II. A Commission for jonas Poole our Servant, appointed Master of a small Bark called the Elizabeth, of fifty tons burden, for Discovery to the Northward of Greeneland, given the last day of May, 1610. H. P. ibid. CHAP. III. A brief Declaration of this my Voyage of Discovery to Greeneland, and towards the West of it, as followeth: being set forth by the right Worshipful Sir Thomas Smith, Governor of the right Worshipful Company of new Trades, etc. written by jonas Poole. H. pag. 711. CHAP. four A Relation written by jonas Pool of a Voyage to Greeneland, in the year 1612. with two Ships, the one called the Whale, the other the Sea-horse, set out by the right Worshipful the Muscovie Merchants. H. pag. 713. CHAP. V. A journal of the Voyage made to Greeneland with six English Ships and a Pinnace, in the year 1613. written by Master William Baffin. H.P. pag. 716. CHAP. VI A Voyage of Discovery to Greeneland, etc. An. 1615. written by Ro. Fotherbye. H.P. pag. 720. CHAP. VII. A true report of a Voyage, Anno 1615. for Discovery of Seas, Lands, and Lands, to the Northwards; as it was performed by Robert Fotherbie, in a Pinnace of twenty tons called the Richerd of London. H.P. pag. 728. A Letter of Robert Fotherbie to Captain Edge, written in Crosse-rode, july 15. 1615. pag. 731. CHAP. VIII. diverse other Voyages to Greenland, with Letters of those which were there employed, communicated to me by Master William Heley, in the year 1617. 1618. 1619. 1620. 1621. 1623. pag. 732. A Letter of Master Robert Salmon to Master Sherwin. In Sir Thomas smith's Bay, the 24. of june 1618. pag, 733. A Letter of Master Th. Sherwin: Bell-sound this ●9. of june, 1618. ibid. A Letter of james Beversham to Master Heley. From Faire-haven, the 12. of july, 1618. ibid. A Letter of john Chambers to W. Heley, Bel-sound, june 16. 1619. pag. 734. A Letter of I. Catcher to Master Heley from Faire-haven. Laus Deo, this seventeenth of june, 1620. pag. 735. A Letter of Robert Salmon from Sir Thomas smith's Bay, july 6. 1621. ibid. Laus Deo in Faire-haven, the four and twentieth of june, 1623. pag. 736. Master Catchers Letter: the nine and twentieth of june 1623. pag. 737. Captain William Goodlards' Letter ● Bel-sound this eight of july, 1623. ibid. CHAP. IX. The late changes and manifold alterations in Russia since juan Vasilowich to this present, gathered out of many Letters and Observations of English Ambassadors and other Travellers in those parts. pag. 738. §. 1. Of the reign of juan, Pheodore his son; and of Boris. ibid. The most solemn and magnificent coronation of Pheodor juanowich, Emperor of Russia, etc. the tenth of june, in the year 1●84. seen and observed by Master jerom Horsey Gentleman, and servant to her Majesty. pag. 740. §. 2. Occurrents of principal Note which happened in Russia, in the time while the Honourable Sir Thomas Smith remained there Ambassador from his Majesty. pag. 748. §. 3. One pretending himself to be Demetrius, with the Popes and Poles helps attaineth the Russian Empire: his Arts, Acts, Marriage, favour to the English, and miserable end. pag. 755. The Copy of a Letter sent from the Emperor Demetry Euanowich, otherwise called Grishco Otreapyove. pag. 758. The Copy of the translation of a Commission that was sent from the Mosko, from the Emperor Demetry Euanowich, alias Gryshca Otreapyove by a Courtier named Gavaryla Samoylowich Salmanove, who was sent down to the Castle of Archangel, to Sir Thomas Smith, than Lord Ambassador. pag. 759. The Copy of the Translation of a new Privilege that was given to the Company, by the Emperor Demetry Euanowich, otherwise called Gryshca Otreapyove, the which Privilege was sent into England over-land by Oliver Lysset Merchant, and servant to the foresaid Company. ibid. The Copy of the translation of a Contract, made by the Emperor Demetry Euanowich, otherwise called Gryscha Otreapyove, and the daughter of the Palatine Sendamersko, chief General of Poland. pag. 761. §. 4. The Copy of the Translation of a Letter sent from the new Emperor Vassily Euanowich Shoskey to the King's Majesty by Master john Mericke. pag. 765. Captain Margaret's Letter to Master Mericke from Hamborough, jan. 29. 1612. pag. 780. §. 5. Of the miserable estate of Russia after Swiskeys deportation, their election of the King of Poland's Son, their Interregnum and popular estate, and choosing at last of the present Emperor, with some remarkable accidents in his time. H.P. pag. 782. Pacta inter Primarium Ducem Exercituum Regni Poloniae, & inter Heroes Moscoviae. pag. 783. CHAP. X. A brief Copy of the points of the Contracts between the Emperors, Majesty and the King's Majesty of Sweden: in Stolbova the seven and twentieth of February, 1616. pag. 792. CHAP. XI. A Relation of two Russee Cossacks travails, out of Siberia to Catay, and other Countries adjoining thereunto. Also a Copy of the last Patent from the Muscovite. A Copy of a Letter written to the Emperor from his Governors out of Siberia. pag. 797. The Copy of the Altine Chars, or golden King's Letter to the Emperor of Russia. ibid. A Description of the Empires of Catay and Labin, and other Dominions as well inhabited, as places of Pasture called Vlusses and Hordes, and of the great River Ob, and other Rivers and Land passages. pag. 799. CHAP. XII. Notes concerning the discovery of the River of Ob, taken out of a Roll, written in the Russian tongue, which was attempted by the means of Antony Marsh, a chief Factor for the Moscovie Company of England, 1584.▪ with other notes of the North-east. H. pag. 804. The report of Master Francis Cherry a Moscovie Merchant, and Master Thomas Lyndes touching a warm Sea to the Southeast of the River Ob, and a Note of Francis Gaulle. H.P. p. 806. CHAP. XIII. Discoveries made by Englishmen to the Northwest: Voyages of Sir Sebastian Cabot, Master thorn, and other Ancients: and Master Weymouth. H.P. ibid. The Voyage of Captain George Weymouth, intended for the discovery of the Northwest Passag toward China, with two fly Boates. pag. 809. CHAP. XIV. james Hall his Voyage forth of Denmark for the discovery of Greenland, in the year 1605. abbreviated. H. pag. 814. CHAP. XV. The second Voyage of Master james Hall, forth of Denmark into Greeneland, in the year 1606. contracted. H. pag. 821. CHAP. XVI. The Voyage of Master john Knight (which had been at Greeneland once before 1605. Captain of a Pinnace of the King of Denmark) for the Discovery of the Northwest passage, begun the eighteenth of April, 1606. H. pag. 827. CHAP. XVII. The fourth Voyage of james Hall to Groaneland, wherein he was set forth by English Adventurers, Anno 1612. and slain by a Greenelander. Written by William Baffin. H. pag. 831. CHAP. XVIII. A true Relation of such things as happened in the fourth Voyage for the Discovery of the Northwest Passage, performed in the year 1615. written by William Baffin. H. P. pag. 836. CHAP. XIX. A brief and true Relation of journal, containing such accidents as happened in the fifth Voyage, for the discovery of a passage in the Northwest, set forth at the charges of the right Worshipful Sir Thomas Smith Knight, Sir Dudley Digges Knight, Master john Mostenholme Esquire, Master Alderman jones, with others, in the goodship called the Discovery of London; Robert Bileth Master, and myself Pilot, performed in the year of our Lord 1616. pag. 844. CHAP. XX. A brief Discourse of the probability of a passage to the Western or South Sea, illustrated with testimonies: and a brief Treatise and Map by Master Brigges. H.P. pag. 848. The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in the Fifth Book of the second part of Purchas his PILGRIMS. CHAP. I. A Description of the West Indies, by Antonio de Herrera, his Majesty's chief Chronicler of the Indies, and his Chronicler of Castille. H. P. pag. 855, The Precedents, Counsellors, Secretaries, and Attorneys, which unto this present day have served, and do serve in the supreme Council of the Indies, from their first Discovery. pag. 916. The Governors and Viceroys, which have governed until this time, the Kingdoms of New-Spaine and of Peru. pag. 917. CHAP. II. Observations gathered out of the First, Second, Third, and Fourth Books of josephus Acosta, a learned jesuit, touching the natural history of the Heavens, Air, Water, and Earth, at the West Indies. Also of their Beasts, Fishes, Fowls, Plants, and other remarkable rarities of Nature. pag. 918. §. 1. Of the fashion and form of Heaven, at the newfound World, and of the Air and Winds. ibid. §. 2. Of the Ocean that environs the Indies, and of the North and South Seas, their ebbing, flowing, Fishes, fishing, Lakes, Rivers, and Springs. pag. 928. §. 3. Of the quality of the Land at the Indies in general. Properties of Peru, and of new Spain, and other parts: of Vulcan's and Earthquakes. pag. 935. §. 4. Of Metals in the Indies, and especially of the Gold and Silver, and Quicksilver. pag. 941. §. 5. Of Emeralds, Pearls, Indian Bread, Trees, Fruits, Flowers natural, and carried thither from Spain. pag. 952. §. 6. Of Beasts and Fowls in the Indies. pag. 962. Of Fowls that are proper to the Indies, and Venison. pag. 965. CHAP. III. Extracts of Gonzalo Ferdinando de Ouiedo his summary and the general History of the Indies. pag. 970. Of the mines of Gold, and the manner of working in them. ibid. Of the manner of fishing for Pearls. pag. 972. Of the familiarity which certain of the Indians have with the Devil, and how they receive answer of him of things to come, and other superstitions. pag. 973. Of diverse particular things, as Worms, Serpents, Beasts, Fowls, Trees, etc. pag. 975. Of Trees, Fruits, and Plants. pag. 981. Of Reeds or Canes. pag. 983. Of venomous Apples, wherewith they poison their Arrows. pag. 985. Of Fishes, and of the manner of fishing. p. 986. Of the increase and decrease (that is) rising and falling of our Ocean Sea, and South Sea, called the Sea of Sur. pag. 989. Of the strait or narrow passage of the Land, lying between the North and South Sea, by the which Spices may much sooner and easilier be brought from the Lands of Molucca into Spain by the West Ocean, then by that way whereby the Portugals sail into the East India. ibid. How things that are of one kind, differ in form and quality, according to the nature of the place where they are engendered or grow, and of the beasts called Tigers. pag. 990. Of the manners and customs of the Indians of the Firm Land, and of their Women. pag. 991. Of the chief Lands, Hispaniola and Cuba. pag. 993. CHAP. four Mexican Antiquities gathered out of the writings of josephus Acosta a learned jesuit. pag. 1000 §. 1. Of the ancient Inhabitants of new Spain, and of the six Lineages of the Navatlacas. Of the Mexican Exodus, and adventures by the way: the foundation of Mexico, their first King and Tribute. ibid. §. 2. Of the second King Vitzilovitli; and of his successors and their Acts until the reign of Motezuma their last King. pag. 1009. §. 3. Of the election of great Motezuma, the last King of Mexico: his pomp and manner of government, prodigious fore-warnings, of his ruin, and the Spanish conquest. pag. 1018. CHAP. V. Of the ancient superstitions of the Mexicans and Indians of America, gathered out of the fifth book of josephus Acosta. pag. 1026. CHAP. VI Civil Customs and Arts of the Indians taken out of Acostas' 6. Book. pag. 1050. CHAP. VII. The History of the Mexican Nation, described in pictures by the Mexican Author explained in the Mexican language; which exposition translated into Spanish, and thence into English, together with the said Picture-historie, are here presented. H. pag. 1066 § 1. The Mexican Chronicle. ibid. §. 2. The second part of this Book containing the particular Tributes, which every Town subdued paid unto the Lords of Mexico. pag. 1080 §. 3. The third part of this Book, containeth the private behaviour in Marriages, education of Children, and Trades; with the Marshal, Ecclesiastic, and Civil policy of the Mexican people. pag. 1102. CHAP. VIII. Conquest of Mexico and New Spain, by Hernando Cortes. pag. 1118. CHAP. IX. Larger Relations of things most remarkable observed by the Spaniards at their first coming: Cholallas holies; Popocatepecs ashes. Mutezumas multiforme Magnificence and Majesty. Mexican City and Temple, with other Antiquities gathered out of the Third part of the History of Francis Lopez de Gomara. pag. 1123. The Hill called Popocatepec. ibid. Description of Mexico as it flourished in those times. pag. 1131. Other Mexican Antiquities, Letters, Numbers, Years, Days, Weeks, etc. pag. 1135. Their reckoning by numbers. ibid. The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in the sixth Book of the Second part of Purchas his PILGRIMS. CHAP. I. A Brief Relation of the several Voyages, undertaken and performed by the Right Honourable, George, Earl of Cumberland, in his own person, or at his own charge, and by his direction: collected out of the Relations and journals of credible persons Actors therein. pag. 1141. CHAP. II. The Voyage to Saint john de Porto Rico, by the Right Honourable, George, Earl of Cumberland, written by himself. H. pag. 1150. CHAP. III. A large Relation of Port Ricco Voyage; written as is reported, by that learned man and reverend Divine Doctor Eglambie, his Lordship's Chaplain and Attendant in that Expedion; very much abbreviated. H. pag. 1155. §. 1. The Ships employed in the Voyage and accidents on the Coasts of Spain, in the Canaries, and the Navigation thence to Dominica. ibid. §. 2. Description of Dominica and the Virgins. Their landing on Port Ricco, March, fights and taking the Town. pag. 1157. §. 3. The Fort Mora besieged and taken. The Town described: the Mines. Purpose to hold the place; altered by the death and sickness of many. pag. 1162. A resolution, which they were to trust to. p. 1163. §. 4. Purpose of return. Treaty with the Spaniards. His Lordship's departure. Description of the Island, the Beasts, Fruits, Plants, etc. pag. 1168. §. 5. Accidents by Sea in their way to the Azores and there. pag. 1174. CHAP. four The first Voyages made to diverse parts of America by Englishmen, Sir Sebastian Cabot, Sir Thomas Pert: also of Sir john Hawkins, and Sir Francis Drake, and many others: collected briefly out of Master Camden, Master Hakluit, and other Writers. pag. 117●▪ A brief History of Sir Francis Drakes Voyages. pag. 1179. A brief recital or nomination of Sea-fights, other Englishmens Voyages related at large in the printed Works of Master Hakluit. pag. 1186. CHAP. V. The Relation of Peter Carder of Saint Verian in Cornwall, within seven miles of Falmouth, which went with Sir Francis in his Voyage about the World, begun 1577. who with seven others in an open Pinnace or Shallop of five tons, with eight Oars, was separated from his General by foul weather in the South Sea, in October, Anno 1578. who returning by the straits of Magellan toward Brasill, were all cast away, save this one only aforenamed, who came into England nine years after miraculously, having escaped many strange dangers, aswell among diverse Savages as Christians. H. pag. 1187. CHAP. VI Master Thomas Candish his Discourse of his fatal and disastrous Voyage towards the South Sea, with his many disaduentures in the Magellan Straits, and other places; written with his own hand to Sir Tristram Gorges his Executor. H. pag. 1192. CHAP. VII. The admirable adventures and strange fortunes of Master Anthony Knivet, which went with Master Thomas Candish in his second Voyage to the South Sea, 1591. H. P. pag. 1201. §. 1. What befell in their Voyage to the Straits▪ and after, till he was taken by the Portugals. ibid. §. 2. Anthony Knivet his coming to the R. of janero, and usage amongst the Portugals, and Indians: his diverse Travels thorough diverse Regions of those parts. pag. 1207. §. 3. His strange travels with twelve Portugals, whom the Savages did eat. His life with the Cannibals: and after that with the Portugals, from whom he fleeth to Angola, is brought back, and after manifold chances, is shipped to Lisbon. pag. 1216. §. 4. The diverse Nations of Savages in Brasill, and the adjoining Regions: their diversities of Conditions, States, Rites, Creatures, and other things remarkable, which the Author observed in his many years manifold Peregrinations. pag. 1225. The Giants of Port Desire, and Inhabitants of Port Famine: also Angola, Congo, and Massangana, and Angica, Countries of Africa. pag. 1232. §. 5. The description of diverse Rivers, Ports, Harbours, Lands of Brasill: for instruction of Navigators. pag. 1237. CHAP. VIII. Relations of Master Thomas Turner who lived the best part of two years in Brasill, etc. which I received of him in conference touching his Travels. pag. 1243. CHAP. IX. The taking of Saint Vincent and Puerto Bello, by Captain William Parker of Plymouth, the seventh of February, 1601. ibid. CHAP. X. Certain Notes of a Voyage made by David Middleton into the West Indies with Captain Michael Gear, Ann. Dom. 1601. H. pag. 1242. CHAP. XI. The Description of the I'll of Trinidad, the rich Country of Guiana, and the mighty River of Orenoco, written by Francis Sparrey, left there by Sir Walter Printer, 1595. and in the end taken by the Spaniards and sent Prisoner into Spain, and after long Captivity got into England by great suit. H. pag. 1247. CHAP. XII. Captain Charles Leigh his Voyage to Guiana, and plantation there. H. pag▪ ●250. CHAP. XIII. A true Relation of the traitorous Massacre of the most part of threescore and seven English men set on Land out of a Ship of Sir Oliph Leagh, bound for Guiana, in Santa Lucia, an Island of the West Indie, the three and twentieth of August, written by john Nicol. H. P. pag. 1255. CHAP. XIIII. The Relation of Master john Wilson of Wansteed in Essex, one of the last ten that returned into England from Wiapoco in Guiana, 1606. H. pag. 1260. CHAP. XV. Part of a Treatise written by Master William Turner, Son to Doctor Turner of London a Physician, touching the former Voyage. H. pag. 1265 CHAP. XVI. A Relation of a Voyage to Guiana performed by Robert Harcourt of Stanton Harcourt, in the County of Oxford Esquire. pag. 1267. The names of the Rivers falling into the Sea from Amazons, to Dessequebe, and of the several Nations inhabiting those Rivers. pag. 1282. CHAP. XVII. A Relation of the habitation and other Observations of the River of Marwin, and the adjoining Regions. pag. 1283. Rivers from Brabisse to the Amazons. p. 1286 CHAP. XVIII. A Description and Discovery of the River of Amazons, by William Davies Barber Surgeon of London. pag. 1287. The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in the Seventh Book of the second part of Purchas his PILGRIMS. CHAP. I. A Treatise of Brasill, written by a Portugal which had long lived there. H. pag. 1289. §. 1. Of the beginning and original of the Indians of Brasill, and of their Customs, Religions, and Ceremonies. ibid. §. 2. Of their manner of killing and eating of Humane flesh: and of their creating Gentlemen. pag. 1294. §. 3. Of the diversity of Nations and Languages, and of the Soil and Climate. pag. 1297. §. 4. Of the Beasts, Land-serpents, and Fowls. pag. 1301. Of Land-snakes and Serpents. pag. 1303. Of the Fowls that are in the Land, and are thereon sustained. pag. 1304. §. 5. Of the Brasilian Trees for Fruit, Medicine, and other uses; and their Herbs of rare operations. pag. 1306. Of the Herbs that yield Fruit, and are eaten. pag. 1309. §. 6. Of the Fishes that swim in the Salt-water: also Shel-fishes, Trees, and Fowls of the Sea: of Rivers and the Creatures which live therein; and the Beasts and Plants brought thither out of Portugal. pag. 1312. Birds that do feed, and are found in the Salt-water. pag. 1316. Freshwater Snakes (and Creatures of the water.) pag. 1317. Of the Beasts, Trees and Herbs, that came from Portugal, and do grow and breed in Brasill. pag. 1318. CHAP. II. Articles touching the duty of the King's Majesty our Lord, and to the common good of all the estate of Brasill. Written (as is thought) by the Author of the former Treatise. H. pag. 1320. CHAP. III. Extracts out of the History of john Lerius a Frenchman, who lived in Brasill with Monsieur Villagagnon, Anno 1557. and 58. H.P. pag. 1325 §. 1. Of the Beasts, and other living Creatures, and Plants of Brasill. ibid. §. 2. Of the War, Battles, Fortitude, and Weapons of the Barbarians: and of their Religion. pag. 1333. §. 3. Of their Marriages, Education of Children, Policy, Hospitality, Diseases, Physicians, Funerals and Lamentations. pag. 1341. CHAP. four The Travels of Hulderike Schnirdel in twenty years' space, from 1534. to 1554. abbreviated. H. P. pag. 1347. §. 1. His Voyage up the River of Plate, foundation of Towns, their expedition up the River of Parana and Parabol; the people of these parts. ibid. §. 2. Martin-Eyollas made General. Gabreros' coming: Scherues Voyage. Nunner his insolence. diverse people and accidents described. pag. 1354. §. 3. A long and troublesome March from Assumption into Peru. The Author's return. p. 1362 CHAP. V. The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knight, in his Voyage into the South Sea. An. Dom. 1593. once before published, now reviewed and corrected by a written Copy, illustrated with Notes, and in diverse places abbreviated. pag. 1367. §. 1. What happened in this Voyage before they came near the Equinoctial Line, with diverse accidental Discourses useful for Navigators. pag. 1367 §. 2. Considerations of Currents: the Scorbute: fire in Ships; Fishes which attend them: Sea-hawking and Hunting: their coming to Brasill and observations thereof. pag. 1372. §. 3. Tharltons treachery: Discovery of Land unknown: Entrance of the Straits, accidents therein, and description thereof: diverse occasional discourses for the furtherance of Marine and Natural knowledge. pag. 1382 §. 4. Entrance into the South Sea; Discovery of the South parts of the Straits to be but Lands, by Sir Francis Drake (which the Hollanders ascribe to More and Schouten.) Of the Island Mocha, and the parts adjoining. pag. 1391. §. 5. The Viceroy sends an Armado against the English; which vieweth them and returneth: is again set forth: their fight; the English yield upon composition: diverse Martial discourses. pag. 1398. CHAP. VI A brief Note written by Master john Ellis, one of the Captains with Sir Richard Hawkins, in his Voyage through the Straight of Magelan, begun the ninth of April, 1593. concerning the said Straight, and certain places, on the Coast and Inland of Peru. pag. 1415. CHAP. VII. A brief Relation of an Englishman which had been thirteen years Captive to the Spaniards in Peru, etc. H. pag. 1418. CHAP. VIII. The Relation of Alexandro Vrsino concerning the Coast of Terra Firma, and the secrets of Peru, and Chili, where he had lived four and thirty years. H. ibid. CHAP. IX. Notes of the West Indies, gathered out of Pedro Ordonnes de Cevallos, a Spanish Priest, his larger Observations. pag. 1420. CHAP. X. Relation of the new discovery in the South Sea, made by Pedro Fernandez Giros Portugez, 1609. with his Petitions to the King, one Englished, another in Spanish. pag. 1422. The Copy of a Petition presented to the King of Spain, by Captain Peter Ferdinand de Quir, touching the discovery of the fourth part of the World, called Terra Australis Incognita: and of the great riches and fertility of the same: Printed with licence in Seville, An. 1610. ibid. A Note of Australia del Espiritu Santo. written by Master Hakluyt. pag. 1432. CHAP. XI. The History of Lopez Vaz a Portugal (taken by Captain Withrington at the River of Plate, Anno 1586. with this discourse about him) touching American places, discoveries and occurrents; abridged. ibid. CHAP. XII. Brief extracts translated out of jerom Benzos' three books of the New World, touching the Spaniards cruel handling of the Indians, and the effects thereof. pag. 1448. CHAP. XIII. Observations of things most remarkable, collected out of the first part of the Commentaries Royal, written by the Inca Garcilasso de la Vega, Natural of Cozco, in nine books; Of the Original, Lives, Conquests, Laws and Idolatries of the Incas, or ancient Kings of Peru. pag. 1454. CHAP. XIIII. The supplement of the History of the Incas, briefly collected out of the Authors second part, or General History of Peru. pag. 1485. CHAP. XV. Brief Notes of Francis Pizarro his conquest of Peru, written by a Spanish Captain therein employed. pag. 1489. CHAP. XVI. The Conquest of Peru and Cusco, called New Castille, and directed to the Emperor by Francisco de Xeres, Secretary to Captain Francis Pizarro which conquered them. pag. 1491. CHAP. XVII. Relations of occurrents in the Conquest of Peru after Fernand Pizarros departure, written at Xauxa, july 15. 1534. by Pedro Sancho, Notary General in the Kingdoms of New Castille, and Secretary to the Governor Fr. Pizarro, subscribed by the said Governor himself and others, and sent to his Majesty. pag. 1494 The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in the Eight Book of the Second part of Purchas his PILGRIMS. CHAP. I. A True Relation of Alvaro Nunez, called Capo di Vacca, concerning that which happened to the Fleet in India, whereof Pamphilo Naruaez was Governor, from the year 1527. until the year 1536. who returned unto Seville with three of his Companions only: Translated out of Ramusio, and abbreviated. H.P. pag. 1499. §. 1. Their Fleet; and admiral and unheard of Tempest: their entrance into Florida: the Lakes, troublesome passages, encounters, disastrous success, building Boats for return. ibid. §. 2. Misery pursues them at Sea, and betrays them to the Indians: their miserable Lives and Death. pag. 1506. §. 3. Their flight from the Indians to others, wonderful cures, back and belly cares: their travels thorough the Country, and hungry adventures. diverse peoples and their Customs. pag. 1514. §. 4. They come to the South Sea, and travel through a plentiful Country, till they meet with Spaniards; whose cruelty & manner of converting Savages is related. pag. 1524. CHAP. II. Ferdinando de Soto his Voyage to Florida, and Discovery of the Regions in that Continent: with the Travels of the Spaniards four years together therein, and the accidents which befell them: written by a Portugal of the Company, and here contracted. pag. 1532. §. 1. Sotos entrance into Florida, taking of john Ortiz one of Naruaz his Company, coming to Paracossie, and diverse other Caciques, with accidents in the way. ibid. §. 2. Sotos further Discoveries in Florida, and manifold Adventures till he came to Tulla. pag. 1528. §. 3. His departure to Autiamque, Ortiz his Death and disasters following: Soto takes thought and dyeth. Moscosco succeedeth. They leave Florida, and arrive at Panuco. pag. 1550. CHAP. III. diverse expeditions from Mexico, and other parts of New Spain and New Biskay, especially to the more Northerly parts of America, by diverse Spaniards in a hundred years' space. pag. 1556. §. 1. The Relation of Nunno di Gusman written to Charles the fifth Emperor; translated out of Ramusios' third Tome, and abridged. ibid. §. 2. The Voyage of friar Marco de Nica, Don Fr. Vasquez de Coronado, Don Antonio de Espeio, and diverse into New Mexico, and the adjoining Coasts and Lands. pag. 1560. §. 3. Extracts out of certain Letters of Father Martin Perez of the Society of JESUS, from the new Mission of the Province of Cinoloa, to the Fathers of Mexico, dated in the month of December, 1591. With a Letter added, written 1605. of later Discoveries. H. pag. 1562. A Letter written from Valladolid by Ludovicus Tribaldus Toletus, to Master Richard Hakluyt, translated out of Latin, touching juan de Onate his Discoveries in New Mexico, five hundred leagues to the North from the Old Mexico. H. pag. 1565. The Prologue of the Bishop friar Bartholomew de las Casas, or Casaus, to the most high and mighty Prince, Our Lord Don Philip Prince of Spain. pag 1568. CHAP. four A brief Narration of the destruction of the Indies by the Spaniards: written by a Friar Bartholomew de las Casas, a Spaniard, and Bishop of Chiapa in America. pag. 1569. Of the I'll of Hispaniola. pag. 1570. Of the two Isle's Saint john, & jamaica. pag. 1573 Of the I'll of Cuba. ibid. Of Terra Firma, or the firm Land. pag. 1575. Of the Province of Nicaragua. pag. 1576. Of New Spain. pag. 1577. Of the Province and Realm of Guatimala. pag. 1579. Of New Spain, and Panuco, and Xalisco. pag. 1580. Of the Realm of Yucatan. pag. 1581. Of the Province of Saint Martha. pag. 1583. Of the Province of Carthagene. pag. 1584. Of the Coast of Pearls, and of Paria, and of the I'll of the Trinity. ibid. Of the River Yuia pari. pag. 1587. Of the Realm of Venesuela. ibid. Of the Provinces of the firm Land, or quarter that is called Florida. pag. 1589. Of the River of La plata. ibid. Of the mighty Realms, and large Provinces of Peru. ibid. Of the new Realm of Granado. pag. 1591. Part of a Letter written by one which saw things mentioned. pag. 1596. The sum of the Disputation between Friar Bartholomew de las Casas or Casaus, and Doctor Sepulueda. pag. 1601. CHAP. V. Notes of Voyages and Plantations of the French in the Northern America: both in Florida and Canada. pag. 1603. CHAP. VI The Voyage of Samuel Champlaine of Brovage, made unto Canada, in the year 1603. dedicated to Charles de Montmorencie, etc. High Admiral of France. H. pag. 1605 CHAP. VII. The Patent of the French King to Monsieur de Monts, for the Inhabiting of the Countries of La Cadia Canada, and other places in New France. pag. 1619. The Voyage of Monsieur de Monts into New France, written by Mark Lescarbot. pag. 1620. CHAP. VIII. Collections out of a French Book, called Additions to Nova Francia; containing the Accidents there, from the year 1607. to 1611. pag. 1642. CHAP. IX. The first Plantation of English Colonies in Virginia, briefly mentioned. pag. 1645. CHAP. X. The Relation of Captain Gosnols' Voyage to the North part of Virginia, begun the six and twentieth of March, Anno 42. Elizabethae Reginae 16●2. and delivered by Gabriel Archer, a Gentleman in the said Voyage. H. pag. 1647. CHAP. XI. Notes of the same Voyage, taken out of a Tractate written by james Rosier to Sir Walter Raileigh, and of Maces Voyage to Virginia. pag. 1651. CHAP. XII. A Voyage set out from the City of Bristol, at the charge of the chiefest Merchants and Inhabitants of of the said City, with a small Ship and a Bark for the Discovery of the North part of Virginia, in the year 1603. under the command of me Martin Pringe. H. pag. 1654. A Relation of the voyage made to Virginia, in the Elizabeth of London, a Bark of fifty tons by Captain Bartholomew Gilbert, in the year 1603. Written by Master Thomas Canner, a Gentleman of Barnard's Inn, his Companion in the same Voyage. H. pag. 1656. CHAP. XIII. Extracts of a Virginian Voyage, made An. 1604. by Captain George Waymouth, in the Archangel. Set forth by the Right Honourable Henry Earl of South-hampton, and the Lord Thomas Arundel, written by james Rosier. H.P. pag. 1659. CHAP. XIIII. The description of the Lands of Azores, or the Flemish Lands, taken out of Linschoten, with certain occurrents, and English acts. pag. 1667. Of certain notable and memorable Accidents that happened during my continuance in Tercera: in which are related many English Fleets, Sea-fights, and Prizes. pag. 1672. The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in the Ninth Book of the Second part of Purchas his PILGRIMS. CHAP. I. Partly of the first Patent granted by his Majesty for the Plantation of Virginia, April the tenth 1606. pag. 1683. CHAP. II. Observations gathered out of a Discourse of the Plantation of the Southern Colony in Virginia by the English, 1606. Written by that Honourable Gentleman Master George Percy. H. pag. 1684 CHAP. III. The Description of Virginia by Captain john Smith, enlarged out of his written Notes. pag. 1691. Of such things which are natural in Virginia, and how they use them. pag. 1694. Of their planted Fruits in Virginia, and how they use them. pag. 1696. Of the natural Inhabitants of Virginia, and their Customs. pag. 1697. Of their Religion. pag. 1701. Of the manner of the Virginians Government. pag. 1703. CHAP. four The proceedings of the English Colony in Virginia, taken faithfully out of the writings of Thomas Studley, Cape-Merchant, Anas Todkill, Doctor Russell, Nathaniel powel, William Phetiplace, and Richard Pot, Richard Wiffin, Tho. abbey, Tho. Hope; and since enlarged out of the Writings of Captain john Smith, principal Agent and Patient in these Virginian Occurrents, from the beginning of the Plantation 1606. till Anno 1610. somewhat abbreviated. pag. 1705. The Proceedings and Accidents, with the second suppy. pag. 1719. CHAP. V. A Letter of Master Gabriel Archer, touching the Voyage of the Fleet of Ships, which arrived at Virginia, without Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Summer, 1609. H. pag. 1733. CHAP. VI A true reportorie of the wrack, and redemption of Sir Thomas Gates,, Knight; upon, and from the Lands of the Bermudas: his coming to Virginia, and the estate of that Colony then, and after, under the Government of the Lord La War, july 15. 1610. written by Wil Strachy. Esq H. p. 1734 §. 1. A most dreadful Tempest (the manifold deaths whereof are here to the life described) their Wrack on Bermuda, and the description of those Lands. pag. 1734. §. 2. Actions and Occurrents whiles they continued in the Lands: Ravens sent for Virginia; diverse Mutinies; Pain executed: Two Pinnaces built. pag. 1742. §. 3. Their departure from Bermuda and arrival in Virginia: Miseries there, departure and return upon the Lord La Wars arriving. james Town described. pag. 1747. §. 4. The Lord La Wars beginnings and proceedings in james Town, Sir Thomas Gates sent into England; his and the Companies testimony of Virginia, and cause of the late miseries. pag. 1754. CHAP. VII. The Voyage of Captain Samuel Argal, from james Town in Virginia, to seek the I'll of Bermuda, and missing the same, his putting over toward Sagadahoc and Cape Cod, and so back again to james Town, begun the nineteenth of june, 1610. H. pag. 1758. CHAP. VIII. A short Relation made by the Lord De la War, to the Lords and others of the Counsel of Virginia, touching his unexpected return home, and afterwards delivered to the general Assembly of the said Company, at a Court holden the 25. of june, 1611. Published by authority of the said Counsel. pag. 1762. CHAP. IX. A Letter of Sir Samuel argol, touching his Voyage to Virginia, and Actions there: Written to Master Nicholas Hawes. june, 1613. H. p. 1764. CHAP. X. Notes of Virginian Affairs in the government of Sir Thomas Dale and of Sir Thomas Gates, till Ann. 1614 taken out of Master Ralph Hamor (Secretary to the Colony) his Book. pag. 1766. CHAP. XI. A Letter of Sir Thomas Dale, and another of Master Whitakers, from james Town in Virginia, june 18. 1614 And a piece of a Tractate, written by the said Master Whitakers from Virginia the year before. pag. 1768. To the R. and my most esteemed friend, M. D.M. at his house at F. Ch. in London. ibid. Part of a Tractate written at Henrico in Virginia, by M. Alexander Whitaker, Minister to the Colony there, which then governed by Sir Thomas Dale, 1613. pag. 1771. CHAP. XII. Of the Lottery: Sir Thomas Dales return the Spaniards in Virginia. Of Pocahuntas and Tomocomo: Captain Yerdley and Captain argol (both since Knighted) their Government; the Lord La Wars Death, and other occurrents till Anno 1619. pag. 1773. CHAP. XIII. The estate of the Colony, Anno 1620. and Master Dermers Letter to me from Virginia, touching his Voyage for the South Sea. pag. 1775. A Note of the Shipping, Men, and provisions sent to Virginia, by the Treasurer and Company, in the year 1619. pag. 1776. CHAP. XIIII. A true Relation of a Sea-fight between two great and well appointed Spanish Ships, or Men of War; and an English ship, called the Margaret and john, or the Black Hodge,, going for Virginia. pag. 1780 CHAP. XV. Virginian affairs since the year 1620. till this present 1624. pag. 1783. §. 1. A Note of the shipping, Men, and provisions sent and provided for Virginia, by the Right Honourable Henry Earl of South-hampton, and the Company, and other private Adventurers, in the year 1621. etc. With other Occurrents then published by the Company. ibid. Ships and People. ibid. And for the benefit of the Plantations these things following have been here done this year. ibid. Other Occurrents of note. ibid. Gifts. pag. 1784. §. 2. News from Virginia in Letters sent thence 1621. partly published by the Company, partly transcribed from the Originals, with Letters of his Majesty, and of the Company touching Silkeworkes. pag. 1787. His Majesty's gracious Letter to the Earl of South-hampton, Treasurer, and to the Counsel and Company of Virginia here: commanding the present setting up of Silkeworkes, and planting of Vines in Virginia. pag. 1787. §. 3. The barbarous Massacre committed by the Savages on the English Planters, March the two and twentieth, 1621. after the English account. pag. 1788. §. 4. A Note of provisions necessary for every Planter or personal Adventurer to Virginia: and accidents since the Massacre. pag. 1719. CHAP. XVI. English Voyages to the Summer Lands; Henry Mays Shipwreck there 1593. The first Colony sent 1612. pag. 1793. A Copy of the Articles which Master R. More, Governor Deputy of the Summer Lands, propounded to the Company that were there with him to be subscribed unto, which both he and they subscribed the second of August, in his House, Anno 1612. which about the same time he sent into England, to the Worshipful Company of the Aduenturours. pag. 1795. CHAP. XVII. Relations of Summer Lands, taken out of Master Richard Norwood, his Map and Notes added thereto, printed 1622. The History of the Creatures growing or living therein, being enlarged out of Captain smith's written Relations. pag. 1796. CHAP. XVIII. Extracts out of Captain john smith's History of Bermudas, or Summer Lands; touching the English acts and occurrents there from the beginning of the Plantation. pag. 1801. CHAP. XIX. Brief intelligence from Virginia by Letters, a supplement of French-Virginian occurrants, and their supplantation by Sir Samuel Argal, in right of the English plantation. pag. 1805. CHAP. XX. Virginia's Verger: or a discourse showing the benefits which may grow to this Kingdom from American-English Plantations, and specially those of Virginia and Summer Lands. p. 1809. The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in the tenth Book of the Second part of Purchas his PILGRIMS. CHAP. I. A Brief Relation of the discovery and plantation of New England: and of sundry accidents therein occurring, from the year of our Lord 1607. to this present 1622. published by the Precedent and Council, and dedicated to the Prince's Highness, here abbreviated. p. 1827. CHAP. II. The voyage of Master Henry Challons, intended for the North plantation of Virginia, 1606. taken by the way, and ill used by Spaniards: written by john Stoneman Pilot. H. pag. 1832. CHAP. III. Extracts of a Book of Captain john Smith, printed 1622. called New England's trials, and continuing the story thereof, with Motives to the business of fishing there. pag. 1837. An Abstract of Letters sent from the Colony in New England, july sixteen, 1622. p. 1840. CHAP. four A Relation or journal of a plantation settled at Plymouth in New England, and proceedings thereof; printed 1622. and here abbreviated. p. 1842. CHAP. V. Good news from New England: or, a relation of things remarkable in that Plantation; written by E. Winslow, and here abbrevaited. pag. 1853. CHAP. VI Nova Scotia. The King's Pa●ent to Sir William Alexander Knight, for the plantation of New Scotland in America, and his proceedings therein; with a description of Mawooshen for better knowledge of those parts. pag. 1871. The description of the Country of Mawooshen, discovered by the English▪ in the year 1602.3, 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9 H. pag. 1873. CHAP. VII. The beginning of the Patent for newfoundland; and the plantation there made by the English, 1610. delivered in a Letter dated thence from M. Guy, to M. Slany: Also of the weather the three first winters, and of Captain Weston: with other remarkable occurrents. H. pag. 1876. Master john Guy his Letter to Master Slany Treasurer, and to the Counsel of the newfoundland plantation. pag. 1877. To Master john Slany Treasurer, and others of the Council, and Company of the newfoundland plantation, the 29. of july, 1612. pag. 1879. CHAP. VIII. Captain Richard Whitbournes voyages to newfoundland, and observations there, and thereof; taken out of his printed book. p. 1882. A Relation of newfoundland. pag. 1884. CHAP. IX. The names of diverse honourable persons and others, who haue undertaken to help to advance his Majesty's plantation in the newfoundland: written by the said R. W. with extracts of certain Letters written from thence. pag. 1888. The second Part of the tenth Book. CHAP. X. diverse warlike Fleets set forth to Se● against the Spaniards, by our English Deborah, Queen Elizabeth, of glorious memory: Her manifold deliveries and victories. pag. 1891. CHAP. XI. The Pope's Bull, the King of Spain's preparations, the Duke of Medina's Expedition, the Duke of Parmas' Forces, for the invasion of England: diverse Sea fights 'twixt the English and Spanish Fleets, the Sea flight of the Spanish, and miserable disasters in their return. Their lies. The Queen's religious triumph. pag. 1895. Squadron of the galleons of Portugal. p. 1898. Don Alonso Peres de Gusman, the good Duke of Medina, Sidonia, County of Nebla, marquis of Casheshe in Africa, Lord of the City of Saint Lucar, Captain General of the Occian Sea, of the Coast of Andaluzia, and of this Army of his Majesty, and Knight of the honourable Order of the golden Fleece. pag. 1902. The true relation of the success of the Catholic Army against their Enemies, by the Letters of the Postmaster of Logrono of the fourth of September, and by Letters from Rouen of the 31. of August, and by Letters from Paris of the King's Ambassador there: wherein he declareth the imprisonment of Francis Drake, and other great Nobles of England, and how the Queen is in the field with an Army, and of a certain mutiny which was amongst the Queen's Army, with the success of the said Catholic Army since they entered in the Groin, till they came on the Coast of England, with two Ballets compounded by Christover Bravo, a blind man of Cordowa, printed with licence by Gabriel Ramos Beiarano printer. pag. 1913. CHAP. XII. A discourse of the Portugal voyage, Anno 1589. Sir john Norris and Sir Francis Drake Generals, written (as is thought) by Colonel Antony Wingfield, employed in the same voyage, formerly published by his friend to whom it was written; and here abbreviated. pag. 1914. CHAP. XIII. A brief and true report of the Honourable voyage unto Cadiz, 1596. of the overthrow of the King's Fleet, and of the winning of the City, with other accidents, gathered out of Meteranus, Master Hackluyt, and others. pag. 1927. CHAP. XIIII. The voyage to the Isles of Azores, under the conduct of the Right Honourable Earl of Essex, 1597. pag. 1935. §. 1. The relation thereof by the said Earl, and other Commissioners. ibid. §. 2. A larger relation of the said Island voyage, written by Sir Arthur George's Knight, collected in the Queen's ship called the Wast Spite, wherein he was then Captain; with Marine and Martial discourses added according to the occurrences. pag. 1938. The Conclusion of the Work, with some later advertisements touching his Majesty's care for Virginia. pag. 19●0. Maps and Pieces cut in Brass or Wood in the last ten Books. AMerica p. 857 America Meridionalis p. 882 America Septentrionalis p. 853 Map of the Arctike Pole p. 625 Borussia or Prussia p. 626 Hondius his Map of China p. 361 Purchas his Map of China p. 402 Denmark p. 622 England p. 1980 Florida p. 689 Great Britain and Ireland p. 1981 Greenland p. 468 ulphilas Gottick letters p. 658 Hispaniola p. 861 Island p. 644 Lithuania p. 629 Livonia p. 627 Magellan Streight p. 900 Mexican hieroglyphic. histor. cut in 65. pieces p. 1067, etc. to 1117. Moscovia p. 778 Norwegia p. 620 Polonia p. 630 Russia p. 220 Nova Scotia p. 1874 New Spain p. 871 Tartary p. 234 Taurica Chersonesus p. 632 Virginia p. 1692 PEREGRINATIONS AND DISCOVERIES; IN THE REMOTEST NORTH AND EAST PARTS OF ASIA, CALLED TARTARY AND CHINA. THE FIRST BOOK. CHAP. I. The journal of friar WILLIAM DE RUBRUQVIS, a Frenchman, of the Order of the Minorite Friars, unto the East parts of the World, Anno Dom. 1253. TO the most Excellent and most Christian Lord, Lewis, by God's grace the Renowned King of France, friar William de Rubruk, * Master Hak. had published part of this Author, but the whole work being found in Benet College Library in Cambridg, I thought fit to communicate it to the World; it being never published, as I think, in any Language▪ I begin with the Tartars, as being ●●owne to these parts before the Chinois: yea, China or Mang● became known by them. Ecclus 39 v. 3. Cassaria, or Gasaria. the meanest of the Minorites Order, wisheth health and continual Triumph in Christ. It is written in the Book of Ecclesiasticus, concerning the Wiseman: He shall travel into foreign Countries, and good and evil shall he try in all things. The very same Action (my Lord and King) have I achieved: howbeit, I wish, that I have done it like a wise man, and not like a Foole. For many there be, that perform the same Action which a wise man doth, not wisely but more undiscreetly: of which number I fear myself to be one. Notwithstanding, howsoever I have done it, because you commanded me, when I departed from your Highness, to write all things unto you, which I should see among the Tartars, and you wished me also that I should not fear to write long Letters, I have done as your Majesty enjoined me: yet with fear and reverence, because I want words and Eloquence sufficient to write unto so great a Majesty. Be it known therefore unto your Sacred Majesty, that in the year of our Lord 1253. about the Nones of May, we entered into the Sea of Pontus, which the Bulgarians call the great Sea. It containeth in length (as I learned of certain Merchants) one thousand and eight miles, and is in a manner, divided into two parts. About the midst thereof are two Provinces, one towards the North, and another towards the South. The South Province is called Synopolis, and it is the Castle and Port of the Sultan of Turkey: but the North Province is called of the Latins, Gasaria: of the greeks, which inhabit upon the Sea shore thereof, it is called Cassaria, that is to say, Caesaria. And there are certain headlands stretching forth into the Sea towards Synopolis, Also, there are three hundred miles of distance between Synopolis and Cassaria. Insomuch that the distance from those points or places to Constantinople, in length and breadth is about seven hundred miles: and seven hundred miles also from thence to the East, namely, to the Country of Hiberia, which is a Province of Georgia. Gasaria▪ At the Province of Gasaria or Cassaria, we arrived, which Province is, in a manner, three square, having a City on the West part thereof called Kersova, wherein Saint Clement suffered Martyrdom. And sailing before the said City, we saw an Island, in which a Church is said to be built by the hands of Angels. But about the midst of the said Province toward the South, Soldaia. as it were, upon a sharp Angle or Point, standeth a City called Soldaia, directly against Synopolis. And there do all the Turkey Merchants, which Traffic into the North Countries, in their journey outward, arrive, and as they return homeward also from Russia, and the said Northern Regions, into Turkey. The foresaid Merchants transport thither Ermines and grey Furs, with other rich and costly Skins. Others carry Clothes made of Cotton or Bombast, The City of Matriga. and Silk, and diverse kinds of Spices. But upon the East part of the said Province standeth a City called Matriga, where the River Tanais dischargeth his streams into the Sea of Pontus, the mouth whereof is twelve miles in breadth. For this River, before it entereth into the Sea of Pontus, maketh a little Sea, which hath in breadth and length seven hundred miles, and it it is in no place thereof above six paces deep, whereupon great Vessels cannot sail over it. Howbeit the Merchants of Constantinople, arriving at the foresaid City of * Matriga. Materta, send their Barks unto the River of Tanais to buy dried fishes, Sturgeons, Thosses, Barbils, and an infinite number of other fishes. The foresaid Province of Cassaria, is compassed in with the Sea on three sides thereof: namely, on the Westside, where Kersova, the City of Saint Clement is situate: on the Southside the City of Soldaia, whereat we arrived: on the East-side Maricandis, and there stands the City of Matriga, upon the mouth of the River Tanais. Beyond the said mouth standeth Zikia, Zikia. which is not in subjection unto the Tartars: also the people called Suevi and Hiberi, towards the East, who likewise are not under the Tartars Dominion. Moreover, towards the South, standeth the City of Trapesunda, which hath a Governor proper to itself, named Guydo, being of the Lineage of the Emperors of Constantinople, and is subject unto the Tartars. Next unto that is Synopolis, the City of the Sultan of Turkey, who likewise is in subjection unto them. Next unto these lieth the Country of Vastacius, whose Son is called Astar, of his Grandfather by the Mother's side, who is not in subjection. All the Land from the mouth of Tanais Westward as far as Danubius is under their jurisdiction. Yea, beyond Danubius also, towards Constantinople, Valakia, which is the Land of Assanus, and Bulgaria minor, as far as Solonia, do all pay Tribute unto them. And besides the Tribute imposed, they have also, of late years, exacted of every household an Axe, and all such Corn as they found lying on heaps. We arrived therefore at Soldaia, the twelfth of the Kalends of june. And diverse Merchants of Constantinople, which were arrived there before us, reported that certain Messengers were coming thither from the Holy Land, who were desirous to travel unto Sartach. Notwithstanding, I myself had publicly given out upon Palm Sunday within the Church of Sancta Sophia, that I was not your nor any other man's Messenger, but that I traveled unto those Infidels according to the Rule of our Order. And being arrived, the said Merchants admonished me to take diligent heed what I spoke: because they having reported me to be a Messenger, if I should say the contrary, that I were no Messenger, I could not have free passage granted unto me. Then I spoke after this manner unto the Governors of the City, or rather unto their Lieutenants, because the Governors themselves were gone to pay Tribute unto Baatu, and were not as yet returned. We heard of your Lord Sartach (quoth I) in the Holy Land, that he was become a Christian: and the Christians were exceeding glad thereof, and especially the most Christian King of France, who is there now in Pilgrimage, and fighteth against the Saracens, to redeem the holy places out of their hands: wherefore I am determined to go unto Sartach, and to deliver unto him the Letters of my Lord the King, wherein he admonisheth him concerning the good and commodity of all Christendom: And they received us with gladness, and gave us entertainment in the Cathedral Church. The Bishop of which Church was with Sartach, who told me many good things concerning the said Sartach, which afterward I found to be nothing so. Then put they us to our choice, whether we would have Carts and Oxen, or packe-horses to transport our Carriages. And the Merchants of Constantinople advised me, not to take Carts of the Citizens of Soldaia, but to buy covered Carts of mine own, (such as the Russians carry their Skins in) and to put all our Carriages, which I would daily take out, into them: because, if I should use Horses, I must be constrained at every bait to take down my Carriages, and to lift them up again on sundry Horses backs: and besides, that I should ride a more gentle pace by the Oxen drawing the Carts. Wherefore, contenting myself with their evil counsel, I was travelling unto Sartach two months, which I could have done in one, if I had gone by Horse. I brought with me from Constantinople (being by the Merchants advised so to do) pleasant Fruits, Muskadel Wine, and delicate Biscuit bread to present unto the Governors of Soldaia, to the end I might obtain free passage: because they look favourably upon no man which cometh with an empty hand. All which things I bestowed in one of my Carts (not finding the Governors of the City at home) for they told me, if I could carry them to Sartach, that they would be most acceptable unto him. We took our journey therefore about the Kalends of june, with four covered Carts of our own, and with two other which we borrowed of them, wherein we carried our bedding to rest upon in the night, and they allowed us five Horses to ride upon. For there were just five persons in our company: namely, Friar Bartholomew de Cremona. I myself and mine associate friar Bartholomew of Cremona, and Goset the Bearer of these Presents, the man of God Turgemannus, and Nicolas my Servant, whom I bought at Constantinople, with some part of the Alms bestowed upon me. Moreover, they allowed us two men, which drove our Carts and gave attendance unto our Oxen and Horses. There be high Promontories on the Sea shore from Kersova unto the mouth of Tanais. Also there are forty Castles between Kersova and Soldaia, every one of which almost have their proper Languages: amongst whom there were many Goths, who spoke the Dutch Tongue. Beyond the said Mountains towards the North, there is a most beautiful Wood growing on a Plain full of Fountains and Freshets. And beyond the Wood there is a mighty plain Champion, The neck of Tanrica Chersonesan. continuing five day's journey unto the very extremity and borders of the said Province Northward, and there it is a narrow Isthmus or neck Land, having Sea on the East and West sides thereof, insomuch that there is a Ditch made from one Sea unto the other. In the same Plain (before the Tartars sprang up) were the Comanians wont to inhabit, who compelled the foresaid Cities and Castles to pay Tribute unto them. But when the Tartars came upon them, the multitude of the Comanians entered into the foresaid Province, and fled all of them, even unto the Sea shore, being in such extreme Famine, that they which were alive, were constrained to eat up those which were dead: and (as a Merchant reported unto me who saw it with his own eyes) that the living men devoured and tore with their teeth, the raw flesh of the dead, as Dogs would gnaw upon Carrion. Towards the Borders of the said Province there be many great Lakes: upon the Banks whereof are Salt-pits or Fountains, the water of which so soon as it entereth into the Lake, becometh hard Salt like unto Ice. And out of those Salt-pits Baatu and Sartach have great Revenues: for they repair thither out of all Russia, for Salt: and for each Cart load they give two Webs of Cotton, amounting to the value of half an Yperpera. There come by Sea also many Ships for Salt, which pay Tribute every one of them according to their burden. The third day after we were departed out of the Precincts of Soldaia, we found the Tartars. Amongst whom being entered, me thought I was come into a new World. The Tartars. Whose Life and manners I will descrbe unto your Highness as well as I can. THey have in no place any settled City to abide in, neither know they of the Celestial City to come. They have divided all Scythia among themselves, Chap. 2. Of the Tartars, and of their houses. which stretcheth from the River Danubius even unto the rising of the Sun. And every of their Captains, according to the great or small number of his people, knoweth the bounds of his Pastures, and where he ought to feed his cattle Winter and Summer, Spring and Autumn. For in the Winter they descend unto the warm Regions southward. And in the Summer they ascend unto the cold Regions Northward. In Winter when Snow lieth upon the ground, they feed their cattle upon Pastures without water, because than they use Snow in stead of water. Their houses wherein they sleep, they ground upon a round foundation of Wickers artificially wrought and compacted together: the Roof whereof consisteth (in like sort) of Wickers, meeting above into one little roundel, out of which roundel ascendeth upward a neck like unto a Chimney, which they cover with white Felt, and oftentimes they lay Mortar or white Earth upon the said Felt, with the powder of bones, that it may shine white. And sometimes also they cover it with black Felt. The said Felt on the neck of their house, they do garnish over with beautiful variety of Pictures. Before the door likewise they hang a Felt curiously painted over. For they spend all their coloured Felt, in painting Vines, Trees, Birds, and Beasts thereupon. The said houses they make so large, that they contain thirty foot in breadth. For measuring once the breadth between the wheele-ruts of one of their Carts, I found it to be twenty feet over: and when the house was upon the Cart, it stretched over the wheels on each side five feet at the least. I told two and twenty Oxen in one Team, drawing an house upon a Cart, eleven in one order according to the breadth of the Cart, and eleven more before them: the Axletree of the Cart was of an huge bigness like unto the Mast of a Ship. And a fellow stood in the door of the house, upon the forestall of the Cart driving forth the Oxen. Moreover, they make certain four square Baskets of small slender Wickers as big as great Chests: and afterward, from one side to another, they frame an hollow lid or cover of such like Wickers, and make a door in the fore-side thereof. And then they cover the said Chest or little House with black Felt, ubbed over with Tallow or Sheep's Milk to keep the rain from soaking through, which they deck likewise with painting or with feathers. And in such Chests they put their whole Householdstuff and Treasure. Also the same Chests they do strongly bind upon other Carts, which are drawn with Camels, to the end they may wade through Rivers. Neither do they at any time take down the said Chests from off their Carts. When they take down their dwelling houses, they turn the doors always to the South: and next of all they place the Carts laden with their Chests, here and there, within half a stones cast of the House: insomuch that the House standeth between two ranks of Carts, as it were, between two Walls. The Matrons make for themselves most beautiful Carts, which I am not able to describe unto your Majesty but by Pictures only: The benefit of a Painter in strange Countries. for I would right willingly have painted all things for you, had my Skill been aught in that Art. One rich Moal or Tartar hath two hundred, or one hundred such Carts with Chests. Duke Baatu hath sixteen Wives, every one of which hath one great house, besides other little houses, which they place behind the great one, being as it were Chambers for their Maidens to dwell in. And unto every of the said houses do belong two hundred Carts. When they take their houses from off the Carts, the principal Wife placeth her Court on the West Frontier, and so all the rest in their order: so that the last Wife dwelleth upon the East Frontier: and one of the said Ladies Courts is distant from another about a stones cast. Whereupon the Court of one rich Moal or Tartar will appear like unto a great Village, very few men abiding in the same. One woman will guide twenty or thirty Carts at once, for their Countries are very plain, and they bind the Carts with Camels or Oxen, one behind another. And there sits a Wench in the fore-most Cart driving the Oxen, and all the residue follow on a like pace. When they chance to come at any bad passage, they let them lose, and guide them over one by one: for they go a slow pace, as fast as a Lamb or an Ox can walk. Chap. 3. Of their Bed●, Puppets, Images and drinking Pots. Having taken down their houses from off their Carts, and turning the doors southward, they place the bed of the Master of the house, at the North part thereof. The women's place is always on the East-side, namely, on the left hand of the good man of the house sitting upon his bed with his face Southwards: but the men's place is upon the Westside, namely, at the right hand of their Master. Men when they enter into the house, will not in any case hang their Quivers on the women's side. Over the Master's head there is always an Image, like a Puppet, made of Fealt, which they call the Master's Brother: and another over the head of the good Wife or Mistress, which they call her Brother, being fastened to the wall: and above between both of them, there is a little lean one, which is, as it were the keeper of the whole house. The good Wife or Mistress of the house placeth aloft at her beds feet, on the right hand, the Skin of a Kid stuffed with Wool or some other matter, and near unto that a little Image or Puppet looking towards the Maidens and women. Next unto the door also on the women's side, there is another Image with a Cow's Vdder, for the women that milk the Kine. For it is the duty of their women to milk Kine. On the other side of the door next unto the men, there is another Image with the Vdder of a Mare, for the men which milk Mares. And when they come together to drink and make merry, they sprinkle part of their Drink upon the Image which is above the Master's head: Idols. afterward upon other Images in order: then goeth a Servant out of the house with a cup full of Drink sprinkling it thrice towards the South, and bowing his knee at every time: and this is done for the honour of the Fire. Then performeth he the like Superstitious Idolatry towards the East, for the honour of the Air: and then to the West for the honour of the water: and lastly, to the North in the behalf of the Dead. When the Master holdeth a cup in his hand to drink, before he tasteth thereof, he poureth his part upon the ground. If he drinketh sitting on Horseback, he poureth out part thereof upon the neck or mane of his Horse before he himself drinketh. After the Servant aforesaid hath so discharged his cups to the four quarters of the World, he returneth into the house: and two other Servants stand ready with two cups, and two basons, to carry Drink unto their Master and his Wife, sitting together upon a bed. And if he hath more Wives than one, she with whom he slept the night before, sitteth by his side the day following: and all his other Wives must that day resort unto the same house to drink: and there is the Court holden for that day: the gifts also which are presented that day, are laid up in the Chests of the said Wife. And upon a bench stands a Vessel of Milk, or of other Drink and drinking cups. IN Winter time they make excellent drink of Rice, of Mill, and of Honey, being well and high coloured like Wine. Chap. 4. Of their drinks, and how they provoke one another to drinking. Also they have Wine brought unto them from far Countries. In Summer time they care not for any drink, but Cosmos. And it standeth always within the entrance of his door, and next unto it stands a Minstrel with his Fiddle. I saw there no such Citernes and Vials as ours commonly be, but many other Musical Instruments which are not used among us. And when the Master of the house begins to drink, one of his servants crieth out with a loud voice, Ha, and the Minstrel plays upon his Fiddle. And when they make any great solemn feast, they all of them clap their hands, and dance to the noise of Music, the men before their Master, and the women before their Mistress. And when the Master hath drunk, They use the like custom in Florida. then cries out his servant as before, and the Minstrel stayeth his Music. Then drink they all round both men and women,: and sometimes they carouse for the victory very filthily and drunkenly. Also when they will provoke any man, they pull him by the Ears to the drink, and so lug and draw him strongly to stretch out his throat clapping their hands, and dancing before him. Moreover, when some of them will make great feasting and rejoicing, one of the company takes a full Cup, and two other stand, one on his right hand, and another on his left, and so they three come singing to the man who is to have the Cup reached unto him, still singing and dancing before him: and when he stretcheth forth his hand to receive the Cup, they leap suddenly back, returning again as they did before, and so having deluded him thrice or four times by drawing back the Cup, until he be merry, and hath gotten a good appetite, than they give him the Cup, singing and dancing, and stamping with their feet, until he hath done drinking. COncerning their food and victuals, be it known unto your Highness, that they do, Chap. 5. Of their food and victuals. without all difference or conception, eat all their dead Carrions. And amongst so many droves it cannot be, but some cattle must needs die. Howbeit in Summer, so long as their Cosmos, that is, their Mare's milk lasteth, they care not for any food. And if they chance to have an Ox or an Horse die, they dry and flesh thereof: for cutting it into thin slices, Drying of flesh in the wind. and hanging it up against the Sun and the wind, it is presently dried without Salt, and also without stench or corruption. They make better Puddings of their Horses then of their Hogs, which they eat being new made: the rest of the flesh they reserve until Winter. They make of their Ox skin's great bladders or bags, which they do wonderfully dry in the smoke. Of the hinder part of their Horsehides, they make very fine Sandals and Pantofles. They give unto fifty of an hundred men, the flesh of one Ram to eat. For they mince it in a bowl with Salt and Water (other Sauce they have none) and then with the point of a Knife, or a little Fork which they make for the same purpose (such as we use to take roasted Pears and Apples out of Wine withal) they reach unto every one of the company a morsel or twain, according to the multitude of Guests. The Master of the house, before the Ram's flesh be distributed, first of all himself taketh thereof, what he pleaseth. Also, if he giveth unto any of the company a special part, the receiver thereof must eat it alone, and must not impart aught thereof unto any other. Not being able to eat it up all, he carries it with him, and delivers it unto his boy, if he be present, to keep it: if not, he puts it up into his Saptargat, that is to say, his four square Budget, which they use to carry about with them, for the saving of all such provision, & wherein they lay up their bones, when they have not time to gnaw them throughly, that they may burnish them afterward, to the end that no whit of their food may come to nought. THeir drink, called Cosmos, which is Mare's milk, is prepared after this manner. They fasten a long line unto two posts standing firmly in the ground, Chap. 6. How they make their drink, called Cosmos. and unto the same line they tie the young Foales of those Mares, which they mean to milk. Then come the Dams to stand by their Foales gently suffering themselves to be milked. And if any of them be too unruly, than one takes her Foal, and puts it under her, letting it suck a while, and presently carrying it away again, there comes another man to milk the said Mare. And having gotten a good quantity of this Milk together (being as sweet as Cow's milk) while it is new they pour into a great bladder or bag, and they beat the said bag with a piece of wood made for the purpose, having a Club at the lower end like a man's head, which is hollow within: and so soon as they beat upon it, it begins to boil like new Wine, and to be sour and sharp of taste, and they beat it in that manner till Butter come thereof. Then taste they thereof, and being indifferently sharp they drink it: for it biteth a man's tongue like the Wine of Raspes, when it is drunk. After a man hath taken a draught thereof, it leaveth behind it a taste like the taste of Almond-milk, and goeth down very pleasantly, intoxicating weak brains: also it causeth urine to be avoided in great measure. Likewise Caracosmos, that is to say, Black Cosmos, Caracosmos▪ for great Lords to drink, they make on this manner. First, they beat the said Milk so long till the thickest part thereof descend right down to the bottom like the lees of white Wine, and that which is thin and pure remaineth above, being like unto Whey or white Must. The said lees and dregs being very white, are given to servants, and will cause them to sleep exceedingly. That which is thin and clear their Master's drink: and in very deed it is marvelous sweet and wholesome liquor. Duke Baatu hath thirty Cottages or Granges, Duke Baatu. within a day's journey of his abiding place: every one of which serveth him daily with the Caracosmos of an hundred Mares milk, Store of Mares, and Mare's milk. and so all of them together every day with the Milk of three thousand Mares, besides white Milk which other of his Subjects bring. For even as the Husbandmen of Syria bestow the third part of their fruits, and carry it unto the Courts of their Lords, even so do they their Mare's milk every third day. Out of their Cow's milk they first churn Butter, boiling the which Butter unto a perfect decoction, they put it into Rams skins, which they reserve for the same purpose. Neither do they salted their Butter: and yet by reason of the long seething, it putrifieth not: and they keep it in store for Winter. The churnmilke which remaineth of the Butter, they let alone till it be as sour as possibly it may be, than they boil it, and in boiling it is turned all into Curds, which Curds they dry in the Sun, making them as hard as the dross of Iron: and this kind of food also they store up in Satchels against Winter. In the Winter season when Milk faileth them, they put the foresaid Curds (which they all Gry-ut) into a bladder, and pouring hot water thereinto, they beat it lustily till they have resolved it into the said Water, which is thereby made exceedingly sour, and that they drink in stead of Milk. They are very scrupulous, and take diligent heed that they drink not fair Water by itself. GReat Lords have Cottages or Granges towards the South, from whence their Tenants bring them Millet and Meal against Winter. Chap. 7. Of the beasts which they eat of their garments, and of their manner of hunting. The poorer sort provide themselves of such necessaries, for the exchange of Rams, and of other beasts skins. The Tartars slaves fill their bellies with thick water, and are therewithal contented. They will neither eat Mice with long tails, nor any kind of Mice with short tails. They have also certain little beasts, called by them, Sogur, which he in a Cave twenty or thirty of them together, all the whole Winter sleeping there for the space of six months: and these they take in great abundance. There are also a kind of Coneys having long tails like unto Cats: and on the outside of their tails grow black and white hairs. They have many other small beasts good to eat, which they know and discern right well. I saw no Deer there, and but a few Hares, but a great number of Roes. I saw wild Asses in great abundance, which be like unto Mules. Also I saw another kind of beast, called Artak, Our Falconers use the left fist. Another strange custom, which I leave to be scanned by Falconers themselves. having in all resemblance the body of a Ram, and crooked horns, which are of such bigness, that I could scarce lift up a pair of them with one hand: and of these horns they make great drinking cups. They have Falcons, Girfaulcons, and other Hawks in great plenty: all which they carry upon their right hands: and they put always about their Falcon's necks a string of Leather, which hangeth down to the midst of their gorges, by the which string, when they cast them off the fist at the game, with their left hand they bow down the heads and breasts of the said Hawks, lest they should be tossed up and down, and beaten with the wind, or lest they should soar too high. Wherefore they get a great part of their victuals by hunting and hawking. Concerning their garments and attire, be it known unto your Majesty, that out of Cataya, and other Regions of the East, out of Persia also, and other Countries of to South, there are brought unto them Stuffs of silk, Cloth of gold, and Cotton cloth, which they wear in time of Summer. But out of Russia, Moxell, Bulgaria the greater, and Pascatir, that is, Hungaria the greater, and out of Kersis (all which are Northern Regions, and full of Woods) and also out of many other Countries of the North, which are subject unto them, the Inhabitants bring them rich and costly skins of diverse sorts (which I never saw in our Countries) wherewithal they are clad in Winter. And always against Winter they make themselves two Gowns, one with the fur inward to their skin, and another with the fur outward, to defend them from wind and snow, which for the most part are made of Wolves skins, or Fox skins, or else of Papions. And when they sit within the house, they have a finer Gown to wear. The poorer sort make their upper Gown of Dogs or of Goat's skins. When they go to hunt for wild beasts, there meets a great company of them together, and environing the place round about, where they are sure to find some game, by little and little they approach on all sides, till they have gotten the wild beasts into the midst, as it were into a circle, and then they discharge their Arrows at them. Also they make themselves Breeches of skins. The rich Tartars sometimes fur their Gowns with pelluce or silk shag, which is exceeding soft, light, and warm. The poorer sort do line their clothes with Cotton cloth, which is made of the finest wool they can pick out, and of the courser part of the said wool, they make Felt to cover their houses, and their chists, and for their bedding also. Of the same wool, being mixed with one third part of Horse hair, they make all their cordage. They make also of the said Felt coverings for their stools, Great expense of Wool. and caps to defend their heads from the weather: for all which purposes they spend a great quantity of their wool. And thus much concerning the attire of the men. THe men shave a plot four square upon the crowns of their heads, and from the two foremost corners they shave, Chap. 8. Of the fashion which the Tartars use in cutting their hair, and of the attire of their women. as it were, two seams down to their temples: they shave also their temples, and the hinder part of their head, even unto the nape of the neck: likewise they shave the forepart of their scalp down to their foreheads, and upon their foreheads they leave a lock of hair reaching down unto their eyebrows: upon the two hindermost corners of their heads, they have two locks also, which they twine and braid into knots and so bind and knit them under each ear one. Moreover, their women's garments differ not from their men's, saving that they are somewhat longer. But on the morrow after one of their women is married, she shaves her scalp from the midst of her head down to her forehead, and wears a wide garment like unto the hood of a Nun, yea larger and longer in all parts then a Nun's hood, being open before, and girt unto them under the right side. For herein do the Tartars differ from the Turks: because the Turks fasten their garments to their bodies on the left side: but the Tartars always on the right side. They have also an ornament for their heads, which they call, Botta, being made of the bark of a Tree, or of some such other lighter matter as they can find, which by reason of the thickness and roundness thereof cannot be holden but in both hands together: and it hath a square sharp spire rising from the top thereof, being more than a cubite in length, and fashioned like unto a Pinnacle. The said Botta they cover all over with a piece of rich Silk, and it is hollow within: and upon the midst of the said spire or square top, they put a bunch of Quills, or of slender Canes a cubite long and more: and the said bunch on the top thereof, they beautify with Peacock's Feathers, and round about all the length thereof, with the Feathers of a Malards' tail, and with precious stones also. Great Ladies wear this kind of ornament upon their heads, binding it strongly with a certain Hat or Coif, which hath a hole in the crown, fit for the spire to come through it: and under the foresaid ornament they cover the hairs of their heads, which they gather up round together from the hinder part thereof to the crown, and so lap them up in a knot or bundle within the said Botta, which afterward they bind strongly under their throats. Hereupon when a great company of such Gentlewomen ride together, and are beheld a far off, they seem to be Soldiers with Helmets on their heads, carrying their Lances upright: for the said Botta appeareth like an Helmet with a Lance over it. All their Women sit on horseback, bestriding their Horses like men: and they bind their hoods or gowns about their wastes with a sky-coloured Silk Scarf, and with another Scarf they gird it above their breasts: and they bind also a piece of white Silk like a Muffler or Mask under their eyes, reaching down unto their breasts. These Gentlewomen are exceeding fat, and the lesser their noses be, the fairer they are esteemed: they daub over their sweet faces with grease too shamefully: and they never lie in bed for their travel of childbirth. THe duties of Women are to drive Carts: to lay their houses upon Carts, Chap. 9 Of the duties enjoined unto the Tartarian Women, and of their labours, and also of their marriages. and to take them down again; to milk Kine, to make Butter and Gry-ut, to dress skins, and to sew them, which they usually sew with thread made of sinews, for they divide sinews in slender threads, and then twine them into one long thread. They make Sandals and Socks, and other Garments. Howbeit they never wash any apparel: for they lay, that God is then angry, and that dreadful thunder will ensue, if washed garments be hanged forth to dry; yea, they beat such as wash, and take their garments from them. They are wonderfully afraid of thunder: for in the time of thunder they thrust all strangers out of their houses, and then wrapping themselves in black Felt, they lie hidden therein, till the thunder be overpassed. They never wash their dishes or bowls: yea, when their flesh is sodden, they wash the platter wherein it must be put, with scalding hot broth out of the pot, and then pour the said broth into the pot again. They make Felt also, and cover their houses therewith. The duties of the Men are, to make Bows and Arrows, Stirrups, Bridles and Saddles: to build Houses and Carts, to keep Horses, to milk Mares, to churn Cosmos and Mare's Milk, and to make bags wherein to put it: they keep Camels also, and lay burdens upon them. As for Sheep and Goats, they tend and milk them, as well the Men as the Women. With Sheep's Milk thicked and salted, they dress and tan their Hides. When they will wash their hands or their heads, they fill their mouths full of Water, and spouting it into their hands by little and little, they sprinkle their hair, and wash their heads therewith. As touching marriages, your Highness is to understand, that no man can have a Wife among them till he hath bought her: whereupon sometimes their Maids are very stale before they be married, for their Parents always keep them till they can sell them. They keep the first and second degrees of Consanguinity inviolable, as we do: but they have no regard of the degrees of Affinity: for they will marry together, or by succession, two Sisters. Their Widows marry not at all, for this reason; because they believe, that all who have served them in this life, shall do them service in the life to come also. Whereupon they are persuaded, that every Widow after death shall return unto her own Husband. And here-hence ariseth an abominable and filthy custom among them; namely, that the Son marrieth sometimes all his Father's Wives except his own Mother: For the Court or House of the Father or Mother, falleth by inheritance always to the younger Son. Whereupon he is to provide for all his Father's Wives, because they are part of his Inheritance as well as his Father's possessions. And then if he will, he useth them for his own Wives: for he thinks it no insurie or disparagement unto himself, although they return unto his Father after death. Therefore when any man hath bargained with another for a Maid, the Father of the said damosel makes him a feast: in the mean while she fleeth unto some of her Kinsfolks to hide herself. Then saith her Father unto the Bridegroom: Lo, my Daughter is yours, take her wheresoever you can find her. Then he and his friends seek for her till they can find her, and having found her, he must take her by force and carry her (as it were) violently unto his own house. COncerning their Laws, or their Execution of justice, your Majesty is to be advertised, Chap. 10. Of their execution of justice and judgement: and of their deaths and burials. that when two men fight, no third man dare intrude himself to part them. Yea, the Father dare not help his own Son. But he that goes by the worst, must appeal unto the Court of his Lord. And whosoever else offereth him any violence after appeal, is put to death. But he must go presently without all delay: and he that hath suffered the injury, carrieth him (as it were) captive. They punish no man with sentence of death, unless he be taken in the deed doing, or confesseth the same. But being accused by the multitude, they put him unto extreme torture, to make him confess the truth. They punish murder with death, and Carnal copulation also with any other besides his own. By his own, I mean his Wife or his Maid Servant, for he may use his Slave as he listeth himself. Heinous theft also or felony they punish with death. For a light theft, as namely, for stealing of a Ram, the party (not being apprehended in the deed doing, but otherwise detected) is cruelly beaten. And if the Executioner lays on an hundred strokes, he must have an hundred staffs; namely, for such as are beaten upon sentence given in the Court. Also counterfeit Messengers, because they feign themselves to be Messengers, when as indeed they are none at all, they punish with death. Sacrilegious persons they use in like manner (of which kind of Malefactors your Majesty shall understand more fully hereafter) because they esteem such to be Witches. When any man dyeth, they lament and howl most pitifully for him: and the said Mourners are free from paying any tribute for one whole year after. Also, whosoever is present at the house where any one grown to man's estate lieth dead, he must not enter into the Court of Mangu-Can, till one whole year be expired. If it were a child deceased, he must not enter into the said Court till the next month after. near unto the grave of the party deceased, they always leave one Cottage. If any of their Nobles (being of the stock of Chingis, who was their first Lord and Father) deceaseth, his Sepulchre is unknown. And always about those places where they inter their Nobles, there is one house of men to keep the Sepulchers. I could not learn that they use to hide Treasures in the graves of their dead. Sepulchers. The Comanians build a great Tomb over their dead, and erect the Image of the dead party thereupon, with his face towards the East, holding a drinking Cup in his hand before his Navel. They erect also upon the Monuments of rich men, Pyramids, that is to say; little sharp houses or pinnacles: and in some places I saw mighty Towers made of Brick, in other places Pyramids made of stones, albeit there are no stones to be found thereabout. I saw one newly buried, in whose behalf they hanged up sixteen Horse-hides, unto each quarter of the world four, between certain high posts: and they set besides his Grave Cosmos for him to drink, and flesh to eat: and yet they said that he was baptised. I beheld other kinds of Sepulchers also towards the East: namely, large floors or pavements made of stone, some round, and some square, and then four long stones pitched upright, about the said pavement towards the four Regions of the world. When any man is sick, he lieth in his bed, and causeth a sign to be set upon his house, to signify that there lieth a sick person there, to the end that no man may enter into the said house: whereupon none at all visit any sick party but his servant only. Moreover, when any one is sick in their great Courts, they appoint Watchmen to stand round about the said Court, who will not suffer any person to enter within the Precincts thereof. For they fear least evil spirits or winds should come together with the parties that enter in. They esteem of Soothsayers, as of their Priests. Chap. 11. Of our first entrance among the Tartars, and of their ingratitude. ANd being come amongst those barbarous people, me thought (as I said before) that I was entered into a new world: for they came flocking about us on horseback, after they had made us a long time to await for them sitting in the shadow, under their black carts. The first question which they demanded, was, whether we had ever been with them heretofore, or no? And giving them answer that we had not, they began impudently to beg our victuals from us. And we gave them some of our Biscuit and Wine, which we had brought with us from the Town of Soldaia. And having drunk off one Flagon of our Wine, they demanded another; saying, That a man goeth not into the house with one foot. Howbeit we gave them no more, excusing ourselves that we had but a little. Then they asked us, whence we came, and whither we were bound? I answered them with the words above mentioned: that we had heard concerning Duke Sartach, that he was become a Christian, and that unto him our determination was to travel, Duke Sartach. having your Majesty's Letters to deliver unto him. They were very inquisitive to know whether I came of mine own accord, or whither I were sent? I answered, that no man compelled me to come, neither had I come, unless I myself had been willing: and that therefore I was come according to mine own will, and to the will of my Superior. I took diligent heed never to say that I was your Majesty's Ambassador. Then they asked what I had in my Carts; whether it were Gold or Silver, or rich Garments to carry unto Sartach? I answered, that Sartach should see what we had brought, when we were once come unto him, and that they had nothing to do to ask such questions, but rather ought to conduct me unto their Captain, and that he, if he thought good, should cause me to be directed unto Sartach: if not, that I would return. For there was in the same Province one of Baatu his Kinsmen, called Scacati unto whom my Lord the Emperor of Constantinople had written Letters of request, to suffer me to pass through his Territory. With this answer of ours they were satisfied, giving us Horses and Oxen, and two men to conduct us. Howbeit, before they would allow us the foresaid necessaries for our journey, they made us to await a long while, begging our bread for their young Brats, wondering at all things which they saw about our Servants, as their Knives, Gloves, Purses and Points, and desiring to have them. I excused myself that we had a long way to travel, and that we must in no wise so soon deprive ourselves of things necessary, to finish so long a journey. Then they said, that I was a very varlet. True it is, that they took nothing by force from me: howbeit they will beg that which they see very importunately and shamelessly. And if a man bestow aught upon them, it is but cost lost, for they are thankless wretches. They esteem themselves Lords, and think that nothing should be denied them by any man. If a man gives them nought, and afterwards stands in need of their service, they will do right nought for him. They gave us of their Cow's Milk to drink, after the Butter was churned out of it, being very sour, which they call Apram. And so we departed from them. And in very deed it seemed to me that we were escaped out of the hands of Devils. On the morrow we were come unto the Captain. From the time wherein we departed from Soldaia, till we arrived at the Court of Sartach, which was the space of two months, we never lay in House or Tent, but always under the starry Canopy, and in the open Air, or under our Carts. Neither yet saw we any Village, nor any mention of building where a Village had been, but the graves of the Comanians, in great abundance. The same evening our guide which had conducted us, gave us some Cosmos. After I had drunk thereof, I sweat most extremely for the novelty and strangeness, because I never drank of it before. Notwithstanding, me thought it was very savoury, as indeed it was. ON the morrow after we met with the Carts of Scacatai laden with houses, and me thought that a mighty City came to meet me. Chap. 12. Of the Court of Scacatai▪ & how the Christians drink no Cosmos. I wondered also at the great multitude of huge Droves of Oxen, and Horses, and at the Flocks of Sheep. I could see but a few men that guided all these matters: whereupon I inquired how many men he had under him, and they told me that he had not above five hundred in all, the one half of which number we were come past, as they lay in another Lodging. Then the Servant which was our Guide told me, that I must present somewhat unto Scacatai: and so he caused us to stay, going himself before to give notice of our coming. By this time it was passed three of the clock, and they unladed their houses near unto a certain water: And there came unto us his Interpreter, who being advertised by us that we were never there before, demanded some of our victuals, and we yielded unto his request. Also he required of us some garment for a Reward, because he was to interpret our Sayings unto his Master. Howbeit, we excused ourselves as well as we could. Then he asked us, what we would present unto his Lord: And we took a flagon of Wine, and filled a Maund with Biscuit, and a Platter with Apples and other Fruits. But he was not contented therewith, because we brought him not some rich garment. Notwithstanding, we entered so into his presence with fear and bashfulness. He sat upon his bed holding a Citron in his hand, and his Wife sat by him: who (as I verily think) had cut and pared her Nose between the Eyes, that she might seem to be more flat and saddle-nosed: for she had left herself no Nose at all in that place, having anointed the very same place with a black Ointment, and her Eyebrows also: which sight seemed most ugly in our Eyes. Then I rehearsed unto him the same words, which I had spoken in other places before. For it stood us in hand to use one and the same speech in all places. For we were well forewarned of this circumstance by some which had been amongst the Tartars, that we should never vary in our Tale. Then I besought him, A cave at right worthy the noting. that he would vouchsafe to accept that small gift at our hands, excusing myself that I was a Monk, and that it was against our profession to possess Gold, or Silver, or precious Garments, and therefore that I had not any such thing to give him, howbeit he should receive some part of our victuals in stead of a blessing. Hereupon he caused our Present to be received, and immediately distributed the same among his men, who were met together for the same purpose, to drink and make merry. I delivered also unto him the Emperor of Constantinople his Letters (this was eight days after the Feast of Ascension) who sent them forthwith to Soldaia, to have them interpreted there: for they were written in Greek, and he had none about him that was skilful in the Greek Tongue. He asked us also whether we would drink any Cosmos, that is to say, Mare's Milk: (For those that are Christians among them, as namely, the Russians, Grecians, and Alanians, Superstition, the Kingdom ● of God is not meat and drink. who keep their own Law very strictly, will in no case drink thereof, yea, they account themselves no Christians after they have once drunk of it, and their Priests reconcile them unto the Church, as if they had renounced the Christian Faith.) I gave him answer, that we had as yet sufficient of our own to drink, and that when our drink failed us, we must be constrayed to drink such as should be given unto us. He enquired also what was contained in our Letters, which your Majesty sent unto Sartach? I answered: that they were sealed up, and that there was nothing contained in them, but good and friendly words. And he asked what words we would deliver unto Sartach? I answered: the words of Christian Faith. He asked again what these words were? For he was very desirous to hear them. Then I expounded unto him as well as I could, by mine Interpreter, (who had no wit nor any utterance of speech) the Apostles Creed. Which after he had heard, holding his peace, he shook his head. Then he assigned unto us two men, who should give attendance upon ourselves, upon our Horses, and upon our Oxen. And he caused us to ride in his company, till the Messenger whom he had sent for the Interpretation of the Emperor's Letters, was returned. And so we traveled in his company till the morrow after Pentecost. Chap. 13. How the Alanians came unto us on Pentecost or Whitsun E●●e. Upon the Eeven of Pentecost, there came unto us certain Alanians, who are there called * Or, Akas. Acias, being Christians after the manner of the Grecians, using Greek Books and Grecian Priests: howbeit, they are not Schismatics as the Grecians are, but without acception of persons, they honour all Christians. And they brought unto us sodden flesh, requesting us to eat of their meat, and to pray for one of their company being dead. Then I said, because it was the Eeven of so great and so solemn a Feast Day, that we would not eat any flesh for that time. And I expounded unto them the Solemnity of the said Feast, whereat they greatly rejoiced: for they were ignorant of all things appertaining to Christian Religion, except only the Name of Christ. They and many other Christians, both Russians, and Hungarians demanded of us, whether they might be saved or no, because they were constrained to drink Cosmos, and to eat the dead carcases of such things, as were slain by the Saracens, and other Infidels? Which even the Greek and Russian Priests themselves also esteem as things strangled or offered unto Idols: because they were ignorant of the times of Fasting, neither could they have observed them albeit they had known them. Then instructed I them aswell as I could and strengthened them in the Faith. As for the flesh which they had brought, we reserved it until the feast day. For there was nothing to be sold among the Tartars for Gold and Silver, but only for Cloth and Garments, Cloth is the chief Merchandise in Tartary. of the which kind of Merchandise we had none at all. When our Servants offered them any Coin, called Yperpera, they rubbed it with their fingers, and put it unto their noses, to try by the smell whether it were Copper or no. Neither did they allow us any food but Cow's Milk only, which was very sour and filthy. There was one thing most necessary greatly wanting unto us. For the water was so foul and muddy, by reason of their Horses, that it was not meet to be drunk. And but for certain Biscuit, which was by the goodness of God remaining unto us, we had undoubtedly perished. Chap. 14. Of a Saracen which said that he would be baptised: and of certain men which seemed to be Lepers. Upon the day of Pentecost there came unto us a certain Saracen, unto whom, as he talked with us, we expounded the Christian Faith. Who (hearing of God's benefits exhibited unto mankind, by the Incarnation of our Saviour Christ, and the Resurrection of the dead, and the judgement to come, and that in Baptism was a washing away of sins) said, that he would be baptised. But when we prepared ourselves to the baptising of him, he suddenly mounted on horseback, saying, that he would go home and consult with his wife what were best to be done. And on the morrow after he told us, that he durst in no case receive Baptism, because than he should drink no more Cosmos. For the Christians of that place affirm, that no true Christians ought to drink thereof: and that without the said liquor he could not live in that Desert. From which opinion, I could not for my life remove him. Wherefore be it known of a certainty unto your Highness, that they are much estranged from the Christian Faith, by reason of that opinion which hath been broached and confirmed among them by the Russians, of whom there is a great multitude in that place. The same day Scacatia the Captain aforesaid gave us one man to conduct us to Sartach, and two other to guide us unto the next Lodging, which was distant from that place five days journey for Oxen to travel. They gave unto us also a Goat for victuals, and a great many Bladders of Cow's Milk, and but a little Cosmos, because it is of so great estimation among them. And so taking our journey directly toward the North, me thought that we had passed through one of Hell gates. The Servants which conducted us began to play the bold thieves with us, seeing us take so little heed unto ourselves. At length having lost much by there Thievery, harm taught us wisdom. And then we came unto the extremity of that Province, which is fortified with a Ditch from one Sea unto another: without the bounds whereof their Lodging was situate. Into the which, so soon as we had entered, all the Inhabitants there seemed unto us to be infected with Leprosy: for certain base fellows were placed there to receive Tribute of all such as took Salt out of the Salt-pits aforesaid. Salt-pits. Ten days journey. From that place they told us that we must travel fifteen days journey, before we should find any other people. With them we drank Cosmos, and gave unto them a basket full of Fruits and of Biscuit. And they gave unto us eight Oxen and one Goat, to sustain us in so great a journey, and I know not how many bladders of Milk. And so changing our Oxen, we took our journey which we finished in ten days, arriving at another Lodging: neither found we any water all that way, but only in certain Ditches made in the Valleys, except two Rivers. And from the time wherein we departed out of the foresaid Province of Gasaria, we traveled directly Eastward, having a Sea on the Southside of us, and a waste Desert on the North, which Desert, in some places, reacheth twenty days journey in breadth, and there is neither Tree, Mountain, nor Stone therein. And it is most excellent Pasture. Here the Comanians, which were called Capthac, were wont to feed their cattle. Howbeit by the Dutchmen they are called Valani, and the Province itself Valania. Valani. But Isidore calleth all that tract of Land stretching from the River of Tanais to the Lake of M●otis, and so along as far as Danubius, the Country of Alania. And the same land continueth in length from Danubius unto Tanais (which divideth Asia from Europe) for the space of two months journey, albeit a man should ride post as fast as the Tartars use to ride: and it was all over inhabited by the Comanians, called Capthac: yea, and beyond Tanais, as far as the River of Edil, or Volga: The length of Comania. the space between the two which Rivers is a great and long journey to be traveled in ten days. To the North of the same Province lieth Russia, which is full of wood in all places, and stretcheth from Polonia and Hungaria, even to the River of Tanais: and it hath beene wasted all over by the Tartars, Russia. and as yet is daily wasted by them. THey prefer the Saracens before the Russians, because they are Christians, Chap. 15. Of our afflictions which we sustained▪ and of the Comanians manner of burial. Prussia. and when they are able to give them no more gold nor silver, they drive them and their Children like flocks of Sheep into the wilderness, constraining them to keep their cattle there. Beyond Russia lieth the Country of Prussia, which the Dutch Knights of the order of Saint Mary's Hospital of jerusalem, have of late wholly conquered and subdued. And in very deed, they might easily win Russia, if they would put to their helping hand. For if the Tartars should but once know that the great Priest, that is to say, the Pope did cause the Ensign of the Cross to be displayed against them, they would fly all into their Desert and solitary places. We therefore went on towards the East, seeing nothing but Heaven and Earth, and sometimes the Sea on our right hand, called the Sea of Tanais, and the Sepulchers of the Comanians, which appeared unto us two leagues off, in which places they were wont to bury their kindred altogether. So long as we were travelling through the Desert, it went reasonably well with us. For I cannot sufficiently express in words the irksome and tedious troubles which I sustained, when I came at any of their places of abode. For our Guide would have us go in unto every Captain with a present, and our expenses would not extend so far. For we were every day eight persons of us spending our wayfaring provision, Extreme heat in Summer. for the Tartars servants would all of them eat of our victuals. We ourselves were five in number, and the servants our Guides were three, two to drive our Carts, and one to conduct us unto Sartach. The flesh which they gave us was not sufficient for us; neither could we find any thing to be bought for our money. And as we sat under our Carts in the cool shadow, by reason of the extreme and vehement heat which was there at that time, they did so importunately and shamelessly intrude themselves into our company, that they would even tread upon us, to see whatsoever things we had. Having list at any time to ease themselves, the filthy Lozel's had not the manners to withdraw themselves farther from us, than a Bean can be cast. Yea, like vile slovens they would lay their tails in our presence, while they were yet talking with us: many other things they committed, which were most tedious and loathsome unto us. But above all things it grieved me to the very heart, that when I would utter aught unto them, which might tend to their edification, my foolish interpreter would say: you should not make me become a Preacher now; I tell you, I cannot nor I will not rehearse any such words. And true it was which he said, for I perceived afterward, when I began to have a little smattering in the language, that when I spoke one thing, he would say quite another, whatsoever came next unto his witless tongues end. Then seeing the danger I might incur in speaking by such an Interpreter, I resolved much rather to hold my peace, and thus we traveled with great toil from lodging to lodging, till at the length, a few days before the Feast of Saint Marie Magdalene, we arrived at the bank of the mighty River Tanais, which divideth Asia from Europa, even as the River Nilus of Egypt disjoineth Asia from Africa. Tanai●. At the same place where we arrived, Baatu and Sartach did cause a certain Cottage to be built upon the Eastern bank of the River, for a company of Russians to dwell in, to the end, they might transport Ambassadors and Merchants in Ferrie-boates over that part of the River. First, they ferried us over, and then our Carts, putting one wheel into one Litter, and the other wheel into another Litter, having bound both the Liters together, and so they rowed them over. In this place our Guide played the fool most extremely. For he imagining that the said Russians, dwelling in the Cottage, should have provided us Horses, sent home the Beasts which we brought with us, in another Cart, that they might return unto their own Masters. And when we demanded to have some beasts of them, they answered, that they had a privilege from Baatu, whereby they were bound to none other service, but only to ferry over Goers and Comers: and that they received great tribute of Merchants in regard thereof. We stayed therefore by the said River's side three days. The first day they gave unto us a great fresh Turbot: the second day they bestowed Rye bread, and a little flesh upon us, which the Purveyor of the Village had taken up at every house for us: and the third day dried Fishes, which they have there in great abundance. The said River was even as broad in that place, as the River of Sein is at Paris. And before we came there, we passed over many goodly waters, and full of Fish: The breadth of Tanais. howbeit the barbarous and rude Tartars know not how to take them: neither do they make any reckoning of any Fish, except it be so great, that they may pray upon the flesh thereof, as upon the flesh of a Ram. This River is the limit of the East part of Russia, and it springeth out of the Fennes of Maeotis, which Fens stretch unto the North Ocean. He is much deceived. And it runneth Southward into a certain great Sea seven hundred miles about, before it falleth into the Sea called Pontus Euxinus. And all the Rivers which we passed over, ran with full stream into those quarters. The foresaid River hath great store of wood also growing upon the West side thereof. Beyond this place the Tartars ascend no farther unto the North: About the beginning of August, the Tartars return Southward. for at that season of the year, about the first of August, they begin to return back unto the South. And therefore there is another Cottage somewhat lower where Passengers are ferried over in Winter time, and in this place we were driven to great extremity, by reason that we could get neither Horses, nor Oxen for any money. At length, after I had declared unto them, that my coming was to labour for the common good of all Christians, they sent us Oxen and Men; howbeit we ourselves were fain to travel on foot. At this time they were reaping their Rye. Wheat prospereth not well in that soil. They have the seed of Millium in great abundance. The Russian women attire their heads like unto our women. They embroider their Safegards or Gowns on the outside, from their feet unto their knees with particoloured or grey stuff. The Russian men wear Caps like unto the Dutch men. Also they wear upon their heads certain sharp and high-crowned Hats made of Felt, much like unto a Sugarloaf. Then travailed we three days together, not finding any people. And when ourselves and our Oxen were exceeding weary and faint, not knowing how far off we should find any Tartars, on the sudden there came two Horses running towards us, which we took with great joy, and our Guide and Interpreter mounted upon their backs, to see how far off they could descry any people. At length, upon the fourth day of our journey, having found some Inhabitants, we rejoiced like Sea faring men, which had escaped out of a dangerous Tempest, and had newly recovered the Haven. Then having taken fresh Horses, and Oxen, we passed on from lodging to lodging, till at the last, upon the second of the Kalends of August, we arrived at the habitation of Duke Sartach himself. THe Region lying beyond Tanais, is a very goodly Country, having store of Rivers and Woods toward the North part thereof. Chap. 16. Of the Dominion of Sartach, and of his Subjects. The people of Moxel are Pagans. There are mighty huge Woods which two sorts of people do inhabit. One of them is called Moxel, being mere Pagans, and without Law. They have neither Towns nor Cities, but only Cottages in the Woods. Their Lord and a great part of themselves were put to the Sword in high Germany. Whereupon they highly commend the brave courage of the Almans, hoping as yet to be delivered out of the bondage of the Tartars, by their means. If any Merchant come unto them, he must provide things necessary for him, with whom he is first of all entertained, all the time of his abode among them. If any lieth with another man's wife, her husband, unless he be an eyewitness thereof, regardeth it not: for they are not jealous over their wives. They have abundance of Hogs, and great store of Honey and Wax, and diverse sorts of rich and costly Skins, and plenty of Falcons. Next unto them are other people called Merclas, The people called Merdui being Saracens. which the Latins call Merdui, and they are Saracens. Beyond them is the River of Etilia, or Volga, which is the mightiest River that ever I saw. And it issueth from the North part of Bulgaria the greater, and so trending along Southward, disimboqueth into a certain Lake, containing in circuit the space of four months travel, whereof I will speak hereafter. The circuit of the Caspian Sea. The two foresaid Rivers, namely, Tanais and Etilia, otherwise called Volga, towards the Northern Regions, through the which we travailed, are not distant asunder above ten day's journey, but Southward they are divided a great space one from another. For Tanais descendeth into the Sea of Pontus: Etilia maketh the foresaid Sea or Lake, with the help of many other Rivers, which fall there into out of Persia. And we had to the South of us huge high Mountains, upon the sides thereof towards the said Desert, do the people called Cergis, and the Alani or Acas inhabit, Kergiss or Aas. who are as yet Christians, and wage war against the Tartars. Beyond them, next unto the Sea or Lake of Etilia, there are certain Saracens called Lesgi, who are in subjection unto the Tartars. The Saracens called Lesgi. Beyond these is Porta ferrea, or the Iron gate, now called Derbent, which Alexander built to exclude the barbarous Nations out of Persia. Concerning the situation whereof, your Majesty shall understand more about the end of this Treatise: for I travailed in my return by the very same place. He returneth by Derbent. Between the two foresaid Rivers, in the Regions through the which we passed, did the Comanians of old time inhabit, before they were overrun by the Tartars. Chap. 17. Of the Court of Sartach, and of the magnificence thereof. Coiat, the Nestorian. ANd we found Sartach lying within three day's journey of the River Et●lia: whose Court seemed unto us to be very great. For he himself had six wives, and his eldest son also had three wives: every one of which women hath a great house▪ and they have each one of them about two hundred Carts. Our guide went unto a certain Nestorian named Coiat, who is a man of great authority in Sartaches Court. He made us to go very far unto the Lord's gate. For so they call him who hath the Office of entertaining Ambassadors. In the evening, Coiat commanded us to come unto him. Then our Guide began to inquire what we would present him withal, and was exceedingly offended, when he saw that we had nothing ready to present. We stood before him, and he sat majestically, having music and dancing in his presence. Then I spoke unto him in the words before recited, telling him for what purpose I was come unto his Lord, and requesting so much favour at his hands, as to bring our Letters unto the sight of his Lord, I excused myself also, that I was a Monk, not having, nor receiving, nor using any gold, or silver, or any other precious thing, save only our Books, and the Vestments wherein we served God: and that this was the cause why I brought no present unto him, nor unto his Lord. For I that had abandoned mine own goods, could not be a transporter of things for other men. Then he answered very courteously, that being a Monk, and so doing, I did well; for so I should obserue my vow: neither did himself stand in need of aught that we had, but rather was ready to bestow upon us such things as we ourselves stood in need of: and he caused us to sit down, and to drink of his Milk. And presently after, he requested us to say our devotions for him: and we did so. He enquired also who was the greatest Prince among the Francs? And I said, the Emperor, if he could enjoy his own Dominions in quiet. No (quoth he) but the King of France. For he had heard of your Highness by Lord Baldwine of Henault. I found there also one of the Knights of the Temple who had been in Cyprus, and had made report of all things which he saw there. Then returned we unto our Lodging. And on the morrow we sent him a flagon of Muscadel Wine (which had lasted very well in so long a journey) and a box full of Biscuit, which was most acceptable unto him. And he kept our Servants with him for that Evening. The next morning he commanded me to come unto the Court, and to bring the King's Letters and my Vestments, and Books with me: because his Lord was desirous to see them. Which we did accordingly, lading one Cart with our Books and Vestments, and another with Biscuit, Wine, and Fruits. Then he caused all our Books and Vestments to be laid forth. And there stood round about us many Tartars, Christians, and Saracens on Horseback. At the sight whereof, he demanded whether I would bestow all those things upon his Lord or no? Which saying made me to tremble, and grieved me full sore. Howbeit, dissembling our grief as well as we could, we shaped him this Answer: Sir, our humble request is, that our Lord your Master would vouchsafe to accept our Bread, Wine, and Fruits, not as a Present, because it is too mean, but as a Benediction, lest we should come with an empty hand before him. And he shall see the Letters of my Sovereign Lord the King, and by them he shall understand for what cause we are come unto him, and then both ourselves, and all that we have, shall stand to his courtesy: for our Vestments be holy, and it is unlawful for any but Priests to touch them. Then he commanded us to invest ourselves in the said Garments, that we might go before his Lord: and we did so. Then I myself putting on our most precious Ornaments, took in mine arms a very fair Cushion, and the Bible which your Majesty gave me, and a most beautiful Psalter, which the Queen's Grace bestowed upon me, wherein there were goodly Pictures. Mine Associate took a Missal and a Cross: and the Clerk having put on his Surplice, took a Censer in his hand. And so we came unto the presence of his Lord: and they lifted up the Felt hanging before his door, that he might behold us. Then they caused the Clerk and the Interpreter thrice to bow the knee: but of us they required no such submission. And they diligently admonished us to take heed, that in going in, and in coming out, we touched not the threshold of the house, and requested us to sing a Benediction for him. Then we entered in, singing Salue Regina. And within the entrance of the door stood a bench with Cosmos, and drinking cups thereupon. And all his Wives were there assembled. Also the Moles or rich Tartars thrusting in with us pressed us sore. Then Coiat carried unto his Lord the Censer with Incense, which he beheld very diligently, holding it in his hand. Afterward he carried the Psalter unto him, which he looked earnestly upon, and his Wife also that sat beside him. After that he carried the Bible: then Sartach asked if the Gospel were contained therein? Yea (said I) and all the holy Scriptures besides. He took the Cross also in his hand, and demanded concerning the Image, whether it were the Image of Christ or no? I said it was. The Nestorians and the Armenians do never make the figure of Christ upon their Crosses. No good consequence. Wherefore either they seem not to think well of his Passion, or else they are ashamed of it. Then he caused them that stood about us, to stand aside, that he might more fully behold our Ornaments. Afterward I delivered unto him your Majesty's Letters, with the Translation thereof into the Arabic and Syriac Languages. For I caused them to be translated at Acon, into the Character and Dialect of both the said Tongues. And there were certain Armenian Priests, which had skill in the Turkish and Arabian Languages. The aforesaid Knight also of the Order of the Temple had knowledge in the Syriake, Turkish, and Arabian Tongues. Then we departed forth, and put off our Vestments, and there came unto us certain Scribes together with the foresaid Coiat, and caused our Letters to be interpreted. Which Letters being heard, he caused our Bread, Wine and Fruits to be received. And he permitted us also to carry our Vestments and Books unto our own Lodging. This was done upon the Feast of S. Peter ad vincula. Chap. 18. How they were given in charge to go unto Baatu the Father of Sartach. THe next morning betimes came unto us a certain Priest, who was brother unto Coiat, requesting to have our box of Chrism, because Sartach (as he said) was desirous to see it: and so we gave it him. About Euenty de Coiat scent for us, saying: My Lord your King wrote good words unto my Lord and Master Sartach. Howbeit there are certain matters of difficulty in them, concerning which he dare not determine aught, without the advice and counsel of his Father. And therefore of necessity you must depart unto his Father, leaving behind you the two Carts, which you brought hither yesterday with Vestments and Books, in my custody: because my Lord is desirous to take more diligent view thereof. I presently suspecting what mischief might ensue by his covetousness, said unto him: Sir, we will not only leave those with you, but the two other Carts also, which we have in our possession, will we commit unto your custody. You shall not (quoth he) leave those behind you, but for the other two Carts first named, we will satisfy your request. I said that this could not conveniently be done: but needs we must leave all with him. Then he asked, whether we meant to tarry in the Land▪ I answered: If you throughly understand the Letters of my Lord the King▪ you know that we are even so determined. Then he replied, that we ought to be patient and lowly: and so we departed from him that Evening. On the morrow after he sent a Nestorian Priest for the Carts, and we caused all the four Carts to be delivered. Then came the foresaid brother of Coiat to meet us, and separated all those things, which we had brought the day before unto the Court, from the rest, namely, the Books and Vestments, and took them away with him. Howbeit Coiat had commanded, that we should carry those Vestments with us, which we wore in the presence of Sartach, that we might put them on before Baatu, if need should require: but the said Priest took them from us by violence, saying: thou hast brought them unto Sartach, and wouldst thou carry them unto Baatu? And when I would have rendered a reason, he answered: be not too talkative, but go your ways. Then I saw that there was no remedy but patience: for we could have no access unto Sartach himself, neither was there any other, that would do us justice. I was afraid also in regard of the Interpreter, lest he had spoken other things than I said unto him: for his will was good, that we should have given away all that we had. There was yet one comfort remaining unto me: for when I once perceived their covetous intent, I conveyed from among our Books the Bible, and the Sentences, and certain other Books which I made special account of. Howbeit, I durst not take away the Psalter of my Sovereign Lady the Queen, because it was too well known, by reason of the Golden Pictures therein. And so we returned with the two other Carts unto our Lodging. Then came he that was appointed to be our Guide unto the Court of Baatu, willing us to take our journey in all poste-haste: unto whom I said, that I would in no case have the Carts to go with me. Which thing he declared unto Coiat. Then Coiat commanded, that we should leave them and our Servant with him: And we did as he commandeed. And so travelling directly Eastward towards Baatu, They are come as far as Volga. the third day we came to Etilia or Volga: the streams whereof when I beheld, I wondered from what Regions of the North such huge and mighty waters should descend. Before we were departed from Sartach, the foresaid Coiat, with many other Scribes of the Court said unto us: do not make report that our Lord is a Christian, but a Moal. Because the name of a Christian seemeth unto them to be the name of some Nation. The Tartars will be called Moal. So great is their pride, that albeit they believe perhaps some things concerning Christ, yet will they not be called Christians, being desirous that their own name, that is to say, Moal should be exalted above all other names. Neither will they be called by the name of Tartars. For the Tartars were another Nation, as I was informed by them. Chap. 19 How Sartach, and Mangu-Can, and Ken-Can do reverence unto Christians. This History of Presbyter john in the North-east, is alleged at large by Gerardus Mercator in his general M●p. From whence▪ the Turks first sprang. An Ocean Sea. Nayman. Presbyter john. AT the same time when the Frenchmen took Antioch, a certain man named Con Can, had Dominion over the Northern Regions, lying thereabouts. Con is a proper name: Can is a name of authority or dignity, which signifieth a Diviner or Soothsayer. All Diviners are called Can amongst them. Whereupon their Princes are called Can, because that unto them belongeth the government of the people by Divination. We do read also in the History of Antiochia, that the Turks sent for aid against the Frenchmen, unto the Kingdom of Con Can. For out of those parts the whole Nation of the Turks first came. The said Con was of the Nation of Kara-Catay. Kara signifieth black, and Catay is the name of a Country. So that Kara-Catay signifieth the black Catay. This name was given to make a difference between the foresaid people, and the people of Catay inhabiting Eastward over against the Ocean Sea: concerning whom your Majesty shall understand more hereafter. These Catayans dwelled upon certain Alpes, by the which I traveled. And in a certain plain Country within those Alpes, there inhabited a Nestorian shepherd, being a mighty Governor over the people called Yayman, which were Christians, following the Sect of Nestorius. After the death of Con Can, the said Nestorian exalted himself to the Kingdom, and they called him King john, reporting ten times more of him than was true. For so the Nestorians which come out of those parts, use to do. For they blaze abroad great rumours, and reports upon just nothing. Whereupon they gave out concerning Sartach, that he was become a Christian, and the like also they reported concerning Mangu Can, and Ken Can: namely, because these Tartars make more account of Christians, than they do of other people, and yet in very deed, themselves are no Christians. So likewise there went forth a great report concerning the said King john. Howbeit, when I traveled along by his Territories, there was no man that knew any thing of him, but only a few Nestorians. In his Pastures or Territories dwelleth Ken Can, The place of Ken Can his abode. Vut Can, or Vuc Can. The Village of Cara Carum. Crit & Merkit. at whose Court friar Andrew was. And I myself passed by it at my return. This john had a Brother, being a mighty man also, and a Shepherd like himself, called Vut, and he inhabited beyond the Alpes of Cara Catay, being distant from his Brother john, the space of three week's journey. He was Lord over a certain Village, called Cara Carum, having people also for his Subjects, named Crit, or Merkit, who were Christians of the Sect of Nestorius. But their Lord abandoning the worship of Christ, following after Idols; retaining with him Priests of the said Idols▪ who all of them are Worshippers of Devils and Sorcerers. Beyond his Pastures, some ten or fifteen days journey, were the Pastures of Moal, who were a poor and beggarly Nation, without Governor, and without Law, except their Sooth-saying, and their Divinations, Moal in old time a beggarly people. The place of the Tartars. unto the which detestable studies, all in those parts do apply their minds. near unto Moal were other poor people, called Tartars. The foresaid King john died without Issue Male, and thereupon his Brother Vut was greatly enriched, and caused himself to be named Can: and his Droves and Flocks ranged even unto the Borders of Moal. About the same time there was one Cyngiss, a Blacke-Smith, among the people of Moal. Cyngis. This Cyngis stole as many cattle from Vut Can, as he could possibly get: insomuch, that the Shepherds of Vut complained unto their Lord. Then provided he an Army, and marched up into the Country of Moal, to seek for the said Cyngis. But Cyngis fled among the Tartars, and hid himself amongst them. And Vut having taken some spoils both from Moal, and also from the Tartars, returned home. Then spoke Cyngis unto the Tartars, and unto the people of Moal, saying: Sirs, because we are destitute of a Governor and Captain, you see how our Neighbours do oppress us. And the Tartars and Moles appointed him to be their Chieftain. Then having secretly gathered together an Army, he broke in suddenly upon Vut, and overcame him, and Vut fled into Cataya. At the same time was the Daughter of Vut taken, which Cyngis married unto one of his Sons, by whom she conceived, and brought forth the great Can, which now reigneth, called Mangu-Can. Then Cyngis sent the Tartars before him in all places where he came: Mangu-Can. and thereupon was their name published and spread abroad: for in all places the people would cry out: Lo●, the Tartars come, the Tartars come. Howbeit, through continual wars, they are now, all of them in a manner, consumed and brought to nought. Whereupon the Moles endeavour what they can, to extinguish the name of the Tartars, that they may exalt their own name. The Country wherein they first inhabited, and where the Court of Cyngis Can as yet remaineth, is called Mancherule. But because Tartary is the Region, about which they have obtained their Conquests, they esteem that as their royal and chief City, Mancherule. and there for the most part do they elect their great Can. NOw, as concerning Sartach, whether he believes in Christ or no, I know not. This I am sure of, that he will not be called a Christian. Yea, Chap. 20. Of the Russians, Hungarians, and Alanian●● and of the Caspian Sea. rather he seemeth unto me to deride and scoff at Christians. He lieth in the way of the Christians, as namely, of the Russians, the Null, the Bulgarians of Bulgaria the less, the Soldaianes, the Kerkis, and the Alanians: who all of them pass by him, as they are going to the Court of his Father Baatu, to carry gifts: whereupon he is more in league with them. Howbeit, if the Saracens come, and bring greater gifts than they, they are dispatched sooner. He hath about him certain Nestorian Priests, who pray upon their Beads, and sing their devotions. Also, there is another under Baatu, called Berta, who feedeth his cattle toward Porta Ferrea, or Derbent, where lieth the passage of all those Saracens which come out of Persia, O●, Ber●a. and out of Turkey to go unto Baatu, and passing by, they give rewards unto him. And he professeth himself to be a Saracen, and will not permit Swine's flesh to be eaten in his Dominions. Howbeit, at the time of our return, Baatu commanded him to remove himself from that place, and to inhabit upon the East side of Volga: for he was unwilling that the Saracens Messengers should pass by the said Berta, because he saw it was not for his profit. For the space of four days while we remained in the Court of Sartach, we had not any victuals at all allowed us, but once only a little Cosmos. And in our journey between him and his Father, we traveled in great fear. For certain Russians, Hungarians, and Alanians, being Servants unto the Tartars, (of whom they have great multitudes among them) assemble themselves twenty or thirty in a company, and so secretly in the night conveying themselves from home, they take Bows and Arrows with them, and whomsoever they find in the night season, they put him to death, hiding themselves in the day time. And having tired their Horses, they go in the night unto a company of other Horses feeding in some Pasture, and change them for new, taking with them also one or two Horses besides, to eat them when they stand in need. Our guide therefore was sore afraid, lest we should have met with such companions. In this journey we had died for Famine, had we not carried some of our Biscuit with us. At length we came unto the mighty River of E●●lia, or Volga. For it is four times greater, than the River of Sein, and of a wonderful depth: and issuing forth of Bulgaria the greater, it runneth into a certain Lake or Sea, which of late they call the Hircan Sea, according to the name of a certain City in Persia, standing upon the shore thereof. Howbeit Isidore calleth it the Caspian Sea. For it hath the Caspian Mountains and the Land of Persia situate on the Southside thereof: and the Mountains of Musi●et, that is to say, of the people called Assassini towards the East, which Mountains are conjoined unto the Caspian Mountains: but on the North-side thereof lieth the same Desert, wherein the Tartars do now inhabit. Howbeit heretofore there dwelled certain people called Changlae. And on that side it receiveth the streams of Etilia, Changl●. which River increaseth in Summer time, like unto the River Nilus in Egypt. Upon the West part thereof, it hath the Mountains of Alani, and Lesgi, and Porta ferrea, or Derbent, and the Mountains of Georgia. This Sea therefore is compassed in on three sides with the Mountains, Friar Andrew. but on the North-side with plain ground. Friar Andrew in his journey traveled round about two sides thereof, namely, the South and the East-sides: and I myself about other two, that is to say, the North-side in going from Baatu to Mangu-Can, and in returning likewise▪ and the Westside in coming home from Baatu into Syria. A man may travel round about it in four months. And it is not true which Isidore reporteth, namely, that this Sea is a Bay or Gulf coming forth of the Ocean: for it doth, in no part thereof, join with the Ocean, but is environed on all sides with Land. ALL the Region extending from the West shore of the foresaid Sea, where Alexander's Iron gate, Chap. 21. Of the Court of Baatu: and how we were entertained by him. The North Ocean. otherwise called the City of Derbent, is situate, and from the Mountains of Alania, all along by the Fens of Maotis, whereinto the River of Tanais falleth, and so forth, to the North Ocean, was wont to be called Albania. Of which Country Isidore reporteth, that there be Dogs of such an huge stature, and so fierce, that they are able in fight to match Bulls, and to master Lions. Which is true, as I understand by diverse, who told me, that there towards the North Ocean, they make their Dogs to draw in Carts like Oxen, by reason of their bigness and strength. Moreover, upon that part of Etilia where we arrived, there is a new Cottage built, wherein they have placed Tartars and Russians both together, to ferry over, and transport Messengers going and coming, to and fro the Court of Baatu. For Baatu remaineth upon the farther side towards the East. Neither ascendeth he in Summer time more Northward than the foresaid place where we arrived, but was even then descending to the South. From january until August, both he and all other Tartars ascend by the banks of Rivers, towards cold and Northerly Regions, He descendeth down the River Volga in a Bark. and in August they begin to return back again. We passed down the stream therefore in a Bark, from the foresaid Cottage unto his Court. From the same place unto the Villages of Bulgaria the greater, standing toward the North, it is five days journey. I wonder what Devil carried the Religion of Mahomet thither. For, from Derbent, which is upon the extreme borders of Persia, it is above thirty days journey to pass overthwart the Desert, and so to ascend by the bank of Etilia, into the foresaid Country of Bulgaria. All which way there is no City, Ambracan. but only certain Cottages near unto that place where Etilia falleth into the Sea. Those Bulgarians are most wicked Saracens, more earnestly professing the damnable Religion of Mahomet, The description of Baatu his Court. than any other Nation whatsoever. Moreover, when I first beheld the Court of Baatu, I was astonished at the sight thereof: for his Houses or Tents seemed as though they had been some huge and mighty City, stretching out a great way in length, the people ranging up and down about it for the space of some three or four leagues. And even as the people of Israel knew every man, on which side of the Tabernacle to pitch his Tent: even so every one of them knoweth right well, towards what side of the Court he ought to place his house when he takes it from off the Cart. Horda signifieth the midst. Whereupon the Court is called in their Language Horda, which signifieth, the midst: because the Governor or Chieftain among them dwells always in the midst of his people: except only that directly towards the South no subject or inferior person placeth himself, because towards that Region the Court gates are set open: but unto the right hand, and the left hand they extend themselves as far as they will, according to the conveniency of places, so that they place not their houses directly opposite against the Court. At our arrival we were conducted unto a Saracen, who provided not for us any victuals at all. The day following, we were brought unto the Court: and Baatu had caused a large Tent to be erected, because his house or ordinary Tent could not contain so many men and women as were assembled. Our Guide admonished us not to speak, till Baatu had given us commandment so to do, and that then we should speak our minds briefly. Then Baatu demanded whether your Majesty had sent Ambassadors unto him or no? I answered, that your Majesty had sent Messengers to Ken-Can: and that you would not have sent Messengers unto him, or Letters unto Sartach, had not your Highness been persuaded that they were become Christians: because you sent not unto them for any fear, but only for congratulation, and courtesies sake, in regard that you heard they were converted to Christianity. Then led he us unto his Pavilion: and we were charged not to touch the cords of the Tent, which they account in stead of the threshold of the house. There we stood in our habit barefooted, and bareheaded, and were a great and strange spectacle in their eyes. For indeed Friar john de Plano Carpini, john de Plano Carpini. had been there before my coming: howbeit, because he was the Pope's Messenger, he changed his habit that he might not be contemned. Then we were brought into the very midst of the Tent, neither required they of us to do any reverence by bowing our knees, as they use to do of other Messengers. We stood therefore before him for the space wherein a man might have rehearsed the Psalm, Miserere mei Deus: and there was great silence kept of all men. Baatu himself sat upon a seat long and broad like unto a Bed, gilded all over, with three stairs to ascend thereunto, and one of his Ladies sat beside him. The men there assembled, sat down scattering, some on the right hand of the said Lady, and some on the left. Those places on the one side which the women filled not up (for there were only the Wives of Baatu) were supplied by the men. Also, at the very entrance of the Tent, stood a bench furnished with Cosmos, and with stately great cups of Silver and Gold, being richly set with Precious Stones. Baatu beheld us earnestly, and we him: and he seemed to me to resemble in personage, Monsieur Iohn de Beaumond, whose soul resteth in peace. And he had a fresh ruddy colour in his countenance. At length he commanded us to speak. Then our Guide gave us direction, that we should bow our knees and speak. Whereupon I bowed one knee as unto a man: then he signified that I should kneel upon both knees: and I did so, being loath to contend about such circumstances. And again, he commanded me to speak. Then I thinking of Prayer unto God, because I kneeled on both my knees, began to pray on this wise: Sir, we beseech the Lord, from whom all good things do proceed, and who hath given you these earthly benefits, that it would please him hereafter to make you partaker of his heavenly blessings: because the former without these are but vain and improfitable. And I added further. Be it known unto you of a certainty, that you shall not obtain the joys of Heaven, unless you become a Christian: for God saith, Whosoever believeth and is baptised, shallbe saved: but he that believeth not, shallbe condemned. At this word he modestly smiled: but the other Moles began to clap their hands, and to deride us. And of my silly Interpreter, of whom especially I should have received comfort in time of need, was himself abashed and utterly dashed out of countenance. Then, after silence made, I said unto him, I came unto your Son, because we heard that he was become a Christian: and I brought unto him Letters on the behalf of my Sovereign Lord the King of France: and your Son sent me hither unto you. The cause of my coming therefore is best known unto yourself. Then he caused me to rise up. The Letters of the French King. And he enquired your Majesty's Name, and my name, and the name of mine Associate and Interpreter, and caused them all to be put down in writing. He demanded likewise (because he had been informed, that you were departed out of your own Countries with an Army) against whom you waged war? I answered: against the Saracens, who had defiled the House of God at jerusalem. He asked also, whether your Highness had ever before that time sent any Messengers unto him, or no? To you Sir? (said I) never. Then caused he us to sit down, and gave us of his Milk to drink, which they account to be a great favour, especially when any man is admitted to drink Cosmos with him in his own house. And as I sat looking down upon the ground, he commanded me to lift up my countenance, being desirous as yet to take more diligent view of us, or else perhaps for a kind of Superstitious observation. For they▪ esteem it a sign of ill luck, or a prognostication of evil unto them, when any man sits in their presence, holding down his head, as if he were sad: especially, when he leans his cheek or chin upon his hand. Then we departed forth, and immediately after came our Guide unto us, and conducting us unto our Lodging, said unto me: Your Master the King requesteth that you may remain in this Land, which request Baatu cannot satisfy without the knowledge and consent of Mangu-Can. Wherefore you, and your Interpreter must of necessity go unto Mangu-Can. Howbeit your associate, and the other man shall return unto the Court of Sartach, staying there for you, till you come back. Then began the man of God mine Interpreter to lament, esteeming himself but a dead man. Mine Associate also protested, that they should sooner chop off his head, then withdraw him out of my company. Moreover, I myself said, that without mine Associate I could not go: and that we stood in need of two Servants at the least, to attend upon us, because, if one should chance to fall sick, we could not be without another. Then returning unto the Court, he told these Sayings unto Baatu. And Baatu commanded, saying: let the two Priests and the Interpreter go together, but let the Clerk return unto Sartach. And coming again unto us, he told us even so. And when I would have spoken for the Clerk to have had him with us, he said: No more words: for Baatu hath resolved, that so it shall be, and therefore I dare not go unto the Court any more. Goset the Clerk had remaining of the Alms money bestowed upon him, twenty six Yperperas, and no more; ten whereof he kept for himself and for the Lad, and sixteen he gave unto the man of God for us. And thus were we parted asunder with tears: he returning unto the Court of Sartach, and ourselves remaining still in the same place. Chap. 22. Of our journey towards the Court of Mangu-Can. Upon Assumption Even our Clerk arrived at the Court of Sartach. And on the morrow after, the Nestorian Priests were adorned with our Vestments in the presence of the said Sartach. Then we ourselves were conducted unto another Host, who was appointed to provide us houseroom, victuals, and Horses. But because we had not aught to bestow upon him, he did all things untowardly for us. Then we road on forward with Baatu, descending along by the bank of Etilia, for the space of five weeks together: Sometimes mine Associate was so extremely hungry, They travel five weeks by the bank of Etilia. that he would tell me in a manner weeping, that it fared with him as though he had never eaten any thing in all his life before. There is a Fair or Market following the Court of Baatu at all times: but it was so far distant from us, that we could not have recourse thereunto. For we were constrained to walk on foot for want of Horses. At length certain Hungarians (who had sometime been after a sort Clergy men) found us out: Hungarians. and one of them could as yet sing many Songs without book, and was accounted of other Hungarians as a Priest, and was sent for unto the Funerals of his deceased Countrymen. There was another of them also prettily well instructed in his Grammar: for he could understand the meaning of any thing that we spoke, but could not answer us. These Hungarians were a great comfort unto us, bringing us Cosmos to drink, yea, and sometimes flesh for to eat also: who, when they requested to have some Books of us, and I had not any to give them (for indeed we had none but only a Bible, and a Breviary) it grieved me exceedingly. And I said unto them: Bring me some Ink and Paper, and I will write for you so long as we shall remain here: and they did so. And I copied out for them Horas beatae Virgins, A Comonian. and Officium defunctorum. Moreover, upon a certain day, there was a Comanian that accompanied us, saluting us in Latin, and saying: Saluete Domini. Wondering thereat, and saluting him again, I demanded of him, who had taught him that kind of salutation? He said, that he was baptised in Hungaria by our Friars, and that of them he learned it. He said moreover, that Baatu had enquired many things of him concerning us, and that he told him the estate of our Order. Afterward I saw Baatu riding with his company, and all his Subjects that were householders or Masters of families riding with him, and (in mine estimation) they were not five hundred persons in all. At length about the end of Holy-rood, there came a certain rich Moal unto us (whose Father was a Millenary, which is a great Office among them) saying, A journey of four months from Volga. I am the man that must conduct you unto Mangu-Can, and we have thither a journey of four months long to travel, and there is such extreme cold in those parts, that stones and trees do even rive asunder in regard thereof. Therefore I would wish you throughly to advise yourselves, whether you be able to endure it or no. Unto whom I answered: I hope by God's help, that we shall be able to brook that which other men can endure. Then he said: if you cannot endure it, I will forsake you by the way. And I answered him: it were not just dealing for you so to do, for we go not thither upon any business of our own, but by reason that we are sent by our Lord. Wherefore, sithence we are committed unto your charge, you ought in no wise to forsake us. Then he said; all shall be well. Afterward he caused us to show him all our garments: and whatsoever he deemed to be less needful for us, he willed us to leave it behind in the custody of our Host. On the morrow they brought unto each of us a furred Gown, made all of Rams skins, with the Wool still upon them, and breeches of the same, and boots also or buskins according to their fashion, and shoes made of felt, and hoods also made of skins after their manner. The second day after Holy-rood, we began to set forward on our journey, having three guides to direct us: The sixteenth, of September. and we road continually Eastward, till the feast of All-Saints. Throughout all that Region, and beyond also did the people of Changle inhabit, who were by parentage descended from the Romans. Forty six days Or, Kangittae. Upon the North side of us we had Bulgaria the greater, and on the South, the foresaid Caspian Sea. Having traveled twelve day's journey from Etilia, we found a mighty River called jagac: which River issuing out of the North, Chap. 23. Of the River of jagac: Or, jaic, and of diverse Regions or Nations. jaic, twelve day's journey from Volga. Pascatir. The Hungarians descended from the Bascirdes. from the land of Pascatir, descended into the foresaid Sea. The language of Pascatir, and of the Hungarians is all one, and they are all of them Shepherds, not having any Cities. And their Country bordereth upon Bulgaria the greater, on the West frontier. From the North-East part of the said Country, there is no City at all. Out of the said forenamed Region of Pascatir, proceeded the Huns of old time, who afterward were called Hungarians. Next unto it is Bulgaria the greater. Isidore reporteth, concerning the people of this Nation, that with swift Horses they traversed the impregnable walls and bounds of Alexander, (which, together with the Rocks of Caucasus, served to restrain those barbarous and bloodthirsty people from invading the Regions of the South) insomuch that they had tribute paid unto them, as far as Egypt. Likewise they wasted all Countries even unto France. Whereupon they were more mighty than the Tartars as yet are. And unto them the Blacians, the Bulgarians, and the Vandals joined themselves. For out of Bulgaria the greater, came those Bulgarians. Moreover, they which inhabit beyond Danubius, near unto Constantinople, Null. and not far from Pascatir, are called Ilac, which (saving the pronunciation) is all one with Blac, (for the Tartars cannot pronounce the Letter B) from whom also descended the people which inhabit the Land of Assani. For they are both of them called Ilac, (both these and the other) in the languages of the Russians, the Polonians, and the Bohemians. The Sclavonians speak all one language with the Vandals, all which banded themselves with the Huns: and now for the most part, they unite themselves unto the Tartars: whom God hath raised up from the utmost parts of the earth, according to that which the Lord saith: Deut. 32. v. 21. Rom. 10. v. 19 I will provoke them to envy (namely such as keep not his Law) by a people, which is no people, and by a foolish Nation will I anger them. This prophecy is fulfilled, according to the literal sense thereof, upon all Nations which observe not the Law of God. All this which I have written concerning the Land of Pascatir, was told me by certain Friars Pradicants, which traveled thither before ever the Tartars came abroad. And from that time they were subdued unto their neighbours the Bulgarians being Saracens, whereupon many of them proved Saracens also. Other matters concerning this people, may be known out of Chronicles. For it is manifest, that those Provinces beyond Constantinople, which are now called Bulgaria, Valachia, and Sclavonia, were of old time Provinces belonging to the greeks. Also Hungaria was heretofore called Pannonia. And we were riding over the Land of Cangle, from the feast of Holy-rood, until the feast of All-Saints: Cangle an huge plain Country. travelling almost every day (according to mine estimation) as far, as from Paris to Orleans, and sometimes farther, as we were provided of Post-horses: for some days we had change of horses twice or thrice in a day. Sometimes we traveled two or three days together, not finding any people, and then we were constrained not to ride so fast. Of twenty or thirty Horses we had always the worst, because we were Strangers. For every one took their choice of the best Horses before us. They provided me always of a strong Horse, because I was very corpulent and heavy: but whether he ambled a gentle pace or no, I durst not make any question. Neither yet durst I complain, although he trotted full sore. But every man must be contented with his lot as it fell. Whereupon we were exceedingly troubled; for oftentimes our Horses were tired before we could come at any people. And then we were constrained to beat and whip on our Horses, and to lay our Garments upon other empty Horses: yea, and sometimes two of us to ride upon one Horse. OF hunger and thirst, cold and weariness, there was no end. For they gave us no victuals, but only in the evening. In the morning they used to give us a little drink, Chap. 24. Of the hunger and thirst, and other miseries, which we sustained in our iourn. or some sodden Millet to sup off. In the evening they bestowed flesh upon us, as namely, a shoulder and breast of Ram's Mutton, and every man a measured quantity of broth to drink. When we had sufficient of the flesh-broath, we were marvellously well refreshed. And it seemed to me most pleasant, and most nourishing drink. Every Saturday I remained fasting until night, without eating or drinking of aught. And when night came, I was constrained, to my great grief and sorrow, to eat flesh. Sometimes we were fain to eat flesh half sodden, or almost raw, and all for want of Fuel to seethe it withal; especially, when we lay in the fields, or were benighted before we came at our journey's end: because we could not then conveniently gather together the dung of Horses or Oxen: for other fuel we found but seldom, except perhaps a few thorns in some places. Likewise upon the banks of some Rivers, there are woods growing here and there. Howbeit they are very rare. In the beginning our guide highly disdained us, and it was tedious unto him to conduct such base fellows. Afterward, Certain Rivers. when he began to know us somewhat better, he directed us on our way by the Courts of rich Moles, and we were requested to pray for them. Wherefore, had I carried a good Interpreter with me, I should have had opportunity to have done much good. The foresaid Chingis, who was the first great Can or Emperor of the Tartars, had four Sons, of whom proceeded by natural descent many children, every one of which doth at this day enjoy great possessions: and they are daily multiplied and dispersed over that huge and vast Desert, which is in dimensions, like unto the Ocean Sea. Our guide therefore directed us, as we were going on our journey, unto many of their habitations. And they marvelled exceedingly, that we would receive neither Gold nor Silver, nor precious and costly garments at their hands. They inquired also, concerning the great Pope, whether he was of so lasting an age as they had heard? For there had gone a report among them, that he was five hundred years old. They inquired likewise of our Countries, whether there were abundance of Sheep, Oxen, and Horses, or no? Concerning the Ocean Sea, they could not conceive of it, because it was without limits or banks. Upon the Even of the feast of All-Saints, we forsook the way leading towards the East, Eight day's journey southward. Asses swift of foot▪ High Mountains. Manured grounds. Kenchat, a Village of the Saracens. (because the people were now descended very much South) and we went on our journey by certain Alpes, or Mountains directly southward, for the space of eight days together. In the foresaid Desert I saw many As●es (which they call Colan) being rather like unto Mules: these did our guide and his companions chase very eagerly: howbeit, they did but lose their labour, for the beasts were two swift for them. Upon the seventh day there appeared to the South of us huge high Mountains, and we entered into a place which was well watered, and fresh as a Garden, and found Land tilled and manured. The eight day, after the feast of All-Saints, we arrived at a certain Town of the Saracens, named Kenchat, the Governor whereof met our Guide at the Town's end with Ale and Cups. For it is their manner at all Towns and Villages, subject unto them, to meet the messengers of Baatu and Mangu-Can with meat and drink. At the same time of the year, they went upon the Ice in that Country. And before the feast of Saint Michael, The seventh day of November. A great River. we had frost in the Desert. I enquired the name of that Province: but being now in a strange Territory, they could not tell me the name thereof, but only the name of a very small City in the same Province. And there descended a great River down from the Mountains, which watered the whole Region, according as the Inhabitants would give it passage, by making diverse Channels and Sluices: neither did this River exonerate itself into any Sea, but was swallowed up by an hideous Gulf into the bowels of the earth, and it caused many Fens or Lakes. Many Lakes. Vines. Also I saw many Vines, and drank of the Wine thereof. Chap. 25. How Ban was put to death: and concerning the habitation of the Dutch men. A Cottage. The Mountains of Caucasus are extended unto the Eastern Sea. The City of Talas, or Chincitalas. Friar Andrew. THe day following, we came unto another Cottage near unto the Mountains. And I enquired what Mountains they were, which I understood to be the Mountains of Caucasus, which are stretched forth, and continued on both parts to the Sea, from the West unto the East: and on the West part they are conjoined unto the foresaid Caspian Sea, where into the River of Volga dischargeth his streams. I enquired also of the City of Talas, wherein were certain Dutch men, servants unto one Buri, of whom Friar Andrew made mention. Concerning whom also I enquired very diligently in the Courts of Sartach and Baatu. Howbeit I could have no intelligence of them, but only that their Lord and Master Ban was put to death upon the occasion following: This Ban was not placed in good and fertile Pastures. And upon a certain day being drunken, he spoke on this wise unto his men. Am not I of the stock and kindred of Chingis Can, as well as Baatu? (for in very deed he was brother or Nephew unto Baatu.) Why then do I not pass and repass upon the bank of Etilia, to feed my cattle there, as freely as Baatu himself doth? Which speeches of his were reported unto Baatu. Whereupon Baatu wrote unto his servants to bring their Lord bound unto him. And they did so. Then Baatu demanded of him whether he had spoken any such words? And he confessed that he had. Howbeit (because it is the Tartars manner to pardon drunken men) he excused himself that he was drunken at the same time. How dared thou (quoth Baatu) once name me in thy drunkenness? And with that he caused his head to be chopped off. Concerning the foresaid Dutch men, I could not understand aught, till I was come unto the Court of Mangu-Can. And there I was informed that Mangu-Can had removed them out of the jurisdiction of Baatu, for the space of a month's journey from Talas Eastward, unto a certain Village, called Bolac: where they are set to dig gold, The Village of Bolac. and to make armour. Whereupon I could neither go nor come by them. I passed very near the said City in going forth, as namely, within three day's journey thereof: but I was ignorant that I did so: neither could I have turned out of my way, albeit I had known so much. From the foresaid Cottage we went directly Eastward, by the Mountain's aforesaid. And from that time we travailed among the people of Mangu-Can, who in all places sang and danced before our Guide, because he was the messenger of Baatu. For this courtesy they do afford each to other: namely, the people of Mangu-Can receiving the messengers of Baatu in manner aforesaid: He entereth into the Territories of Mangu-Can. Certain Alpes wherein the Cara Catayans inhabited. A mighty River. Ground tilled. Equius. and so likewise the people of Baatu entertaining the messengers of Mangu-Can. Notwithstanding, the people of Baatu are more surly and stout, and show not so much courtesy unto the subjects of Mangu-Can, as they do unto them. A few days after we entered upon those Alpes where the Cara Catayans were wont to inhabit. And there we found a mighty River: insomuch that we were constrained to embark ourselves, and to sail over it. Afterward we came into a certain Valley, where I saw a Castle destroyed, the walls whereof were only of mud: and in that place the ground was tilled also. And there we found a certain Village, named Equius, wherein were Saracens, speaking the Persian language: howbeit they dwelled an huge distance from Persia. The day following, having passed over the foresaid Alpes, which descended from the great Mountains Southward, we entered into a most beautiful Plain, having high Mountains on our right hand, and on the left hand of us a certain Sea or Lake, A Lake of fifteen day's journey in compass. which containeth fifteen day's journey in circuit. All the foresaid Plain is most commodiously watered with certain Freshets, distilling from the said Mountains, all which do fall into the Lake. In Summer time we returned by the North shore of the said Lake, and there were great Mountains on that side also. Upon the forenamed Plain there were wont to be great store of Villages: but for the most part they were all wasted, in regard of the fertile Pastures, that the Tartars might feed their cattle there. We found one great City there, named Coila●, wherein was a Mart, and great store of Merchants frequenting it. In this City we remained fifteen days, Coila● a great City and full of Merchants. staying for a certain Scribe or Secretary of Baatu, who ought to have accompanied our Guide for the dispatching of certain affairs in the Court of Mangu. All this Country was wont to be called Organum: and the people thereof had their proper language, and their peculiar kind of writing. But it was altogether inhabited of the people, called Contomanni. Contomanni. The Nestorians likewise in those parts use the very same kind of language and writing. They are called Organa, because they were wont to be most skilful in playing upon the Organs or Cithern, as it was reported unto me. Here first did I see worshippers of Idols, concerning whom, be it known unto your Majesty, that there be many sects of them in the East Countries. THe first sort of these Idolaters are called jugures: whose Land bordereth upon the foresaid Land of Organum, within the said Mountains Eastward: Chap. 26. How the Nestorians, S●racens, and Idolaters are joined together. The people called Iugure● Idolaters. and in all their City's Nestorians do inhabit together, and they are dispersed likewise towards Persia, in the Cities of the Saracens. The Citizens of the foresaid City of Cailac had three Idol-temples; and I entered into two of them, to behold their foolish superstitions. In the first of which, I found a man having a Cross painted with Ink upon his hand, whereupon I supposed him to be a Christian: for he answered like a Christian unto all questions which I demanded of him. And I asked him, Why therefore have you not the Cross with the Image of jesus Christ thereupon? And he answered, We have no such custom. Whereupon I conjectured that they were indeed Christians: but, that for lack of instruction they omitted the foresaid ceremony. For I saw there behind a certain Chest (which was unto them in stead of an Altar, whereupon they set Candles and Oblation●) an Image having wings, like unto the Image of Saint Michael, and other Images also, holding their fingers, as if they would bless some body. That evening I could not find any thing else. For the Saracens do only invite men thither, but they will not have them speak of their Religion. And therefore, when I enquired of the Saracens concerning such Ceremonies, they were offended thereat. On the morrow after were the Kalends, and the Saracens feast of Passeover. And changing mine Inn or lodging the same day, I took up mine abode near unto another Idol-Temple. For the Citizens of the said City of Cailac do courteously invite, and lovingly entertain all messengers, every man of them according to his ability and portion. And entering into the foresaid Idol-temple, I found the Priests of the said Idols there. For always at the Kalends they set open their Temples, and the Priests adorn themselves, and offer up the people's Oblations of Bread and Fruits. First therefore, I will describe unto you those rites and ceremonies which are common unto all their Idol-temples: and then the superstitions of the foresaid jugures, which be, as it were, a sect distinguished from the rest. They do all of them worship towards the North, clapping their hands together, and prostrating themselves on their knees upon the earth, holding also their foreheads in their hands. Whereupon the Nestorians of those parts will in no case join their hands together in time of prayer: but they pray displaying their hands before their breasts. They extend their Temples in length East and West; and upon the North side they build a Chamber, in manner of a Vestry, for themselves to go forth into. Or sometimes it is otherwise. If it be a four square Temple, in the midst of the Temple towards the North side thereof, they take in one Chamber in that place where the Choir should stand. And within the said Chamber, they place a Chest long and broad like unto a Table, and behind the said Chest towards the South, stands their principal Idol: which I saw at Caracarum, and it was as big as the Idol of Saint Christopher. Also a certain Nestorian Priest, Friar William was at Caracarum. which had been in Catay, said that in that Country there is an Idol of so huge a bigness, that it may be seen two day's journey before a man come at it. And so they place other Idols round about the foresaid principal Idol, being all of them finely gilded over with pure gold: and upon the said Chest, which is in manner of a Table, they set Candles and Oblations. The doors of their Temples are always open towards the South, contrary to the customs of the Saracens. They have also great Bells like unto us. And that is the cause (as I think) why the Christians of the East will in no case use great Bells. Notwithstanding, they are common among the Russians, and Grecians of Gasaria. ALl their Priests had their heads and beards shaved quite over: Chap. 27. Of their Temples and Idols, and how they behave themselves in worshipping their false gods▪ Books. and they are clad in Saffron coloured garments: and being once shaved, they lead an unmarried life from that time forward: and they live an hundred or two hundred of them together in one Cloister or Covent. Upon those days when they enter into their Temples, they place two long Forms therein: and so sitting upon the said Forms like Singing-men in a Choir, namely, the one half of them directly over against the other, they have certain books in their hands, which sometimes they lay down by them upon the Forms: and their heads are bare so long as they remain in the Temple. And there they read softly unto themselves, not uttering any voice at all. Whereupon coming in amongst them, at the time of their superstitious devotions, and finding them all sitting mute, in manner aforesaid, I attempted diverse ways to provoke them unto speech, and yet could not by any means possible. They have with them also whithersoever they go, a certain string, with an hundred or two hundred Nutshells thereupon, much like to our bead-roll which we carry about with us. And they do always utter these words: Ou mam Hactani; God thou knowest: as one of them expounded it unto me. And so often do they expect a reward at God's hands, as they pronounce these words in remembrance of God. Round about their Temple they do always make a fair Court, like unto a Churchyard, which they environ with a good wall: and upon the South part thereof, they build a great Portall, wherein they sit and confer together. And upon the top of the said Portall, they pitch a long Pole right up, exalting it, if they can, above all the whole Town besides. And by the same Pole all men may know that there stands the Temple of their Idols. These rites and ceremonies aforesaid, be common unto all Idolaters in those parts. Going upon a time towards the foresaid Idoll-temple, I found certain Priests sitting in the outward Portall. And those which I saw, seemed unto me, by their shaved beards, as if they had been French men. They wore certain ornaments upon their heads, made of Paper. The Priests of the foresaid jugures do use such attire whithersoever they go. They are always in their Saffron coloured jackets, which be very strait, being laced or buttened from the bosom right down, after the French fashion▪ and they have a Cloak upon their left shoulder, descending before and behind under their right arm, like unto a Deacon carrying the houssel-box in time of Lent. Their letters or kind of writing the Tartars did receive. They begin to write at the top of their paper, Paper. So do the people of China use to write, drawing their lines perpendicularly downward, and not as we do, from the right hand to the left. drawing their lines right down: and so they read and multiply their lines from the left hand to the right. They do use certain papers and characters in their Magical practices. Whereupon their Temples are full of such short scrolls hanged round about them. Also Mangu-Can hath sent letters unto your Majesty, written in the language of the Moles or Tartars, and in the foresaid hand or letter of the jugures. They burn their dead according to the ancient custom, and lay up the ashes in the top of a Pyramid. Now, after I had sat a while by the foresaid Priests, and entered into their Temple, and seen many of their Images, both great and small, I demanded of them what they believed concerning God? And they answered: We believe that the●e is only one God. And I demanded farther: Whether do you believe that he is a Spirit, or some bodily substance? They said: We believe that he is a Spirit. Then said I: Do you believe that God ever took man's nature upon him: Then they answered; No. And again I said: Sithence ye believe that he is a Spirit, to what end do you make so many bodily Images to represent him: Sithence also you believe not that he was made man: why do you resemble him rather unto the Image of a man then of any other creature? Then they answered, saying: we frame not those Images whereby to represent God. But when any rich man amongst us, or his son, or his wife, or any of his friends deceaseth, he causeth the Image of the dead party to be made, and to be placed here: and we in remembrance of him do reverence thereunto. Then I replied. You do these things only for the friendship and flattery of men. No (said they) but for their memory. Then they demanded of me, as it were in scoffing wise: Where is God? To whom I answered: Where is your soul? they said, In our bodies. Then said I, Is it not in every part of your body, ruling and guiding the whole body, and yet notwithstanding is not seen or perceived? Even so God is every where, and ruleth all things, and yet is he invisible, being understanding and wisdom itself. Then being desirous to have had some more conference with them, by reason that mine Interpreter was weary, and not able to express my meaning, I was constrained to keep silence. The Moles or Tartars are in this regard of their sect: namely, they believe that there is but one God: howbeit, they make Images of felt, in remembrance of their deceased friends, covering them with five most rich and costly garments, and putting them into one or two Carts, which Carts no man dare once touch: and they are in the custody of their soothsayers, who are their Priests, concerning whom, I will give your Highness more at large to understand hereafter. These soothsayers or Diviners, do always attend upon the Court of Mangu, and of other great personages. As for the poorer or meaner sort, they have them not, but such only as are of the stock and kindred of Chingis. And when they are to remove or to take any journey, the said Diviners go before them, even as the cloudy Pillar went before the Children of Israel. And they appoint ground where the Tents must be pitched, and first of all they take down their own houses: and after them the whole Court doth the like. Also upon their festival days or Kalends, they take forth the foresaid Images, and place them in order, round or circle wise within the house. Then come the Moles or Tartars, and enter into the same house, bowing themselves before the said Images and worship them. Moreover, it is not lawful for any stranger to enter into that house. For upon a certain time I myself would have gone in, but I was chidden full well for my labour. But the foresaid jugures (who live among the Christians and Saracens) by their sundry disputations, Chap. 28. Of diverse and sundry Nations: and of certain people which were wont to eat their own parents. The Country of Presbyter john. Tangut▪ as I suppose, have been brought unto this, to believe that there is but one only God. And they dwelled in certain Cities, which afterward were brought in subjection unto Chingis Can: whereupon he gave his daughter in marriage unto their King. Also the City of Cara●arum itself, is in a manner within their Territory, and the whole Country of King or Presbyter john, and of his brother Vut, lieth near unto their Dominions: saving that they inhabit in certain Pastures Northward, and the said jugures between the Mountains towards the South. Whereupon it came to pass, that the Moles received letters from them. And they are the Tartars principal Scribes; and all the Nestorians almost can skill of their Letters. Next unto them, between the foresaid Mountains Eastward, inhabiteth the Nation of Tangut, who are a most valiant people, and took Chingis in battle. But after the conclusion of a league, he was set at liberty by them, and afterward subdued them. These people of Tangut have Oxen of great strength, Strange Oxen. with tails like unto Horses, and with long shag hair upon their backs and bellies. They have legs greater than other Oxen have, and they are exceeding fier●e. These Oxen draw the great houses of the Moles: and their horns are slender, long, straight, and most sharp pointed: insomuch that their owners are fain to cut off the ends of them. A Cow will not suffer herself to be coupled unto one of them, unless they whistle or sing unto her. They have also the qualities of a Buff: for if they see a man clothed in red, they run upon him immediately to kill him. Next unto them are the people of Tebet, The people of Tebet. men which were wont to eat the carcases of their deceased parents: that for pity's sake, they might make no other Sepulchre for them, than their own bowels. Howbeit of late they have left off this custom, because that thereby they became abominable and odious unto all other Nations. Notwithstanding, unto this day they make fine Cups of the Skulls of their parents, to the end, that when they drink out of them▪ they may amidst all their jollities and delights, call their dead parents to remembrance. This was told me by one that saw it. Abundance of gold. The said people of Tebet have great plenty of gold in their Land. Whosoever therefore wanteth gold, diggeth till he hath found some quantity, and then taking so much thereof as will serve his turn, he layeth up the residue within the earth: because, if he should put it into his Chest or Storehouse, he is of opinion that God would withhold from him all other gold within the earth. I saw some of those people, being very deformed creatures. In Tangut I saw lusty tall men, but brown and swart in colour. The s●ature of the people of Tangut, and of the jugures. Langa and Solanga. The people of Solanga resemble Spaniards The jugures are of a middle stature, like unto our French men. Among the jugures is the original and root of the Turkish, and Comanian Languages. Next unto Tebet are the people of Langa and Solanga, whose messengers I saw in the Tartars Cour●. And they had brought more than ten great Carts with them, every one of which was drawn with six Oxen. They be little brown men like unto Spaniards. Also they have jackets, like unto the upper Vestment of a Deacon, saving that the sleeves are somewhat straighter. And they have Mitres upon their heads like Bishops. But the forepart of their Mitre is not so hollow within as the hinder part: neither is it sharp pointed or cornered at the top: but there hang down certain square flappes compacted of a kind of Straw, which is made rough and rugged with extreme heat, and is so trimmed, that it glittereth in the Sunbeams, like unto a Glass, or an Helmet well burnished. And about their Temples they have long bands of the foresaid matter, fastened unto their Mitres, which hover in the wind, as if two long horns grew out of their heads. And when the wind tossed them up and down too much, they tie them over the midst of their Mitre, from one Temple to another: and so they lie circle wise overthwart their heads. Moreover, their principal messenger coming unto the Tartars Court, had a table of Elephant's tooth about him, of a cubit in length, and a handful in breadth, being very smooth. And whensoever he spoke unto the Emperor himself, or unto any other great personage, he always beheld that table, A table of Elephant's tooth. as if he had found therein those things which he spoke: neither did he cast his eyes to the right hand, nor to the left, nor upon his face with whom he talked. Yea, going too and fro before his Lord, he looketh no where but only upon his table. Beyond them (as I understand of a certainty) there are other people called Muc, having Villages, The people called Muc. but no one particular man of them appropriating any cattle unto himself. Notwithstanding, there are many flocks and droves of cattle in their Country, and no man appointed to keep them. But when any one of th●● standeth in need of any beast, he ascendeth up unto a hill, and there maketh a shout, and all the cattle which are within hearing of the noise, come flocking about him, and suffer themselves to be handled and taken, as if they were ●ame. And when any messenger or stranger cometh into their Country, they shut him up into an house, ministering there things necessary unto him, until his business be dispatched. For if any stranger should travel through that Country, the Catttell would fly away at the very sent of him, and so would become wild. Great Cataya. Beyond Muc is great Cataya, the Inhabitants whereof (as I suppose) were of old time, called Seres. For from them are brought most excellent stuffs of silk. And this people is called Seres, of a certain Town in the same Country. I was credibly informed, that in the said Country, there is one Town having Walls of silver, and Bulwarks or Towers of gold. There be many Provinces in that Land, the greater part whereof are not as yet subdued unto the Tartars. And the * From hence is supplied by Master Hacluits industry (as he told me) out of a Manuscript in Bennet College in Cambridge: the other part he had out of an imperfect Copy of my Lord Lumlies. The Chapters disagree, as being (I think) rather some Transcribers division then the Authors. Yet have I followed the numbers I found, even where they are obscurest. The Friar's Latin for some barbarous words and phrases, hath been troublesome to 〈◊〉. The work I hold a jewel of Antiquity, now first entirely public. Sea lieth between them and India. These Catayans are men of a little stature, speaking much through the nose. And this is general, that all they of the East have small eyes. They are excellent workmen in every Art: and their Physicians are well skilled in the Virtues of Herbs, and judge exactly of the Pulse; But use no Urinals, nor know any thing concerning Urine. This I saw, for there are many of them at Caracarum. And they are always wont to bring up all their children in the same trade whereof the father is. And therefore they pay so much tribute; for they give the Moaellians every day one thousand and five hundred Cessines or jascots': (jascot is a piece of silver weighing ten Marks) that is to say, every day fifteen thousand Marks, beside silks and certain victuals, which they receive from thence, and other services which they do them. All these Nations are between the Mountains of Caucasus, on the North side of those Mountains to the East Sea, on the South part of Scythia, which the Shepherds of Moal do inhabit: Idolatry. All which are tributary unto them, and all given to Idolatry, and report many fables of a multitude of gods, and certain Deified men, and make a pedigree of the gods as our Poets do. Nestorians. The Nestorians are mingled among them as Strangers; so are the Saracens as far as Cathay. The Nestorians inhabit fifteen Cities of Cathay, and have a Bishopric there, in a City called Segin. Segni a City of Cathay. They are so at this day. The evil qualities of the Nestorians. Hence by corruption of manners and ignorance of faith, seemeth the Apostasy of the greatest part of Asia to have happened, furthered by Tartarian invasions and Saracenicall. All Priests. But further, they are mere Idolaters. The Priests of the Idols of the said Nations, have all broad yellow hoods. There are also among them (as I understood) certain Hermits living in the Woods and Mountains, of an austere and strange life. The Nestorians there know nothing, for they say their Service, and have holy Books in the Syrian tongue, which they know not. So that they sing as our Monks do, who are ignorant of Grammar; and hence it cometh, that they are wholly corrupted. They are great Usurers and Drunkards, and some of them also who live among the Tartars, have many Wives, as the Tartars have. When they enter into the Church, they wash their lower parts, as the Saracens do. They eat flesh on Friday of the week, and hold their Feasts that day, after the manner of the Saracens. The Bishop comes seldom into those Countries, perchance, scarce once in fifty years. Then they cause all their little Children (which are Males) to be made Priests, even in the Cradle; so that all their men almost are Priests: and after this they marry Wives, which is directly against the decrees * Consider our Author a Friar, whose travels we rather embrace, than (in such passages) his divinity. They were later Fathers which made such Decrees, contrary to the Father of truth which ordained marriage in Levies Priesthood, and chose married men to the Apostleship: and forewarned of another Father, who with Doctrines of Devils should prohibit meat and marriage, under colour of Priest's chastity, making the Temple stews to carnal and spiritual whoredom. of the Fathers: they are also Bigami, for the Priests themselves, their first Wife being dead, marry another. They are all Simonists, for they give no holy thing freely. They are very careful for their Wives and Children, whereby they apply themselves to gain, and not to the spreading of the Faith. Whence it cometh to pass, while some of them bring up some of the Nobilities children of Moal (although they teach them the Gospel, and the Articles of the Faith) yet by their evil life and covetousness, they drive them further from Christianity: Because the life of the Moallians, and Tuinians (who are Idolaters) is more harmless than theirs. Chap. 26. Of such things as befell them, departing from Cailac, to the Country of the Naymannes. novemb. 30. WE departed from the foresaid City of Cailac on Saint Andrew's day. And there we found almost within three leagues, a whole Castle or Village of Nestorians. Entering into their Church, we sang, Salue Regina, etc. with joy, as loud as we could, because it was long since we had seen a Church. Departing thence, in three days we came to the entrance of that Province, in the head of the foresaid Sea, which seemed to us as tempestuous as the Ocean, and we saw a great Island therein. My Companions drew near the shore, and wet a Linen clothe therein, to taste the Water, which was somewhat salt, but might be drunk. There went a certain Valley over against it, from between the great Mountains, between South and East: and between the hills, was another certain great Sea; and there ran a River through that Valley, from the other Sea into this. Where came such a continual wind through the Valley, that men pass with great danger, lest the wind carry them into the Sea. Therefore we left the Valley and went towards the North, to the great hilly Countries, covered with deep Snow, Decemb. 6. which then lay upon the Earth: so that upon Saint Nicholas day we began now to hasten our journey much, and (because we found no people, but the jani themselves (to wit) men appointed from day's journey to day's journey together, the Messengers together. Because in many places in the hilly Countries) the way is narrow, and there are but few fields, so that between day and night we met with two jani, whereupon of two day's journeys we made one, and traveled more by night then by day. It was extreme cold there, so that they lent us their Goat's skins, Extreme cold. turning the hair outward. Decemb. 7. The second Sunday of Aduent in the evening, we passed by a certain place between very terrible Rocks: and our Guide sent unto me, entreating me to speak some good words, wherewith the Devils might be driven away; A dangerous passage. because in that passage, the Devils themselves were wont suddenly to carry men away, so that it was not known what became of them. Sometimes they violently snatched a Horse and left the man: sometimes they drew out a man's bowels, and left the empty carcase upon the Horse. And many such things did often fall out there. Then we sang with a loud voice, Credo in Deum, etc. And by the Grace of God, we passed through (with all our company) unhurt. After that, they began to entreat me, that I would write them Papers to carry on their heads: and I told them, I would teach them a word which they should carry in their hearts, whereby their souls and bodies should be saved everlastingly. But always when I would teach them, I wanted an Interpreter: Yet I wrote them the Creed and the Lords Prayer; saying, here it is written whatsoever a man ought to believe concerning God. Here also is that prayer, wherein we beg of God whatsoever is needful for a man▪ Whereupon believe firmly that which is written here, although you cannot understand it, and ask of God that he do that for you which is contained in this written Prayer: because with his own mouth he taught it his friends, and I hope he will save you. I could not do any thing else, because it was very dangerous to speak the words of doctrine by such an Interpreter, nay almost impossible, because he was ignorant. AFter this, we entered into that plain where the Court of Ken-Cham was, Chap. 27. Of the Country of the Naymans', and what befell the stock of Ken-Chan his son & wives. B●atu. which was wont to be the Country of the Naymans', who were the peculiar Subjects of Presbyter john: but at that time I saw not that Court▪ but in my return. Yet here I declare unto you what befell his Ancestry, his Soon and Wives. Ken-Cham being dead, Baatu desired that Mangu should be Chan. But I could understand in certainty of the death of Ken. friar Andrew said, that he died by a certain medicine given him: and it was suspected that Baatu caused it to be made. Yet I heard otherwise, for he summoned Baatu, to come and do him homage. And Baatu took his journey speedily with great preparation; but he and his Servants were much afraid, and sent one of his Brothers before, called Stichin: who when he came to Ken, Stichin and Ken kill one another. and should wait upon his Cup, contention arising between them, they slew one another. The Widow of Stichin kept us a whole day, to go into her house and bless her, that is, pray for her. Therefore Ken being dead, Mangu was chosen by the consent of Baatu. And was then chosen when Friar Andrew was there. Ken had a certain Brother, called Siremon, who by the counsel of ken Wife and her Vassals, went with great preparation towards Mangu, as if he meant to do him homage, and yet in truth he purposed to kill him, and destroy his whole Court. And when he was near Mangu, within one or two day's journey, one of his Wagons remained broken in the way. While the Wagoner laboured to mend it, in the mean space came one of the Servants of Mangu, who helped him: he was so inquisitive of their journey, that the Wagoner revealed unto him what Siremon purposed to do. Then turning out of the way, as if he little regarding it, went unto the herd of Horses, and took the best Horse he could choose, and posting night and day, came speedily to the Court of Mangu, reporting unto him what he had heard. Then Mangu quickly assembling all his subjects, caused four rings of Armed men to compass his Court, that none might go in or out: the rest he sent against Siremon, who took him, (not suspecting his purpose had been discovered) and brought him to the Court with all his followers. Who when Mangu lay the matter to his charge, straightway confessed it. Then he and his eldest Son Ken Chan were slain, and three hundred of the Nobility of the Tartars with them. The Noble Women also were sent for, who were all beaten with burning firebrands to make them confess: and having confessed, were put to death. His youngest son Ken, who could not be capable or guilty of the conspiracy, was left alive: And his Father's Palace was left unto him, with all belonging unto it, as well Men as Chattels: and we passed by it in our return. Nor durst my Guides turn in unto it, neither going nor coming. For the Lady of the Nations sat there in heaviness, and there was none to comfort her. THen went we up again into the high Countries, going always towards the North. At length on Saint Stephen's day we entered into a great Plain like the Sea, Chap. 28. Of their coming to the Court of Mangu Chan. where there was not so much as a Molehill. And the next day, on the feast of S. john the Evangelist, we came unto the Palace of that great Lord. But when we were near it, within five day's journey, our Host where we lay, would have directed us a way far about, so that we should yet travail more than fifteen days. And this was the reason (as I understood) that we might go by Woman Kerule their proper Country, where the Court of Chingis-Chan is. Others said, Woman Kerule the proper Country of the Tartars. Chap. 15. that he did it for this purpose, that he might make the way longer, and might show his power the more. For so they are wont to deal with men coming from Countries not subject to them. And our Guide obtained with great difficulty, that we might go the right way. For they held us upon this from the morning till three of the clock. In that way also, the Secretary (whom we expected at Cailac) told me, that it was contained in the Letters which Baatu sent to Mangu-Chan, that we required an Army and aid of Sartach against the Saracens. Then I began to wonder much, and to be greatly troubled: for I knew the Tenor of the Letters, and that no mention thereof was made therein: save that ye advised him to be a friend to all Christians, and should exalt the Cross, and be an enemy to all the enemies of the Cross: and because also the Interpreters were Armenians, of the greater Armenia, who greatly hated the Saracens; lest perhaps they had interpreted any thing in evil part to make the Saracens more odious and hateful at their pleasure, I therefore held my peace, not speaking a word with them, or against them; for I feared to gainsay the words of Baatu, lest I should incur some false accusation without reasonable cause. We came therefore the foresaid day unto the said Court. Our Guide had a great house appointed him, and we three a little Cottage, wherein we could scarce lay our stuff, make our beds, and have a little fire. Many came to visit our Guide, and brought him drink made of Rice, in long straight mouthed bottles, in the which I could discern no difference from the best Antissiodorensian Wine, save that it had not the sent of Wine. We were called, and straightly examined upon what business we came. I answered, that we heard of Sartach that he was a Christian: we came therefore unto him; the French King sent him a Packet by us, he sent us to Baatu his Father: & his Father hath sent us hither, he should have written the cause, whereupon they demanded whether we would make peace with them? I answered, he hath sent Letters unto Sar●ach as a Christian: and if he had known, he were not a Christian, he would never have sent him Letters, to treat of peace: I say, he hath done you no wrong: if he had done any, why should you war upon him, or his people? he, willingly (as a just man) would reform himself, and desire peace. If ye without cause will make war with him, or his Nation, we hope that God (who is just) will help them. Tartar's pride. And they wondered, always repeating, why came ye, seeing ye came not to make peace? For they are now so puffed up with pride, that they think the whole World should desire to make peace with them. And truly, if I might be suffered, I would preach War against them to the uttermost of my power) throughout the whole World. But I would not plainly deliver the cause of my coming, lest I should speak any thing against that which Baatu commanded. I told them therefore the whole cause of my coming thither, was because he sent me. Decemb. 28. The day following we were brought unto the Court, and I thought I could go barefoot, as I did in our Country: whereupon, I laid aside my shoes. But such as come to the Court, alight far from the house where the Great Chan is, as it were a Bow-shot off: where the Horses abide, and a Boy to keep them. Whereupon, when we alighted there, and our Guide went with us to the house of the Great Chan, a Hungarian Boy was present there, who knew us (to wit) our Order. And when the men came about us, and beheld us as Monsters, especially because we were barefooted, and demanded whether we did not lack our feet, because they supposed we should straightway have lost them, that Hungarian told them the reason, showing them the condition of our Order. Then the chief Secretary (who was a Nestorian and a Christian, by whose counsel and advice almost all is done) came unto us, to see us, and looked earnestly upon us, and called the Hungarian unto him, of whom he demanded many Questions. Then we were willed to return unto our Lodging. Chap. 29. Of a Christian chapel, and of the conference with Sergius the counterfeit Armenian Monk, and of the sharpness and continuance of the Winter. An Armenian Monk. ANd when we returned, at the end of the Court towards the East, far from the Court, as much as a Crossbow could shoot at twice, I saw a house, upon the which there was a little Cross, than I rejoiced much, supposing there was some Christianity there. I went in boldly and found an Altar very well furnished, for there in a Golden cloth were the Images of Christ and the blessed Virgin, and Saint john Baptist, and two Angels, the lineaments of their bodies and garments distinguished with Pearl, and a great silver cross having precious stones in the corners, and the middle thereof, and many other Embroydering: and a Candle burning with Oil before the Altar, having eight Lights. And there sat an Armenian Monk, somewhat black and lean, clad with a rough hairen Coat to the middle leg, having upon it a black Cloak of bristles, furred with spotted Skins, girt with Iron under his haircloth. Presently after we entered in, before we saluted the Monk, falling flat upon the ground, we sang, Aue Regina Coelorum, etc. and he rising, prayed with us. Then saluting him, we sat by him having a little fire before him in a Pan. Their conference with the Armenian Monk. Therefore we told him the cause of our coming. And he began to comfort us much, saying, that we should boldly speak, because we were the Messengers of God, who is greater than all men. Afterwards he told us of his coming, saying, he came thither a month before us, and that he was a Eremite of the Territory of Jerusalem, and that the Lord appeared to him three times, Monkish Re (we) lation. commanding him to go to the Prince of the Tartars: And when he deferred to go, the third time God threatened him, and overthrew him upon the ground, saying, he should dye, unless he went; and that he told Mangu Chan, that if he would become a Christian, the whole World should be obedient unto him; and the French and the Great Pope should obey him: and he advised me to say the like unto him. Then I answered, brother, I will willingly persuade him to become a Christian: (For I came for this purpose, to preach thus unto all) I will promise him also, that the French, and the Pope will much rejoice thereat, and account him for a brother and a friend: but I will never promise, that they shall become his Servants, and pay him Tribute, as these other Nations; because in so doing I should speak against my conscience, than he held his peace. We went therefore together to our Lodging, which I found a cold Harbour: and we had eaten nothing that day, so we boiled a little flesh and Millet in the broth of flesh to sup. Our Guide and his companions were drunken at the Court: and little care was had of us. At that time the Messengers of Vastace were there hard by us, which we knew not: And the men of the Court made us rise in great haste, at the dawning of the day. And I went barefoot with them a little way, unto the house of the said Messengers. And they demanded of them, whether they knew us. Then that Grecian Soldier calling our Order and my companion to remembrance, Toes frozen. S. Francis Order not Catholic; Vniversally fitting all places and seasons. because he had seen him in the Court of Vastace, with Friar Thomas, our Minister, and all his fellows, gave great testimony of us. Than they demanded whether we had peace or war with Vastace? we have (said I) nor war nor peace. And they demanded, how that might be? Because (said I) their Countries are far removed one from the other●, and meddle not together. Then the Messenger of Vastace said we had peace, giving me a caveat: so I held my tongue. That morning, my toes ends were frozen, so that I could no longer go barefoot: for in those Country's the cold is extreme sharp: and from the time when it beginneth to freeze it never ceaseth until May: nay, in the month of May it freezed every morning; Frost until the month of May. but in the day time it thawed through the heat of the Sun: but in the Winter it never thaws, but the Ice continues with every wind. And if there were any wind there in the Winter, as it is with us, nothing could live there, but it is always mild weather until April, and then the winds arise, and at that time when we were there (about Easter) the cold arising with the wind killed infinite creatures. In the Winter little snow fell there: but about Easter, which was in the latter end of April, there fell so great a snow, Easter in the end of the end of April. And great Snow in the end of April. that all the streets of Caracarum were full; that they were fain to carry it out with their Carts. Then they first brought us (from the Court) Ramskin Coats, and Breeches of the same, and Shoes, which my Companion and Interpreter received. But I thought I had no need of them, because I supposed my Pelt-garment (which I brought from Baatu) was sufficient for me. Then the fifth of januarie we were brought unto the Court: and there came Nestorian Priests unto me, (I not knowing they were Christians) demanding which way we worshipped? I said, unto the East. Shaving. And this they demanded because we had shaved our beards by the advice of our Guide, that we might appear before Chan according to the fashion of our Country: whereupon, they thought we had been Tuinians (to wit) Idolaters. They made us also expound out of the Bible. Then they demanded what reverence we would do to Chan, whether after our own fashion, or theirs? To whom I made answer. We are Priests, Respect of Priests. given to the service of God; Noblemen in our Country will not suffer Priests to bow their knees before them, for the honour of God; nevertheless, we will humble ourselves to all men, for the Lords sake. We came from a far Country. If ye please, we will first sing praises unto God, who hath brought us safe hither from afar; and after, we will do whatsoever pleaseth the Lord; with this exception, that he command us nothing which may be against the worship and honour of God. Then they entering into the house, delivered what we had said. So their Lord was contented. And they set us before the gate of the house, lifting up the Felt which hung before the gate. And because it was Christmas we began to sing, A Solis ortus cardine, Et usque Terrae limitem, Christum canamus Principem, Natum Maria Virgin. From the first Eastern Land, To furthest Western Strand, Let us Christ laud and sing Blessed Virgins Son, our King. ANd when we had sung this Hymn, they searched our legs, and our bosoms, and our arms, Chap. 30. Of the Admitting of the Friars to Mangu Chan, and his description, and their conference with him. The description of Mangu Chan. whether we had Knives about us. They made our Interpreter ungird himself, and leave his Girdle and his Knife, without in the custody of a Doorkeeper. Then we came in. And in the entrance there stood a Bench with Cosmos, by the which they make our Interpreter stand; and caused us to sit upon a Form before the Ladies. The whole house within was hanged with Cloth of Gold: and on a certain Hearth in the middle of the house, there was a fire made of thorns and Wormwood roots (which grow there very big) and Ox dung. But he sat upon a Bed clothed with a spotted skin or Fur, bright, and shining like a Seals skin. He was a flat-nosed man, of a middle stature, about the age of five and forty years: and a little pretty young woman (which was his wife) sat by him, and one of his daughters, Cirina by name, (a hard-favoured woman) marriageable, with other little ones, sat next unto them upon a Bed. For that was the house of a certain Christian Lady, whom he dear loved, by whom he had the foresaid daughter: and he married that young wife beside: but yet the daughter was Mistress of all that Court, which was her Mothers. Then he made them ask us, what we would drink, whether Wine, or Ceracina, that is, drink made of Rice, or Caracosus, that is, clear Cow's milk, or Ball, that is, Mede made of Honey: for they use these four kinds of Drinks in the Winter. Then I answered, Sir, we are not men who take pleasure in drink. What pleaseth you shall content us. Then he commanded drink or Rice to be given us, clear and savoury, as white Wine: Drink of Rice is clear and savoury, and like to white Wine. The Indians call it Rack. whereof I tasted a little for reverence of him. And our Interpreter (to our misfortune) stood by the Butlers: who gave him much drink, and he was quickly drunk. Then Chan caused Falcons, and other birds to be brought unto him, which he took upon his fist, and looks upon them: and after a long time he commanded us to speak. Then we were to bow the knees. And he had his Interpreter, a certain Nestorian, whom I knew not to be a Christian; and we had our Interpreter, such an one as he was, who now also was drunk. Then I said, We first give thanks and praise to God, The Oration of friar William to Mangu Chan. who hath brought us from so removed parts of the World, to see Mangu Chan to whom God hath given so great power upon Earth: and we beseech our Lord, by whose command we live and die, that he would grant him a long and a prosperous life. (For this they desire, that men pray for their lives.) Then I told him: Sir, We have heard of Sartach that he was a Christian; The like Letters you have of King Edw. 2. before l. 8. c. 7. for another Friar. and the Christians who heard it, but specially the French King, rejoiced: wherefore we came unto him, and our Lord and King hath sent him Letters by us wherein were words of peace: and amongst other things, he testifieth of us, whose servants we are, and entreated him to suffer us to abide in his Country. For it is our office to teach men to live according to the Law of God. And he sent us to Baatu his father: and Baatu hath sent us hither unto you. You are they to whom God hath given great Dominion upon earth; We therefore entreat your Highness, to give us leave to continue in your Country to do the service of God for you, your Wives and Children. We have neither Gold nor Silver, nor precious stones to present unto you, but ourselves, whom we present to serve, and pray unto God for you. At the least, give us leave to continue while the cold be passed. My Companion is so weak, that he cannot by any means travail on Horseback without hazard of his life. For my Companion willed me, and adjured me, to crave leave to stay. For we supposed we must return to Baatu, unless of his special Grace he gave us leave to stay. The answer of Mangu Chan, not well understood and delivered by a drunken Interpreter. Then he began so answer: Even as the Sun spreads his beams every where, so our power and Baatues spreads itself every where: so that we have no need of your Silver and Gold. Hitherto I understood my Interpreter: but further, I could not perceive any perfect sentence. Whereby I easily found he was drunk, and Mangu Chan himself was drunk also, as I thought. Yet with this, (as it seemed to me, he ended his speech) that he was displeased that we came first to Sartach, before we came to him. Then seeing the defect of my Interpreter, I held my peace, this only excepted, that I entreated his Highness he would not be displeased, for that which I spoke of Gold and Silver; because I spoke it not that he had need of such things, or desired them, but because we would willingly honour him with temporal and spiritual things. Then he made us rise, and sit down again; and after some few words, doing our duty to him, we went out, and his Secretaries, and that Interpreter of his (who had the bringing up of one of his Daughters) went together with us. And they began to be very inquisitive of the Kingdom of France, whether there were many Rams, Oxen and Horses there, as if presently they should enter and take all. And oftentimes I was fain to bridle myself much, in dissembling anger and indignation. And I answered, There are many good things there which ye shall see, if ye happen to come thither. Then they appointed us one, who should have care of us. And we went unto the Monk: and when we came out again, ready to go to our lodging, the foresaid Interpreter came unto us; saying, Mangu Chan hath compassion on you, and gives you two months time to stay. Then the extreme cold will be past, and he sends to you: Here within ten day's journey there is a good City, Caracarum ten day's journey from the Court of Mangu Chan, toward the North, as appeareth, Ch. 36. called Caracarum, if ye will go thither, he will cause necessary things to be given you: but if ye will abide here, ye may, and ye shall have necessaries: yet it will be a troublesome thing for you to follow the Court. And I answered: The Lord preserve Mangu Chan, and grant him a good and long life. We have found this Monk here, whom we think to be an holy man, and that by the good pleasure of God he came into these parts, wherefore we would willingly stay with him, because we are Monks, and we would pray together for the life of Chan. Then he held his peace and departed. And we went unto our house, which we found very cold, and without any Fuel, as yet fasting, and it was night. Then he, to whom we were recommended, provided us Fuel, and a little meat. Our Guide was now to return to Baatu, who desired a Carpet of us, which (by his Commandment) we left in the Court of Baatu: which we gave him, and he peaceably departed so, kissing our right hand, and confessing his fault, if he suffered us to endure hunger and thirst upon the way. We pardoned him, craving pardon of him and his whole Family, if we had given them any evil example. A Certain Woman of Mentz in Lotharingia, called Pascha, found us, who made us great cheer, Chap. 31. Of Pascha, of Mentz in Lotharingia, and William Bouchier the Goldsmith, a Parisian. Building in request. according to her power, who belong to the Court of that Lady, which was a Christian, of whom I spoke before: who told us of her strange poverty which she endured before she came to the Court; but now she was well to live, for she had a young Husband, a Rutenian, (by whom she had three very fair Children) who was skilful in building, which amongst them is an excellent Art. Moreover, she told us, that at Caracarum, there was a certain Goldsmith, called William, borne at Paris; whose surname was Bouchier, and his Father's name Laurence Bouchier, and she thinketh he hath a Brother yet upon the Great Bridge, called Roger Bouchier. And she told me, that he had a certain young man which he brought up, whom he accounted as his Son, who was an excellent Interpreter. But Mangu Chan delivered to the foresaid Goldsmith, three hundred jascots', that is, three thousand Marks, and fifty Workmen to make a piece of work, so that she feared he could not send his Son unto me. For she heard some say unto her in the Court, The men which came from your Country are good men, and Mangu Chan would willingly speak unto them, but their Interpreter is nothing worth: therefore she was careful for an Interpreter. Then I writ unto the foresaid Goldsmith, certifying him of my coming hither, and requesting him, that if he could, he would send me his son. And he wrote me answer, They also reckon by Moons in East India. that he could not that Moon, but the next, his work should be perfected, and then he would send him unto me. We stayed therefore with other Messengers. And it is otherwise with Messengers in Baatus Court, then in the Court of Mangu Chan. For in the Court of Baatu, there is one jani on the East side, who receiveth all such as come from the West, and so of other Countries of the world: But in the Court of Mangu, they are all together under one jani, and they may see and visit one another. In Baatus Court they know not one another, and know not one of another, whether he be a Messenger or no; because they know not one another's lodging, nor see one another but in the Court: and when one is called, Crac is a strong fortress of the Temple is in the holy Land. perchance another is not called. For they go not to the Court, unless they be sent for. We found there a certain Christian of Damascus, who said he came in behalf of the Sultan of Mons Regatis, and of Crac; who desired to become friend and tributary to the Tartars. THE year also before I came thither, there was a certain Clerk of Acon, who called himself Raimund, but in truth his name was Theodolus; Chap. 32. Of Theodolus the Clerk of Acon, how he deceived Mangu Chan, and was imprisoned of 〈◊〉. Friar Andrew went from Cyprus by Persia. Blasphemous flattery. and he took his journey from Cyprus with Friar Andrew, and went with him into Persia, and got him certain Instruments of Amoricus there in Persia, who abode there after Friar Andrew. Friar Andrew returning, he went forward with his Instruments, and came to Mangu Chan: who being demanded wherefore he came, said, That he was with a certain holy Bishop, to whom the Lord sent Letters from heaven, written in golden Characters, and commande● him to send them to the Emperor of the Tartars, because he should be Lord of the whole Earth, and that he should persuade men to make peace with him. Then Mangu said unto him; If thou hadst brought those Letters which came from heaven, and the Letters of thy Lord, than hadst been welcome. Then he answered That he brought Letters, but they were with other things of his, upon a certain wild and pampered Gelding, which escaping fled from him through the Woods and Mountains, so that he had lost all. And it is very true, that many such chances often happen: wherefore a man must very warily hold his Horse when he alighteth for necessity. Then Mangu demanded the name of the Bishop. He said, he was called Odo. Whereupon he told him of Damascus, and Master William, who was Clerk of the Lord Legat. Then Chan demanded in whose Kingdom it was? To whom he made answer, That it was under a certain King of the Frankes, called Moles: (for he had heard of that which happened at Mallora; and he would have said, that they were of your Servants) moreover, he told Chan that the Saracens were between the Frankes and him, who hindered his way. But if the way had been open, he would have sent Messengers, and willingly have made peace with him. Then Mangu Chan asked him, If he would bring his Messengers to that King, and that Bishop? He told him he would, and also to the Pope. Then Mangu caused an exceeding strong Bow to be made, which two men could scarce bend, and two Arrows, whose heads were of Silver, full of holes▪ which sing when they are shot like a whistle. And he enjoined Moal whom he should send with the said Theodolus▪ Thou shalt go to that King of the Frankes, to whom this man shall bring thee, and thou shalt present him with these in my behalf, And if he will have peace with us, we will win●e the Country upon the Saracens, even home to him, and will grant him the rest of the Country unto the West: If otherwise, bring back the Bow and Arrows unto us, and tell him we shoot far, and smite strongly with such Bows. Then he caused Theodolus to go forth, whose Interpreter Master William's Son was, and in his hea●●●ing, he said unto Moal. Thou shalt go with this man, mark well the Ways, the Countries, and their Castles, Men and Munition. Then the young man blamed Theodolus, saying, He had done ill, in conducting the Messengers of the Tartars with him, for they went for no other cause, but to spy. Then he answered, That he would set them on the Sea, that they should not know whence they came, or which way to return. Mangu gave also unto Moal his golden B●ll, or Tablet, to wit, The Golden Tablet of the Emperor of the Tartars. Vastacius King of Pontus. a plate of Gold of an hand-breadth, and half a cubit long, wherein his commandment is engraven: Who so carrieth that▪ may command what he will, and it is done without delay. So then Theodolus came to Vastacius, determining to pass over to the Pope, that he might deceive the Pope, as he had deceived Mangu Chan. Then Vastacius demanded of him, whether he had Letters to the Popey, because he was a Messenger, and should conduct the Messengers of the Tartars? But, not being able to show the Letters, he took him and spoiled him of all that he ha● gotten, and cast him in prison. And Moal fell sick and died there. But Vastacius sent back the golden Tablet to Mangu Chan, Or, Erserum▪ by the servants of Moal: whom I met at Assaron in the entrance into Turkey, who told me what happened to Theodolus. Such Cozener's run through the world, Sergius an Armenian Monk. whom the Moallians kill when they can take them. Now the Epiphany was at hand, and that Armenian Monk, Sergius by name, told me, That he should baptise Mangu Can upon the Holiday. I ●ntreated him to labour by all means that I might be present, that I might bear witness that I saw it: and he promised he would. THE festival day came, and the Monk called me not, Chap. 33. O● Mangu Chans holiday, and how his principal wi●e and his eldest son came to the Divine ceremonies of the Nestorians, and o● their filthy ●●wsing● but at six of the clock I was sent for to the Court, and I saw the Monk with the Priests returning from the Court with his Cross, and the Priests with the Censer and the Gospel. For that day Mangu Chan made a feast. And his custom is, that upon such days as his soothsayers do appoint unto him festival, or with the Nestorian Priests sometimes make Holidays, that then he holds his Court: And upon such days the Christians come first with their furniture, and pray for him and bless his Cup. They then departing, the Saracen Priests come and do the like. Next after them, come the Idolatrous Priests and do the same. And the Monk told me, that he only believes the Christians, yet will have all to pray for him; but he lied, for he believeth none, as you shall hereafter hear, yet all follow his Court, as flies do Honey. And he giveth unto all, and all men think they are his Familiars; and all prophecy prosperity unto him. Then we sat before the Court a long space, and they brought us flesh to eat. To whom I made answer, that we would not eat there, but if they would provide us meat, they should provide it for us at our house. Then they said, get ye home to your house; because you were invited for no other cause but to eat. Therefore we returned by the Monks, who blushed at the Lie he told me, wherefore I would not speak a word of that matter. Yet some of the Nestorians would affirm unto me, that he was baptised: to whom I said, that I would never believe it, nor report it to others, seeing I saw it not. We came to our cold and empty house, they provided us bedding and Coverlets, they brought us also fuel, and gave us three the carcase of one little lean Ram, meat for six days; and every day a little Platter full of Millet, and lent us a Cauldron and a Trivet to boil our flesh: which being sodden, we sod our Millet in the broth of the flesh. This was our meat, and it had well sufficed us, if they had suffered us to eat in peace. But there are so many hunger-starved, who are not provided of meat: that, as soon as they saw us dress meat, they thrust in upon us, The cold much prevaileth. and must eat with us. There I found by experience, how great a Martyrdom liberality is in poverty. Then the cold began much to prevail: and Mangu Chan sent us three Pelt-coates of the Skins of Papions (Papionum) whose hair they turn outward; which we thankfully received. They demanded also, how we were provided of necessary food? To whom I answered, that little meat sufficed us, but we have not an house wherein to pray for Mangu Chan. For our Cottage was so little, that we could scarce stand upright in it, nor open our Books, as soon as we made fire. Then they brought him word: and he sent unto the Monk to know, if he would have our company? who gladly answered, that he would. From that time we were provided of a better house: and we went down with the Monk before the Court, where none lodged but we, and their soothsayers: but they lodged nearer, before the Palace of the greatest Lady: and we in the furthest end towards the East, before the Palace of the last Lady. And that was done the day before Octabis Epiphaniae. The 13. of jan. On the morrow (to wit) in Octavis Epiphani●, all the Nestorian Priests came together before day at the Chapel, and smote upon a board, and sang Matines' solemnly, and put on their Ornaments, preparing the Censer and the Incense. Cotota Caten the principal Wife of Mangu Chan. Baltu the Son of Mangu Chan. And while they stayed waiting thus, behold, in the morning, the principal Wife Cotota Caten by name, (Caten is as much as Lady, and Cotota her proper name) came into the Chapel with many other Ladies, and with her eldest Son, called Baltu, and other little ones of hers: And they cast themselves down upon the Earth, ducking after the manner of the Nestorians, and after this, they touched all the Images with their right hands, always kissing their hands after they had touched, and after that, they gave their right hands to all that stood about them in the Church. For this is the custom of the Nestorians when they come into the Church. Then the Priests sang many things, giving the Lady Incense in her hand, and she put it upon the fire: then they perfumed her. After this, when the day was clear, she began to put off the Ornament of her head, which is called Baccha: and I saw her bare scull, than she commanded us to go forth, and as I went out, I saw a silver Bason brought: whether they baptised her or no, I know not: but I know, they celebrate not Mass in a Tent, but in a standing Church. And in the Easter I saw them baptise, and hollow Fount with great Solemnity, which now they did not. And while we went into our house, Mangu Chan himself came, and went into the Church, or Oratory, and a Golden Bed was brought, on which he sat by his Queen, over against the Altar. Then were we sent for, not knowing that Mangu was come. And the Doorkeepers searched us, lest we should have Knives about us. But coming into the Oratory, having a Bible, and a Breviary in my bosom, I first bowed down unto the Altar, and after to Mangu Chan: and so passing by, we stood between the Monk and the Altar. Then they made us sing a Psalm after our manner, and chant it. But we sang of that prose, Veni Sancte Spiritus, etc. And Cham caused our Books to be brought unto him, the Bible, and the Breuiarie: and diligently inquired concerning the Images, what they signified. The Nestorians answered him at their pleasure, because our Interpreter came not in with us. And when I was first before him, I had the Bible in my bosom, which he commanded to be brought unto him, who looked earnestly upon it. Then he departed, and his Lady remained there, and distributed gifts to all the Christians there, she gave the Monk a jascot, and to the Archdeacon of the Priests another: she caused a Nassic to be spread before us (to wit) a piece of Cloth, as broad as a Coverlet of a Bed, very large, and a * Vnum buc●eranum. Buckram, which when I would not receive, they sent them to my Interpreter, who had them to himself. He brought the Nassic to Cyprus, which he sold for eighty Sultanines of Cyprus; but it was much the worse for the carriage. Then drink was brought (to wit) drink made of Rice and red Wine, like Wine of Rochel, and Cosmos. * Cosmos of Mare's Milk, Vid. sup. Then the Lady holding the cup full in her hand, desired blessing upon her knees, and all the Priests sing with a loud voice, and she drunk it up: and I and my companion must sing. Another time, when all of them were almost drunk, than meat was brought (to wit) the carcase of one Ram which was presently devoured: and after that, great fishes, which are called Carp, without Salt; or Bread: whereof I eat a little, so they passed the day, until the Evening. And when the Lady herself was drunk, she took her Chariot (the Priests singing) and went her way. The next Sunday, january 20▪ when (There was a Marriage in Cana of Galily) is read for the Gospel; Chans Son came (whose Mother was a Christian) and did the like, but not with so great Solemnity. For he gave no gifts, but made the Priests drink, till they were drunk, and gave them parched Millet to eat. Before the first Sunday in Lent, the Nestorians fast three days, Of the Fast of the Nestorians, and Armenians, and of their Processions unto the Court of Mangu Chan his eldest Son, and Wives. Saint S●rkis. Lent. Mangu Chans Court visited with Processions. which they call the Fast of jonas, which he preached to the Ninivites. And the Armenians fast five days, which they call the Fast of Saint Sorkis, which is the greatest Saint amongst them. The Nestorians begin their Fast upon Tuesday, and end it upon Thursday; so that upon Friday they eat flesh. And all that time I saw the Chancellor (to wit, the great Secretary of State called Bulgai) make them a pittance of flesh upon the Friday; and they blessed the flesh with great Solemnity, as the Paschall Lamb is blessed: but he eat none with them▪ and this I learned of Willielmus Parisiensis, who was his very familiar friend. The Monk sent to Mangu to fast that week, which (as I heard) he did: so that on the Sabbath of Septuagesima (at which time it is as it were Easter to the Armenians) we went on Procession to the house of Mangu: and the Monk, and we two (being first searched whether we had Knives) went in with the Priests, before him. And while we went in, one of the Servants went forth, carrying out the shoulder bones of Rams, burnt to the blackness of Coals. Whereupon I marvelled greatly, what it should mean, whereof after I had inquired, I understood, that he never doth any thing, before he have consulted with those bones. Whereupon he doth not so much as suffer a man to enter his house, but first consulteth with that bone, which kind of Divination, is thus done. When he purposeth to do any thing, How they divine by the shoulder blades of Rommes burned black. In M. jenkinsons Voyage among the Tartars, ye may read of such a Divination. he causeth three of those bones to be brought unto him unburnt; and holding them he thinketh of the thing, whereof he will consult, whether he may do it or not: and then delivereth the bones to be burnt, and there are always two little Rooms, hard by the house where he lies, where those bones are burnt; which are diligently sought for every day thorough all the Leskar or Tent-dwelling. When they are burnt black, they bring them unto him, than he looks upon them, whether the bones (by the heat of the fire) be cleft right length-wayes: then the way is open, that he may do it. But if the bones be cracked athwart, or round pieces fly out of them, than he doth it not; for the bone is always cleft in the fire, or the thin skin which over-spreadeth it. And if one of the three be cleft forth right, yet he doth it. When therefore we went in before him (advised before, that we should not touch the threshold) the Nestorian Priests brought him Incenses, and he put it upon the Censor, Threshold-Superstition. They do the like in Florida. and they censed him. Then they sung, blessing his cup, and after them the Monk pronounced his blessing, and we must bless last. And when he saw us holding the Bible before our breast, he caused it to be brought unto him, that he might see it, which he diligently looked upon. Then after he had drunk, and the chief Priest had waited on his Cup, they gave the Priests drink: After that, we went forth, and my companion stayed last. And when we were without, my companion (when he should have gone out after us) turned his face to Chan, bowing himself unto him: and then, hastily following us, he stumbled at the threshold of the house. And when we went in haste toward the house of Baltu his eldest Son, they that observed the threshold, laid hands on my companion, and made him stay, that he should not follow us, calling one, and commanding him to carry him to Bulgai, who is the great Secretary of the Court, and judgeth those that are arraigned of life and death. But I knew it not, yet when I looked back, and saw him not coming, I thought they detained him, to give him some lighter garments: For he was weak, and so laden with Pelt-garments that he could scarce go. Then they called our Interpreter, and made him sit with him: Baltues' Court who was eldest Son of Mangu Chan. but we went to Chans' eldest Sons house, who had two Wives, and was lodged at the right side of his Father's Court: who as soon as he saw us coming, leaping from his bed whereon he sat, cast himself upon the earth, smiting his forehead against the ground, worshipping the Cross, and arising, caused it to be set upon a new cloth, in an high place by him, very honourably. He hath a Schoolmaster, a Nestorian Priest called David, a very Drunkard, who teacheth him. Then he made us sit, and give the Priests drink, and he also drank, receiving the blessing from them. Then we went unto the Court of the second Lady, which was called Cota, who followed Idolaters: whom we found lying sick a bed. Then the Monk made her rise out of her bed, and worship the Cross, bowing her knees thrice, and ducking toward the ground: he standing with the Cross at the Westside of the house, and she on the East: this being done, they changed places, and the Monk went with the Cross unto the East, and she unto the West. And he boldly commanded her (although she were so weak, that she could scarce stand upon her feet) that she should cast herself down thrice again, and worship the Cross, toward the East after the manner of the Christians: which she did, and he taught her to make the sign of the Cross upon her forehead. After she lay down upon her bed, and praying for her, we went unto the third house, where a Christian Lady used to be: who being dead, a young woman succeeded her, who together with the Daughter of her Lord, joyfully received us: and all that whole house reverently worshipped the Crosse. And she set it upon a Velvet cloth in an high place, and she caused meat to be brought (to wit) the carcase of one Ram, which being set before the Lady, she caused it to be distributed to the Priests. But I and the Monk were very wary of the meat and drink, for the meat being eaten, and much drink drunk, we were to go to the damosel Cerina, who lodged behind that great house, which was her Mothers: who at the coming in of the Cross, cast herself upon the Earth, and worshipped it very devoutly, because she had been well taught so to do, and she set it in a high place, upon a piece of silk. And all those clothes whereon the Cross was set, were the Monks. A certain Armenian brought this Cross who came with the Monk (as he said) from Jerusalem; and it was of silver, weighing about some four marks; and it had four Precious Stones in the corners, and one in the middle. It had not the Image of our Saviour (because the Armenians and the Nestorians are ashamed, The Court of the third Lady. The Armenians and Nestorians are ashamed to show Christ fastened to the Crosse. Mangu built a Church. The Court of the fourth Lady. that Christ should appear nailed to the Cross) and he had presented it (by the Monk) to Mangu Chan. And Mangu demanded of him what he desired? to whom he answered, That he was the Son of an Armenian Priest, whose Church the Saracens had destroyed, and craved his help for the building again of that Church. Then he asked him, for how much it might be built again: he answered, for two hundred jascots' (that is) for two thousand marks: and he commanded Letters to be given him, to him who received the Tribute in Persia, and Armenia the greater, that they should pay him the said sum of silver. This Cross the Monk carried with him every where. And the Priests seeing the gain thereof, began to envy him. We were therefore in the house of the said damosel, and she gave the Priests much drink. From hence we went unto the fourth house, which was the last in number and honour. For he used not to come often to that Lady, and her house was very old, and herself nothing gracious. But after Easter Chan made her a new house, and new Chariots. She likewise as the second knew little or nothing of Christianity, but followed Soothsayers, and Idolaters. Yet at our coming in, she worshipped the Cross, as the Monk and the Priests taught her. There also the Priests drank again. And from that place we returned to our Oratory, which was near thereabouts: the Priests accompanying us with great howling and outcries in their drunkenness, which there is reprehensible neither in man nor woman. Then my fellow was brought home, and the Monk sharply rebuked him because he touched the threshold. Drunkenness not reprovable among the Tartars. On the morrow Bulgai came (who was a justice) and diligently inquired, whether any had warned us to take heed of touching the threshold. And I answered, Sir, we had not our Interpreter with us: how could we understand? Then he pardoned him. But would never after suffer him to come into any of the houses of Mangu Chan. IT happened afterwards, that the same Lady Cota, which was sick about Septuagesima, was sick almost unto death: Chap. 35. How Lady Cota was cured of Sergius the counterfeit Monk. Licence is granted him to carry the Cross aloft. and divination by Lots of the Idolaters could profit her nothing. Then Mangu sent unto the Monk, demanding of him, what might be done for her. And the Monk indiscreetly answered, that if she were not cured, he should cut off his head, having made that answer, the Monk called us, declaring the matter unto us with tears, entreating to watch with him that night in Prayer: which we did. And he had a certain Root which is called Rhubarb; and he cut it almost to powder, and put it in water, with a little Crucifix which he had, wherein the Image of our Saviour was advanced: whereof he reported, that by it he knew, when the sick should recover or dye. For if they should escape, it stuck to the breast of the sick, as if it were glued, if otherwise it st●cke not at all. And I still thought that Rhubarb had been some holy Relic, Rhubarb and the Cross Miracle-workers with credulous Superstition. Holy water not known in the East. which he had brought from the Holy Land of Jerusalem. And he gave all sick persons of that water ● drink: so that it could not be, but their bowels should be gripped with so bitter a Potion: which alteration in their bodies they accounted a Miracle. Then I told him (when he was about to make such a water) that he should prepare some of that Holy water, which is made in the Church of Rome, which hath great virtue to expel Devils: because I understood she was vexed of a Devil. And at his entreaty, we made him some Holy water, and he mingled Rhubarb, and put his Crucifix all the whole night in the water to temper it. I said moreover, that if he were a Priest, that the Order of Priesthood hath great power to expel Devils. And he said it was very true, and yet he lied, because he had no order, nor knew any one Letter: but was a Weaver, as I understood after, in his Country, when I returned. Sergius the Armenians Lye. On the morrow therefore I, and the Monk, and two Nestorian Priests went unto the foresaid Lady. And she was in a little house, behind her greater house. When we came in, she sat in her bed, and worshipped the Cross, and set it honourably by her upon a cloth of Silk, and drunk of the blessed water with Rhubarb, and washed her breast. And the Monk requested me to read a Gospel over her, so I read the Passion of our Lord according unto john. At length she was cheered, and felt herself better: and she caused four jascots' to be brought, which she first laid at the feet of the Cross, and after gave me to the Monk, and reached me one, which I would not receive. Then the Monk stretching forth his hand, took it, and gave either of the Priests one: so that, at that time she gave forty Marks. Then she caused Wine to be brought, and gave it the Priests to drink; and I must drink thrice from her hand, in honour of the Trinity. She began also to teach me the Language, jesting with me, because I was dumb, not having any Interpreter. On the morrow we returned to her again. And Mangu Chan hearing that we came that way, made us come in unto him, because he understood that the Lady was somewhat better, and we found him with a few servants, supping liquid Tamburlaine, to wit, meat made of paste, for comforting the head: and the burnt shoulderblades of a Ram lay before him: and he took the Cross in his hand, but that he kissed or worshipped it, I saw not: but looked upon it, and asked some questions, I know not what. Then the Monk craved leave to carry the Cross aloft upon a Lance; because I had spoken to the Monk before concerning this. And Mangu answered, Carry it as you think best to do it. Then doing our duty to him, we went to the foresaid Lady, and we found her lusty and cheerful; and she still drunk of the blessed Water, and we read the Passion over her. And those miserable Priests never taught her the Faith, nor advised her to be baptised. But I sat there mute, not able to speak any thing, but she still taught me the Language: and the Priests never find fault with any kind of Sorcery. Sorcery of four swords. For there I saw four swords half drawn out of the sheath, one at the head of the Lady's bed, another at the feet, and two other, on either side of the door one. I saw also there one silver Chalice, of our Chalices, which peradventure was taken or stolen out of some Church of Hungary; and it hung against the walls full of ashes, and upon those ashes there was a black stone. And concerning such things, the Priests never teach them that they are evil: Nay, they themselves do, and teach such things. We visited her three days, so that she was restored to perfect health. After that, the Monk made a Banner full of Crosses, and got a Cane as long as a Lance, and we carried the Cross aloft. I honoured him as my Bishop, because he could speak the Language; The Cross carried aloft. yet he did many things which pleased me not: for he caused a Chair which may be folded to be made for him, such as Bishops use to have, and Gloves, and a Cap of Peacock's feathers, and upon it a little Cross of gold: I was well pleased with the Crosse. He had scabbed feet, which he laboured to grace with ointments, and was very presumptuous in speech. The Nestorians also repeated certain Verses of the Psalter (as they said) upon two rods, which were joined together, being held of two men. The Monk was present at such things. And many other vanities appeared in him, which displeased me. Yet we joined ourselves to his society for the honour of the Crosse. For we carried the Cross advanced through all the Tents singing: Vexilla Regis prodeunt, etc. Whereupon the Saracens were much dismayed. SInce we came to the Court of Mangu Chan, he road but twice towards the South: and from that time he began to return towards the North, which was toward Caracarum. Chap. 36. A description of the Countries about the Court of Mangu Chan, and of their manner of writing, and their money. Whereupon I noted all the way, a thing of which Master Baldwin of Hannonia had spoken to me at Constantinople (who was there) that he had seen this only wonderful, that he always ascended in going, and never descended. For all Rivers came from the East into the West, either directly or indirectly (that is to say) bending towards the South or North. And I enquired of the Priests which came from Cataya, who testified this same. From that place where I found Mangu Chan, unto Cataya, were twenty day's journey, going towards the South and East. To Onan Kerule, which is the proper Country of Moall, where the Court of Chingis is, were ten day's journey right East. Chap. 3. And in those parts of the East there was no City: yet there were people which are called Su-Moall, that is to say, Moall of the Waters: for Sum is as much to say as Water. These people live upon Fish, All Rivers bending towards the South and North run towards the West. and hunting, having neither Flocks nor Herds. Towards the North likewise, there is no City, but a poor people feeding cattle, who are called Kerkis. The Orangeis are also there, who bind smooth filled bones under their feet, and thrust themselves forward upon the congealed Snow and Ice, with such swiftness, that they take Birds and Beasts. And many other poor people there are on the North side, so far as they may spread themselves for the cold. And they join on the West, with the Country of Pascatir, Chap. 15. which is Hungaria the Greater, whereof I have spoken before. Su-Moal, the Water Tartars to the East, living upon fish. Kerkis. Orangai. Pascatir on the West. The bound or limit of the North corner is not known, for the extremity of the cold: for in that place there are continull spires or heaps of Snow. I was inquisitive of the Monsters or monstrous men, whereof Isidorus and Solinus make report. They told me they never saw any such, whereof we much wonder, whether it be true or no. All the Nations aforesaid (although but poor) yet they must serve in some trade: for it was the commandment of Chingis, that none should be free from service, till he were so old, that he could labour no longer, by any means. Upon a time a certain Priest of Cataya sat with me, clothed with a red coloured cloth; and I demanded of him whence he had such a colour. Chap. 19 And he told me, that in the East parts of Cataya there were high craggy Rock●, Mutezuma commanded the like in Nova Hispania. wherein certain Creatures dwell, having in all parts the shape of men, but that they bow not the knees, but walk (I know not how) leaping: which are not above one cubit long, and their whole body is covered with * A description of Apes, or else an emblem or Apish fable, and perhaps by the Chinois invented, to sell their wares the dearer. hair; who have their abode in Caves which no man can come unto. And they that hunt them go unto them, and carry strong drink with them, as strong as they can make, and make pits in the Rocks like Cups, filling them with that strong drink. For Cataia as yet hath no Wine (but now they begin to plant Vineyards) for they make drink of Rice. The Hunters therefore hide themselves, than the foresaid Creatures come out of their holes, and taste the said drink, and cry Chin-chin. Then they come together in great multitudes and drink the said drink, and are made drunk, so that they sleep there. Then the Hunters come, and bind them hand and feet while they are sleeping; and after, they open the Vein in their neck, and draw forth three or four drops of blood from every one, and let them go free. And that blood (as he told me) is most precious to die purple. Most precious Purple. Cataia upon the Ocean. Taute and Manse, who dwell in Lands, whose Sea freezeth in the Winter. Cataia paper money. The manner of writing in Cataia like that of China. The people of Thebet· Their manner of writing in Tangut and jugur. The money of the Rutenians. He told it also for truth (which nevertheless I do not believe) that there is a Province beyond Cataia, into the which, at whatsoever age a man enters, he continueth in the same age wherein he entered, Cataia is upon the Ocean. And Master Willielmus Parisiensis told me, that the same Messengers of certain people which are called Taute and Manse, who inhabit Lands, whose Sea is frozen in the winter, so that the Tartars may invade them; who offered two thousand Tumen or jascots' yearly, so they would let them live in peace. Tumen is a piece of money containing ten Marks. The common money of Cataia is Paper made of Bombast, the breadth and length of an hand, upon the which they imprint lines, like the Seal of Mangu. They write with a Pencil wherewith Painters paint; and in one figure they make many letters comprehending one word. The people of Thebet write as we do, and they have Characters very like ours. They of Tangut write from the right hand unto the left, as the Arabians, and multiply the lines ascending upward. jugur, as aforesaid, from above downward. The common money of the Rutenians are little spotted and griseled skins. When we came with the Monk, he charitably admonished us to abstain from flesh, and that our servants should eat flesh with his servants; but he would promise us Meal, and Oil or Butter. Which we did, though it much grieved my Companion, by reason of his weakness: wherefore our food was Millet and Butter, or Paste sodden in water with Butter, or sour Milk, and unleavened bread baked in Oxe-dung, of Horse-dung. Chap. 37. Of the second fast of the people of the East, in Lent. The Monk is reproved for the multitude of those that came unto him. NOw Quinquagesima came, which is the Lent-time to all the people of the East. And the greatest Lady Cotota with all her company, fasted that week, who came every day to our Oratory, and gave meat unto the Priests, and other Christians, whereof a great multitude flocked thither the first week, to hear their duty. And she gave to me and my Companion, to each a Coat and Breeches of grey Samit (Samito) furred with course hair (Stuppa setae) because my companion complained much of the weight of his Skins, which I received for my fellow's comfort, excusing myself nevertheless, that I would not wear such clothes. I gave to my Interpreter what belonged to me. Then the Porters of the Court seeing that so great a multitude came daily to the Church, which was within the bounds of the keepers of the Court, they sent one of their fellows unto the Monk, declaring unto him, that they would not have so great a multitude come together within the precincts of the Court. then the Monk roughly answered, that he would know whether they commanded this from Mangu Chan? he added moreover certain threatening speeches, as if he would accuse them to Mangu Chan. Then they preventing him, accused him before Mangu; That he was too full of words, and that he gathered together too great a multitude to hear him speak. Afterward, the first Sunday in Lent, being called to the Court (and the Monk being shamefully demanded whether he had a Knife, insomuch that he put off his shoes) we came in before Chan himself, who having the burnt shoulderblade of a Ram in his hand, looked upon it, and (as it were) reading in it, began to reprove the Monk, demanding, that seeing he was a man that should pray unto God, why he spoke so much with men? but I stood behind with my head bare: and Chan saying unto him, Why dost thou not put off thy Cap, when thou comest before me, as that Francke doth? and commanded me to be called nearer. Then the Monk being much abashed, put off his Cap, contrary to the custom of the greeks and Armenians. And when Chan himself had spoken many things sharply unto him, we went out. Then the Monk delivered me the Cross to bear to the Oratory, because he could not carry it for shame. After a few days he was reconciled unto him, promising that he would go to the Pope, and that he would bring all the Nations of the West to his obedience. Whereupon, he returning to the Oratory after that conference had with Chan, began to inquire of me touching the Pope, if I believed he would see him if he came unto him in the behalf of Mangu, and if he would furnish him with Horses unto Saint james? He demanded also of you, if I thought you would send your son unto Mangu? Then I counselled him, that he should take heed that he did not promise lies to Mangu, because the last error should be worse than the first; and that God needeth not our lies, that we should speak deceitfully for him. At that time there arose a certain question between the Monk and a Priest called jonas, a Learned man, whose father was an Archdeacon, and the other Priests accounted him for a Master and an Archdeacon. For the Monk said, That man was created before Paradise, and that the Scripture said so. Then was I called to be an arbitrator of that question. But I being ignorant that they contended about this, answered, that Paradise was made upon Tuesday, when the other Trees were made, and that Man was made the sixth day. Then the Monk began to say, Did not the Devil bring earth the first day from the four parts of the world, Monks Manichaean blasphemy of the Creation. and making clay made the body of man therewith, and God inspired his soul? Then hearing this Heresy of the Monk, and that he so publicly and shamelessly recited it, I reproved him sharply, saying, he should put his finger upon his mouth, because he knew not the Scriptures, and that he should take heed, that he said it not, whereby he might be faulty: And he began to mock me, because I was ignorant of the Language. I departed therefore from him, going to our house. It fell out afterwards, that he and the Priests went on Procession to the Court, without calling me; because the Monk spoke not to me for the foresaid reproof, nor would he carry me with him, as he was wont. When therefore they came before Mangu, (I being not seen among them) he earnestly demanded where I was, and why I came not with them? The Priests fearing, excused themselves. But returning, they told me the words of Mangu, and murmured at the Monk. After this, the Monk was reconciled to me, and I to him, entreating him, that he would help me with his Language, and I would help him in the holy Scripture. For a brother that is helped of a brother, is as a strong City. After the first week of fasting, the Lady ceased to come unto the Oratory, and to give meat, and drink, which we were wont to have, for the Monk suffered it not to be brought, saying, that Mutton fat or Suet was put in the confection thereof: and she gave no Oil, but very seldom: so that we had nothing but brown Bread, and past boiling in water, that we might sup broth; because we had no water, but of dissolved Snow, Snow-water, or water of Ice, exceeding naught. No fish eaten in Lent. or of Ice, which was exceeding nought. Then my Companion began to be much grieved: so I acquainted David (the Schoolmaster of Chans' eldest son) with our necessities, who made report thereof to Chan: and he commanded to give us Wine, Flower, and Oil. Neither the Nestorians, nor the Armenians, eat fish, by any means, in the Lent. Then they gave us a bottle of Wine. The Monk said he would not eat but on the Sunday: and then the Lady herself sent meat of boiled paste with vinegar to sup. But he had a Christ by him under the Altar, Hypocritical feast-fast. with Almonds and Raisins, and dried Prunes, and many other fruits, which he ate all the day, whensoever he was alone. We ate once a day, and that in great affliction: for as soon as they knew, that Mangu Chan had given us Wine, most impudently they came in upon us like Dogs, both the Nestorian Priests, who were drunk all the day in the Court, and the Moallians also, and the servants of the Monk. The Monk also, when any came unto him, to whom he would give drink▪ he sent to us for Wine. So that, the Wine caused our greater affliction than comfort; because we could not deny it without offence. If we gave, we wanted ourselves, nor durst we, that being spent, desire any more from the Court. ABout mid-lent Master William's son came, bringing with him a fair silver Cross, Chap. 38. A Description of the work of William Bouchier, and of the Palace of Mangu Chan at Caraca●um, into which City they entered on Palm-sunday. made after the French fashion, having the Image of Christ all of silver fastened upon it at the top: which the Monks and Priests seeing, put it away: this Cross he was to present in the behalf of his Master to Bulgai, who was the chief Secretary of the Court: which when I heard, I was offended. The same young man also declared to Mangu Chan, that the work which he commanded to be made, was finished, which work I described unto you. Mangu hath at Caracarum a great Court, hard by the walls of the City, enclosed with a brickewall; as the Priories of Monks are enclosed with us. In that place, there is a great Palace, wherein he holdeth his drink twice a year: once in Easter, when he passeth that way, and once in Summer, when he returneth. And this latter is the greater: because then all the Nobles (who dwell far some two months journey off in any place) meet together at his Court. Two months journey. And then he gives unto them gifts and garments, and shows his great glory. There are many other houses there, as large as Granges, wherein his victuals, and treasures are stored. In the entrance of that great Palace (because it was unseemly to bring in bottles of Milk, and other drinks) Master William Parisiensis made him a great silver Tree, The Description of a most artificial siver Tree. at the root whereof were four silver Lions, having one Pipe sending forth pure Cow's milk, and the four Pipes were conveyed within the Tree, unto the top thereof: whose tops spread back again downward: and upon every one of them was a golden Serpent, whose tails twine about the body of the Tree. And one of those Pipes runs with Wine, another with Caracosmos, that is, clarified Whey; another with Ball, that is, drink made of Honey, another with drink made of Rice, called Teracina. And every drink hath his vessel prepared of silver, at the foot of the Tree, to receive it. Between those four Pipes in the top, he made an Angel holding a Trumpet; and under the Tree, he made an hollow vault, wherein a man might be hid; and a Pipe ascendeth through the heart of the Tree unto the Angel. He first made Bellowes, but they gave not wind enough. Without the Palace there is a Chamber, wherein the drinks are laid, and there are servants ready there to pour it out, when they hear the Angel sounding the Trumpet. And the boughs of the Tree are of silver, and the leaves and Pears. When therefore they want drink, the Master Butler cryeth to the Angel, that he sound the Trumpet. Then he hearing (who is hid in the Vault) blows the Pipe strongly, which goeth to the Angel. And the Angel sets his Trumpet to his mouth, and the Trumpet soundeth very shrill. Then the Servants hearing, which are in the chamber, every of them pour forth their drink into their proper Pipe, and the Pipes pour it forth from above, and they are received below in Vessels prepared for that purpose: Then the Butlers draw them, and carry them through the Palace, to men and women. The description of the Palace. And the Palace is like a Church, having the middle I'll, and the two sides beyond the two rues of Pillars, and three gates on the South. And within before the middle gate stands the tree. And Chan himself sitteth in the North front, in an high place, that he may be seen of all. And there are two degrees of steps ascending unto him, by the one, he that carrieth his cup cometh up unto him, and by the other he descendeth. That space which is in the middle, between the tree and the steps whereby they ascend unto him, is void. For there standeth he that waiteth on his Cup, and the Messengers, which bring Presents. And he sitteth there above like a God. On the right side (to wit) toward the West are the men: on the left women. For the Palace stretcheth itself out in length from North to South by the Pillars. On the right side are places full of seats lifted up, like the Cellar of an house; whereon his Sons and Brethren sit. On the left side is the like, where his Wives and Daughters sit. One only woman sitteth there above by him, but not so high as he. When therefore he had heard, that the Work was finished, he commanded the chief Workman to set it in his place, and make it fit. The Sunday in the Passion he goeth towards Caracarum. And about Passion Sunday, he went before with small houses, leaving his greater houses behind: And the Monk and we followed him; and he sent us another Bottle of Wine. And he passed between the hilly Countries, where there was great wind, and an extreme cold, and there fell a great Snow. Whereupon he sent about midnight to the Monk and us, entreating us to pray unto God, that he would mitigate that wind and cold, because all the beasts which were in the train were in jeopardy, especially because all that time they were with young and ready to bring forth. Then the Monk sent him Incense, requiring him to put it on the coals and offer it to God: which, whether he did, I know not. But the Tempest ceased, They enter Caracarum on Palm Sunday which had now continued two days, and now the third day drew near. On Palm Sunday we were near Caracarum: In the dawning of the day we blessed the Willow boughs, whereon as yet there appeared no bud, and about nine of the clock we entered the City, carrying the Cross aloft with the Banner, passing through the middle of the street of the Saracens, where the Market and Fairs are unto the Church: and the Nestorians met us on Procession. And entering into the Church, we found them prepared to celebrate the Mass: which being celebrated, they all communicated, and they asked me, whether I would communicate?. I answered that I had drunk before, and the Sacrament should not be received but fasting. Mass being said, it was now Evening. Master William brought us with great joy to his Inn to sup with him: who had a Wife, the Daughter of a Lotharingian, borne in Hungary, who could speak the French and the Language of Comania. We found also there a certain other man called Basilius, the Son of an Englishman, borne in Hungary, who also was skilful in the foresaid Languages. Supper being ended, they brought us to our Cottage, which the Tartars had appointed us, in a certain plat of ground near the Church, with the Oratory of the Monk. On the morrow Chan himself entered into his Palace. And the Monk and I, and the Priests went unto him. They suffered not my companion to go, because he stumbled at the threshold. I much deliberated with myself what I should do, whether I should go or no. And fearing offence, if I should depart from other Christians, and because it pleased him: and fearing lest that good might be hindered, which I hoped to obtain, I chose rather to go, although I saw their actions full of Sorcery and Idolatry: nor did I any other thing there, but pray for the whole Church with a loud voice, and also for Chan himself, that God would direct him to the way of eternal salvation. We therefore went into the Court which was sufficiently ordered. And in the Summer Rivers are conveyed into every place, whereby it is watered. After this we entered into the Palace, full of men and women, and stood before Chan, having the foresaid Tree at our backs, which with the Vessels thereof took up a great part of the Palace. The Priests brought two little Loaves, and fruit in a Platter, which they presented unto him, blessing them. And the Butler brought them unto him sitting aloft in a very high place, much raised. And he presently began to eat one of the Loaves, and sent another to his Son, and to a certain younger Brother of his, who was brought up by a certain Nestorian, and knew the Gospel, who also sent for my Bible, that he might see it. After the Priests the Monk said his Prayer, and I, after the Monk. Then he promised, Mangu Chan departeth from Caracarum. that the next day he would come unto the Church, which is great enough, and fair, and▪ all the ●eeling above was covered with silk wrought with Gold. The next day he went his way, willing the Priests to excuse him, that he durst not come to the Church, because he understood the dead were carried thither. But we, and the Monk remained at Caracarum, and other Priests of the Court, that they might celebrate Easter there. MAundie Thursday drew near, and Easter, and I had not our Vestments, and I considered the manner how the Nestorians made the Sacramental Bread, and I was much troubled, Chap. 39 The manner how the Nestorians make the Sacramental Bread. The Christians confess themselves, and receive the Sacrament of friar William in the days of the Lords Supper, and Easter what I should do; whether I should receive the Sacrament of them, or should celebrate it in their Vestments, and Chalice, and upon their Altar, or should altogether abstain from the Sacrament. Then there were a great multitude of Christians, Hungarians, Alanians, Rutenians, Georgians, and Armenians; all which had not seen the Sacrament since they were taken: because the Nestorians would not admit them to their Church, unless they were baptised of them, as they said, yet they made no mention of this to us. And they offered their Sacrament freely to us, and made me stand in the door of the Choir, that I might see their manner of Consecration. And also on the Vigil or Eeven before Easter, by the Font, that I might see their manner of baptising. They say, they have of that Ointment, wherewith Mary Magdalene anointed the feet of our Lord, and they power in as much of that Oil, with that which they lay aside, and kneade their bread therewith. For all those people of the East put fat in their bread, in stead of Leven or Butter, or Suet of a sheep's tail, or Oil. They say also that they have of the flower, whereof the bread was made, which the Lord consecrated: and always pour out so much Oil with it, as the flower they lay aside. And they have a Chamber hard by their Choir, and an Oven, where they bake the bread, which they must consecrate with great reverence. They therefore make one Loaf of an hand breadth, with the foresaid Oil, which they first break into twelve pieces, according to the number of the Apostles: and after divide those pieces, according to the multitude of the people: and the Priest gives the body of Christ to every one in his hand. And then every man taketh it out of the Palm of his hand with reverence, and stretcheth his hand to the top of his head. The foresaid Christians, and the Monk himself were very earnest, The Christians desire the Sacrament. Confession. Theft excluded the ten Commandments: perhaps these fellows were of those Borderers mind, which thought K. Henry had put it in the Decalogue. entreating us for God's sake, that we would celebrate. Then I made them be confessed, by an Interpreter, as I could, reckoning up the ten Commandments, and the seven deadly Sins, and other things, for the which a man ought to be grieved, and confessed. All of them publicly excused themselves concerning Theft, saying, that without Theft they could not live, because their Masters provided them neither food nor raiment. Then considering, that they had taken away the persons and their substance without just cause, I said unto them, that they might lawfully take necessaries, of the goods of their Masters, and I was ready to maintain it to the face of Mangu Chan. Some of them also were Soldiers, who excused themselves, that they must needs go to the Wars, or else they should be slain; I firmly forbade them to go against the Christians, and that they should not hurt them, they should rather suffer themselves to be slain, for so they should become Martyrs. And I said, that if any would accuse me of this Doctrine before Mangu Chan, I would be ready to preach the same in his hearing. For the Nestorians themselves of the Court were present, when I taught this; of whom I was suspicious, lest they should report ill of us. Then Master William caused an Iron to be made for us,, to make Hosts, and he had certain Vestments which he had made for himself: for he had some knowledge in Learning, and behaved himself as a Clerk. He caused the Image of the blessed Virgin Marie to be graven after the French fashion, and ingraued the History of the Gospel (in the Casements) very fair, and made a certain silver Box, to lay up the body of Christ therein, and the Relics, in certain little holes cunningly made in the sides of the Box. He made also a certain Oratory upon a Chariot, very fairly painted with holy Histories. I therefore took his Vestments and blessed them, and we made Hosts, after our manner, very fair; and the Nestorians assigned me their Font for Baptism, wherein there was an Altar. And their Patriarch sent them from Baldach, The Patriarch of the Nestorians remaineth at Baldach. a square Hide like a portable Altar, made with Chrism, which they use in stead of consecrated Stone. Therefore I celebrated on the Day of the Lords Supper, in their silver Chalice and Dish, which were very great Vessels; I did the like also on Easter day. And we communicated the people with the blessing of God, as I hope. But they baptised in the Vigil of Easter more than threescore persons very orderly. There was great joy generally among all Christians. THen it happened that Master William was grievously sick, Chap. 40. William Bouchier is sick, the Monk giveth him Rhubarb; the Priest jonas is sick: Friar William administereth the Lord's Supper unto him, and anionteth him being ready to dye. He reproveth the Monk for his Sorceries. and when he was upon recovery, the Monk visiting him, gave him Rhubarb to drink, so that he had almost killed him. Then visiting him, when I found him so ill at ease, I asked him, what he had eaten or drunk? And he told me, the Monk had given him the foresaid Potion, and he drunk two little Dishes full, thinking it had been Holy Water. Then I went to the Monk, and said unto him, Either go as an Apostle doing Miracles indeed, by virtue of Prayer, and the Holy Ghost, or do as a Physician according to the art of Medicine. You give a strong Potion of Physic to drink, to men not prepared, as if it were a certain hollow thing, for the which you will incur a foul scandal, if it come to the knowledge of men. From that time he began to fear and to beware of him. The Priest jonas is sick and dye●h. It happeneth at that time, that that Priest was sick, who was, as it were, the Archdeacon of the rest: and his friends sent for a certain Saracen, which was a Soothsayer. Who said unto them, A certain lean man, who neither eateth, nor drinketh, nor sleeps in a Bed, is angry with him: if he can obtain his blessing he may recover. Then they understood it was the Monk. And about midnight, the Priest's Wife, his Sister, and his Son came, entreating that he would come, and bless him. They also raised us up, to entreat the Monk. Then he said unto us, entreating him: Let him alone, because he with three others, who likewise took evil courses, consulted to go unto the Court, to procure Mangu Chan, that I and you should be expelled from these parts. For there arose a contention among them, because Mangu and his Wives sent four jascots' and certain Silks upon Easter Eeven to the Monk and Priests, to distribute among them. And the Monk had kept unto himself one jascot for his part, and of the other three, one was counterfeit, for it was Copper. Whereupon it seemed to the Priests, that the Monk had kept too great a portion to himself. Whence (it might be) that they had some words among themselves, which were reported to the Monk. When day came I went unto the Priest, having an extreme grief in his side, and spitting blood: whereupon I thought it was an Impostume. Then I counselled him (if he had any thing that was an others) to restore it. The Nestorians know not Extreme Unction, nor Confession. He said, he had nothing. I spoke unto him also of the Sacrament of Extreme Unction. Who answered, we have no such custom, neither do our Priests know how to do it: I entreat you, that you would do it for me, as you know best to be done. I advised him also concerning Confession, which they frequent not, he spoke shortly in the Ear of a certain Priest, one of his fellows. After this he began to be better, and he entreated me to go for the Monk. So I went, but the Monk would not come at the first: yet when he heard he was somewhat better, he went with his Crosse. And I also went, and carried (in a Box of Master Williams) the body of Christ, which I had reserved upon Easter Day, at the entreaty of Master William. Then the Monk began to kick him with his feet, and he most humbly embraced his feet. Then I said unto him; It is the custom of the Church of Rome, that the sick should receive the Body of Christ, as it were provision for their journey, and a defence against all the Deceits of the Enemy. Behold, the Body of Christ, which I consecrated on Easter Day. You must be confessed, and desire it. Then said he with a great Faith, I desire it with all my heart. Which, when I had discovered, he, with great affection said, I believe, that this is my Creator and my Saviour, who gave me life, and will restore it again unto me after death in the general Resurrection: and so took the Body of Christ (from my hand) made after the manner of the Church of Rome. Then the Monk abode with him, and gave him (in my absence) I know not what Potions. On the morrow he began to have the pangs of death upon him. Then taking their Oil, which they said, was holy, I anointed him according to the manner of the Church of Rome, as they entreated me. I had none of our Oil, because the Priests of Sartach kept all. And when we should sing a Dirge, and I would have been present at his end, the Monk sent unto me, willing me to depart, because if I should be present, I could not come into the house of Mangu Chan, He that is present with one that dyeth, cannot come into the presence of the Prince, for the space of an whol● year. Bold blindness. The Monk useth Divinations. for one whole year. Which, when I had told his friends, they said, it was true: and requested me to depart, lest I might be hindered in that good, which I might promote. as soon as he was dead, the Monk said unto me, care not: I have killed him with my Prayers. This fellow only was Learned, and opposed himself against us: the rest know nothing. Henceforth Mangu Chan himself, and they all will crouch at our feet. Then he declared unto me the foresaid Answer of the Soothsayer. Which (not believing it) I inquired of the Priests who were friends of the dead, whether it were true or no. Who said it was. But whether he were pre-instructed or not, that they knew not. Afterwards I found, that the Monk called the foresaid Soothsayer and his Wife into his Chapel, and caused dust to be sifted, and to divine unto him. For he had a certain Rutenian Deacon, who divined to him. Which, when I understood, I was astonished at his foolishness, and said unto him, Brother, a man full of the Holy Ghost which teacheth all things, should not demand Answers or Counsel from soothsayers: seeing all such things are forbidden, and they excommunicated, who follow such things. Then he began to excuse himself that it was not true, that he sought after such things. But I could not depart from him, because I was placed there by the commandment of Chan himself, nor could I remove myself without his special command. COncerning the City of Caracarum, know this, that excluding the Palace of Chan himself, it is not so good, as the Castle of Saint Denis: Chap. 41. The description of the City of Caracarum, they are examined: Mangu Chan sendeth h●s brethren against diverse Kingdoms, the Monk biddeth the Saracens farewell. The Wife of Mangu Chan dyeth. and the Monastery of Saint Denis is ten times more worth than that Palace, and more too. There are two streets there: one of the Saracens, where the Fairs are kept: and many Merchants have recourse thither, by reason of the Court, which is always near, and for the multitude of Messengers. There is another street of the Cataians', who are all Artificers. Without those streets there are great Palaces, which are the Courts of the Secretaries. There are there twelve kinds of Idolatries of diverse Nations. Two Churches of Mahomet, where the Law of Mahomet is proclaimed: one Church of the Christians at the end of the Town. The Town is enclosed with a mud Wall, and hath four Gates. On the East part Millet and other Grain is sold, which yet is seldom brought thither. On the West, Sheep and Goats. On the South, Oxen and Wagons are sold. At the North, Horses are sold. Following the Court, before the Ascension, we came thither the Sunday before the Ascension. The next day after, we were called before Bulgai, who is a justice, and chief Secretary, both the Monk and all his Family, and we, and all the Messengers and Strangers, which frequented the house of the Monk. And we were called before Bulgai severally, first the Monk, and after we, and they began diligently to inquire whence we were, and for what purpose we came, and what our errand was? And this inquiry was made, because it was told Mangu Chan, that four hundred Hassasines, or secret Murderers were gone forth in diverse Habits to kill him. About that time the foresaid Lady was restored to health, and she sent for the Monk; and he not willing to go, answered: she hath sent for Idolaters about her, let them cure her, if they can. I will go no more. Upon Ascension Eeven, we were in all the houses of Mangu Chan: and I saw when he should drink, how they cast Cosmos to their Idols of Felt. Then I said to the Monk, What fellowship hath Christ with belial. What part hath our Cross with these Idols? Moreover, Mangu Chan hath eight Brethren, three by the Mother, and five by the Father. One of them of his Mother's side, he sent into the Country of the Hassasines, who are called by them Mulibet: and he commanded to kill them all. The Country of the Hassasines, or Mulibet. Chap. 16. Some of Cataia rebel. Another went towards Persia, and is now entered therein, to go (as is thought) into Turkey, from thence to send Armies against Baldach, and Vastacius. One of the other, he sent into Cataia, against some that rebelled. His youngest Brother of the same venture, he kept nigh himself, whose name was Arabucha, who holdeth his Mother's Court which was a Christian, whose Servant Master William is: for one of his Brothers, on the Father's side, took him in Hungary in a certain City, called Belgrade, where there was a Norman Bishop, of Belle-Ville near Rouen, with a certain Nephew of the Bishops, whom I saw there at Caracarum. And he gave Master William to Mangues Mother, because she was very earnest to have him. When she was dead, Master William came back again to Arabucha, with all things else pertaining to the Court of his Mother: and from him he came to the knowledge of Mangu Chan. Who after the finishing of the foresaid Work, gave unto Master William an hundred jascots', that is, a thousand Marks. On the Eeven therefore of the Ascension, Mangu Chan said, he would go to his Mother's Court, and visit her, for it was near. And the Monk said, he would go with him, and give his blessing to his Mother's soul. Chan was well contented. In the Evening, the day of the Ascension, the foresaid Lady was very much pained. Ascension day. And the chief of the soothsayers sent to the Monk, commanding him that the Table should not be smitten. On the morrow, when the whole Court removed, the Court of the foresaid Lady remained still. And when we came to the place where the Court should stay, the Monk was commanded to depart further from the Court, than he was wont: which he did. Arabucha the younger brother of Mangu Chan. Then Arabucha met his brother Chan. So the Monk, and we, seeing that he was to pass by us, met him with the Crosse. And he calling us to mind, because sometimes he had been at our Oratory, stretching forth his hand, made a Cross unto us, like a Bishop. Then the Monk taking Horse, followed him, bearing certain Fruits. But he alighted, before his brother's Court, waiting, while he came from hunting. Then the Monk alighted there, and offered him the Fruit, which he received. And hard by him sat two Saracens, of the Nobility of the Court of Chan. But Arabucha understanding of the contention between the Christians and the Saracens, enquired of the Monk if he knew the said Saracens; and he answered, I know they are Dogs: Ignorant zeal a betrayer of the Faith, a cause perhaps of Tartarian Saracenisme. One of the Wives of Chan dyeth. why have you them so near you? but they replied; why, say they, do you wrong us, when we do none to you? To whom the Monk said, I speak the truth: and ye, and your Mahomet are vile Dogs. Then they began to answer blasphemously against Christ; and Arabucha forbade them, saying, speak not so blasphemously, for we know, that the Messias is God. That very hour there arose so great a wind over all the street, that the Devils seemed to run through them. And after awhile, there came Rumours, that the Lady was dead. The next morning, Chan returning towards his Court another way. For this is their Sorcery, that they never return the same way they came. Moreover, while the Court abode here, after the remove thereof, none dare pass that way (neither Horseman nor Footman) where the Court stayed, so long as any show of the fire made there, remaineth. That day certain Saracens kept company with the Monk upon the way, provoking him, and disputing with him. And when he could not defend himself with Argument, and they mocked him, he would have lashed them with the Whip which he held in his hand; and he went so far, that the foresaid words were reported at the Court. And we were commanded to depart with other Messengers, and not abide before the Court, where we were wont. And I always hoped, the King of Armenia would come. There came some about Easter from Bolac, where those Dutchmen are, for whose sake chiefly I went thither, who told me, that the Dutch Priest should come to the Court. Therefore I moved no Question to Mangu, concerning our stay, or departure. And in the beginning he gave us leave to stay but two months: and now five months are past. This was done about the end of May. And we had continued there all january, February, March, April, and May. But hearing no news of the King, or the said Priest, and fearing lest we should return in the Winter, whose sharpness we had proved, I caused to be demanded of Mangu Chan, what his pleasure was concerning us, because willingly we would ever stay there, if so he pleased. But if we must return, it were easier for us to return in Summer, then in the Winter. He presently sent unto me, commanding, that I should not go far off, because his pleasure was to speak with me the next day. But I told him, that if he would speak with me, he should send for Master William's Son, for my Interpreter was not sufficient. And he, that spoke with me, was a Saracen, who had been a Messenger to Vastacius: and (blinded with Rewards) counselled Vastacius to send Ambassadors to Mangu Chan, and the mean while the time passed: for Vastacius thought, he would presently enter his Country. So he sent, and after he knew them, he little regarded them, nor made peace with them, neither did they yet enter his Country: nor shall they be able, so long as they dare defend themselves, The Tartars do more by deceit then by force. nor did they ever take any Country by Force, but by Deceit. And because men make peace with them, under colour of that peace they overthrow them. Then he began to be very Inquisitive of the Pope, and of the King of the Franckes, and of the way to go to them. But the Monk hearing this, advised me secretly not to answer him, because he would procure, that an Ambassador should be sent. Whereupon I held my peace, not willing to answer him. And he spoke unto me I know not what injurious words; for the which the Nestorian Priests would have accused him: so that he had either been slain, or beaten all to clouts, but I would not. Chap. 42. They are often examined wherefore they came, Mangu desireth to make comparison of Divine things. The most learned speech of friar William with the Idolaters. The Saracens acknowledge the truth of the Gospel. The godly conference of friar William, with the Servants of Mangu Chan. ON the morrow, (to wit) the Sunday before Pentecost, they brought me to the Court: and the chief Secretaries of the Court came unto me: one of Moal, who waiteth upon Chans' cup, and the rest, Saracens, enquiring on the behalf of Chan, wherefore I came? Then I told them the foresaid words, how I came to Sartach, and from Sartach to Baatu, and how Baatu sent me thither. Whereupon, I said unto him, I have nothing to speak on the behalf of any man, unless I should speak the words of God unto him, if he would hear them; for he should best know what Baatu hath written to him. They stuck upon this word, demanding, what words of God I would speak unto him? thinking I would prophesy unto him some prosperous thing, as many use to do. To whom I answered: if ye will that I speak the words of God unto him, get me an Interpreter. Who said, we have sent for him, yet speak by this Interpreter, as you may: we shall understand you well. And they urged me much to speak. Then I said: This is the word of God: To whom more is committed, more is required at his hands, another also: to whom more is forgiven, he ought to love more out of these true words of God, I said, to Mangu himself, that God hath given him much. For the power and riches which he hath, the Idols of the Tuinians have not given him, but the Omnipotent God, who hath made Heaven and Earth, in whose hands all Kingdoms are, and he translateth them from Nation to Nation for the sins of men. Wherefore if he love him, it shall go well with him: if otherwise, let him know, that God will require all these things at his hands, even to the uttermost farthing. Then said one of the Saracens, Is there any man that loveth not God? I answered, God saith, if any man love me, he will keep my Commandments: and he that loveth me not, keepeth not my Commandments. Therefore, he that keepeth not the Commandments of God, loveth not God. Then said he, have ye been in Heaven, that ye might know the Commandments of God? No said I, but he hath given them from Heaven to holy men: and at the last himself descended from Heaven, teaching us: and we have those things in the Scriptures, and we see by the works of men, whether they keep them or no. Whereto he replied, will ye then say that Mangu Chan keeps not the Commandments of God? To whom I said, Your Interpreter will come, as ye say, then before Mangu Chan (if it please him) I will recite the Commandments of God, and he shall be his own judge, whether he keep them or not. So they departed, and told him, that I said, he was an Idolater or a Tuine, and kept not the Commandments of God. The next day, he sent his Secretaries unto me, saying: Our Lord sends us unto you, saying. Ye are here Christians, Saracens, and Tuines: and every of you saith, Mangu Chan desireth to have a comparison made concerning divine things, between the Christians, Saracens, and Idolaters. his Law is better, and his Letters (to wit) Books, are truer. Wherefore he would, that ye all come together, and make comparison, that every one write his words, that he might know the truth. Then I said, Blessed be God, who hath put this in the heart of Chan, but our Scriptures said, the Servant of God must not be contentious, but meek unto all: wherefore I am ready without strife and contention, to render an account of the faith and hope of Christians, to every one that shall require it. Then they wrote my words, and brought them to him. Then the Nestorians were commanded, to provide themselves, and write what they would speak, and the Saracens likewise, and the Tuinians also. On the morrow he sent the Secretaries again, saying: Mangu Chan would know, wherefore ye came to these parts, to whom I said: That he shall know by the Letters of Baatu. Then said they, Baatues Letters are lost, and he hath forgotten, what Baatu wrote unto him, wherefore he would know of you. Then somewhat emboldened, I said unto them. The duty or office of our Religion is to preach the Gospel to all: whereupon, His Answer. when I heard of the fame of the people of Moal, I had a desire to come unto them: and while I was thus purposed, we heard of Sartach, that he was a Christian. Then I directed my journey unto him: And my Sovereign Lord the King of the Frankes sent him Letters, containing good words: and other words besides, testify of us unto him, what men we are when he made request, that he would suffer us to continue with the people of Moal. Then he sent us to Baatu, and Baatu to Mangu Chan. Whereupon we entreated, and yet entreat him to suffer us to stay. But they wrote all, and made relation thereof unto him. On the morrow, he sent to me again, saying: Chan knows well enough that ye have no message unto him, but ye came to pray for him as many other Priests do: But he demandeth, whether ever any of your Ambassadors were with him, or ours with you? Then I declared all unto them concerning David and Friar Andrew, so they putting all in writing, reported the same unto him. Then he sent again unto me, saying: Our Lord Chan saith, ye have stayed long here, his pleasure is, that ye return unto your Country: withal, Mangu Chan will have them return. he demandeth whether ye would conduct his Ambassadors with you. To whom I made answer, that I durst not carry his Ambassadors beyond his own Country: because there is a Warlike Nation between us and you, and the Sea and Mountains, and I am a poor Monk: and therefore dare not take upon me to be his Guide. So they having set down all in writing, returned. Whitsun Eeven came; Whitsunday Eeven. The Nestorians writ Chronicles from the Creation of the World to the Passion of Christ: and passing over the Passion, they spoke of the Resurrection of the dead, and of the Ascension, and of the coming to judgement. Wherein somewhat was to be reprehended which I told them, and we likewise wrote the Symbol of the Mass, Credo in unum Deum. Then I demanded of them, how they would proceed. They said, they would first dispute with the Saracens. I showed them, this was no good course: for the Saracens in this agree with us, who affirm, there is but one God. Wherefore, ye shall have them to help you against the Tuines: so they were contented. Then I asked t●em, if they knew how Idolatry had his first original in the World, and they could not tell. Then I told them and they said; How Idolatry began first in the World. ye shall declare these things unto them: and then let us speak; for it is hard to speak by an Interpreter. To whom I said: make trial, how ye will behave yourselves against them: I will take the Tuinians part, and ye the Christians. Suppose I am of that Sect, that say, there is no God. Prove ye there is a God. For there is a certain Sect there, which saith, That every soul, and every virtue in what thing soever, is the God thereof, and that otherwise there is no God. Then the Nestorians knew not how to prove any thing, but only that which their Writing declareth. I said, they believe not the Scriptures: if ye show one, they will show another. Then I counselled them, to let me first talk with them: because if I should be overcome, they might yet have liberty of speech: if they should be overthrown, I should have no hearing. They agrred unto it. We were therefore gathered together on Whidson Even at our Oratory, and Mangu Chan sent three Writers, who should be judges: one Christian, one Saracen, and one Tuine: And it was proclaimed before. This is the Commandment of Mangu Chan: The Proclamation of Mangu Chan. And none dare say that the Commandment of God is otherwise: He commandeth that none speak contentious or injurious words to other, nor make any tumult, whereby this business might be hindered, upon pain of his head. Then all were silent: And there was a great assembly there: for every party invited the wisest of their Nation, and many others came flocking thither. Then the Christians set me in the middle of them, willing the Tuinians to speak with me. Then they (who are many in number) began to murmur against Mangu Chan, because never any Chan attempted thus much, The murmuring of the Idolaters against Mangu Chan· to search into their secrets. Then they opposed one unto me, who came from Cataia, having his Interpreter: and I had Master William's Son. And he first said unto me: Friend, if you be brought to a non plus, you must seek a wiser than yourself. But I held my peace. Then he demanded whereof I would first dispute? The beginning of the disputation concerning the Christian Religion, with an Idolater. We ought first to speak of God. The heresy of the Manichees in Cataia, as a sprout from the Magi, infecting all the Eastern Philosophy and Religions. A Pythagorean child. either how the world was made? or what becomes of the souls after death? To whom I answered: Friend, this should not be the beginning of our speech. All things are of God, and he is the Fountain and head of all. Wherefore we ought to speak first of God: of whom ye think otherwise then we do. And Mangu desires to know who believes better. Then the Arbitrators judged this to be reasonable. They would have begun with the foresaid questions, because they hold them for the strongest; for they are all of the Heresy of the Manichees: believing, that the one half of things is bad, and the other good: and that at the least there are two Principia. And concerning the souls they all think they pass from body to body. Insomuch as one of the wisest of the Nestorian Priests demanded of me, concerning the souls of bruit Beasts, whether they could fly any whither where they should not be compelled to labour after death? for confirmation also thereof (as Master William told me) a certain child was brought from Cataia, who (according to the quantity of his body) was not three years old, yet notwithstanding was capable of any reason; who affirmed of himself, that he had been three times incorporated, and knew letters, and how to write. I said to the foresaid Tuinian, We firmly believe with the heart, and confess with the mouth, that there is a God, and there is but one God, and one in perfect unity. What believe you? He said: Fools say there is but one God, but Wise men say there are many. Are there not great Lords in your Country, and here is a greater Lord, Mangu Chan? So is it of the gods: because in diverse Countries there are diverse. To whom I said: You make an ill example or comparison of men with God; for so every mighty man in his country may be called a god. And when I would have dissolved the similitude, he prevented me, enquiring; What manner of God is yours, whereof you speak, that he is but one? God is Omnipotent. I answered: Our God, beside whom there is no other, is Omnipotent, and therefore needeth not the help of another: nay, all we have need of his help, it is not so with men. No man can do all things. And therefore there must be many Lords in the earth, because no one can support all. Again, he knows all things, God knows all things. God perfectly good. therefore he needs not a Counsellor: nay, all wisdom is from him. Moreover, he is perfectly good, and needeth not our good: nay, in him we live, move, and have our being. Such is our God, and therefore you must not hold there is any other. It is not so, saith he. Nay, there is one highest in the Heavens, whose Generation we know not yet, and ten are under him, and under them there is one Inferior. And in the Earth there are infinite. Then he would have added other fables. So I asked him of that highest God, whether he thought he were Omnipotent? or of any other God? and fearing to answer, he demanded, if your God be such as you say, Why made he the half of things evil? It is false said I. Whoso maketh any evil is no God, and all things whatsoever are good. At this word all the Tuinians marvelled, and set it down in writing, as false, or impossible. Then he began to ask, Whence therefore cometh evil? You ask amiss, said I; For first you should demand, what evil is, before you ask whence it is. But return unto the first question, whether you believe that any God is Omnipotent, and after I will answer you to all whatsoever you will demand. Then he sat a long time and would not answer; Insomuch, as the Writers on the behalf of Chan, were fain to command him to answer. At length he answered: That no God was Omnipotent. Then all the Saracens broke out into great laughter: Silence being made, I said, Therefore none of your gods can save you in all dangers, because such a chance may happen, wherein he hath no power. Again, no man can serve two Masters. How then can you serve so many Lords in Heaven and in earth. The Auditory willed him to answer. But he held his peace. Then when I was about to allege reasons to prove the truth of the divine Essence, and the Trinity, in every man's hearing, the Nestorians of the Country said unto me, that it was enough, because they meant to speak. So I gave them place: And when they would have disputed with the Saracens; they answered: We grant that your Law is true, and whatsoever is in the Gospel is true: Wherefore we will not dispute with you in any thing: The Saracens answer, that the Gospel is true. The Sect of the jugurs. and they confessed, that they beg at the hands of God in their prayers, that they may die the death of the Christians. There was there a certain old Priest, of the Sect of jugurs, who confess one God, yet they make Idols, with whom they talked much, showing all till the coming of Christ to judgement, declaring the Trinity to him and the Saracens by similitudes. All of them hearkened without any contradiction; yet none of them said, I believe, and will become a Christian. The conference ended, the Nestorians and the Saracens sang together with a loud voice, the Tuinians holding their peace: and after that, they all drunk abundantly. Upon Whitsonday Mangu Chan called me before him, and the Tuinian with whom I disputed, Chap 43. The day of Pentecost he is called before Mangu Chan, who confesseth the faith of the Tartars he speaketh of his return by Baatu, he craveth leave to stay there, whi●h is not granted. and before I went in, Master Williams son my Interpreter, said unto me, that we must return unto our Country; and that I should speak nothing against it, because he understood it for a certain. When I came before him, I must kneel, and the Tuinian by me, with his Interpreter. Then he said unto me: Tell me the truth, whether you said (when I sent my Writers unto you) that I was a Tuinian? Then I answered. My Lord, I said not so, but (if it pleased your Highness) I will tell you the words I spoke. Then I recited what I had spoken: and he answered; I thought well, you said not so, for it was a word which you should not speak, but your Interpreter hath ill interpreted it; so he reacheth forth his staff towards me, whereon he leaned, saying: Fear not. I smiling said softly, If I feared, I had not come hither. A token of favour. Then he demanded of the Interpreter what I had said? So he repeated my words unto him. Afterward he began to confess his Faith unto me. We Moallians (saith he) believe, The faith of the Tartars. that there is but one God, through whom we live and dye; and we have an upright heart towards him. Then (said I) God grant you this, for without this gift it cannot be. And he demanded what I said: so the Interpreter told him; then he added further. That as God hath given unto the hand diverse fingers, so he hath given many ways to men. God hath given the Scriptures to you, and ye Christians keep them not. Ye find it not in the Scriptures, that one of you shall dispraise another? Do you find it, said he? No, said I, but I signified unto you from the beginning, that I would not contend with any. I speak it not, saith he, touching you. In like manner, ye find it not, that for Money a man ought to ●●cline from justice. No Sir, said I, and truly, neither came I into these parts to get Money; nay, I refused that which was given me. And there was a Writer present there, who gave testimony that I had refused a jascot, and certain pieces of Silk: I speak it not (said he) for that. God hath given you the Scriptures, and ye keep them not: But he hath given us soothsayers, and we do that which they bid us, and we live in peace. He drank four times as I think, before he disclosed these things. And while I harkened attentively whether he would confess any thing else concerning this Faith, he began to speak of my return, saying: You have stayed a long time here, my pleasure is therefore, that you return. You said, He speaks of the Friar's return. you durst not carry my Ambassadors with you. Will you carry my message or my Letters? And from that time I could neither have place nor time to show him the Catholic Faith. For a man cannot speak before him, save what he pleaseth, unless he were an Ambassador. But an Ambassador may speak what he will: And they always demand, whether he have any thing else to say. But he suffered me to speak no more: but I must hear him, and answer Interrogatories. Then I answered, That if he could make me understand his words, and that they were set down in writing, I would willingly carry them to my power. Then he asked me, if I would have Gold or Silver, or costly garments? I said, we receive no such things: but we have not expenses, and without your help, we cannot get out of your Country. Then said he, I will provide you all necessaries throughout my Country, will you any more? I answered, it sufficeth me: Then he demanded, how far will you be brought? I said, Let our Pass bring us into the King of Armeniaes' Country: if I were there, it were enough. He answered: I will cause you to be conveyed thither, and after look to yourself. And he added: there are two eyes in one head; and though they be two, yet there is one aspect of both, and whither the one directeth the sight the other doth. You came from Baatu, and therefore you must return by him: when he had thus said, I craved licence to speak. Speak on, saith he. Then said I; Sir, Baatus greatness. we are not men of war: we desire that they have dominion of the world, who would more justly govern it, according to the will of God. Our office is to teach men to live according to the will of God: He craveth leave again to stay in the Tartars Country, but it is not granted. for this purpose came we into these parts, and would willingly have remained here, if it had pleased you: but seeing it is your pleasure that we return, it must be so. I will return and carry your Letters according to my power, as ye have commanded. I would request your magnificence, that when I have carried your Letters, it might be lawful for me to return unto you with your good liking, chiefly, because ye have poor Servants of yours at Bolac, who are of our language; and they want a Priest, to teach them and their children their Law, and I would willingly stay with them. Then answered he: Know you whether your Lords would send you back to me? Then said I; Sir, I know not the purpose of my Lords: but I have licence from them to go whether I will, where it were needful to preach the word of God: and it seemeth to me, that it were very necessary in these parts: whereupon, whether they send Ambassadors back or no, if it pleased you, I would return. Then he held his peace, and sat a long space as it were in a Muse. And my Interpreter willed me, He departeth from the presence of Mangu Can. to speak no more, and I carefully expected what he would answer. At length he said: You have a long way to go, make yourself strong with food, that you may come lusty into your Country. And he caused them to give me drink. Then I departed from his presence, and returned not again. If I had had power to do wonders as Moses did, peradventure he had humbled himself. Soothsayers therefore, as he confessed, are their Priests: Chap. 44. A description of the Tartarian Sorcerers, and of their diverse and unlawful behaviour. Chief Priest of the Tartars. Some of them know Astronomy. Eclipses. and whatsoever they command to be done, is performed without delay. Whose office I describe unto you, as I could learn of Master William, and others, who reported unto me things likely to be true. They are many; and they have always one Captain or chief Priest: who always placeth his house before the great house of Mangu Chan, near, within a stones cast. Under his custody (as I said before) are the Chariots which bear their Idols. The others are behind the Court, in places appointed for them. And they who have any confidence in that Art, come unto them from diverse parts of the World. Some of them are skilful in Astronomy, specially the chief of them. And they foretell to them the Eclipse of the Sun and the Moon, and when it shall come to pass. All the people prepare them food, so that they need not go forth of the door of their house. And when there is an Eclipse, they play upon their Timbrels and Organs, and make a great noise, and a loud cry, when the Eclipse is past, they give themselves to feasting, and drinking, and make great joy. They foretell lucky and unfortunate dai●s for the performance of all business whatsoever. They cause all things sen● to the Court▪ pass between fires. Friar Andrew, and his fellows They foretell fortunate and unlucky days for all business or affairs. Whereupon they never levy an Army, nor undertake War without their direction. And they had long since returned into Hungary: but their soothsayers do not suffer them. They make all things which are sent to the Court pass between fires, and they have a due portion thereof. They also purge all the householdstuff of the Dead, drawing them between the fires. For when any one dieth, all things whatsoever appertain to him, are separated, and not mingled with other things of the Court, till all be purged by the Fire. So did I see it done to the Court of that Lady, which died, while we were there. Whereupon, there was a double reason why Friar Andrew, and his fellows should go between the fires, both because he brought presents, as also for that they belonged to him, who was dead, (to wit) Ken Chan. No such thing was required of me, because I brought nothing. If any living creature, or any thing else, fall to the ground, while they thus make them pass between the fires, that is theirs. They also the ninth day of the Moon of May, The ninth day of the Moon of May▪ solemnly kept every year. gather together all the white Mares of the Herd, and consecrate them. The Christian Priests also must come together thither with their Censers. Then they cast ●ew Cosmos upon the ground, and make a great Feast that day; because than they think they drink Cosmos first, as it is the fashion somewhere with us, touching Wine, in the Feast of Saint Bartholomew, or Sixtus, and of fruits, in the Feast of Saint james and Christopher. They also are invited, They are called to the birth of children▪ and foretell their destinies, and are also ●ent for when any are sick. when any child is borne, to foretell his destiny. They are sent for also when any is sick, to use their Charms: and they tell whether it be a natural infirmity, or by Sorcery. Whereupon that woman of Mentz, whereof I spoke before, told me a wonderful thing. On a certain time, very costly Furs were presented, which were laid down at the Court of her Lady, who was a Christian, as I said before. And the soothsayers drew them through between the fires, and took more of them then was their due. And a certain woman, under whose custody the treasure of her Lady was, accused them thereof unto her Lady: whereupon the Lady herself reproved them. It fell out after this, that the Lady herself began to be sick, and to suffer certain sudden passions in diverse parts of her body. The soothsayers were called: and they sitting far off, commanded one of those Maidens, to put her hand upon the place where the grief was, and if she found any thing, she should snatch it away. Then she arising did so. And she found a piece of Felt in her hand, or of some other thing. Then they commanded her to put it upon the ground; which being laid down, it began to creep, as if it had been some living Creature. Then they put it into the water, and it was turned, as it were, into a Horseleech: and he said, some Witch hath hurt you thus with her Sorceries: and they accused her that had accused them of the Furs, The false accusations of the Sorcerers. who was brought without the Tents into the fields, and received the bastinado seven days together there, and was thus tormented with other punishments, to make her confess; and in the mean space her Lady died. Which she understanding, said unto them, I know my Lady is dead, kill me, that I may go after her, for I never did her hurt. And when she confessed nothing, Mangu Chan commanded to suffer her to live. Then the Sorcerers accused the Lady's daughter's Nurse, of whom I spoke before: who was a Christian, and her husband was the chief among all the Nestorian Priests, so she was brought to punishment, with a certain Maid of hers, to make her confess. And the Maid confessed, that her Mistress sent her to speak with a certain Horse, to demand answers. The woman also herself, confessed some things which she did to be beloved of her Lady, that she might do her good, but she did nothing that might hurt her. She was demanded also, whether her husband were privy to it: she excused him, for that he had burnt the Characters and Letters which she had made. Then she was put to death, and Mangu Chan sent the Priest her husband to the Bishop which was in Cataia, The Bishop of the Nestorians in Cataia. to be judged, although he were not found culpable. In the mean time it fell out, that the principal wife of Mangu Chan, brought forth a son, and the soothsayers were called, to foretell the Destiny of the child, who all prophesied prosperity, and said, he should live long, and be a great Lord: after a few days, it happened, the child died. Then, the mother enraged, called the soothsayers, saying, you said my son should live, and lo he is dead. Then they said, Madam, behold we see that Sorceress, the Nurse of Chirina, who the other day was put to death, she hath killed your son; and behold we see, she carries him away. Now there remained one son and a daughter of that woman grown to full age in the Tents: A liar and a murderer from the beginning. and the Lady sent presently for them in a rage, and caused the young man to be slain of a man, and the maid of a woman, in revenge of her son, whom the soothsayers affirmed to be killed of their mother not long after, Mangu Chan dreamt of those children, and demanded in the morning, what was become of them. His servants were afraid to tell him: and he being troubled the more, demanded where they were, because they had appeared unto him in a Vision by night. Then they told him. So he presently sending for his wife, demanded whence she learned, that a woman should give sentence of death, without the privity of her Husband? And he caused her to be shut up seven days, The Revenge of Mangu Chan, upon his Wife being a murderer. commanding to give her no meat. But the man who (who slew the young man) he caused to be beheaded; and the head to be hung about the woman's neck, who had killed the Maid; and made her to be cudgeled with burning Firebrands through all the Tents, and after to be put to Death. He had also put his Wife to death, but for the Children he had by her: And he went out of his Court, and returned not till after one Moon. The Sorcerers also trouble the Air with their charms: and when the Cold is so great naturally, that they cannot apply any remedy, than they search out some in the Camp, The Sorcerers trouble the Air with their Charms. whom they accuse, that the cold comes through their means, so they are put to Death without any delay. A little before I departed thence, one of the Concubines was sick, and languished long, and they mumbled their Charms over a certain Dutch Slave of hers, who slept three days. Who, when she came to herself, they demanded, what she had seen? And she had seen many persons, of all which, she judged they should all shortly dye: And because she saw not her Mistress there, they judged she should not dye of that sickness. I saw the Maids head yet aching by reason of that sleep. Some of them also call upon Devils, The Sorcerers raise up devils. and gather them together (who will have answers from the Devil) in the night unto their house, and they put sodden flesh in the midst of the house, and that Chan who invoketh, beginneth to say his Charms, and having a Timbrel, smites it strongly against the ground; at length he begins to rave, and causeth himself to be bound. Then the Devil comes in the dark, and gives him flesh to eat, and makes him answer. On a certain time, (as Master William told me) a certain Hungarian hid himself with them, and the Devil being upon the house, cried, that he could not come in, because a certain Christian was with them. He hearing this, fled with haste, because they began to search for him. These things and many other do they, which were too long to report. AFter the Feast of Penticost they began to make ready their Letters, Chap. 45. Great Solemnity. Mangu Chans Letters to Lodowick King of France: the Friar's companion stayeth with the Tartars: they return to Caracarum. This is also the manner of the americans in Florida. The Ambassador of the Calipha of Baldach which they meant to send unto you. In the mean while, he returned to Caracarum, and held a great Solemnity, just about the fifteenth of june: and he desired, that all the Ambassadors should be present. The last day also he sent for us, but I went to the Church to Baptism three Children of a certain poor Dutchman, whom we found there. Master William was chief Butler at that Feast, because he made the Tree which poured forth drink. And all the Poor and Rich sung and danced, and clapped their hands before Chan. Then he began to make an Oration unto them, saying; I have sent my Brethren far off, and have sent them into danger, into foreign Nations: Now it shall appear what ye will do, when I shall send you, that our Commonwealth may be enlarged. Every day in those four days, he changed garments, which he gave them all of one colour, every day, from the shoes even to the tire of the head. At that time I saw the Ambassador of the Calipha of Baldach, who caused himself to be carried upon a Horselitter, between two Mules, to the Court: of whom some said, that he made peace with them: so that they should give him ten thousand Horse for his Army. Others said, that Mangu said, he would not make Peace, unless they would destroy all their Munition. And the Ambassador answered; when you will pluck off your Horse hooves, we will destroy our Munition. I saw also there, the Ambassadors of a certain Sultan of India, who brought with him eight Leopards, and ten Hare-hounds taught to sit upon the Horse buttocks, as Leopards do. When I inquired of India, The Ambassadors of a certain Sultan of India. India is more to the West then Caracarum by three week's journey. The Feast of Saint, john, june 24. The Letters of Mangu Chan, to Lodowick the French King. which way it lay from that place, they showed me towards the West. And those Ambassadors returned with me, almost for three Weeks together, always westward? I saw also the Ambassadors of the Sultan of Turkey, who brought him rich presents: And he answered (as I heard) he needed neither Gold nor Silver, but men: wherefore he required them to provide him an Army. In the feast of Saint john he held a great Drinking, and I caused one hundred and five Carts, and ninety Horses to be numbered, all laden with Cow's milk: And in the feast of the Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul, in like manner. At length the Letters being dispatched, which he sendeth to you, they called me, and interpreted them, the tenor whereof I writ, as I could understand them by my Interpreter, which is this. The commandment of the eternal God is this: There is but one Eternal God in Heaven: upon Earth let there be but one Lord Chingis Chan, Temingu Tingij, That is to say the sound of Iron: (They call Chingis, the sound of Iron, because he was a Smith: and puffed up with pride, they call him now the Son of God.) This is the word which is spoken to you. Whatsoever Moles we are, whatsoever Naymans', whatsoever Merkets, whatsoever Musulman, wheresoever ears may hear, whethersoever Horse may go, there, cause it to be heard, Moall. Nayman, Merket. Musulman. and understood, since they have heard my commandment, and would not believe it, and would levy an Army against us, ye shall hear and see, that they shall be as having Eyes, and not seeing, and when they would hold any thing, they shall be without hands, and when they would walk, they shall be without feet. This is the commandment of the Eternal God, by the virtue of the Eternal God: by the great world of the Moall. The commandment of Mangu Chan is given to the French King, King Lodovick, and all other Lords, and Priests and to the great world of the Frankes, that they understand my words, and the commandment of the Eternal God, made to Chingis Chan. Nor from Chingis Chan, nor others after him, came this commandment unto you. A certain man called David came unto you, as an Ambassador of the Moalls, but he was a liar, and with him you sent your Ambassadors to Chen-chan. After Chen-chan was dead, Chen-chan, is called Cumecan, of john de Plano Carpini. your Ambassadors came to his Court. Charmis his wife sent you Cloth, called Nasic. But to know matters appertaining to War and Peace, and to settle the great World in quiet, and to see to do good, That wicked woman, more vile than a Dog, how could she know how to do it? Those two Monks which came from you unto Sartach, Sartach sent them to Baatu: but Baatu, because Mangu Chan is the greatest over the World of the Moalls, sent them unto us. But now, that the great World and the Priests, and the Monks might live in peace, and enjoy their goods, that the commandment of God might be heard among you, we would have sent our Ambassadors of Moall, with your Priests: but they answered, that between us and you there was a warlike Nation, and many bad men, and troublesome ways; so as they feared they could not bring our Ambassadors safe unto you, but if we would deliver them our Letters, containing our commandment to King Lodowick, they would carry them. For this cause we sent not our Ambassadors with them▪ But we have sent the commandment of the eternal God by your said Priests. It is the commandment of the eternal God, which we have given you to understand. And when you shall hear and believe it, if ye will obey us, send your Ambassadors unto us, so shall we be certified, whether ye will have peace with us, or war. When by the power of the eternal God, the whole World shall be in unity, joy, and peace, from the rising of the Sun, to the going down of the same, then shall it appear what we will do. When ye shall hear and understand the commandment of the eternal God, and will not hearken to it, nor believe it, saying, our Country is far off, our Hills are strong, our Sea is great, and in this confidence, shall levy an Army against us, to know what we can do, He which made that which was hard, easy; and that which was far off, near; the eternal God himself knows it. And they called us your Ambassadors in the Letters. Then I said unto them, call us not Ambassadors, for I said well to Chan, that we are not the Ambassadors of King Lodowick. Then they went unto him and told him. But when they returned, they said unto me: that he held it much for our good, and that he commanded them to write as I should direct them. Then I told them, they should leave out the name of Ambassador, and call us Monks and Priests. In the mean time, while these things were doing, my Companion hearing that we must return by the Wilderness to Baatu, and that a man of Moall should be our Guide, he ran (without my privity) to Bulgai the chief Scribe, signifying to him by signs that he should die, if he went that way. And when the day came, wherein we should have our Pass (to wit) a fortnight after the Feast of Saint john; He departeth the 9 of july. when we were called to the Court, the Scribes said unto my Companion, Behold Mangus pleasure is, that your Companion return by Baatu, and you say, you are sick, and it appeareth so: Mangu saith thus, If you will go with your Companion, go: but let it be your own fault; because peradventure you may remain with some jani, that will not provide for you, and it will be an hindrance to your Companion. But if you will stay here, he shall provide necessaries for you, till some Ambassadors come, with whom you may return more easily, Note. and by a way where there are Villages. The Friar answered, God grant Chan a prosperous life; I will stay. Then I said unto the Friar; Brother, be advised what you do, I will not leave you. You leave not me (saith he) but I leave you: because, if I go with you, I see the death of my body and soul, because I have not patience in intolerable labour. Then they held three Garments or Coats, and said unto us, Ye will not receive Gold, or Silver, They stayed there from the 27. of December to the 9 of july. and ye have stayed long here, and prayed for Chan: he entreats you, that at the least every one of you would receive a single Garment; that ye depart not empty from him. Then we must receive them, for reverence of him: for they account it a very evil thing, when their gifts are contemned. First, he caused us to be often asked, what we would have? And we always answered the same thing: so that the Christians insulted over the Idolaters, who seek nothing but gifts. And they answered, that we were fools: because if he would give them his whole Court, they would willingly take it and should do wisely to. Receiving therefore the Garments, they be sought us to make our prayers for Chan; which we did. So, taking our leave, They depart from the Court to Caracarum. we went to Caracarum. But it happened upon a certain day, while we were with the Monk, far from the Court, with other Ambassadors; that the Monk caused the Table to be strucken so hard, that Mangu Chan heard it, and demanded what it was? Then they told him. So he asked, why he was removed so far from the Court. They told him, because it was troublesome to bring him Horses and Oxen every day unto the Court: and said further, that it were better, that he should stay at Caracarum. Then Chan sent unto him, saying, if he would go to Caracarum, and stay there, near about the Church, he would give him all things necessary. But the Monk answered, I came from the holy Land of jerusalem hither, by the commandment of God, and left that City, wherein there are a thousand better Churches then that of Caracarum. If he please that I stay here and pray for him, as God commanded me, I will stay: if not, I will return to the place from whence I came. So that every evening Oxen were brought him yoked to the Carts, and in the morning he was brought unto the place where he used to be before the Court. And a little before we departed thence, a certain Nestorian came, who seemed to be a wise man: Bulgai the chief Secretary placed him before his Court; to whom Chan sent his children, that he should bless them. We came therefore to Caracarum. And while we were in Master William's house, Chap. 46. They come to Caracarum. Returning he accompanieth Baatu a whole month; departing, he goeth toward the South to the Town Sa●ai. my Guide came unto me, and brought me ten jascots'▪ whereof he left five in Master William's hand, willing him to spend them in the behalf of Chan, for the Friars necessities, which remained there: other five he left in the hand of the Man of God, my Interpreter, commanding to spend them upon the way, for my necessities. For Master William had given them such instructions, without our knowledge. I presently changed one into money, and distributed it to the poor Christians, which were there: for all their eyes were fixed upon us. We spent another in buying necessary things for us, as garments, and other things, which we wanted. With the third, the Man of God himself, bought some things, wherein he gained somewhat which was profitable unto him: we spent the rest, and that to; because since we came into Persia, sufficient necessaries were no where given us: nor yet any where among the Tartars: He returned by Persia. but we seldom found any thing to be sold there. Master William, sometimes your Citizen, sends you a certain Girdle set wi●h a certain precious-stone, A precious stone good against thunder and lightning. which they use to wear against thunder and lightning, and infinitely salutes you, always commending you to God in his prayers: for whom, I shall never be able to render sufficient thanks to God and you. We baptised there in all six souls. We therefore departed one from the other with tears: my Companion remaining with Master William; and I returning alone, with my Interpreter, my Guide, and one servant; who had commandment to take one Mutton in four days, for us four. We came therefore in two months and ten days from Caracarum to Baatu, and never saw Town, From Caracarum to the River of Volga, is two months, and ten days journey. nor token of any house, but Graves, except one Village, where in we eat no Bread. Nor did we ever rest, in those two months, and ten days; save one day, because we could not get Horses. We returned for the most part by the same kind of people, and yet through other Countries altogether: for we went in the Winter, and returned in the Summer, and by the higher parts of the North by far; except, that fifteen days journey we must go and return always hard by a certain River, between the Mountains, where there is no lodging, A River between the Mountains of fifteen days journey. but by the River side. We went two days, and sometimes three days, taking no food but Cosmos. Once we were in great danger, not being able to find any people, our provision failing us, and our Horses tired. When I had traveled twenty days, I heard news of the King of Armenia, that he had passed by. In the end of August I met with Sartach himself, who went to Mangu Chan with Flocks and Herds, and with his Wives and Children: The end of August he met Sartach in his return going to Mangu. Coiac the Priest of Sartach. yet his great Families remained between Tanais and Etilia. And I did my duty to him, saying, I would willingly stay in his Country; but Mangu Chan would not have me return, and carry his Letters. He answered, that I must perform the will of Mangu Chan. Then I asked Coiac for your children. He answered, they were in the Court of Baatu carefully recommended. I also required to have our Clothes, and Books again: who answered, Did ye not bring them to Sartach? I said, I brought them to Sartach, but I gave them not unto him, as ye know: and I replied to him, what answer I made, when he demanded whether I would give them to Sartach. Then he answered, you say true, and none can resist the truth. I left your goods with my father, who remaineth near Sarai; which is a new Town Baatu hath made upon Etilia, on the East shore: Sarai is a new Town, built upon Etilia, or Volga. but our Priests have some of the vestments. If any thing like you (said I) keep it, so my Books be restored. Then he told me, he would report my words to Sartach. I must have Letters (said I) to your Father, to restore me all. But he was ready to be gone, and said unto me, The train of the Ladies followeth us near at hand. Ye shall alight there, and I will send you Sartaches answer by this man. I was very careful he should not deceive me; yet I could not contend with him. Late in the evening the man came unto me, whom he showed me, and brought two Coats with him, which I thought had been all of Silk, uncut: and he said unto me, Behold two garments: the one, Sartach hath sent to you; and the other, if it seem good to you, you shall present to the King, on his behalf. To whom I answered, I wear no such garments, I will present them both unto my King, in honour of your Lord. Then said he, do wi●h them what you please; but it pleased me to send them both unto you, and I send them to you by the bearer of these presents. He delivered him Letters also to the Father of Coiac, to restore me all which appertained unto me, because he had no need of any thing which was mine. They come to the Court of Baatu, Septem. 16. 1254. cap. 18. The King of Armenia comforted them. So we came to the Court of Baatu the same day I departed thence, the year past; the second day after the Exaltation of the blessed Crosse. And I found our young men in health, yet much afflicted with penury, as Gosset told me. And if the King of Armenia had not comforted them, and recommended them to Sartach, they had perished: for they thought I had been dead. The Tartars also demanded of them, if they could keep Oxen, or milk Mares. For, if I had not returned, they had been brought into their servitude. After this, Baatu caused me to come unto him, and made the Letters (which Mangu Chan sends unto you) to be interpreted unto me. For so Mangu wrote unto him, that if it pleased him to add any thing, or leave out, or change, he should do it. Then said he, ye shall carry these Letters, and cause them to be understood. He demanded also what way I would go, whether by Sea, or Land? I said, the Sea was shut, because it was Winter, The sea frozen in the Winter. and I must go by Land. A short way by Hungary. For I thought you had been yet in Syria, so I directed my journey towards Persia. For if I had thought you had passed into France, I would have gone into Hungary: so I should sooner have come into France, and by a more easy way then into Syria. Then we traveled * Bigavimus wane-travelling with Baatu a whole month. His Guide was a jugur. They depart from Baatu, 17. of October, going right South. The seven mouths of the River of Volga. The Village Sumerkent, or Astracan is in the latitude of 46. degrees. They go no further down, than Sumerkent of Astracan. The River of Volga frozen over. He cometh to Sarai. Sarai is upon the East side of Etilia. This place is now called Vchoog, from Astracan 60. Vers●ae. a month with him, before we could have a Guide. At length, they appointed me a certain jugur, who understanding I would give him nothing, and that I would go forthright into Armenia, caused Letters to be made, to conduct me to the Sultan of Turkey, hoping he should receive gifts of the Sultan, and that he should gain more that way. Then we took our journey speedily (fifteen days before the Feast of Al-Saints) towards Sarai, going forth right Southward, descending near to Etilia, which is divided into three Arms there below: every one whereof is almost twice as big as the River of Damiata. It maketh four other lesser Arms; so that we passed that River in seven places by Boat. Upon the middle Arm is the Village, called Sumerkent, without a wall: but when the River overflows, it is compassed with water. The Tartars were eight years about it before they could take it: and the Alani, and the Saracens were in it. There we found one Dutchman, with his wife, a very good man, with whom Gosset stayed in the Winter: for Sartach sent him thither to ease his Court. About those parts was Baatu on the one side of the River, and Sartach on the other, about Christmas, and they go no further down. And it falleth out, that all the River is frozen, so they pass over. Here is great store of grass, and there among the Caves' thieves hid themselves, till the Ice melt. Coiacks father, receiving Sartaches Letters, restored my vestments unto me, except three Albes and an Amice trimmed with fine Silk, and a Stole, and a Girdle, and a Tualia adorned with golden embroidery, and a Surplice. He restored also unto me the silver Plate, except the Censer, and the little Box where the Chrism was. All which, the Priests which were with Sartach had. He restored my Books, except our Lady's Psalter, which he kept with my leave, because I could not deny it him: for he said, Sartach took much delight in it. He also requested me, that if it happened, that I returned unto those parts again, I would bring them a man that knew how to make Parchment: for he made a great Church (by the Commandment of Sartach) upon the West side of the River, as he said, and a new Town. Yet I know that Sartach meaneth no such matter. Sarai and the Palace of Baatu, are upon the Eastern side of the River. And the Valley through which the Arms of the River are spread abroad, containeth more than seven leagues in breadth. And there is great store of fish there. A Bible also in verse, and a certain Book in the Arabian, worth thirty Sultanies, and many other things I never recovered. SO departing from him on the Feast of All-Saints, always going toward the South, in the Feast of Saint Martin, Chap. 47. From Sarai they pass by the Mountains of the Alani, and by the Saracens called Lesgi, and by Derbent, by the City Samar●n. by Alexander's Enclosures or Walls, by the City Shamaghi, by the gr●●t Plain Moan, and the Bridge made of ships, where Cur and Araxes meet together. The Tartars have little store of Armour we came to the Mountains of the Alani. Between Baatu and Sarai in fifteen days we found no people, but one of his sons, who went before him, with Falcons, and his Falconers, who were many, and one little Village. From the Feast of All-Saints, for five days, we found not a man: and we were almost in great danger by reason of thirst, one whole day and a night finding no water, till about three of the Clock the next day, the Alani in those Mountains yet hold out, so that, of ten of the Subjects of Sartach, two must come, to guard the strait and narrow passages of the Hills, left they come forth of the Mountains, and steal their cattle in the Plain. Between the Alani, and Porta Ferrea, which is two days journey thence, where the Plain of Arcacci beginneth, between the Caspian Sea and the Mountains, there are certain Saracens called, Lesgi, between the Mountains, who likewise resist: so that those Tartars, who dwell at the foot of the Mountains of the Alani, were fain to give us twenty men, to bring us beyond the Iron gate, or Porta Ferrea. And I was glad, because I hoped to see them armed. For I could never see their Armour, though I had been very desirous. And when we came to the dangerous Passage, of twenty there were two which had Habergions. And I demanded, whence they had them? They said, they had gotten them of the Alani aforesaid, who are good Workmen for such things, and excellent Smiths. Whereupon, I think, they have small store of Armour, but Quivers, and Bows, and Leather jackes. I saw them presented with Iron Plates, and Iron Sculls (capillos) out of Persia. And saw two also, who presented themselves to Mangu, armed with Coats made of Hog's skins bend inward, of rough Leather, which were very unfit, and unwieldy. Before we came to Porta ferrea, A Castle of the Alani. we found one Castle of the Alani, which was Mangu Chans: for he had subdued that Country. There we first found Vineyards, and drunk Wine. The day following, we came to Porta ferrea, A description of Porta ferrea, or Derbent. which Alexander the Macedonian King made. And it is a City whose East end is upon the Sea shore, and there is a little Plain between the Sea and the Mountains, through which the City is stretched forth in length unto the top of the Mountain which bordereth upon it on the West: so that there is no way above, for the roughness of the Mountains, nor below for the Sea, but forthright through the midst of the City overthwart, where there is an Iron gate, from whence the City hath the name. And the City is more than a mile long, and in the top of the Hill a strong Castle: and it is as much in breadth, as a great stones cast: it hath very strong walls without Trenches, and Turrets of great polished stones. But the Tartars have destroyed the tops of the Turrets, and the Bulwarks of the Walls, laying the Turrets even with the Wall. Beneath that City, the Country was wont to be like a Paradise. Two days journey hence, we found another City called Samaron, Sama●en a City of jews. wherein there were many jews. And when we passed it, we saw walls descending from the Mountains to the Sea. And leaving the way by the Sea by those walls, because it bend towards the East, we went up into the high Countries towards the South. On the morrow, we passed through a certain Valley, The enclosures or walls of Alexander. Other enclosures where the jews are. Or Sam●gi. Moan a great Plain. Cur, or the River Cyrus. The Georgians. The City Tiphlis. wherein the foundations of walls appeared, from one mountain to another, and there was no way through the tops of the Mountains. These were sometimes the Enclosures or walls of Alexander, restraining the fierce Nations, (to wit) the Shepherds of the Wilderness, that they could not invade the inhabited Countries and Cities. There are other walls or Enclosures where jews are. The next day we came unto a certain great City, called Samag. And after this, we entered into a great Plain, called Moan, through which the River Cur floweth, of the which the Curgi have their name, whom we call Georgians. And it runneth through the middle of Tiflis, which is the Metropolis of the Curgines, and in comes directly from the West running to the East, to the foresaid Caspian Sea, and it hath excellent Salmon. In that plain we ●ound Tartar's again. Also by that plain comes the River Araxes, which cometh from the greater Armenia, from betwixt the South and West: of which it is called the Land Araxat, which is Armenia itself. Whereupon in the book of the Kings it is said of the Sons of Sennacherib * R●g. 19.45.37. Note that the Hebrew text hath Ararat in both places, Gonges, a great City. A bridge of Ships. , that having slain their Father they fled into the Land of the Armenians. And in Esay it is said, that they fled into the Land of Ararat. To the West then of that most beautiful Plain is Curgia. In that Plain the Crosmini were wont to be. And there is a great City in the entrance of the Mountains, called Ganges, which was their Metropolis, stopping the Georgians that they could not come down into the Plain. Then we came to the Bridge of Ships, which were fastened together with a great Iron chain, stretched forth cross the River, where Cur, and Araxes meet together. But Cur loseth his name there. AFter that, we went always upward by Araxes, whereof it is said; Chap. 48. They always go up the River of Araxis, by the City Vaxnan, by the Country of Sabensa, by the Castle Marse●gen, by Aini, a City of Sabensa; they came to the Head of Araxis. Pontem dedignatur Araxis, Araxes disdains a Bridge; Leaving Persia, and the Caspian mountains on the left hand, towards the South: on the right hand, Curgia, and the great Sea toward the West: going South-west, between the South and the West. We passed through the meadows of Bacchu, who is General of that Army, which is there within Araxis: And he hath made the Curgi, and Turks, and Persians subject to him. There is another Governor (in Persia at Taurinum, over the Tribute) called Argon. Both which, Mangu Chan hath called home to give place to his Brother coming into those Countries. That Country which I have described to you, is not properly Persia, but was sometimes called Hyrcania. I was in Bacchues' house, and he gave us Wine to drink, and he himself drank Cosmos, which I would willingly have drunk, if he had given it me: yet it was the best new Wine: but Cosmos is more wholesome for an hunger-starven man. We went up therefore by the River Araxes, from the Feast of Saint Clement, unto the second Sunday in Lent, till we came to the head of the River. And beyond that Mountain where it riseth, there is a goodly City, called Arserum, which belongeth to the Sultan of Turkey. Bacchu a Prince of the Tartars: of whom perhaps the City Bacchu on the Caspian Sea (of which it is now called the Sea of Bacchu or Bacou) hath her name. The head of Tigris. Or Vaxnan sometimes the greatest City of Armenia. Bartholomew and Thaddaeus Martyrs. The Prophecy of Methodius. Or Acatron, his Prophecy. And near thereabouts Euphrates ariseth towards the North, at the foot of the Mountains of Curgia: to whose Spring I had gone, but the Snow was so great, that no man could go out of the trodden path: on the other side of the Mountains of Caucasus, towards the South ariseth Tigris. When we departed from Bacchu, my Guide went to Taurinum to speak with Argon, carrying my Interpreter with him. But Bacchu caused me to be brought to a certain City, called Naxnan, which sometimes was the head of a certain great Kingdom, and the greatest and fairest City; but the Tartars have made it a Wilderness. And there were sometimes Eight hundred Churches of the Armenians there: now there are but two little ones: for the Saracens have destroyed them: In one of the which, I held the feast of Christmas as I could with our Clerk. And the next day following, the Priest of that Church died: to whose burial came a certain Bishop, with twelve Monks of the high Countries. For all the Bishops of the Armenians are Monks, and of the greeks likewise, for the greater part. That Bishop told me, that there was a Church near that, where Saint Bartholomew, and likewise Saint judas Thaddaeus were martyred: but there was no way open for Snow. He told me also, that they have two Prophets: The first or chief is Methodius the Martyr, who was of their Country, and plainly Prophesied of the Ismaelites. Which Prophecy is fulfilled in the Saracens. The other Prophet is called Acacron, who when he died, Prophesied of a Nation of Archers, that should come from the North, saying; That they should Conquer all the Countries of the East: and should spare the Kingdom of the East, that he might give them the Kingdom of the West. But he saith, our Friars the Frankes being Catholics, believe them not: And they shall possess the Countries from North to South: and shall come unto Constantinople, and shall take the Port of Constantinople. And one of them, who shall be called a Wise man, shall enter the City: and seeing the Churches and rites of the Frankes, shall cause himself to be Baptised, and shall counsel the Frankes, how they may kill the Emperor of the Tartars; and there they shall be confounded. Hearing this, the Frankes which shall be in the middle of the Land, (to wit) Jerusalem, shall set upon the Tartars, who shall border upon them, and with the help of our Nation (that is) the Armenians, shall pursue them: so that the French King shall place his Royal Throne at Taurinum in Persia. And then all East Countries, and all the unbelieving Nations shall be converted to the Faith of Christ. And there shall be so great Peace in the world, that the Living shall say to the Dead, Woe be unto you wretches, that lived not until these times. I read this Prophecy brought to Constantinople by the Armenians, which remain there, but I made light of it. Yet, when I spoke with the said Bishop, call it to mind, I regarded it the more. And throughout all that Armenia, they as firmly believe this Prophecy as the Gospel. He said unto us also: Even as the Souls in Limbo expected the coming of Christ for their delivery; so do we look for your coming, that we might be freed from this slavery, wherein we have so long lived. near the City (Vaxnan) aforesaid, Mountains on the which Noah's Ark rested. Or Cemanium a Town or a City. Armenian fables. there are Mountains, on the which (they say) the Ark of Noah rested. And there are two, one greater than the other, and Araxes runneth at the foot of them. And there is a little Town there, called Cemainum, which is by Interpretation, Eight: for (they say) it was so called of the Eight persons, which came forth of the Ark, and built it. Many have assayed to climb the greater Hill, and could not. And that Bishop told me, that a certain Monk was very much troubled, and an Angel appeared unto him, and brought him a piece of the wood of the Ark, willing him to trouble himself no more. That piece of Wood they had in their Church, as he told me. Neither is the Hill so high in appearance, but that men might well get up unto it. A certain Old man showed me a sufficient reason, why none should climb it. They call that Mountain Massis: The Mountain Massis. and it is of the Feminine gender in their Tongue. No man (saith he) must climb up Massis, because it is the Mother of the world. In that City (of Vaxnan) Friar Bernard Cathalane, of the Order of the Preaching Friars found me; who abode in Georgic, with a certain Prior of the Sepulchre, who possesseth great lands there. And he had learned somewhat of the Tartars language. Who went with a certain Hungarian Friar to Taurinum, to desire Argons' Pass to Sartach. When they came there, they could not have access: Tephelis. and the Hungarian Friar returned by me to Tephelis with one Servant: but Friar Bernard remained at Taurinum with a certain Lay-Frier, whose language he understood not. We went out of the City of Vaxnan in octavis of the Epiphanie: january 14. Snow. january 18. The Country of Sahensa. for we had stayed long there by reason of the Snow. We came therefore in four days to the Country of Sahensa, a certain Curgine, sometimes mighty, but now tributary to the Tartars, who destroyed all his Munition: whose Father Zacharias got that Country of the Armenians, having delivered them from the hands of the Saracens. And there are many fair Villages of true Christians, having Churches right like the Frankes. And every Armenian hath in his house, in an honourable place, a wooden hand holding a Cross, and he sets a burning Lamp before it: And that which we do with holy Water, sprinkling it to drive away wicked Spirits, they do the same with Frankincense. For every evening they burn Frankincense, carrying it through all the corners of the house, to rid them of all kind of Enemies. I ate with the foresaid Sahensa, and he did me great reverence, both he and his Wife, and his son Zachary was a very fair and wise young man. Who demanded of me, that if he should come unto you, whether ye would entertain him? for he so hardly brooketh the Dominion of the Tartars, that, though he have plenty of all things, he had rather travail into a strange Country, then endure their Lordlike Dominion. They said further, that they were sons of the Church of Rome: and if the Lord Pope would send them any aid, they would bring all the bordering Nations unto the subjection of the Church. From that Town of his, in fifteen days, we entered the Country of the Sultan of Turkey, upon the first Sunday in Lent. A Town of Sahensa. The Country of the Sultan's of Turkey. Marsengen. The first Sunday in Lent. And the first Castle we found, is called Marsengen. All in the Castle were Christians, Armenians, Curgines, and greeks: The Saracens only have the Dominion. There, the Captain of the Castle said, he had received commandment, that no victuals should be given to any Frank, or to the Ambassadors of the King of Armenia, or of Vastacius. So that from the place where we were the first Sunday in Lent, unto Cyprus, (whether I came eight days before the Feast of Saint john Baptist) we must buy our provision. He, who was my guide procured me Horses, and took money for the victuals, and put it in his purse. When he came into the Fields, seeing a flock any where, he violently took one Sheep, and gave it to his family to eat, and marvelled I would not eat of his robbery. In the Purification I was in a certain City called Aini, which was Sahensas, whose situation is most strong: and there are there a thousand Armenian Churches, February the 2. The City Aini, belonged to Sahensa. and two Synagogues of the Saracens. The Tartars place a Bailie there. There five Preaching Friars met me, whereof four came from Province in France, and the fifth joined himself to them in Syria, and they had but one sick Boy, who could speak Turkish, and a little French: The Pope's letters to Sartach, and Mangu Chan. And they had the Pope's letters to Sartach, and to Mangu Chan, and to Buri; such as your Highness gave me, Letters of request, that they would suffer them to continue in their Country, and Preach the Word of God, etc. But when I told them what I had seen, and how they sent me back again, they directed their journey to Tephelis, where there are Friars of their Order, to consult what they should do. I said unto them they might well pass, by those Letters, if they would: but they should be well assured to endure much labour, and render an account of their coming: for seeing they had no other message, but the office of Preaching, they would care but a little for them, and chiefly, because they had no Interpreter. What they did after, I know not. THe second Sunday in Lent, we came to the head of Araxis, and passing beyond the top of the Mountain, we came to Euphrates; by the which we descended eight days, Chap. 49. They come to Euphrates, to the Castle Camath, they pass into Cyprus, afterward to Antiochia, and thence to Tripoli. The City Arsengen mightily shaken with an Earthquake. The gaping of the earth cloven. The Valley where the Sultan of Turkey was vanquished of the Tartars. Sebaste of the lesser Aomenia. Maior Hipdomada. Cesaria of Cappadocia. Iconi●m. always going to the West, unto a certain Castle, called Camath. There Euphrates bendeth to the South towards Halapia. But we passing the River went through very high hilly Countries, and through the deep Snow to the West. There was so great an Earthquake there that year, that in one City called Arsengan, ten thousand persons noted by name, perished, beside poor men of whom there was no notice taken. Riding three days together, we saw the gaping of the Earth, as it was cleft by the Earthquake, and the heaps of Earth which came from the Mountains, and filled the valleys: so that if but a little more of the Earth had been moved, that which Esay speaketh had been literally fulfilled. Every valley shall be filled, and every Mountain, and little hill shall be humbled. We passed through the Valley where the Sultan of Turkey was vanquished of the Tartars. It were too long to write how he was overcome. But a certain servant of my guides who was with the Tartars, said; That the Tartars were not above ten thousand in the whole, and a certain Curgine, a servant of the Sultan's, said; That there were two hundred thousand with the Sultan, all Horsemen, In that plain where the Battle was, nay that flight, there broke out a great Lake, at the time of the Earthquake. And my heart told me; that all the Earth opened her mouth to receive yet more blood of the Saracens. We were in Sebaste of the lesser Armenia in Easter week. There we visited the Tombs of forty Martyrs. There the Church of Saint Blaze standeth: but I could not go thither, because it was above in the Castle. On Low-Sunday we came to Cesaria of Cappadocia; where there is a Church of Saint Basill the great. About fifteen days after we came to Iconium, making small journeys, and resting in many places: because we could not so readily procure Horses. And my guide did this of purpose; taking upon him to solicit his own business three days, in every Town: whereupon, I was much grieved, but durst not speak, because he might have sold, or slain me and our servants, and there was none to gainsay it. I found many Frankes at Iconium, and a certain januensian Merchant, called Nicholas de Sancto Syrio. Who with a certain companion of his a Venetian, called Boniface de Molendino, carried all the Alum out of Turkey, so that the Sultan could not sell any, Alum in Turkey. The Sultan of Iconium. but to those two: and they made it so dear, that what was wont to be sold for fifteen Bizantians, is now sold for fifty. My guide presented me to the Sultan; The Sultan said, he would willingly cause me to be conveyed to the Sea to Armenia, or Cilicia. Then the foresaid Merchant knowing that the Saracens made little account of me, and that I was much burdened with the company of my guide (who troubled me every day to give him gifts) caused me to be conveyed to Curcum, Curcum a haven of Cilicia, over against the East part of the Island of Cyprus. Barum Vsin. a Haven of the King of Armenia. I came thither the day before the Ascension, and stayed till the day after Penticost. Then I heard, that Ambassadors came from the King to his Father. Then I went speedily to the King's father, to demand, whether he had heard any news of his Son: And I found him set with all his Sons one excepted, called Barum Vsin: Who made a certain Castle. And he received news from his Son, that he was returned: And that Mangu Chan had much eased his Tribute, and had given him a Privilege, Aijax or Giazzo june the 16. he came to Cypru●. Antiochia. june 29. Tripoli. August. 15. that no Ambassador should come into his Country. Whereupon the old man himself, with all his Sons made a great Banquet. And he caused me to be conveyed to the Sea, to the Haven called Aijax: and thence I passed over into Cyprus. And at Nicosia I found our Provincial, who the same day carried me with him to Antiochia, which is in very weak state. We were there on the Feast of Saint Peter and Paul. From thence we came to Tripoli, where our Chapter was, in the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin. ANd our Provincial determined, that I should leave Acon, not suffering me to come unto you: Chap. 50. He writeth from Tripoli to King Lodowick, and giveth his advice, for sending of a fit Ambassage to the Tartars. commanding, to write unto you, what I would by the bearer of these Presents. And not daring to resist contrary to my obedience, I did according to my power, and understanding: craving pardon of your invincible Clemency for my superfluities, or wants, or for any thing that shall be undiscreetly, nay foolishly spoken, as from a man of little understanding, not accustomed to indite long Histories. The Peace of God which passeth all under standing preserve your heart and understanding. I would willingly see your Highness, and certain spiritual friends, which I have in your Kingdom. Wherefore, if it should not be contrary to your Majesty's liking, I would beseech you to write to our Provincial, that he would let me come unto you, and return shortly again into the Holy Land. Concerning Turkey, your Majesty shall understand, that the tenth man there, is not a Saracen: nay, they are all Armenians, and greeks, and Children rule over them. The weak estate of Turkey. For the Sultan who was conquered of the Tartars, had a lawful Wife of Hiberia, by whom he had one feeble Son, concerning whom he charged, that he should be the Sultan. He had another of a Greek Concubine, whom he gave to a certain great Admiral. The third, he had of a Turk. To whom many Turks and Turcomans being gathered together, they purposed to have slain the Sons of the Christians. They ordained also (as I understood) that after they had gotten the Victory, they would destroy all the Churches, and kill as many as would not become Saracens. But he was overcome, and many of his men slain. He renewed his Army the second time, and then was taken, The Bastard Pacaster getteth the Kingdom. and is yet in Prison. Pacaster the Son of the Greek Concubine procured of Filiaster, that he might be Sultan, because the other was weak, whom they sent to the Tartars. Whereupon, his Kindred on the Mother's side (to wit) the Hiberi, and the Curgi were angry. So that a child ruleth in Turkey, having no Treasure, few Warriors, and many Enemies. The Son of Vastacius is weak, The weak estate of Vastac●us and Assau. and hath war with the Son of Assau, who likewise is a child, and worn out with the servitude of the Tartars. Wherefore, if an Army of the Church should come to the Holy Land, it were a very easy thing to subdue all these Countries, or to pass through them. The state of the King of Hung●ria. Godfrey of Bullin and many other Princes. The King of Hungary hath not above thirty thousand Soldiers. From Cullin to Constantinople are not above threescore days journey by Wagons. From Constantinople are not so many day's journey to the Country of the King of Armenia. In old time, valiant men passed through these Countries, and prospered, yet they had most valiant Resisters; whom God hath now destroyed out of the Earth. And we need not be in danger of the Sea, nor in the mercy of Sailors. And the price which we should give for freight, were sufficient for expenses by Land. I speak it confidently, Tartar's thrifty in food and raiment. if your Countrymen (I say not Kings and Soldiers) would go, as the Kings of the Tartars go, and be contented with such victuals, they might win the whole World. It seemeth not expedient (as I think) that any Friar go unto the Tartars any more, as I did, or as the Preaching Friars do. But if our Sovereign Lord the Pope would honourably send a Bishop, What Message or Ambassage should be sent to the Tartars. and answer their follies: which they have thrife written to the Frankes: once to Pope Innocent the Fourth of Sacred Memory, and twice to your Majesty, once by David, who deceived you, and now by me, he might speak unto them what he would, and also cause them to put those things in writing. For they hear whatsoever an Ambassador will speak, and always demand, if he will say any more. But he must have a good Interpreter; nay, many Interpreters, and large Expenses. FOr the Readers better satisfaction touching the former Author, and knowledge of the North parts of Asia and Europe and for His own sake also, I have added this Transcript of our famous Countryman friar Bacon, which I have not Englished, both to prevent tediousness in this Work, otherwise more then enough voluminous▪ and because he was an Historian, no Traveller; and the use thereof is principally to such as can read his own Idiom; a good part also being the same with that which our former Friar hath delivered. CHAP. II. Ex quarta parte Maioris operis fratris Rogeri Bacon, Angli excerpta quaedam de Aquilonaribus mundi partibus. Mare Scythicum. AD Aquilonarem vero partem Indiae, ut dictum est, sunt Mare Scythicum, & montes illi magni, qui Caucasus & Taurus, & multis aliis nominibus vocantur, secundum diversitatem locorum & Gentium. Et ab Occidente est Persida seu Parthia & Media. Deinde sub eis ad Occidentem est Mesopotamia & tota Syria, ut dictum est. Sed in confinio Mediae & Parthiae, est Porta ferrea Alexandri; quae est Civitas denominata à Portis. Porta ferrea vel Derbent Vid. Plin. l. 6. c. 11. videsis etiam O●tel. Thes. Geog. Mare Caspium fit ex concursu fluminum. Isid. Etym. Plin. l. 6. c. 13. Ptolemaeus primus prodidit Mare Caspium terra undiquaque Circundatum. Capadocia. Cilicia vel Armenia minor. Pamphilia. Et illae portae dicuntur Caspiae, non Cauca●●ae, ut dicit Plinius. Nam aliae sunt portae Caucasiae, ut postea dicetur. Quia in littore Maris Caspiae sunt hae Portae. Est enim Mare quoddam quod fit ex concursu maximorum fluminum venientium ab Aquilone, & Caspium vocatur, atque Hircanicum secundum Plinium. Nam Caspij & Hircani super littora illius Maris inhabitant. Non igitur est hoc Mare veniens ab Oceano, ut Isidoras & Plinius, & omnes Authores Occidentales scribunt. In hoc enim casu non h●buerunt experientiam certam, nec per se, nec per alios, sed ex rumor● scripserunt. In libris autem de moribus Tartarorum, & per fide dignos, qui in illis Regionibus fuerunt, patet, quod hoc Mare sit ex concursu fluminum. Et est Mare satis magnum. Nam circuitus est quatuor mensium. Et Hircania prope, est super littus Meridionale illius Maris in termino Parthiae. Et ubi Parthia coniungitur Mediae in Portis illis, extenditur à Portis Caspijs versus Orientem, ut dicit Plinius. Deinde contra residuum Mediae ad eius Septentrionem, & ad Occidentem Hircaniae est maior Armenia: & eam dividit Euphrates à Capadocia, ut dicit Plinius. Propter quod Capadocia est ad Occidentem Armeniae maioris. Deinde versus Syriam & Mare nostrum est Cilicia, quae dicitur Armenia minor. Vnde iacet partim Medio, partim in Occidente Capadociae; & eius principium non distat ab Antiochia per duas dietas. Sub Cilicia ad Septentrionem super Mare comprehenditur Pamphilia, ut dicit Plinius, neglecta gente Isaurica, vel non computata per se propter pravitatem, sed sub eis comprehensa. In Cilicia est Tarsus Metropolis eius; in quo natus fuit Beatus Apostolus Paulus. Et durat Cilicia à meridie in Septentrionem per Tarsum in latitudine circiter quatuor dietas versus Turkiam. Turkia. Lycaonia. Iconium. Soldanus Iconij▪ Nam ad Septentrionem Ciliciae est Lycaonia, ubi est Iconium celeberrima Civitas; à qua Lycaonia dicitur quasi Iconia. Vnde Princeps eorum vocatur Soldanus Iconij & Turkiae. Et à finibus Armeniae usque Iconium sunt octo dietae. Nomina Provinciarum in his Regionibus sunt multum mutata propter guerras. Nam Turkia multas terras occupat quae apud Authores habent nomina antiqua. Vt est pars Asiae minoris, & Phrygia & Lydia. Asia vero maior continet plus medietate Mundi, & tetum▪ praeter Europam & Africam: unde continet hanc Asiam minorem. Et haec nunc vocatur apud Graecos Anatoli, id est, Orientalis Graecia: in qua est Galatia; unde Galatae, quibus scribit Apostolus: & Troia dicitur illa formosissima Civitas: & sunt aliae mutae, ut Ephesus, & 7. Ecclesiae Apocalypsis; & Nicaea: unde Synodus Nicena, & multae aliae. Et ab Iconio usque Niceam sunt 20. dietae in aestate: & ab ea usque ad Brachium Sancti Georgij (quod apud antiquos vocatur Hellespontus) Mare inter Italiam & Antiochiam. Et ibi terminatur Asia minor. Et habet à parte Occidentis Thraciam, Macedoniam, & Achaiam. A parte vero meridici habet Mare illud, quod est inter Italiam & Graeciam, & Antiochiam, & Egyptum. Ab Oriente habet Phrygiam. Nam ut dicit Plinius curialite, Phrygia Troadi supereiecta Septentrionali sua parte Galatis continua est, meridiana Lycaoniae ab Occidente Haueran habet. Et dicit quod Lydia, Phrygiae ex ortu solis vicina est, unde fuit Croesus ditissimus Rex Lydorun. Brachium vero Sancti Georgij est strictum multum, & habet Constantinopolim ab Occidente in Europa. Et extenditur à Mari magno quod est inter Asiam & Egyptum, Syriam, & Italiam, circiter centum leucas versus Aquilonem, usque ad aliud Mare, quod vocatur Ponticum, & Mare Maius. Et istud Mare habet formamarcus Scythici; & multas Regiones disterminat. Vnde hic incipiunt Regiones Aquilonares: de quibus Philosophi meridiani parum sciverunt, Descriptio Mar●● Pontici vel maioris. Regiones Aquilonares. Oceanus Septentrionalis. Quibus authoribus usus est maxime. Sinopolis. Soldaia. secundum quod Ethicus Astronomus refert in suo libro. Sed hic perambulavit omnes has Regiones, & Mare Oceanum Septentrionale cum Insulis suis navigavit. Volo sequi ipsum: & nihilominus libros de moribus Tartarorum: & praecipue fratrem Willielmum, quem Dominus Rex Franciae, Lodovicus in Syria existens misit ad terram Tartarorum anno Domini 1253. Qui frater scripsit Domino Regi situm Regionum & Marium. Extenditur autem hoc Mare maius ab Occidente, scilicet à Constantinopoli in Oriens, per mille quadringenta milliaria in longum: & in medio eius coarctatur ex utraque parte in angulos: & in angulo meridiano est castrum & portus Turkiae, quod vocatur Sinopolis: A parte vero Aquiloni● habet aliud castrum in angulo, quod vocatur Soldaia; & est in Provincia quae nunc Cassaria dicitur, id est, Caisaria. Et sunt trecenta milliaria inter Sinopolim & Soldaiam. Et haec est latitudo maris inter illos angulos. Et ista castra sunt duo portus famosi, à quibus transeunt homines à meridianis Regionibus ad Aquilonares, & è contrario. Et ab istis castris versus Occidentem seu Constantinopolim extenditur Mare per septingenta milliaria in longum & latum, similiter ad Orientem per septingenta. Et ista Provincia Cassaria circundatur Mari à tribus lateribus. Nam in Occidente habet partem Maris Pontici, Cassaria olim fuit appellata Taurica Chersonesus. Kersova ciuita● ubi est civitas Kersova, in qua fuit Sanctus Clemens martyrisatus; & prope eam est Insula, in qua est Templum, quod dicitur Angeli●is manibus praeparatum, in quo corpus Sancti sepultum fuit. Et à Kersova usque ad Soldaiam sunt quadringinta castra, quorum quodlibet fere habet proprium Idioma. Et sunt ibi multi Goti, qui omnes loquuntur Teutonicum. Et à parte meridi●i Cassariae extenditur Mare Ponticum: Et in Oriente eius cadit flumen Tanais in Mare, ubi habet latitudinem duodecim milliariorum, Goti. ubi est Civitas Matrica. Et flumen illud versus Aquilonem facit Mare quoddam, Matrica civitas habens septuaginta miliaria in longitudine & latitudine, nusquam habens profunditatem ultra 6. pedes. Et hoc Mare est Palus Maeotis famosissima, de qua Philosophi & Historiae & Poetae loquuntur. Palus Maeotis. Et flumen Tanais extenditur ultra illam paludem versus Aquilonem usque ad montes Riphaeos; qui sunt in ultimo Aquilonis: à quibus montibus oritur hoc flumen, Montes Riphaei. & descendit per longum terrae tractum in Paludem supradictam, faciens eam; & ultra eam disgraditur, & fluit in Mare Ponticum, ut praedixi. Et hoc flumen famosum dividit Europam ab Asia in locis illis, & Palus illa & plures paludes sunt contiguae: sed quasi pro una computantur, & vocantur paludes Maeotis: vel Maeotidae in adi●ctiuo. Paludes igitur illae quae vocantur Mare illud vadosum sunt in Oriente Cassariae; & pars fluminis Tanais, quae est inter paludes & Mare Ponticum. Et haec Provincia Cassaria habet ab Aquilone vastam solitudinem, quae extenditur a flumine Tanai in Oriente usque ad Danubium in Occidente itinere duorum mensium velociter equitando, sicut equitant Tartari. Vasta Solitudo. Tartaricum it●r ergo est 64. m●liariorum nostrorum. Cuniani. Captac. Alania Occidentalis. Russia magna vel Lituaniam. Et hoc est una die quantum est ab Aurelianis Parisijs. Vnde durat haec terra circiter 4. menses, secundum quod alij homines communiter equitant. Et haec terra fuit tota Cumanorum, qui dicebantur Captac. Sed Tartari destruxerunt eam totaliter, & interfecerunt Cumanos, praeter partem quae fugit ad Regnum Hungariae, qui sunt et tributarij: Et à Teu●onicis dicitur Valana: A Plinio & Isodoro & caeteris Alania Occidentalis. Et haec Provincia habet Danubium, & Poloniam, & Hungariam, ab Occidente. Et ab Aquilone istius Provinciae est Russia magna: quae similiter à Polonia in una parte sua extenditur ad Tanaim; sed in magna sui parte habet Leuconiam in Occidente (quae est terra ita magna sicut Alemannia:) Ad cuius partem Occidentalem ●unt multae terrae in circuitu Maris cuiusdam: quod Mare sit per multa Braechia Maris Oceani quae veniunt per medium Daciae, & ultra versus Orientem dilatat se magnum Mare, quod ab Occidente habet Daciam & Sweciam: Mare Sweciam▪ Dacia. Swecia. Norguegia Sed Swecia est ad Aquilonem Daciae declinans aliquantulum in Orientem ultra Daciam: ultra quas ad Aquilonem est Norguegia. Deinde Mari magno interiecto sunt Scotia & Anglia: & Mari paruo interposito Hibernia. Notae sunt hae Regiones▪ sed tango eas propter ●otitiam aliorum. Si ergo à finibus Occidentalibus ex parte Aquilonis ascendamus versus Orientem, primo est Hibernia, secundo Britannia maior, quae continet Angliam & Scotiam: Deinde Norguegia, Swecia, Dacia, & post in Orientem versus est mugnum mare praedictum, quod vocatur mare Orientale; quia Oceanus non se extendit ultra aliud mare: Sed super latus Aquilonare istius maris immediate post angulum Sweciae est Estonia: Mare Orientale. Estonia hinc vocat●●●us Incolae in nostris historijs E●sterlings. Livonia. Prussia. Semigallia. deinde Liuonia versus Orientem illus maris: deinde Curonia seu Curlandia declinando ad Meridianum latus: postea Prussia magna terra in Meridiano latere: deinde Pomerania: postea Lubec portus magnus & famosus in confinio Daciae & Saxoniae. In medio istius maris est Insula quaedam, quae vocatur Gotlandia. Et super Livoniam ad Orientem est Semigallia. Curoniam circundat Leuconia praedicta, & etiam circundat Russia magna ex utraque parte maris dicti, & terminatur Meridiana ad Prussiam & Poloniam. Polonia vero iacet ad Meridiem Prussiae: & ad Meridiem eius est Bohemia: deinde Austria. Et ad Occidentem terrarum istarum Alemannia; & postea Francia & Hispania. Sed hae notae sunt: facio tamen mentionem propter alias. Albania. Ad Orientem Austriae & Bohemiae est Hungaria, ad quam Occidentalis pars Albaniae descendit. Nam cadit super Danubium, qui fluit per medium Hungariae, & ultra eam in mare Ponticum per duodecim ostia magna. Danubij duodecim ostia. In termino vero Hungariae Orientalis à parte Aquilo●is occurrit Moldavia, contra quam ad Meridiem Danubij sunt * Vel Valachi. Balchi & Bulgari & Constantinopolis, quae terrae antiquitus vocabantur Thracia. Albania igitur Occidentalis extenditur à Danubio post finem Hungariae versus Orientem usque ad flumen Tanaim, Albania Occidentalis. habens Cassariam à Meridie, & Balchiam, Bulgariam & Constantinopolim. Ab Occasu vero Hungariam & Poloniam, & extremitatem Ru●●●ae: ab Aquilone habet totam longitudinem Russiae. Gens Hyperbore●, ex antiquorum fabulis. Et ultra Russiam ad Aquilonem est Gens Hyperborea, quae sic nominatur à montibus magnis, qui vocantur Hyperborei. Et haec Gens propter aeris salubritatem vivit in syluis. Gens longaeva usque quo fastidiant mortem, optimarum consuetudinum, Gens quieta & pacifica, nulli nocens, nec ab alia Gente molestatur: sed confugiunt ad eam sicut ad asylum. Qualiter au●em potest Regio ibi esse temperatissima, tetigi prius in complexionibus locorum Mundi. Et sic habemus regiones Aquilonares in Europa notabiles. Ritus vero istarum Gentium sunt diversi. Nam Pruteni, Curlandi, Livonij, Estonij, Semigalli, Leuconij sunt Pagani. Alani vero non sunt, quia Tartari ceperunt terram illam, & fuganerunt omnes, Pagani. Tartari. Alani deleti. usque in Hungariam. Et Cumani sunt Pagani: & Alani fuer●nt similiter, sed deleti sunt. Ruteni sunt Christiani, & sunt scismatici, habentes ritum Graecorum, sed non utuntur lingua Graeca; immo lingua S●lauonica: quae est una de linguis, quae plures occupat regiones. Nam Russiam, Poloniam & Bohemiam, & multas alias Nationes tenet. Tartari vero à Danubio in ho in terram Alanorum seu Cunamorum, Deest linea. Tartari. & ulterius, usque fere ad partes ultimas Orientis, & alias Nationes eis vicinas Ad Aquilonem & Meridiem subiugaverunt pro maxima parte. Nam aliquae Gentes sunt in montanis & locis tutissimis, quas non possunt debellare, licet sint eis vicini, quia sunt inexpugnabiles. Tanais quidem flwius descendit à montibus Riphaeis altissimis, qui sunt in vero Aquilone: nee est ultra illos ad Aquilonem habitatio. Montes Riphaei. Et in termino Orientali Russ●ae & Alaniae, ubi mercatores & alij conveniunt de Hungaria & Cassaria, & Polonia & Russia est quoddam Casale, ubi navigio pertransitur flumen Tanais. Hoc Casale hodie vocatur Asou. Albania superior. Etilia flumen, nunc Edel, & Volga, crescit non ex eadem causa▪ quia Nilus, nec eodem modo; sed Hyem● congelatur; aestate l●quefiunt niu●●, etc. Et est Tanais ibi ad latitudinem Sequanea Pari●ijs. Et ultra flumen illud est Albania superior usque ad aliud flumen magnum, quod vocatur Etilia, quae maior est in quadruplo quam Sequana: & est de maioribus fluminibus Mundi; & crescit in aestate sicut Nilus: & à parte Aquilonis distat hoc flumen à Tanai per decem dietas: sed versus meridiem multum seperantur. Nam Tanais cadit in mare Ponticum, & Etilia in mare Caspium: & facit illud mare, cum aliis fluminibus multis, quae veniunt de Perside & aliis locis. Nam à Pontico mari secundum Plinium sunt tricenta octoginta milliaria usque ad mare Caspium. Et in hac terra habitabant Cumani. Sed Tartari deleverunt omnes, sicut ex altera parte fecerunt usque ad D●nubium, ut dictum est. Et Tartari habent pecora infinita, & habitant in tentorijs, non habentes villas nec castra nisi rarissime. Et unus Princeps cum exercitu, & cum suis armentis gregum vagatur inter duo flumina. Vt unus inter Boristhenem & Tanaim: alius inter Tanaim & Etiliam; & sic ultra versus Orientem, quia semper divisi sunt per pascua & aquam. Et à januario incipiunt adire partes Aquilonares iuxta flumina usque ad Augustum: & tunc redeunt versus meridianas propter frigus Aquilonis in byeme. Et versus Aquilonem d●stat Etilia à Provincia Cassariae per unum mensem & tres dietas, sicut equitant Tartari. Haec vero terra Tartarorum inter Tanaim & Etiliam habet ab Aquilone quasdam Gentes: & primo est Gens Arimphaea prope montes Riphaeos, quae est similis Hyperboreis in * Et●am in ipsis de eâ fabulis & antiquandis antiquitatis nugis. Doctè tamen author iste, cuius tempore nec loca i●ta detecta, nec fabulae. omnibus. Et hae duae Gentes sunt prope polum in Aquilone. Sed remotius ab Aquilone ultra Tanaim est primo Gens quae vocatur Moxel, subiecta Tartaris. Et sunt adhuc sine lege pure Pagani: civitatem non habent, sed casula● in syluis. Dominus eorum & magna pars eorum fuerunt interfecta in Polonia per Polonos & Al●mannos & Boemos. Et●l●a, vel Volga. Etil. Tartaricum nomen, Volga M●scou●ticum. Nota quod maior Bulgaria, hodie Russia dicitur, & Muscovia. Nam Tartari duxerunt eos ad bellum cum Polonis: & multum approbant Polonos & Alemannos de strenuitate; sperantes adhuc liberari à seruitute Tartarorum per eos. Si mercator veniat inter eos, oportet quod ille in cuius domo primo hospitatur, det ei expensas quantum vult ibi morari. Haec enim est consuetudo illius Regionis. Post hos ad Orientem est Gens quaedam quae vocatur Merduini, subiecti Tartaris. Sed sunt Saraceni, habentes legem Mach●meti. Post eos est Etilia flumen praedictum quod descendit à maiori Bulgaria, de qua postea dicetur. A meridie vero istius Regionis Tartarorum super mare Ponti●um sunt Hiberi & Georgiani. Et in Georgia est metropolis civitas, quae vocatur Tephelis, in qua Fratres Praedicatores habent domum. Tephelis. Et ulterius versus Orientem est terra Corasminorum: sed deleti sunt à Tartaris. Cormini delet●▪ amazons. Palea. Et in his locis solebant antiquitus esse amazons, secundum Plinium & Ethicum Astronomum. Amozones enim, ut refert Ethicus, fuerunt mulieres ducentes exercitum magnum ex mulieribus sine viris collectum: quae advocantes veros certis temporibus anni conceperunt: sed masculos genitos interfecerunt, faeminas reseruando, quarum in iwentute mamillas dextras per artificium chirurgiae abstulerunt ne in sagittando reciperent impedimentum per mamillas; & Minotauros as Centauros, monstra ferocissima nutriverunt à iwentute mamillis suis▪ unde antecedebant eas sicut matres suas: & omnem exercitum premebant magis per buiusmod● monstra, quam per arma: & similiter Elephantes à iwentute nutriebant & assuescebant ad bella: & sic per centum annos vastabani meridianas partes Asiae & Graeciae, donec ab Hercule fuerunt seductae & distructae. Haec vero loca Georgianorum & Corasminorum habent terram Soldani Turkiae & Capidociam à Meridie. Nam in latere Meridiano maris Pontici est terra Soldani usque ad Sinopolim, de qua prius dictum est: & post eam in eodem latere maris versus Occidentem est terra Vastacij, Terrae V●stacij situs. Regnum ●r●pezondae. scilicet Graecia Orientalis. Nam Occidentalis vocantur ubi Constantinopolis est, & Regiones e● annexae citra Brachium Sancti Georgij in Europa. Sed Armenia maior est super Capadociam ad Orientem. Et ideo illa Armenia etsi Meridiana sit respectu Georgiae, tamen in Orientem tendit, & extenditur usque Mediam & Mesopotamiam. Et haec terra tota aestimatur à multis esse terra Ararat; Terra Ararat. propter hoc quod in Isaia dicitur, quod filij Sennacherib interfecto patre fugerunt in Ararat: In libro Regum dicitur, quod fugerunt in Armeniam. Sed Ieronimus undecimo libro super Isaiam soluit hoc dicens: Ararat regio in Armenia campestris per quam Araxis fluit incredibili● ubertatis ad radices montis Taur●, qui usque illuc extenditur. Quapropter Ararat non est tota Armenia, sed regio determinata; magna tamen est. Nam Araxes flwius, à quo Ararat regio nominatur, extenditur à capite suo per iter trium mensium & amplius. Caput autem eius est Fons in monte Armeniae ubi propriè oritur Euphrates ex parte Aquilonis, & Tigris ad aliud latus montis versus Meridiem, De hoc dubito. In montibus autem Armeniae testante Scriptura requievit Arca No: Sed non in quibuscunque montibus: quoniam non est in istis, ubi oriuntur ista tria flumina magna, sed in altissimo Tauri montis cacumine, ubi Ararat regio est, secundum quod dicit Ieronimus undecimo super Isa●am; Tria flumin● ex eisdem montibu● Arca in qua liberatus est Noe cessante dilwio non ad montes generaliter Armeniae, sed ad montes Tauri al●●ssimos, qui Ararat imminent campis. Et prope illos montes est civitas quae maxima fuit, antequam eum destruxerunt Tartari. Nam fuerunt in ea octingentae Ecclesiae Hermonorum. Et in tempore Fratris Willelmi, cum transivit per eam, non fuerunt nisi duae paruulae: Frater Willelmus. Vid. sup. in Rubruq. Bartholomaeus. judas Thadaeus. Et ibi prope fuerunt Martyrizati Beatus Bartholomaeus & Beatus judas Thaddaeus. Et ibi sunt duae Prophetiae. una est Beati Methodij Martyris, qui fuit de Gente illa. Et plane prophetavit de Ismaelitis▪ quae prophetia impleta est in Saracenis. Alius Propheta eorum vocatur Akaton, qui prophetavit de Tartaris & destructione eorum. Dicit enim, quod ab Aquilone veniet Gens Sagittaria, quae omnes Nationes Orientis subiugabit: Et veniunt in Regnum Occidentis, scilicet ad Constantinopolim, & ibi per Principes Occidentis destruentur. Et tunc convertentur omnes Gentes Christi: & erit tanta pax ubique, quod vivi dicent mortuis: Vae vobis, quod non vixist●s usque nunc. Et Imperator Chr●stianus p●net so●tum suum in Taurino in Perside. Et Hermeni habent istam prophetiam sicut Euangelium. Et civitas memorata vocatur nunc Naxuan; quae solebat esse caput Regni: & est versus partes Aquilonares Armen●ae. Nunc Nachchuan. Nam à festo Sancti Clementis ascendit Frater Willelmus iuxta Araxem ubi terminatur versus Aquilonem; & in festo Natalis venit ad illam civitatem; & in Octavis Epiphaniae recessit ab ea: & per Araxem iu●t usque ad caput eius in secunda Dominica quadragesimae: & non longe plus est à civitate illa ad ultimum Armeniae à parte Meridiei, quam ad Aquilonem. Deinde superius ad Orientem sunt montes Alanorum, & Aas, Alani. Aas. qui sunt Christiani, & recipiunt indifferenter omnes Christianos tam Latinos quam Graecos: unde non sunt scismatici, & pugnant cum Tartaris; & similiter Alani. Post eos ad Orientem sunt Saraceni, qui vocantur Lelg●, qui similiter propter terra for●tudinem pugnant cum Tartaris. Lelgi, Saraceni. Portae Caspiae. Post illos ad Orientem sunt Portae Caspiae super Mare Caspium, quas Alexander magnus construxit in concursu Montium. Nam cum voluit expugnare Gentem Aquilonarem no potuit propter illius Gentis ferocitatem & multitudinem. Et, ut dicit Ethicus, stetit per annum unum & menses tres, ut defenderet se ab ●is, & ingenuit quod talis pessima Gens fuisset in partibus Aquilonis; & exclamavit ad Deum, ut apponeret remedium, ne mundus dest●ueretur per eos. Sed▪ licet non fuit dignus exaudiri, tamen Deus su● bonitate, & propter salutem generis humani, iussit fieri terrae motum maximum, & montes distantes per stadium coniuncti sunc usque ad latitudinem unius Portae. Et Alexander tunc fecit fundi columnas aereas mirae magnitudinis, & erexit portas & linivit eas bitumine, quod nec igne, Bitumen egregium ex insuli● maris. Porta ferr●a Alexandri. nec aqua, nec ferro dissolui posset, quod acquisivit ex Insulis maris. Nec potuerunt divini aliquo modo nisi per terrae motum: & iam dirutae sunt. Nam Frater Willelmus transivit per medium earum cum Tertaris. Et est ibi civitas quae vocatur Porta ferrea Alexandri: à qua versus orientem incipit Hircania super Hircanum mare, quod est Caspium, ut superius dictum est. Nam Hircania iacei super littus meridionale illius maris, & extenditur usque ad terminos Indiae: à cuius Hircaniae latere meridionali sunt Media & Parthia; sicut prius fuit annotatum. Hae vero Portae non sunt Caucasiae, sed Caspiae, ut dicit Plinius: nec Caucasiae sunt Caspiae. Nam Caucasiae distant a Caspijs per ducenta milliaria versus mare Ponticum: Et à mari Pontico distant per centum milliaria circa partes Hiberiae & Georgiae. Et ista loca cum montibus interiacentibus vocantur claustra Alexandri, Gog & Magog 〈…〉 locis 〈◊〉. judae his locis inclusi. Antichristus. per quae cohibuit Gentes Aquilonares ne irruerent in terras Meridianas devastando eas. Nam Alexander multa bella gessit cum eis, ut ref●rt Ethicus, & aliquando infra tres dies ceciderunt ex utraquo parte multa millia hominum. Alexand●r tamen magis arte & ingenio vicit, quam armorum potestate. Et cum fuerunt excitati sicut Vrsi de cavernis suis, non potuerat eos reprimere per violentiam: Sed Deus iuvit per terrae motum & clausuras montium: Nunc autem ruptae sunt; & diu est quod fractae sunt, five terrae motu, seu vetustate. Et considerandum est diligenter de locis istis. Nam Gog & Magog de quibus Ezechiel Prophetat, & Apocalypsis, in hijs locis sunt inclusi. Secundum quod dicit Ieronimus undecimo libro super Ezechielem; Gog Scythica gens trans Caucasum & Maeotim & Caspium mare ad Indiam usque tenduntur. Et à principe Gog, omnes qui subditi sunt Magog appellantur. Et Iudaei similiter, quos Orosius & alij sancti referunt exituros. Atque, sicut Ethicus scribit, Alexander inclusit viginti duo Regna de stirpe Gog & Magog, exitura in diebus Antichristi: Qui mundum primo vastabunt, & deinde obuiabunt Antichristo, & vocabunt eum Deum deorum; sicut & Beatus Ieronimus confirmat. O quam * Vt judaei Christum expect●●ue●●nt spectantes, 〈◊〉 crucifigentes praesentem, 〈◊〉 altum sperant: sic artibus 〈…〉 contratijs, Pontificij spect●ntes & Consp●cientes, expect●nt tamen Antichristum, ●orrentque venturum quem praesentem ●onora●t; neque sine Magno iniquitatis mysterio vices idem agit Christi & D●abeli. Frater Willielmus. Rogerus Bacon vixit tempore Lodovici ꝰ regis Franciae. Oceanus Aquilonaris. Antiqui antiquati. Cumani idem qui Cangle, & Albani. Iter ab Etilia 4. mensium. Terra principalis Imperatoris. Cumania maxima terrarum, ubi & Turcomani. Bulgaria maior (quae hodie Russicum sive Moscoviticum Imperium) ●unc temporis Mahometica: quae iam pridem ad ritus Greco modo Christianos transijt, hodi●que tenet. Finis Aquilonis. Pascatur terra, Magna H●ngaria. necessarium est Ecclesiae Dei, ut Prelati & viri Catholici haec loca considerent: non solum propter conversionem Gentium in illis l●cis, & consolationem Christianorum captivorum ibidem, sed propter persecutionem Antichristi, ut sciatur unde venturus si t, & quando, per hanc considerationem & alias multas. A portis vero Caspijs incipit Mare Caspium extendi in longum ad Orientem & in latum ad Aquilonem. Et est non minus quam Ponticum Mare, ut dicit Plinius: Et habet spacium quatuor mensium in circuitu. Frater vero Willielmus in redeundo ab imperatore● Tartarcrum circuivit latus Occidental, & in eundo ad eum perambulavit latus Aquilonare; ut ipse retulit Domino Regi Franciae, qui nunc est, Anno Domini, 1253. Et a parte Aquilonis habet vastam Solitudinem, in qua sunt Tartari: Et ultra eos sunt multae Regiones Aquilonares antequam pervenitur ad Oceanum. Et ideo non potest istud Mare esse sinus maris Oceani: quod tamen fere omnes authores scribunt. Sed experientia huius temporis facta per fratrem Willielmum & homines alios fideles docet quod non venit a Mari, sed fit per flumina magna & multa, quorum congregatione fit hoc mare Caspium & Hircanum. Tota vero haec terr● Tartarorum à Tanai usque ad Etiliam fuit Cumanorum, qui vocabantur Cangle: qui omnes sunt deleti per Tartaros. Et tota ista terra vocabatur Albania antiquitus. Et hic sint Canes maximi, ita ut Leones, & tauros perimant: Et homines ponunt eos in bigis & aratris. Deinde ultra Etiliam est tertius principatus Tartarorum: Et destructae sunt gentes indigenae ab eis: Et fuerunt Cumani Cangle, sicut prius. Et durat● principatus ille à flumine Etilia in Orientem per iter quatuor mensium ex parte meridionali, usque veniatur ad terram principalem imperatoris: Sed ex parte Aquilonari durat per iter duorum mensium & decem dierum. Ex quo patet, quod Cumania fuit terrarum maxima. Nam à Danubio usque ad terram hanc in qua Imperator residet, habitabant Cumani. Qui omnes sunt destructi à Tartaris, praeter eos qui fugerunt ad regnum Hungariae. Et hic principatus habet ab Aquilone primo Maiorem Bulgariam; à qua venerunt Bulgari, qui sunt inter Constantinopolin & Hungariam & Sclavoniam. Nam haec quae in Europa est minor Bulgaria, habet linguam illorum Bulgarorum qui sunt in maiori Bulgaria, quae est in Asia. Et isti Bulgari sunt pessimi Saraceni. Et hoc est mirabile: quoniam illa terra distat a porta ferrea seu a Portis Caspijs triginta diebus & plus per transuersum Solitudinis: Et est in fine Aquilonis. Vnde mirum est valde, quod ad eos tam distantes a Saracenis pervenit secta Machome●i. Et de hac Bulgaria venit Etilia, de qua dictum est. Post eam ad orientem est terra Pascatur, quae est magna Hungaria, a qua exiverunt Huni: Qui postea Hungri; modo dicuntur Hungari. Qui colligentes secum Bulgaros, & alias Nationes Aquilonares, sicut dicit Isidorus, Claustra Alexandri ruperunt: Et soluebatur eis tributum usque in Egygtum. Et destruxerunt terras omnes usque in Franciam. Vnde maioris potentiae fuerunt, quam adhuc * Scilicet in not●oribus illis Orbis regionibus. Blaci, Valachia Ilac. Mare Caspium Montes Cauca●● Catai● Nigra, vel Cara Cataia. Cataia Nigra fuit Terra Presbyteri johannis, de quo multa falsae, nec falsitate minori transijt fabula ad Abassinos novumque dedit nohis Presbyterum joannem Africanum. Turci. Regnum Coir Can. sunt Tartari. Et magna pars eorum residet in terra quae nunc vocatur Hungaria ultra Bohemiam & Austriam, quae est modo apud latinos regnum Hungariae. Et iuxta terram Pascatur sunt Blaci de Blacia maiori: à qua vener●nt Blaci in terra Assani inter Constantinopolim & Bulgariam, & Hungariam, & Hungariam minorem. Nam populus ille dicitur nunc a Tartaris Ilac; quod idem est quod Blac. Sed Tartari nesciunt sonare B. literam. A parte vere meridiei Istius Solitudinis Tartarorum est mare Caspium: Et deinde montes Caucasi usque in Orientem. Et extenditur hic principatus ab Etilia usque in Catayam Nigram: unde vocatur Cara Cataia. Et Cara idem est, quod Nigra: Et dicitur Cataia Nigra, ad differentiam alterius Cataiae, quae est longe ultra hanc ad Orientem multis regionibus distantem ab ista Cataia Nigra: de qua postea dicitur. Et haec terra cum sibi adiacentibus est terra imperatoris Tartarorum praecipui, in quibus vagatur semper cum curia sua, ascendendo in aestate ad frigidas regiones; & in hyeme ad calidas. Et haec Cataia Nigra fuit terra Presbyteri joannis, seu Regis joannis; de quo tanta fama solebat esse: & multa falsa dicta sunt & scripta. Hic vero oportet exprimi originem Tartarorum: non solum propter evidentiam distinctionis regionum maiorem, sed propter ipsam Gentem, quae nunc famosissima est, & subdit mundum pedibus. Sciendum igitur, quod cum bellum fuit Antiochiae, tunc regnavit in Terra ista Coir Can. Nam in historia Antiochena legitur. Quod Turci miserunt pro succursu contra Francos ad regnum Coir Can, qui tenebat Monarchiam in regionibus Aquilonis, tempore illo, quo capta fuit Antiochia qui fuit de Cara Cataia. Coir vero est nomen proprium: Can est nomen dignitatis; & sonat idem quod Divinator. Nam principes ibi regunt populum per divinationes & scientias▪ quae instruu●t homines in futuris, sive sint partes Physicae, ut Astronomia & scientia experimentalis, sive artes Magicae, quibus totum Oriens est deditum & imbutum. Omnes igitur imperatores Ta●tarorum vocantur Can: sicut apud nos vocantur Imperatores & Reges. Mortuo vero isto Coir, fuit quida● pastor Nestorinus in terra illa potens & Dominus super populum, qui populus vocatur Naiman; qui erant Christiani, Nestorini. Qui sunt mali Christiani: Et tamen dicunt se esse subiectos Romanae Ecclesiae. Et isti Nestorini non solum sunt ibi in Terra Naiman, Naiman populus. sed per omnes regiones usque in Orientem sunt dispersi. Iste vero pastor erexit se in Regem; & vocatus est Presbyter & Rex johannes. Huic Iohanni erat frater quidam pastor potens Vnc nomine: habens sua pascua ultra fratrem suum per iter trium Septimanarum: Et erat Dominus cuiusdam Villae, Caracarum Villa. quae dicitur Caracarum: quae est nunc civitas Imperialis, & maior in terra Imperatoris: Et tamen non est ita bona sicut Sanctus Dionysius iuxta Parisios in Francia; sicut scripsit frater Willelmus Domino Regi. Et ultra pascua istius circiter duodecim dietas erant pascua Moal, qui erant pauperes homines, Pascua Moal. & stulti ac simplices sine lege: iuxta quos fuerunt alij pauperes qui vocabantur Tartari, similes eis. Mortuo igitur Iohanne Rege elevauit se in Regem Vnc frater eius, & vocavit se Can: Tartari. unde Vnc-Can dicebatur: qui misic armenta sua versus terminos Moal. Inter quos Moal erat faber quidam nomine Cingis, Cingis faber. furans & rapiens animalia Vnc-can. Quo congregante exercitum Cingis fugit ad Tartaros: Qui dixit ad eos & ad Moal: Quia sumus sine duce ideo Vicini nostri opprimunt nos. Et factus est Dux eorum, & congregato exercitu irruit super Vnc-can, & vicit eum; & factus est princeps in terra, & vocavit se Cingis-can: Et accepit filiam Vnc, & dedit eam filio suo in uxorem, ex qua natus est Mangu Can, qui regnum divisit istis principibus Tartarorum, qui nunc regnant & discordant ab invicem. Ad hunc enim Mangu Can fuit frater Willelmus. Et ipse Cingis Can ubique praemittebat Tartaros in pugna. Vnde exivit fama Tartarorum: qui fere deleti sunt per crebra bella. Et licet propter hanc causam nos istam Gentem vocemus Tartaros, apud quos est imperium & Dominium: tamen semper sunt Imperatores & principes de gente Moal. Nec volunt vocari Tartari sed Moal: quia primus eorum imperator scilicet Cingis-can, fuit Natione Moal. Vnde non habuerunt ad huc ante istos qui nunc regnant nisi tres scilicet Cingis-can, & Ken-can, & Mangu-can. Qui Ken-can fuit filius Cingis, Cingis can. Hocata-can. Ken-can. Mangu-can. & Mangu filius eius. Haec igitur gens Moal est stultissima ab origine prima, & pauperrima: Quae tamen permissione Divina paulatim omnes Nationes vicinas subiugavit & totam mundi latitudinem in paruo tempore prostravit. Quae si esset concors primo congressu Aegyptum & Affricam vastaret, ut sic ex omni parte Latinos circundarent. Nam nunc a parte Aquilonis regnant usque in Poloniam. Quia tota Russia est eis subiecta, & tota terra ab Oriente usque ad Danubium, & ultra Danubium, Tota Russia Tartaris subdita. scilicet Bulgaria & Blachia sunt eis tributariae: Ita quod usque ad terram Constantinopolitanam tenet eorum Imperium. Et Soldanus Turkiae, & Rex Armeniae, & princeps Antiochiae, & omnes principes Orientis usque in Indiam sunt eis subiecti, praeter pancos, qui aut nimis distant, aut habent loca in Montanis tutissima, quae expugnari non possunt. Primo igitur in terra ubi imperator moratur est, Cataia Nigra, ubi fuit Presbyter johannes. Post eam est terra fratris sui ultra per iter trium Septimanarum. Deinde terra Moal; Cataia Nigra. ubi fuit Presbyter johannes. Terra Moal. Terra Tartarorum. Ornan Kerule. Caracarum, Civitas Imperialis. Tangut. Vac●ae mulcendae cantu ad Mulgendum. & Tartarorum ultra eos per iter quasi duo decem dietarum. Sed tota haec terra est in qua moratur Imperator vagans per diversa loca. Terra tamen in qua fuerunt Moal, vocatur Ornan Kerule: Et ibi est adhuc Curia Cingis Can. Sed quia Caracarum, cum Regione eius fuit prima adquisitio eorum; ideo Ciuit●tem illam habent pro imperiali: Et prope illam eligunt suum Can, id est Imperatorem. Deinde post Moal & Tartaros ad Orientem sunt fortes homines, qui vocantur Tangut; qui ceperunt primo Cingis-can in bell●▪ Sed pace facta iterum subiugavit eos. Isti homines habent Boves fortissimos, habentes Candas plenas pilis sicut Equi: Quorum vaccae non permittunt se Mungi * Mulgeri. Tebeth. Vid. ab Hak. to. 1. & ap. Vincen. spec. hist. 1.32. , nisi cautetur eis. Et si isti Boves vident hominem indutum rubeis▪ insiliunt in eum volentes interficere. Post istos ad Orientem sunt homines qui vocantur Tebeth: qui solebant comedere parentes suos causa pietatis, ut non facerent eis alia Sepulchra nisi viscera sua. De quibus scribunt Philosophi, ut Plini●s, Solinus & alij: Et frater Willelmus testatur in libro suo: ac frater johannes de Plano Carpini similiter in libro, quem composuit de Tartaris, inter quos fuit Anno Domini, 1246. missus a Domino Papa in legationem ad Imperatorem Tartarorum. Sed quia fuerunt ex hoc facto abhominabiles omni Nationi, ideo iam mutaverunt hunc ritum & tamen adhuc de ossibus capitum faciunt ciphos, in quibus bibunt propter memoriam parentum suorum. Post istos ad Orientem sunt parui homines & fulci sicut Hispani, & dicuntur Solangi. Quorum nuncij cum veniunt ad curiam a●cuius, habent in manu tabulam de Ebore, Solangi. in qua inspiciunt cum narrant ea quae volunt, acsi omnia essent ibi scripta. Et ultra eos est quidam Populus, quorum animalia non appropriant alicui, nec habent custodem. Sed si aliquis indigena vult habere aliquod animal, stat super collem & vociferat sicut vult, & veniunt ad vocem suam, & accipit quod vult. Quod si extraneus veniret, odore suo fugaret omnia, & faceret ea Syluestria. Et ideo cum homo venit extraneus, claudunt eum in domo, & dant ei necessaria vitae, donec habeat responsum de eis pro quibus venit, nec permittent eum vagari per regionem. Vltra hos est Cataia (quae Seres dicitur apud Philosophos. Cat●ia in extremitate Orientis. ) Et est in extremitate Orientis, a parte Aquilonari respectu Indiae, divisa ab ea per sinum Maris & Montes. Et hic fiunt panni serici optimi, & in magna copia. Vnde ab hac terra deferuntur ad alias regiones. Et hic populus aspirat multum per nares: Et sunt optimi Artifices in omni arte. Et sunt boni Medici apud eos in omnibus praeterquam de V●ina, cuius indicio non utuntur, sed per Pulsum & alia signa optime diindicant: Et bene cognoscunt vires herbarum, & totius medicinae potestatem. Multi ex eis sunt apud Tartaros. Et istorum Cataiorum moneta vulgaris est charta de bambasio in qua imprimunt quasdam lineas. Nec mirum; Cum Ruteni, qui prope nos sunt, habent pro moneta faciem Vel Aspr●olorum. Descriptio Simiae. Hesperolorum. Et ista Cataia non distat per 120. dietas à terra in qua moratur Imperator. Et in illa terra sunt rupes excelsae, in quibus habitant quaedam creaturae habentes per omnia formam humanam; non tamen genua fleciunt, sed ambulant saltando: sed non sunt longitudinis maioris, quam cubiti; & vestitur totum co●pus crinibus. Et venatores portant ceruisiam, & faciunt foveas in rupibus ad modum cyphorum: Et illa animalia veniunt & bibunt ceruisiam, & inebriantur, & dormiunt, & sic capiuntur: Et venatores ligant eis manus & pedes, & aperiunt venam in collo, & extrahunt tres vel quatuor guttas sanguinis, & dissoluunt ea, ac permittunt abire. Et ille sanguis est preciosissimus pro purpura. Sciendum vero, quod à principio Cataiae magnae nigrae usque ad finem Orientis sunt principaliter Idolatrae: Patriarcha Nestorianorum. sed mixti sunt inter eos Saraceni & Tartari, & Nestoriani, qui sunt Christiani imperfecti, habentes Patriarcham suam in Oriente; qui visitat Regiones, & ordinat infantes in cunabulis ad sacros ordines: quia ipse solus b Sic solus Abuna in Aethiopia ordinat. ordinat; & non potest venire ad unum locum nisi quasi in quinquaginta annis. Et ille dicit se habere authoritatem à Romana Ecclesia ab antiquo; & paratus est obedire, si via esset aperta. Et isti docent filios Nobilium Tartarorum Euangelium & fidem, & alios quando possunt. Sed quia parum sciunt, & sunt malorum morium, ideo Tartari despiciunt eos. Et consecrant in missa unum panem latum ad modum palma, & dividunt primo in duodecem partes, secundum numerum Apostolorum; & postea illas partes dividunt secundum numerum populi. Et Sacerdos dat unicuique corpus Christi in manu sua; Idolatrae. Templa. Campanae. & tunc quilibet assumit de palma sua cum reverentia. Sed Idolatrae praevalent in multitudine in omnibus hijs Regionibus. Et omnes conveniunt in hoc quod habent Templa sicut nos, & campanas magnas. Et ideo Ecclesia Graecorum & totius Orientis nolunt habere campanas. Ruteni tamen habent & Graeci in Cassaria. Rasu●a. Castitas. Collegia Sacerdotum. Omnes Sacerdotes eorum radunt caput & barbam, & seruant castitatem ex quo radunt caput: Et viwnt centum vel ducentum in una congregatione. Diebus quibus intrant Templum ponunt duo scamna, & sedent ● Regione, chorus contra chorum in terra, habentes libros in manibus, quos aliquando deponunt super illa scamna: & habent capita discooperta quamdiu sunt in Templo legentes in silencio; & nullo modo loquerentur in Templo nisi verba officij sui. Corda nucleorum. Habent etiam in manibus quocunque vadunt quandam cordam centum vel ducentum nucleorum sicut nos Pater noster: & dicunt super haec verba. On, Maio, jugres. Baccan, id est, Deus tu nosti. Haec sunt communia omnibus Idolatris. Sed tamen jugres, qui habitant in terra ubi Imperator moratur, differunt ab aliis. Nam alij non ponunt unum Deum, sed plures, & creaturam adorant. Isti vero propter Viciniam Christianorum & Saracenorum ponunt unum Deum. Et sunt optimi scriptores: unde Tartari acceperunt litteras eorum: & illi sunt magni scriptores Tartarorum. Tebeth. Tangut. Catai Orientalis. Chinaei utuntur hodie eiusmodi p●nicillis, & characteribus Caracteres Philoso phici. Et isti scribunt à sursum in deorsum, & à sinistra in dextram multiplicant lineas & legunt. Tebeth scribunt sicut nos, & habent figuras similes nostris. Tangut scribunt à dextra in sinistram sicut Arabes, sed multiplicant lineas ascendendo. Catai Orientales scribunt cum punctorio, quo pingunt pictores: & faciunt in una figura plures literas comprehendentes unam dictionem. Et ex hoc veniunt Caracteres, qui habent multas literas simul. Vnde veri Caracteres & Philosophici sun● compositi ex literis, & habent sensum dictionum. Et tota terra à Danubio usque in Orientem vocatur apud Antiquos Scythia, à quo Scythae. Et omnes Regiones Tartarorum sunt de Scythia: & etiam Russia, & totum usque ad Alamaniam. And thus much ex quarta parte Compendij Studij Theologiae F.R. Baconi. V.B. Spec. hist. lib. 32. Mat. Michou. l. 2. c. 5. saith two of them went to the Cham: but they were two others sent another way, john de Plano Carpini and his fellow, whose story is in M. Hak. and in the said Vincent. l. 32. Relations of VINCENTIUS BELVACENSIS, the most of which he received from Friar SIMON de Sancto Quintino, one of the four Friars sent by Pope INNOCENT the Fourth to the Tartars: serving to the illustration of the former. ANno, 1246. Cuyne, who is also ca●led Gog Cham, was advanced to the Imperial Throne of the Tartars. All their Barons being assembled, placed a golden seat in the midst, whereon they caused him to sit; and set a Sword before him, saying. We will, and desire, and command thee to rule over us. He demanded if they were contented, to do, come, go, slay as he should command. They answered yea. Then said he, The word of my mouth shall henceforth be my Sword: and they all consented. After this they spread a Felt on the ground, and set him thereon, saying, Look upwards and acknowledge God, and look downe on the Felt whereon thou sittest. If thou shalt govern well, wilt be liberal, just, and honour thy Princes according to their dignity, thou shalt reign magnificent, and the whole World shall be subject to thy Dominion, and God will give thee all thy hearts desire; if otherwise thou shalt be miserable and so poor, that the Felt shall not be left thee whereon thou sittest. This done, they set his Wife with him on the Felt: and lifted them up both so sitting, Others call him Ocodai Can and proclaimed them Emperor and Empress of the Tartars. After which they brought before him infinite store of Gold, and Silver, and Gems, with all which remained to Chagadan, who distributed what he pleased, and reserved the rest. Then began they to drink until night after their manner; and afterward sodden flesh came in Carts without Salt, and amongst four or five they distributed a joint thereof. They call him Can, concealing his proper name, and he boasts himself the Son of God. He hath a Prince in the Confines of Persia, called Baioth Noy (Noy, signifieth his dignity, Baioth is his name) which hath subdued the Countries of Christians and Saracens to the Mediterranean Sea. Another called Corenzam remaineth in the West Frontiers with threescore thousand under him. The greatest Prince is Bathoth, Bathu. who hath under him one hundred and threescore thousand Tartars, and four hundred and fifty thousand Christians and others. The Chams forces are innumerable. Anno Dom. 1247. friar Ascelinus sent by the Pope, came into the Camp of the Tartars with other Friar's Preachers: where the Captain Baioth-noy, by Messengers demanded, whose Messengers they were. Friar Asceline answered for them all, I am the Messenger of the Lord Pope, who amongst Christians is greater than any man, reputed a Father and Lord. They replied, how proudly do ye say your Pope is greater than any? Knows he not that the Cham is Son of God, and Baioth-noy and Batho are his Princes? Ascelinus answered, the Pope knows no● them, but hears that the Tartars have comen out of the East, and have destroyed infinite multitudes. And had he known the names of Cham or his Princes, he would not have omitted their names in the Letters which we bring. But being grieved for the slaughters of so many, especially Christians, with the advice of his Brethren the Cardinals, he hath sent us to the next Tartarian Army we could find, to exhort the General thereof to cease such attempts, and to repent of that which they have done. The Messengers went and came diverse times betwixt, every time in change of Garments, and were very solicitous for Gifts and Presents which the Friars had none to give. And besides they denied to perform the Ceremonies of kneeling to Baioth-noy, lest they should thereby intimate a subjection of the Pope to the Tartars: The four were Ascelinus▪ Alberike, Alexander, and Simon. whereupon he consulted to put them all four to death, to which a Messenger sent from the Great Cham would not consent. The Friars only would put up their hoods and bow the head: whereat a Tartar asked whereas you Christians adore stocks and stones, that is Crosses imprinted on them; why do you refuse to do so to Baioth-noy, whom Cham the Son of God hath commanded to be adored. Ascelinus answered, Christians adore not stocks and stones, but the sign of the Cross thereon, for his sake which died on a Cross, See a like distinction of Ethnikes, Aug. in Psal. 113. adorning it with his members as precious jewels and consecrating it with his blood, purchasing thereby our salvation. So cannot we do to your Lord. Baioth-noy sent them word, that he would send them with their Letters to the Cham, which they refused. Then he sent for the Letters which were translated first into Persian, and thence into the Tartar Language. He held them there with many Tricks and Illusions, many weeks with hard fare and ill usage. And after much ado he returned with Baioth-noys answer, having first had a Messenger with Letters from the Cham. BAioth-noys Letter was this to the Pope. The word of Baioth-noy. Pope, know this; thy Messengers came and brought thy Letters to us. Thy Messengers spoke great words; we know not whether thou gavest them so in charge, or whether they spoke it of themselves. In thy Letters thou hadst written; ye kill, slay, and destroy many men. The precept of God stable and firm, who containeth the face of the whole world, unto us is this. Whosoever shall hear the Statute on their own Land, let them yield Water and Patrimony, and let them deliver power to him which containeth the face of the whole World. But whosoever will not hear the Precept and Statute, but shall do otherwise, let them be rooted out and destroyed. Now we send to you touching that Statute and Precept. If ye will yield Water and Patrimony on our Land, it is meet that thou Pope thyself in thine person come to us, and to him which containeth the face of the whole Earth: and if thou wilt not hear the stable Precept of God and of him which containeth the face of the whole Earth, we know not, God knows. It is meet that before thou comest, thou sendest Messengers, and that thou signifiest to us whether thou comest or no; whether thou wilt compound with us, or be Enemy. And send an Answer of the Precept quickly to us. This Precept by the hands of Aybeg and Sargis, we have sent in the month of july, the twentieth day of the Moon. In the Territory of the Castle Sitiens. THe Copy of the Chams Letters to Baioth-noy. By the Precept of the living God Cingis-cham the Son of God, sweet and venerable saith, that God is high over all, he is God immortal, and upon Earth Cingis-cham, is Lord alone. We will that this come into every place to the hearing of all, to the Provinces obeying us, and to the Provinces, obeying against us. It is therefore meet that thou O Baioth-noy excite them and make it known to them, that this is the commandment of the living and immortal God: that thou also incessantly make known thy desire touching this, and notify my commandment in all places, where a Messenger may come. And whosoever shall gainsay thee shall be hunted, and his Land shall be wasted. And I assure thee, that whosoever shall not hear this my Mandate, shall be deaf; and whosoever shall do according to this my judgement, knowing peace and not doing it, shall be lame. Let this my Ordinance come to the knowledge of all. Whosoever shall hear and neglect to observe it shall be destroyed and slain. Manifest this O Baioth-noy. And whosoever desireth the profit of his House, and will serve us, shall be saved and honoured. And whosoever shall contradict, study thou to correct them at thine own pleasure. Unto Lewis the French King were sent certain Messengers from a great man, called Ercalthay; V. Bel. l. 32 c. 90. * This seems to be that Sartac● in Rubruq. Ercalthays pretended Letter in Vincent. c. 91. and there was present Friar Andrew of Lontumel a Dominican, who knew David the chief of them, having seen him in the Army of the Tartars. These brought Letters in Persian and Arabike Letters. They reported also that a great King of the Tartars called Cham was become a Christian, with most of his followers. And now the said Ercalthay had received Baptism and was come forth from Cham with a great Army to advance the Christian Faith, and to destroy the Adversaries thereof; and much desired the French Kings love. They thought also that the said Ercalthay would the next Easter besiege Baldach. These told the King also of the Tartarian Affairs. Whereupon he sent Messengers with Letters and jewels to Ercalthay, with a Tent or Chapel of Scarlet fairly embroidered, with the Story of the Passion, with Ornaments thereto and things fitting for Divine Service, with a piece of the wood of the Holy Cross, exhorting him to proceed in the Faith. The Messenger were the foresaid Friar Andrew with two other Friars and two Clerks. Transcripts of all were sent into France. CHAP. III. Relations touching the Tartars, taken out of the History of R. WENDOVER, * He was Author of a great part of that history, which is wholly ascribed to Paris by the most. Dacia is here, as often by later Authors corruptly taken for Denmark. The Dacia of the ancients comprehended Transiluania, Walachia, and Moldavia. and MAT. PARIS: with certain Epistles of the same subject. ANno 1239. the Tartars, inhuman Nations, which had made great slaughters, and had with hostile forces invaded the borders of Christendom, in the greater Hungary were vanquished and most of them slain, being encountered by five Kings, Christians and Saracens, herein confederate. After which the King of Dacia and the King of Hungary caused the Confines (before by the Tartars brought in manner to a Wilderness) to be inhabited by Christians, which they sent thither. Of which out of Dacia, alone went more than forty ships. Anno 1240. the detestable people of Satan, to wit, an infinite number of Tartars broke forth from their Mountayne-compassed, and Rocke-defended Region, like Devils loosed out of Hell (that they may well be called Tartarians, as Tartareans) and like Grasshoppers covering the face of the Earth, spoiling the Eastern Confines with fire and Sword, ruining Cities, cutting up Woods, rooting up Vineyards, killing the people both of City and Country. And if they spared any, they used them in the forefront of their battles to fight against their Allies, that if they were therein faint or feigned, themselves at their backs might kill them: if otherwise it was without reward. They are rather Monsters than men, thirsting and drinking blood, tearing and devouring the flesh of Dogs and Men; clothed with Oxe-hides, armed with Iron Plates; A Calvish conceit. See Brierwood and my Pilgr. l. 4. c. ●. & l. 5. c. 14. in stature thick and short, well set, strong in body; in War invincible, in labour infatigable, behind unarmed; drinking the blood of their beasts for Dainties, etc. These Tartars of detestable memory, are thought to be descended of the ten Tribes which went away (forsaking the Law of Moses) after the golden Calves; whom Alexander the Macedon sought to enclose in the Caspian hills; to which labour, exceeding humane power, he invoked the assistance of the God of Israel, and the tops of the hills joined together, and the place became inaccessible and impassable. And though it be doubtful, because they use not the Hebrew Tongue, nor Law of Moses, nor are governed by any Laws; yet is it credible, that as their hearts then in Moses government were rebellious, Reprobately-sensuall and Idolatrous, so now more prodigiously their heart and Language is confounded, and their life immane and beastly inhuman. They are called Tartars of a certain River called Tartar, running alongst their hills. Anno 1241. that inhumame and brutish, lawless, barbarous and savage Nation of Tartars, horribly spoiling the North and North-east parts of the Christians, caused great fear and horror over all Christendom. For they had now brought in manner to a Wilderness, Frisia, Gothia, Polonia, Bohemia, and both Hungarias, the most part of the Princes, Prelates and people being fled or slain: as by this Letter appeareth. TO the Beloved and always worthy to be beloved Lord, our Father in Law, the Illustrious Prince the Duke of Brabant, H. by the grace of God Earl of Lorraine, Palatine of the Saxons, his humblest service. The perils foretold in holy Scripture, now break forth because of our sins. For a certain cruel and innumerable people, savage and lawless, invadeth and possesseth the Confines next bordering to us, and are now come to Poland, many other Lands being passed and peoples destroyed. Whereof aswell by our own Messengers, as by our beloved Cousin the King of Bohemia, we are fully certified and are invited speedily to succour and defend the faithful. For we know for certain that about the Octaves of Easter, the Tartarian Nation will invade cruelly and forcibly the Lands of the Bohemians, and if not prevented, will there perpetrate unheardof slaughter. And because our next neighbour's house is now on fire, and the next Country ●ieth open to waste, and some are already wasted, we earnestly and pitifully entreat the aid and counsel of God and of our neighbour-brethrens for the universal Church. And because delay is full of danger, with all our hearts we beseech you, that you make all possible speed to arm as well for your as our deliverance, making strong preparations of store of Soldiers; diligently exciting the noble, mighty and courageous, with the people subject to them, that ye may have them in readiness, when we shall next direct our Messengers to you. And we, by the ministry of our Prelates, Preachers, and Minors, Crusadoes against the Ta●●tars. cause the Cross (because the business belongs to him which was crucified) to be generally preached, fast● and prayers to be appointed, and our Lands in common to be called to the war of jesus Christ. Hereto we add that a great part of that detestable Nation, with an other Army adjoined to them, wasteth Hungaria with unheardof tyranny, insomuch that the King is said to have retained but a small part to himself. And to speak much in few words, the Church and People of the North is so oppressed and brought to such Straits, as it never was so scourged since the World began. Dated the year of grace 1241. on the day on which is sung Laetare jerusalem: And this was the Letters sent to the Bishop of Paris by the Duke of Brabant. The like was written by the Archbishop of Cullen to the King of England. Therefore for this grievous tribulation, and for the discord betwixt the Pope and the Emperor, so hurtful to the Church, there are appointed fasts and prayers, with larger Alms in diverse Regions, that our Lord being pacified with his people, who as a magnificent triumpher is as strong in a few as in many, may destroy the pride of the Tartars. The French Kings mother, Queen Blanch, A deuou● Queen and Saint King. with deep sighs and plentiful tears spoke hereof to her son. What shall we do my dearest son about this lamentable event, the terrible rumour whereof is comen to our Confines? general destruction of us all and of holy Church hangs over our times by the impetuous invasion of the Tartars. The King with mournful voice, not without the Spirit of God, answered: The heavenly comfort, Divine apophthegm. Mother, exalt us; and if they come on us, either we shall send again those Tartarians to their Tartarean places whence they came; or they shall exalt us to Heaven. THe Emperor certified hereof, wrote to the Princes, Emperor Fr. 2. this Leisure to King Henr. 3. and especially to the King of England in this form. Fredrick Emperor etc. to the King of England greeting. We cannot conceal, though it somewhat lately came to our ears, but give you notice of a thing which concerneth the Roman Empire (as prepared to the preaching of the Gospel) & all zealous Christian Kingdoms in the World, threatening general destruction to all Christendom. A barbarous Nation hath lately come from the Southern * An error usually such shadows at●tend fame 〈◊〉 like the form of enclosed 〈◊〉 jews. And i●●deed the Ta●●tartars were 〈◊〉 base and so mote, that they like 〈◊〉 overflowed the Earth, 〈◊〉 w●re unknown, yea● th●n also; 〈◊〉 sudden storm and unknown original ad●ding to that te●●our, 〈◊〉 which they then amaz●● and withal affrighted th● World as the Letters 〈◊〉 Region, which had long laid hid under the torrid Zone, and after towards the North by force possessing Regions long remaining is multiplied as the Canker worm, called Tartars we know not of what place or original; not without the foreseen judgement of God is reserved to these last times, to the correction and chastisement of his people, God grant not loss of all Christendom. A public destruction hath therefore followed, the common desolation of Kingdoms, and spoil of the fertile Land, which that wicked people hath passed thorough, not sparing sex, age, or dignity, & hoping to extinguish the rest of mankind, whiles it alone goeth about to domineer and reign every where by their immense and incomparable power and number. Now all things which they have been able to set eye on being put to death and spoil, leaving universal desolation behind them, these Tartarians (yea Tartareans) when they had come to the well peopled Colony of the Cumani (prodigal of their lives, having Bows their most familiar Arms, with Darts and Arrows which they continually use and are stronger in the arms then other men) they utterly overthrew them, and with bloody sword killed all which escaped not by flight. Whose neighbourhood scarcely warned the Rutheni not far distant to take heed to themselves. For they suddenly fly thither, to prey and spoil as the wrath of God and lightning hurls itself, and by their sudden assault and barbarous invasion take Cleva the chief City of the Kingdom; and all that noble Kingdom was wasted to desolation, the Inhabitants being slain. Which yet the neighbouring Kingdom of the Hungarians who should have taken warning, neglected: whose sluggish King too secure, being required by the Tartars messengers and letters, that if he desired that he and his should live, he should hasten their favour by yielding himself and his Kingdom; yet was not hereby terrified and taught to fortify against their eruptions: but they ignorant or insolent contemners of their enemies, secure in their enemy's approach, trusting in the native fortification of the place, unexpectedly compassed and oppressed at unawares by them entering like a whirlwind, opposed their Tents against them. And when the Tartars Tents were five miles from the Hungarian, the Tartarian forerunners in the dawning of the morning, rushed suddenly and compassed the Hungarians, and first slaying the Prelates and chief men, killed an infinite number, with such unheardof slaughter as scarcely is recorded ever to have happened in one battle. The King hardly escaped by flight on a swift Horse, which fled with a small company to the brotherly portion of the Hyllirian Kingdom, there to be protected; the Enemy possessing the Tents and spoils. And now wasting the nobler and greater part of Hungary beyond Danubius, consuming all with fire and sword, they threaten to confounded the rest, as by the venerable Bishop V●tien●is the Anbassadour of the said Hungarian King, notice is given to our Court first as he passed, being destined to the Roman Court. We are also hereof fully certified by the Letters of our dear son Conrade, elect King of Romans always Augustus, and heir of the Kingdom of jerusalem; and of the King of Bohemia, the Dukes of Austria and Bavaria; by the Messengers words also instructed experimentally of the Enemy's nearness. Nor could we learn these things without great grief. Truly, as the report goeth, their undetermined damnable Army, by our Lord's sufferance, hath proceeded divided purposely in three parts. For one being sent by the Pructeni, and entering Poland, the Prince and Duke of that Land were slain by them, and after that all the Region spoilt. The second hath entered the bounds of Bohemia, and being entered hath made stay, the King manly opposing himself. The third hath run thorough Hungaria, bounded by Austria. Whence the fear and trembling having beginning from fury, d●e excite and invite all; necessity urgeth to withstand them, the danger being near; the general destruction of the world, and specially of Christendom, calls for speedy help and succour. For this People is brutish, and without law, ignorant of humanity: yet followers, and hath a Lord whom it obediently observeth and worships, and calls, The God of the earth. The men are of short stature, but square and w●ll set, rough and courageous, at the beck of their Leader rushing on any difficulties▪ have broad faces, frowning looks, horrible cries agreeing to their hearts. They wear raw Hides of Ox's, Asses, or Horses, with Iron places sewed on for defensive Arms hitherto: but now, with grief we speak it, out of the spoils of conquered Christians, they are more decently armed, that in God's anger we may be the more dishonourably slain by our own weapons. They are also furnished with better Horses, fed with daintier fare, adorned with fairer raiment. The Tartars are incomparable Archers; carry sewed skins artificially made, by which they pass Rivers and waters without loss. When food fails, their Horses are said to be content with barks and leaves of Trees, and roots of Herbs: whom yet they find swift and hardy. And we foreseeing all those things, often by Letters and Messengers are mindful to request your excellence, as also other Christian Princes, earnestly soliciting and warning, that peace and love may flourish amongst Rulers, and discord being appeased (which often endamage Christendom) agreeing together to set stay to them which have lately showed themselves; forasmuch as forewarned are fore-armed, and that the common enemies may not rejoice, The Pope to have his will against the Emperor, exposeth Christian Princes to mutual quarrels, which he should have opposed to the Tartars, never ceasing till he had ruined that Family and the Empire. Tartar Spies. that to prepare their ways, so great dissensions break forth amongst Christian Princes. Oh God, how much and how often would we have humbled ourselves, doing the utmost that the Roman Bishop might have surceased from the scandal of dissension against us which is gone thorough the World; and would more temperately have revoked his passions from impetuous rashness, that we might be● able to quiet our subjects by right, and rule them more peaceably; nor that he would protect those Rebels, the greatest part of which is by him fostered: that things being settled, and the Rebels awed against whom we have wasted much treasure and labour, our power might be advanced against the common Enemies. But Will being to him for a Law, not ruling the slippery running of his tongue, and disdaining to abstain from manifold dissension which he hath attempted; by his Legates and Messengers he hath commanded the Cross to be published against me the Arm and Advocate of the Church, which he ought to have exercised against the tyranny of the Tartars or Saracens, invading and possessing the Holy Land, whiles our Rebels insult and consult grievously against our honour and fame. And now that our greatest care is to free ourselves from domestic and familiar Enemies, how shall we also repel Barbarians? seeing that they by their spies which every where they have sent before, they (howsoever directed without Divine Law, yet well trained in Martial stratagems) know the public discord, and the unfortified and weaker parts of the Lands: and hearing of the heartburning of Kings, and the strife of Kingdoms, are more encouraged and animated, O how much doth triumphing courage add to strength? We will therefore by God's providence converted, apply our strength and industry to both, that we may drive away the scandal domestical and barbarous on this side and on that, from the Church. And we have expressly sent our dear son Conrade, and other Princes of our Empire, that they may powerfully withstand the assaults of our barbarous Enemies, and repress their entry. And heartily we adjure your Majesty in behalf of the Common necessity, by our Lord jesus Christ, that taking heed to yourself, and to your Kingdom (which God keep in prosperity) with instant care and provident deliberation, you diligently prepare speedy aids of strong Knights, and other armed men and Arms: this we require in the sprinkling of the blood of Christ, and the league of This Emperor Fred. ●. married Isabel Sister to K. Henr. 3. affinity in which we are joined And so let them be ready with us manfully and providently to fight for the deliverance of Christendom, that against the Enemies now proposing to enter the confines of Germany, as the Gate of Christendom, by united forces victory to the praise of the Lord of Hosts may be obtained. Neither let it like you to pass over these things with dissimulation, or to suspend them by deferring. For if (which God forbid) they invade the German confines without obstacle, let others look for the lightnings of a sudden tempest at the doors; which we believe to have happened by Divine judgement, the world being diversely infected, the love of many waxing cold (by whom faith ought to be preached and conserved) and their pernicious example staining the world with Usuries, and diverse other kinds of Simoine and Ambition. Let your Excellency therefore provide; and whiles the common enemies are outrageous in the neighbour Regions, wisely consult to resist them: because they have comen out of their Lands with this intent, not regarding the perils of life, that they might subdue to them (which God avert) all the West, and may pervert and subvert the Faith and Name of Christ. And in respect of unexpected victory, which hitherto by God's permission hath followed them, they are grown to that exceeding madness, that now they think they have gotten the Kingdoms of the World, and to tame and subject Kings and Princes to their vile services. But we hope in our Lord jesus Christ, under whose Standard we have hitherto triumphed, being delivered from our Enemies, that these also which have broke forth of their Tartarean seats, their pride being abated by opposed forces of the West, these Tartars shall be thrust down to their Tartara (or Hell) Nor shall they boast to have passed so many Lands, overcome so many peoples, perpetrated so many mischiefs unavenged, when their unwary Destiny, yea Satan, shall have drawn them to the conquering Eagles of puissant Imperial Europe to their deaths. Where Germany voluntarily raging and prone to Arms, France the mother and nurse of soldiery, warlike and daring Spain, fertile England potent in men and a furnished Navy, Almain full of impetuous Warriors, Strip-strong Denmark, Dacia navalis untamed Italy, Burgundy ignorant of Peace, unquiet Apulia; with the pyratical and invincible Isles of the Greek, Adriaticke and Tyrrhene Seas, Crete, Cyprus, Sicil, with the Sea neighbouring Lands and Regions, bloody Ireland, with nimble Wales, marshy Scotland, Icy Norway, and every Noble and famous Region in the West, will cheerfully send their choice soldiery under the Colours of the quickening Cross, which and not only rebellious men but adverse Devil's dread. Dated in our return after the yielding and depopulation of Faventia, the third of july. Some (Papalines) suspected that the Emperor had hatched this Tartar-pestilence like Lucifer or Antichrist, to get the Monarchy of the world and to subvert Christiany, Malice ma●, and that the secret Counsels and wayless ways of the Tartars were fraught with Imperial Counsels. For they conceal their Language, vary their Arms, and if one be taken, knowledge of them or their purpose can by no tortures be extorted from him. And where (say they) should they lurk, in which of the Climates till this time? whence their so secret and fraudulent Conspiracy? They are Hircans and Scythians, savage bloodsuckers, who with the confederate Cumani, through the Emperor's device, have overthrown the King of Hungary, to make him seek shelter under the Imperial wings, and do him homage, etc. Needs must they go whom the Devil drives: or how else but by mad malice, and furious faction, or an Antichristian mist, could such impossibilities have been conceived? Selib. 8. c. 6 & 4. Of their driving the Turks and the Choerosmines out of Persia is elsewhere spoken. Of the Pope's entertainment of the Tartarian Messengers, Anno 1248. close Conferences with them and gifts to them, with diverse other discourses in the said author or Authors, I omit. Only this Epistle following, as containing both the strange adventures of an Englishman, and his relations of the Tartars from better experience, I could not but add here, making so much to the Readers purpose and ours. It was written by one You of Narbone a Clergy man, which being accused of Heresy to Robert de Curzun the Pope's Legate, fled, and lived one while with the Patarines, another with the Beguines, and at last writ this Letter containing a discourse of his travels, amongst them in Italy and G●rmanie. He begins Giraldo Dei gratia Burdegalensi Archiepiscopo, You dictus Narbonensis suorum olim●ouissimus Clericorum, salutem, etc. and after some premises of the Patarines, and Beguines (too long for this place) he proceeds; Hoc igitur & multis aliis peccatis inter nos Christianos emergentib●s iratus Dominus, etc. In English, Our Lord therefore being angry with this and other sins falling out amongst us Christians, is become as it were a destroying enemy. Part of an Epistle written by one YVO of Narbona unto the Archbishop of Bordeaux, containing the confession of an Englishman, as touching the barbarous demeanour of the Tartars, which had lived long among them, and was drawn along perforce with them in their expedition against Hungary: Recorded by Matthew Paris in the year our Lord 1243. THe Lord therefore being provoked to indignation, by reason of this and other sins committed among us Christians, is become, as it were, a destroying enemy, and a dreadful avenger. This I may justly affirm to be true, because an huge Nation, and a barbarous and inhuman people, whose Law is lawless, whose wrath is furious, even the rod of God's anger, overrunneth, and utterly wasteth infinit● Countries, cruelly abolishing all things where they come, with fire and sword. And this present Summer, the foresaid Nation, being called Tartars, departing out of Hungary, Neus●●t. which they had surprised by treason, laid siege unto the very same Town, wherein I myself abode, with many thousands of Soldiers: neither were there in the said Town on our part above Fifty men of war, whom, together with twenty Corsse-bowes, the Captain had left in Garrison. All these, out of certain high places, beholding the enemies vast Army, and abhorring the beastly cruelty of Antichrist his complices, signified forthwith unto their Governor▪ the hideous lamentations of his Christian subjects, who suddenly being surprised in all the Province adjoining, without any difference or respect of condition, Fortune, sex, or age, were by manifold cruelties, all of them destroyed: with whose carcasses, the Tartarian chieftains, and their brutish and savage followers, glutting themselves, as With delicious cates, left nothing for vultures but the bare bones. And a strange thing it is to consider, that the greedy and ravenous vultures disdained to pray upon any of the relics, which remained. Old and deformed Women they gave, as it were for daily sustenance, unto their Cannibals: the beautiful devoured they not, but smothered them, lamenting and screeching, with forced and unnatural ravishments. Like barbarous miscreants, they quelled Virgins unto death, and cutting off their tender paps to present for dainties unto their Magistrates, they engorged themselves with their Bodies. Howbeit, their spials in the mean time descrying from the top of an high mountain the Duke of Austria, the King of Bohemia, the Patriarch of Aquileia, the Duke of Carinthia, and (as some report) the Earl of Baden, with a mighty power, and in battle array, approaching towards them, that accursed crew immediately vanished, and all those Tartarian Vagabonds retired themselves into the distressed and vanquished land of Hungary; who as they came suddenly, so they departed also on the sudden: which their celerity caused all men to stand in horror and astonishment of them. But of the said fugitives, the Prince of Dalmatia took eight: one of which number the Duke of Austria knew to be an Englishman, who was perpetually banished out of the Realm of England, in regard of certain notorious crimes by him committed. This fellow on the behalf of the most tyrannical King of the Tartars, had been twice, as a messenger and Interpreter, with the King of Hungary, menacing and plainly foretelling those mischief's which afterward happened, unless he would submit himself and his Kingdom unto the Tartars yoke. Well, being alured by our Princes to confess the truth, he made such oaths, and protestations, as (I think) the Devil himself would have been trusted for. First therefore he reported of himself, that presently after the time of his banishment, namely, about the thirtieth year of his age, having lost all that he had in the City of Acon at Dice, even in the midst of Winter, being compelled by ignominious hunger, wearing nothing about him but a shirt of sack, a pair of shoes, and a hair cap only, being shaved like a fool, and uttering an uncoth noise as if he had been dumb, he took his journey, and so travelling many Countries, and finding in diverse places friendly entertainment, he prolonged his life in this manner for a season, albeit every day by rashness of speech, and inconstancy of heart, he endangered himself to the Devil. At length, by reason of extreme travail, and continual change of air and of meats in Caldea, he fell into a grievous sickness, insomuch that he was weary of his life. Not being able therefore to go forward or backward, and staying there a while to refresh himself, he began (being somewhat learned) to commend to writing those words which he heard spoken, and within a short space, so aptly to pronounce and to utter them himself, that he was reputed for a native member of that Country: and by the same dexterity he attained to many Languages. The man, the Tartars having intelligence of by their spies, drew him perforce into their society: and being admonished by an oracle or vision, to challenge dominion over the whole earth, they alured him by many rewards to their faithful service, by reason that they wanted Interpreters. But concerning their manners and superstitions, of the disposition and stature of their bodies, of their Country and manner of fight, etc. he protested the particulars following to be true: namely, that they were above all men, covetous, hasty, deceitful, and merciless: notwithstanding, by reason of the rigour and extremity of punishments to be inflicted upon them by their superiors, they are restrained from brawlings, and from mutual strife and contention. The ancient founders and fathers of their tribes, they call by the name of Gods, and at certain set times they do celebrate solemn Feasts unto them, many of them being particular, and but four only general. They think that all things are created for themselves alone. They esteem it none offence to exercise cruelty against rebels. They be hardy and strong in the breast, lean and pale-faced, rough and huffe-shouldred, having flat and short noses, long and sharp chins, their upper jaws are low and declining, their teeth long and thin, their eyebrows extending from their foreheads down to their noses, their eyes inconstant and black, their countenances writhe and terrible, their extreme joints strong with bones and sinews, having thick and great thighs, and short legs, and yet being equal unto us in stature: for that length which is wanting in their legs, is supplied in the upper parts of their bodies. Their Country in old time was a land utterly desert and waste, situated far beyond Chaldea, from whence they have expelled Lions, Bears, and such like untamed beasts, with their bows, and other engines. Of the hides of beasts being tanned, they use to shape for themselves light, but yet impenetrable armour. They ride fast bound unto their Horses, which are not very great in stature, but exceedingly strong, and maintained with little provender. They use to fight constantly and valiantly with javelins, maces, battleaxes, and swords. But especially they are excellent Archers, and cunning warriors with their bows. Their backs are slightly armed, that they may not flee. They withdraw not themselves from the combat, till they see the chief Standard of their General give back. Vanquished, they ask no favour, and vanquishing, they show no compassion. They all persist in their purpose of subduing the whole world under their own subjection, as if they were but one man, and yet they are more than millions in number. They have 60000. Courriers, who being sent before upon light Horses to prepare a place for the Army to encamp in, will in the space of one night gallop three days journey. And suddenly diffusing themselves over an whole Province, and surprising all the people thereof unarmed, vnprouided, dispersed, they make such horrible slaughters, that the King or Prince of the land invaded, cannot find people sufficient to wage battle against them, and to withstand them. They delude all people and Princes of regions in time of peace, pretending that for a cause, which indeed is no cause. Sometimes they say that they will make a voyage to Collen, to fetch home the three wise Kings into their own Country; sometimes to punish the avarice and pride of the Romans, who oppressed them in times past; sometimes to conquer barbarous and Northern nations; sometimes to moderate the fury of the Germans with their own meek mildness; sometimes to learn warlike feats and stratagems of the French; sometimes for the finding out of fertile ground to suffice their huge multitudes; sometimes again in derision they say, that they intent to go on Pilgrimage to Saint james of Galicia. In regard of which sleights and collusions certain undiscreet Governors concluding a league with them, have granted them free passage thorough their Territories, which leagues notwithstanding being violated, were an occasion of ruin and destruction unto the foresaid Governors, etc. To the Reader. I Found this Book translated by Master Hakluyt out of the Latin. But where the blind lead the blind both fall: as here the corrupt Latin could not but yield a corruption of truth in English. Ramusio, Secretary to the Decemviri in Venice, found a better Copy and published the same, whence you have the work in manner new: so renewed, that I have found the Proverb true, that it is better to pull down an old house and to build it anew, then to repair it; as I also should have done, had I known that which in the event I found. The Latin is Latin, compared to Ramusios' Gold. And he which hath the Latin hath but Marco Polos Carcase, or not so much, but a few bones, yea, sometime stones rather than bones; things diverse, averse, adverse, perverted in manner, disjointed in manner, beyond belief. I have seen some Authors maimed, but never any so mangled and so mingled, so present and so absent, as this vulgar Latin of Marco Polo; not so like himself, as the three Polos were at their return to Venice, where none knew them, as in the Discourse ye shall find. Much are we beholden to Ramusio, for restoring this Pole and Lodestar of Asia, out of that miry pool or puddle in which he lay drowned. And, O that it were possible to do as much for our Countryman Mandevill, who next this (if next) was the greatest Asian Traveller that ever the World had, & having fall'n amongst thieves, neither Priest, nor Levite can know him, neither have we hope of a Samaritan to relieve him. In this I have endeavoured to give (in what I give) the truth; but have abridged some things to prevent prolixity and tautology in this so voluminous a Work, leaving out nothing of substance, but what elsewhere is to be found, in this Work: and seeking rather the sense then a stricter verbal following our Authors words and sentence. As for the Chapters I find them diversely by diverse expressed, and therefore have followed our own method. CHAP. four The first Book of MARCUS PAULUS VENETUS, or of Master MARCO POLO, a Gentleman of Venice, his Voyages. §. I. The Voyages of Master M. NICOLO and M. MAFFIO from Constantinople to the Great CAN, and their coming home to VENICE: their second Voyage with the Author and return. IN the time of Baldwin Emperor of Constantinople, * Of Baldw●● conquering Constantinopl● and the Empire of the 〈◊〉 there, 〈◊〉 hath goguen a long 〈◊〉 course: see so Knolles Tu●●kish History sup. tom. 1 l. 8. where usually remained a Magistrate of Venice, called Messer lo Dose, in the year of our Lord 1250. Master Nicolo Polo, Father of Master Marco, and M. Maffio his Brother, Noble, Honourable and Wisemen of Venice, being at Constantinople with store of Merchandise, kept many Accounts together. At last they determined to go into the Great (or Euxine) Sea, to see if they could increase their stock, and buying many fair and rich jewels. They departed from Constantinople and sailed by the said Sea to a Port called Soldadia: * Called by bilfada Isma●● Sogdat, and placed in Chirmia (not Armenia) on the North-side of the Euxine Sea. Friar Bacon before calls it Soldaia in Cassaria. from whence they traveled after by Land to the Court of a great Lord of the Tartars, called Barcha, who resided in the Cities of Bolgara and Assara, and was reputed one of the most liberal and courteous Princes that ever had been amongst the Tartars. He was very well pleased with their coming, and did them great honour. They having made show of their jewels, and seeing they pleased him, freely bestowed them on him. He, loath to be exceeded in liberality, caused twice the value to be given them, and besides great and rich gifts. Having stayed one year in the Country of the said Prince, whiles they thought to return to Venice, there suddenly arose War betwixt the said Barcha and another named Alau, Lord of the Eastern Tartars. These Armies fight together, Alau had the Victory, and the Army of Barcha received a great overthrow. By reason whereof, the ways being not secure, they were not able to return that way which they came. And having consulted how to return to Constantinople, they were advised to go so far to the East, that they might compass the Realm of Barcha, by unknown ways: and so they came to a City called Ouchacha, which is in the Confines of the Kingdom of this Lord of the Tartars on the West, and passing further, they went over Tigris (one of the four Rivers of Paradise) and after that a Desert of seventeen days journey, B●cara, or Boghar in Bactria, of which see M. jenkinson. without City, Castle, or Fort, finding only Tartars, which live in the fields in certain Tents, with their beasts. Being past the Desert they came to a good City called Bocara, (the name also of the Province) in the Region of Persia, which was subject to a King called Barach: in which place they stayed three years before they could go forward or backward, by reason of great wars betwixt the Tartars. At that time a certain Wiseman was sent Ambassador from the said Prince Alau to the Great Can, who is the greatest King of all the Tartars, residing in the Confines of the Earth, betwixt the North-east and the East, called Cublai Can: who being comen to Bocara, and finding there the said two brethren which had now well learned the Tartarian Language, he rejoiced above measure, and persuadeth these Western men or Latins to go with him, to the presence of the Great Emperor of the Tartars; knowing that he should gratify him in this, and the men notwithstanding should be entertained with great honour, and rewarded with large gifts especially, seeing through the manifold conference had with them, he now perceived their pleasing behaviour. Those men therefore considering, that they could not easily return home without danger, consulting together, join with the said Ambassador, and journey with him to the Emperor of the Tartars, having certain other Christians in their Company, whom they brought with them from Venice, and departing towards the North-east and the North, were a whole year in going to the Court of the said chief King of the Tartars. The cause of their long time in this journey, was the Snows and River Waters much increased, so that they were forced in their travel to stay the wasting of the Snow, and decreasing of the floods. They come to the Great Can. Being therefore brought before the presence of the Great Can, they were most courteously received of him. He questioned them concerning many things, as of the Countries of the West, the Roman Emperor, and other Kings and Princes, how they carried themselves in Government, and in Warlike affairs, how Peace, justice, and Concord continued among them; also what manner of life, and customs were observed with the Latins; and especially of the Pope of the Christians, of the things of the Church and the Religion of the Christian Faith. And M. Nicolo and M. Maffeo, as Wisemen told him the truth, always speaking well to him, and orderly in the Tartarian Tongue. Insomuch that he often commanded they should be brought to his presence, and they were very acceptable in his sight. Having well understood the Affairs of the Latins, and resting satisfied with their answers, the Great Can intending to send them his Ambassadors to the Pope, first, consulted with his Barons, and then calling to him the two Brethren, desired them for his love to go to the Pope of the Romans, with one of his Barons called Chogatall, to pray him to send an hundred Wisemen, They are sent Ambassadors from the Can to the Pope. and learned in the Christian Religion unto him, who might show his Wisemen, that the Faith of the Christians, was to be preferred before all other Sects, and was the only way of salvation; and that the Gods of the Tartars were Devils, and that they and others the people of the East were deceived in the worship of their Gods. He gave them also in charge to bring in their return from jerusalem, of the Oil of the Lamp which burneth before the Sepulchre of our Lord jesus Christ, to whom he had great devotion, and held him to be true God. They therefore yielding due reverence to the Great Can, promise that they will faithfully execute the charge committed unto them, and present the Letters which they received from him, written in the Tartarian, to be delivered to the Bishop of Rome. He (according to the custom of his Kingdom) commanded a Golden Tablet to be given them engraven and signed with the King's mark; Golden tablet used as a Commission under the broad Seal. carrying the which with them throughout his whole Empire, in stead of a Passport, they might be everywhere safely conveyed through dangerous places, by the Governors of Provinces and Cities, and receive expenses from them; and lastly, how long soever they would stay in any place, whatsoever they needed to them or theirs, should be ministered unto them. Taking their leave therefore of the Emperor, they take their journey, carrying the Letters and Golden Tablet with them. And when they had rid twenty days journey, the Baron aforesaid associated unto them began to fall grievously sick. Whereupon consulting and leaving him there, they prosecute their intended journey, being everywhere courteously received by reason of the Emperor's Tablet. Yet in very many places they were compelled to stay, by occasion of the overflowing of Rivers, so that they spent three years, before they came unto the Port of the City of the Armenians, named Giazza. From Giazza they go to Acre, to wit, in the year of our Lord 1269. in the month of April. But having entered into the City of Acre, they heard, Acre or Aco●, then in possession of the Christians, see before l. 8. c. 4. Pope Clement the fourth. that Pope Clement the fourth was lately dead, and that no other was substituted in his place: for the which they were not a little grieved. At that time, there was a certain Legate of the Apostolical Sea at Acre, to wit, Master Tibaldo de Vesconti di Piacenza, to whom they declared all they had in commission, from the Great Can: and he advised them, to expect the Creation of a new Pope. In the mean space therefore departing to Venice to visit their Friends, (purposing to remain there until another Pope were created) Master Nicolo found that his wife was dead, whom (at his departure) he had left great with child, but had left a son, named Marco, who was now * Another copy hath 15. nineteen years of age. This is that Marco which ordained x For the Book was written by a Gentleman o● Genoa from his mouth▪ and therefore still in Ramusio Marco is mentioned in the third person, and not in th● first: at least much of it wa● so written an● the whole pub●lished by 〈◊〉 this Book, who will manifest therein all those things which he hath seen. Moreover, the Election of the Pope of Rome was deferred two years. They (fearing the discontentment, and disquieting of the Emperor of the Tartars, who (they knew) expected their return) go back again to Acre to the Legate, carrying with them Marco aforesaid, and (having gone to jerusalem, and fetched of the Oil) with the Legates Letters, testifying their fidelity to the Great Chan, and that a Pope was not yet chosen, they went again towards Giazza. In the mean time whiles they were going, Messengers came from the Cardinals to the Legate, declaring unto him, that he was chosen Pope▪ and he called himself d The tenth that name. Letters, and Preaching Fr●●ars sent unto the Tartar. Gregory. Hearing this, presently sending Messengers, he calleth back the Venetians, and admonisheth them not to depart, preparing other Letters for them, which they should present unto the Great Chan of the Tartars; with whom he also joined two Preaching Friars, men famous for their honest conversation and learning, whereof the one was called Friar Nicolo Davicenza; the other, Friar Guielmo da Tripoli. To these he gave Letters, and Privileges, and authority to order Priests and Bishops, and of all absolution as if himself were present, with Presents also of great value, and Crystal vessels to present the great Chan, together with his Benediction. They came to Giazza, a Port of the Sea in Armenia. And because Bentiochdare the Sultan of Babylon levying a great Army had then invaded the Armenians, the two Friars mentioned, began to be afraid of themselves, and delivering the Letters and Presents to Master Nicolo, and Maffio, and Marco, desiring to avoid the danger of the ways, and peril of wars, remained with the Master of the Temple, and returned with him. But the three Venetians exposing themselves to all danger, with many labours, and much difficulty traveled many days, always towards the North-east and North, till they after three years and a half came unto the Emperor of the Tartars, unto the City called Clemenfu: The City Cl●●menfu. for in the Winter time their journey had often and long hinderantes, by reason of the snow and extreme cold, and inundations of waters. Moreover, King Cublai hearing that they were coming, who were yet very far off, sent Messengers forty days journey to meet them, who should conduct them, and minister all necessaries for the journey. Going therefore to the King's Court, and being brought to his presence, The adorati●● of the Tarta● they fell down before him on their faces, yielding the accustomed reverence. Of whom being courteously received, they are willed to arise, and he commandeth them to declare, how they passed the diverse dangers of the ways, and what they had treated with the Bishop of Rome. Then they orderly declare all things, and give the Emperor the Pope's Letters and Presents which they brought. Whereat the Chan wonderful rejoicing, commended their faithful cares. Marcus' 〈◊〉 made one o● the Chans' Clerks, an● a Courtier. Marcos Leg●●ti●n. His wisedom● in travelling to a far Country. The Oil also brought from the Lamp of the Lords Sepulchre, and offered unto him, he reverently received of them, and commanded it should be honourably preserved. And ask of Marco, who he was, Master Nicolo answered, that he was his Majesty's servant and his son. He entertained him with a friendly countenance, and caused him to write amongst other his honourable Courtiers: Whereupon he was much esteemed of all the Court, and in a little space learned the customs of the Tartars, and four diverse Languages, being able to write and read them all. The great Chan to make his wisdom more apparent, committed an Embassage unto him to be performed in a City called Carahan, unto the which he could scarcely attain in six months space. But he, carrying himself wisely in all things, discharged what he had in commission, not without the commendation and favour of the Prince. And knowing the Emperor was delighted with novelties in the Countries which he passed thorough, he diligently searched the customs and manners of men, and the conditions of the Countries; making a memorial of all which he knew and saw, to pleasure the Great Chan. And in six and twenty * This 26. year to be re●●koned to th● time in 〈◊〉 this book 〈◊〉 written, fro● 1272. to 12● as in the Relation appeareth. The 〈◊〉 is that it was 26. year's s● he began to a Courtier. They 〈…〉. years which he continued one of his Court, he was so acceptable to him, that he was continually sent thorough all his Realms and Signiories, for the affairs of the Great Chan, and sometimes for his own, but by the Chans' order. And this is the true reason that the said Master Marco learned and saw so many novelties of the East, which follow in order diligently written. But these Venetians having stayed in that Court many years, and grown very rich in jewels of great value, were inflamed with desire to visit their Country, fearing that if the Chan (now old) should die, they should not be able to return. One day Master Nicolo seeing the Chan merry, craved licence to depart in the name of all three. Whereat he was moved, and asked why they would put themselves on so dangerous a journey: and if they wanted riches, he would give them twice as much as they had: and in great love would not permit their departure. Yet in the mean space it happened, Argon, a King of the Indians. Argon is a Nation of India. And this King governed the same. The will of Queen Bolgana. Cogatin. that a King of the Indians, named Argon, sent three wise men unto the Court of Great Cublai, whose names were Vlatai, Apusca, Coza, to treat with him, that he would deliver him a wife; for his wife named Bolgana, being lately dead, begged this grace of the King at the point of death, and left in her Will, that he should not marry a wife of another Family than her own, which was of Catay. King Cublai therefore yielding to his request, caused to be fought out for them a fair young Maiden of seventeen years of age, named Cogatin, descended of the said Queen's stock, and to be the wife of Argon. These Ambassadors departing, road eight months the same way they came, but found so hot wars betwixt the Tartars, that they were constrained to return: and acquainted the Chan with their proceedings. Meane-whiles, Master Marco had returned from the parts of India, where he had been employed with certain ships, and declared to the Chan the novelties of the places, and the security of those Seas: which words having passed him, the Ambassadors conferred with the Venetians, and agreed that they with the Queen should go to the Great Chan, and desire leave to return by Sea, and to have the three Latins, men skilful in Sea affairs, with them to the Country of King Argon. The Great Chan was much displeased with their request, yet upon their petition granted it: and caused Nicolo, Maffio and Marco to come to his presence, and after much demonstration of his love, would have them promise to return to him, after they had spent some time in Christendom, and at their own house. And he caused to give them a Tablet of Gold, in which was written his commandment, for their liberty and security thorough all his Dominions, and that expenses should be given them and theirs, and a Guide or convoy for safe passage; ordaining also that they should be his Ambassadors to the Pope, the Kings of France, of Spain, and to other Christian Kings. He caused fourteen ships to be prepared, each having four Masts and able to bear nine Sails in sailing, the form of which is too long here to relate. Four of them, or five, had from two hundred and fifty to two hundred and sixty Mariners each of them. In these ships the Ambassadors, the Queen, and Nicolo, Maffio, and Marco, set sail, having first taken leave of the Great Chan, who gave them many Rubies and other precious gems, and expenses for two years. After three months they came unto a certain Island, named java, and from thence sailing through the Indian Sea; after eighteen months, they come unto the Country of King Argon, six hundred men of the Mariners and others, and but one of the Women and Damsels died in the journey, and only Coza of the three Ambassadors was living. When they came to the Country of King Argon, they found that he was dead, and that one Chiacato governed the Kingdom, for his son being young. They sent to acquaint him with their business; who answered, that they should give her to Casan the King's son, then in the parts of Arbour secco, in the Confines of Persia with sixty thousand persons for the guard of certain passages against the enemy. Having done so, Nicolo, Maffio, and Marco returned to Chiacato, and stayed there nine months. After this, taking leave, Chiacato gave them four Tables of Gold, each a cupit long, five fingers broad, of the weight of three or four Marks: in which was written, that in the power of the eternal God, the name of the Great Chan should be honoured and praised many years; and every one which should not obey, should be put to death, and his goods confiscate. It was further contained, that these three Ambassadors should be honoured, and service done them in all Lands and Countries, as to his own person: and that Horses, Conuoyes, expenses and necessaries should be given them. All which was duly put in execution, that sometimes they had two hundred Horses for their safeguard. In this their travel they heard that the Great Chan was dead, which took from them all hope of returning thither. They road till they came to Trabesonde, and from thence to Constantinople, and after to Negroponte, and at last came with great riches safe to Venice, Anno 1295. And thus much may serve for a Preface to the following work, whereby might appear, how Marco Polo could come to the knowledge of the things therein contained. To supply a little more, delivered by Tradition and recorded by Ramusio: he saith that these three being comen to Venice, like Ulysses in Ithaca, none knew them; all esteeming them long since dead. Besides, their voyage had so altered them, that they seemed rather Tartarians then Venetians, having in manner forgotten their native Language; their habit also was of thick Cloth, like Tartars. They went to their house in Saint john Chrysostom's Street, and is there still to be seen, than a fair Palace, and now called, The Court of millions: which name it had by reason of Marcos relations of so many millions in this work, and in his discourses of the Great Chans' incredible wealth. They found there inhabiting some of their kindred▪ nor knew how to make themselves known. Therefore, as I have often heard of Magnifico Messer Gasparo Malipiero, a very old Gentleman of singular integrity, from the report of his Father and Grandfather, etc. they agreed to invite many of their kindred to a feast, prepared in honourable manner with much Magnificence: in which at first all three came forth in Crimson Satin suits, and after the Guests were set, stripped themselves, and gave them to the Servitors, coming forth in Crimson Damask; and at the next service in Crimson Velvet, and after in the common habit, giving still the former to the servitors. Dinner ended and the Servitors put forth, Marco brought forth their three habits of thick Cloth in which they had comen home, and thence took and set on the Table an incredible quantity of jewels artificially sewed therein, which was no less marvel to the beholders, than evidence of their being of the Polo family as they pretended. Maffio was made a Magistrate in Venice, Marco was daily frequented with the youth; and all won great reputation. In few months after, Lampa Doria General of a fleet of Genois being come to the I'll Curzola with seventy Galleys, Andrea Dandolo was sent against them, and in that Fleet Marco was made Captain of a Galley, which by disaduenture of War was taken, and he carried prisoner to Genoa. Where his strange travels being made known, a certain Gentleman daily resorting to him (as did the whole City in admiration) caused and helped him to write this story, having sent to Venice for his Notes. The book was first written in Latin, and thence translated into Italian. One of which Latin Copies very ancient and haply copied out of Marcos original, I have seen and compared with this which I here Publish, lent me by a Gentleman of this City of the house of the Ghisi my special friend, which holds it in special esteem. No price might ransom him, insomuch that his Father wanting an heir to his wealth married again, and had by his wife three Children. Marcos worthiness obtained that which no money's worth could do, and being at liberty he returned and married, and had two Daughters (but no son) Moretta and Fautina, etc. That Gentleman of Genoa made a Preface to the Book, and Francisco Pipino a Friar Preacher which translated the same, Anno 1320. out of the Vulgar (the Latin being rare, as well it might before Printing and perhaps never seen of him) into Latin. Both those Prefaces are in Ramusio: the latter commends M. Polo for a devout and honest man, and saith his Father confirmed the truth of this Book, and his uncle Maffio on his Deathbed to his Confessor. Pipino abbreviated the Book and perhaps gave occasion to that corruption which was after increased by others. §. II. Observations of M. POLO, of Armenia, Turkey, Zorzania, Baldach, Persia, Chirmain, Cobniam, Ormus, Knave-fooles Paradise, and other Eastern parts in Asia, and Armenia the less. THere are two Armenia's, the greater and the less. In the less the King abides in a City called Sebastoz, which in all his Country observeth justice and good Government. The Kingdom itself hath many Cities, Fortresses and Castles: the soil also is fertile, and the Country lacketh no necessary thing, nor doth it want game of Beasts and fowl: the air is not very good. The manner of the Inhab●●tants. Giazza. The Gentlemen of Armenia in times past were stout warriors, but become now effeminate and nice, give themselves to drunkenness and riot. There is a certain City in this Kingdom seated near the Sea, named Giazza, having an excellent Haven whither many Merchant's resort from diverse Countries, even from Venice and Genua, by reason of the diverse merchandises brought thither, especially Spices of sundry sorts, and certain other precious riches brought thither out of the East Countries for trading: for this place is as it were a certain part of all the East Countries. In Turchomania are three sorts of Nations; to wit, the Turchomans or Turke-men, Turchomania Turkey. which observe the law of Mahumet. They are men unlearned, rude, and wild, inhabiting the Mountains and inaccessible places, where they know are pastures; for they live only of their beasts. There are good Horses, called Turke-men, (or Turkey horses) Mules, of great estimation. The other Nations are Grecians and Armenians, who possess the Cities and Towns, and bestow their labour on Merchandise and Artes. They make the best Carpets in the world. And they have many Cities, the chief whereof are Cogno, or Iconium, Caesarea, and Sebaste, where Saint Basil suffered Martyrdom for Christ, and they acknowledge one of the Kings of the Tartars for their Lord. Armenia the greater, being a very large Province, tributary to the Tartars, hath many Cities and Towns. The chief City thereof is called Arzuiga, and the best Bukram is made there. Most wholesome hot waters also spring there, for the washing and curing of men's bodies. And the other more famous Cities next to the Metropolis, are Argiron and Darziz. In the Summer time, very many Tartars resort thither with their Flocks and herds, alured through the fatness of the pasture: and again in the Winter depart for a certain time by reason of the abundance of Snow. The Ark of Noah remained in the Mountains of this Armenia. This Country hath the Province of Mosull and Meridin, bordering on the East. But on the North is Zorzania Of the Geor●●●an● , in the confines of which a Fountain is found, from which liquor-like oil floweth, yet is it unprofitable for the seasoning of meat, but very fit for the making and maintaining of Lamps, and to anoint other things enough to lad Camels. In Zorzania is a King called always David Melicz, or King David: Georgia. One part of the Province is subject to him, the other payeth tribute to the King of the Tartars. The Woods there are of Boxe-tree. The Country abutteth on the two Seas, Mar-maggiore, and that of Abaccu, (or the Caspian) which containeth in Circuit twenty eight hundred Miles, and is like a Lake, not mingled with other Seas. In it are many Lands, Cities and Castles, some of which are inhabited by those which fled from the Tartars out of Persia. The people of Zorzania are Christians, observing the rites of the Christians. They keep their hair short, like the Western Clergy. The Inhabitants have many Cities and Castles, and abound with Silk, of the which they make very fair clothes. Moxul is a Province in which dwell people of many sorts, one called Arahi which are Mahumetans, Moxul. other are Christians, some Nestorians, others jacobites, and others Armenians: and they have a Patriarch called jacolit, which ordaineth Archbishops, Bishops, and Abbots, and sends them thorough all parts of India, and to Cairo and Baldach, and all parts where Christians dwell, as doth the Pope of Rome. And all the clothes of Gold and of Silk called Mossulines are wrought in Moxul. But in the Mountains of this Kingdom dwell the people called Cordi, whereof some are Nestorians, other jacobines, and some followers of Mahumet. They are wicked men and rob Merchants. Near to them is another Province, called Must and Meridin, wherein grows infinite store of Cotton or Bombast, whereof they make Buckrams and other works. They are all under the Tartars. Baldach is a great City, in which was the Chalifa that is the Pope of all the Sarcens. A River runs thorough it, Baldach. Chisi. Balsara. from whence to the Sea is ordinarily seventeen days journey. They sail by a City called Chisi: but before they come thither is Balsara, about which grow the best Dates in the world. In Baldach are many clothes of Gold and Silk: there are wrought Damasks and Velvets with diverse figures of creatures. All the pearls (in manner) in Christendom come thence. In that City is studied the law of Mahomet, negromancy, Physic, Astronomy, Geomancy, and phisnomy: It is the chief City in those parts. When the Tartars began to reign, there were four Brethren, the eldest of which, Mongu reigned in Sedia. These purposing to subdue the world, went one to the East, another to the North, to the South a third, which was Vlau, and the other to the West. In the year from the Incarnation of our Lord 1250. Vlau having a great Army of one hundred thousand Horse, Vlau Alau, or Haalon. besides Foot, yet used policy, and having hid a great part of his men brought by feigned flight, the Calipha into his ambush, and took him, and the City: in which he found infinite store of treasure, insomuch that he wondered. He sent for the Califa, and reproved him that in that war he had not therewith provided himself of Soldiers for defence: and commanded that he should be enclosed in that Tower, where his Treasure was, without other sustenance. This seemed a just judgement from our Lord jesus Christ on him. For he in the year 1225. seeking to convert the Christians to Mahumet: And taking advantage on that place of the Gospel, that he which hath Faith as much as a grain of Mustardseed, should be able to remove mountains, he Converted all the Christians, Nestorians, and jacobites, and propounded to them in ten days to remove certain Mountains, or turn Mahumetans, or be slain, as not having one man amongst them which had the least faith. They therefore continued eight days in Prayer: after which a certain Shoemaker by revelation to a Bishop, was designed to perform it. This Shoemaker once tempted to lust by sight of a young Woman in putting on her Shoe, zealously had fulfilled that of the Gospel, and literally had put out his right eye: He now on the day appointed with other Christians following the Cross and lifting his hands to Heaven, prayed to God to have mercy on his people, and then with a loud voice commanded the Mountain in the name of the Father, Son, and holy Ghost to remove, which presently with great terror to the Califa and all his people was effected. And that day is since kept holy, with fasting also on the even. Tauris is a great City in the Province of Hirace. It is a most populous City. They live of Arts and Merchandise. Tauris. They make clothes of gold and silk. Foreign Merchants make there great gain, but the Inhabitants are generally poor: a mixed people of Nestorians, Armenians, jacobites, Georgians, and Persians, and Mahumetans. These last are perfidious and treacherous, thinking all well gotten which they steal from men of other Religions. And this wickedness of the Saracens hath converted many Tartars thereto. If the Christians kill them in their robbery, Devil's Martyrs they are reputed Martyrs. From Tauris to Persia are twelve days journey. In the confines of Tauris is the Monastery of Saint Barsam, the Monks whereof are like Carmelites; they always make girdles which they lay on the Altar, and give to their friends, which devoutly esteem of them. The eight Kingdom of Persia. Horses. Asses. Persia containeth eight Kingdoms: whereof the first is called Casibin, the second Curdistan, the third Lord, the fourth Suolistan, the fifth Spaan, the sixth Sirrah, the seaventh Soncara, the eight Timochaim, which is near Arboresecco towards the North. Fair and great Horses are there, whence they are sold into India. There are also very goodly and excellent Asses sold dearer than the Horses, for that they eat little, carry much and far. They have Camels but not so swift. These are necessary in those Countries, which sometime in a long way yield no grass. The people in those Countries are very wicked, The Inhabitants. contentious, thieves, and Murderers, professing the faith of Mahumet. Merchants are every where slain by those thieves, unless they travel in troops. Yet are there excellent Artificers in the Cities, who make wonderful things in gold, silk, and Embroidery. They abound with Silkworms, Wheat, Barley, Milium, and other kinds of Corn: and have also plenty of Wine and fruits. And though their Law forbid wine, Fine distinction, as in a Popish fasts. yet they have a gloss to correct or corrupt the text, that if they boil it, than it changeth the taste, and therefore the name also of Wine. jasdi is a great City in the confines of Persia, where much Trading is exercised. jasdi. It hath also cunning Artificers who labour in Silk. Chierman is a Kingdom in the confines of Persia to the East, subject to the Tartars. In the veins of the Mountains the stones are found, commonly called Turchisses; veins also of Azzaio and Andanico. There are also made all Arms and munition for war, and by the Women excellent needle-workes in Silks, with the portraitures of all sorts of Creatures very admirable. There are the best Falcons in the world, very swift of flight, red breasted, and under the train, less than those of other Countries. Proceeding further, you go through a great Plain, and having ended eight days journey, you come unto a certain descent. In the Plain many Partridges are found, and also Castles and Towns. But in that steep descent are many trees and those fruitful, but no habitation is there but of Shepherds. This Country in the winter time hath intolerable cold. After this you come unto a certain great Plain, where a certain City is seated, Camandu. named Camandu, which in times past was great, but is now destroyed by the Tartars, and the Country is called Reobarle. There grow Pomgranats, Quinces, Adams-apples, and diverse others fruits, which grow not in our cold Countries. It hath also very great Oxen, and all white, thin haired with thick blunt short horns, with a Camel's bunch on the back, Oxen with a bunch on the back. Sheep of the bigness of Asses accustomed to bear great burdens. And when the packe-saddles are set upon the bunch, they bow the knee like Camels, and having received the burden rise again, being so taught by men. The Sheep of that Country are no lesser than Asses, bearing so long and broad a tail, that they weigh thirty pound weight. They are very fair and fat, and good meat. Moreover, in the plain of this Country are many Cities and Towns, with high walls of Mud to defend them from the Caraunas, that is Mestizos, or mingled people of Indian women and Tartars, ten thousand of which be conducted by one Nugodar, the nephew of Zagathai who ruled in the greater Turkey. This Nugod●r hearing of the Malabars' subject to Sultan Asidin, without his Uncle's knowledge went and took Dely with other Cities, and erected a new Seignory, and mixing with the Indian women procreated these Caraunas, which go up and down to rob and spoil in Reobarle and other Countries. There they learned magical and diabolical Arts, Their Enchantments. The Author's danger. by which the air is so darkened in the day time for a long space, that none may see them or prevent them. M. Marco one time thorough such darkness did almost fall into their hands, but made shift to escape to a Castle called Cousalmi: but many of his company were taken or slain. That Plain whereof I now speak, is five day's journey extended towards the South. But at the end thereof, the way beginneth by little and little to descend for twenty miles together, Ormus. & the way itself is very bad, and not without danger by reason of thieves. At length you come to very goodly Plains, which extend themselves two days journey in length, and the place itself is called Ormus. That Country aboundeth with Rivers of water and Palm trees. There is also plenty of diverse Fowls, especially of Poppinjayes, which are not like to ours. From hence you come unto the Ocean, where on an Island is seated, a City called Ormus, Parrots. whereto many Merchant's resort, bringing Spices, Pearls, precious Stones, cloth of Gold and Silks, and Elephants teeth, and all other precious things from India. That City is a great Mart, having Cities and Castles under it, and is head of the Kingdom Chermain: the King is called Ruchmedin Achomach, who yields obedience to the King of Chermain. He makes himself heir, if any Merchant dies there. In Summer they by reason of the heat betake themselves to their Garden houses built on waters. And from nine till noon there blows a wind with such extreme heat from the sands, that it swallows up a man's breath and stifleth him, which makes them lie in the water. The King of Chermain sent an Army of sixteen hundred Horse, and five thousand Foot, against the Lord of Ormus for not paying his tribute, which were all surprised and stifled with that wind. The Inhabitants of the place eat no Bread made of Corn and flesh, but feed upon Dates, salt Fish, and Onions. They have not very sound Ships: Their Ships for they fasten them not with iron nails (by reason that the wood is brittle and would cleave) but with wooden pins, with certain threads made of the shells of Indian Nuts. These shells are dressed after the manner of Leather, out of the which, threads are cut, and of the thrids exceeding strong cords are made, An outward shell which grows upon the Caco Nut, and yields a thready substance. which are able to endure the force and violence of the water, and are not easily corrupted thereby. Those Ships have one Mast, one sail, one beam, and are covered but with one deck. They are not chalked with Pitch, but with the Trane of Fishes. And when they cross the Sea to India, carrying Horses and other freight with them, they lose many Ships, because that Sea is very tempestuous, and the Ships are not strengthened with iron. The Inhabitants of that Country are black, and addicted to the Law of Mahumet. It is the custom of this Country, when any Master of a family dyeth, that the wife left behind him should mourn for him four weeks, once a day. They have women which profess the practice of mourning and are thereto hired, to mourn daily for their dead. Returning from Ormus to Chermain is a fertile Plain, but the bread made there, cannot be eaten of them, who are not accustomed thereunto, it is so bitter by reason of the bitter water put therein, whereof are store of hot Baths good against diseases. Going from Chermain in three days riding you come to a Desert, which continued till you come to Cobinam, A Desert in which is Salt, bitter, laxative, green water. seven days journey, which is extended. In the first three days you shall have no water, save a very few, and those salt and bitter, of a green colour in show, as if it were the juice of Herbs: and whoso tasteth but a little thereof, cannot escape looseness of the belly. The like also happeneth, if any taste the Salt made of that water. It is therefore needful, that Travellers carry some water with them, if they will not be endangered through thirst. The beasts also which are compelled to drink that water, escape not without scouring. In the fourth day they find a fresh River under ground: the three last days are as the first. Cobinam. Tutia and Spodio. Cobinam is a great Mahometan City; goodly, and great Looking Glasses of Steel, are made there. Tutia also which cureth the eyes; and Spodio and that, after this manner. That Country hath Mines, out of which they dig Earth, which they boil casting it into a fiery Furnace, an Iron grate receiving the ascending vapour from above, in the which, the conglutinated and clammy vapour becometh Tutia. But the grosser matter remaining in the fire, is called Spodio. The Inhabitants of this Country, are followers of Mahumet. A Desert of eight days journey. Leaving the City Cobinam, you meet with another Desert eight days journey in length, and in it there is great dryness: it wanteth trees, and fruits, and waters which it hath are very bitter, so that the very beasts refuse to drink them except they mix meal therewith, and Travellers carry water with them. But having passed over this Desert, you came to the Kingdom Timochaim in the North Confines of Persia, Timochaim. where many Cities and Castles are. There is a great Plain in which a great tree groweth, called the tree of the Sun, which the Christians call, The dry Tree. Tree of Sun, or Arbour Secco. This tree is very great and thick, and hath leaves, which on the one side are white, and on the other side green. It produceth a Ricci. prickly shales like those of a Chestnut, but nothing in them. The wood is solid and strong, yellow like Box. There is no tree within one hundred miles, except on one side, on which are trees within ten miles. In this place the Inhabitants say, that Alexander the Great fought with Darius. The Cities are plentiful of good things, but Mahometan, and of temperate Air. It hath also goodly men, but specially women, the most beautiful in my judgement in the World. Mulehet. Mulehet is in Saracen Language, as much to say as a place of Heretics, and of this place they call the men Mulehetici, that is, Heretics in their Law, as with us Patarines. Having spoken of the Country, the old man of the Mountain shall be spoken of, of whom Marco heard much from many. Aloadine the old man of the Mountain. His name was Aloadine, and was a Mahometan. He had in a goodly Valley betwixt two Mountains very high, made a goodly Garden, furnished with the best trees and fruits he could find, adorned with diverse Palaces and houses of pleasure, beautified with gold Works, Pictures, and Furnitures of silk. There by diverse Pipes answering diverse parts of those Palaces were seen to run Wine, Milk, Honey and clear Water. In them he had placed goodly Damosels skilful in Songs and Instruments of Music and Dancing, and to make Sports and Delights unto men whatsoever they could imagine. They were also fairly attired in Gold and Silk, and were seen to go continually sporting in the Garden and Palaces. He made this Palace, because Mahomet had promised such a sensual Paradise to his devout followers. No man might enter: for at the mouth of the Valley was a strong Castle, and the entrance was by a secret passage. Alaodine had certain Youths from twelve to twenty years of age, such as seemed of a bold and undoubted disposition, Knave-fooles Paradise. whom he instructed daily touching Mahomet's Paradise, and how he could bring men thither. And when he thought good, he caused a certain Drink to be given unto ten or twelve of them, which cast them in a dead sleep: and then he caused them to be carried into diverse Chambers of the said Palaces, where they saw the things aforesaid as soon as they awaked; each of them having those Damosels to minister Meats and excellent Drinks, and all varieties of pleasures to them; insomuch that the Fools thought themselves in Paradise indeed. When they had enjoyed those pleasures four or five days, they were again cast in a sleep, and carried forth again. After which, he caused them to be brought into his presence, and questioned where they had been, which answered, by your Grace, in Paradise, and recounted before all, all before mentioned. Then the old man answered, This is the commandment of our Prophet, that whosoever defends his Lord, he make him enter Paradise: and if thou wilt be obedient to me, thou shalt have this grace. And having thus animated them, he was thought happy whom the old man would command, though it cost him his life: so that other Lords and his Enemies were slain by these his Assasines, * It is likely that the Assasines mentioned in the eight & ninth Books were branches of this stock. Disciples of his Syrian Vicar: or this of them. which exposed themselves to all dangers, and contemned their lives. Hereupon he was esteemed a Tyrant, feared in all those parts; and had two Vicars one in the parts of Damascus, and another in Curdistan: which observed the same order with young men. He used also to rob all which passed that way. Vlau in the year 1262. scent and besieged his Castle, which after three years' siege they took, slew him and ruined his Paradise, not being able for want of victual to hold out longer. §. III. Of Sapurgan, Balac, Thaican, Scassem, Balaxiam, Bascia, Chesmur, Vochan, Samarchan, Carchan, Peym, the dreadful Desert of Lop and Tanguth. DEparting from the foresaid place, you come unto a certain Country pleasant enough, Large pleasant Country. which hath Hils, Plains, and excellent Pasture, and lastly, fruits in great plenty: for the soil thereof is very fruitful. This continues six days, and then you enter a Desert of forty or fifty miles, without water. A Desert. Sapurgan. Pompions. After this you come to the City Sapurgan, where plenty of all victual is found: especially, Pompions the best in the World, sweet like Honey. Passing from thence, we came unto a certain City, named Batach, which in times past was great and famous, having sumptuous Marble Palaces: but now overthrown by the Tartars. In this City they report, that Alexander took the Daughter of King Darius to wife. To this City (on the East and North-east) continue the Confines of Persia. But if you go from hence, Statyra. Balach, perhaps in Susa. and proceed between the East, and the North-east, you cannot find any Habitation for two days journey: because the Inhabitans of the place having endured so many grievances by thieves and Robbers, are compelled to fly unto the Mountains, to wit, places of more safety. Many waters are found there, and very much game of wild beasts: Lions also are there. And because Travellers find no food in that journey, they carry victuals with them, which may suffice them for two days. That two days journey ended, which we mentioned, we met with a certain Castle, called Thracian. Thaican; where is great plenty of Corn, and very goodly fields. Salt-mountaynes. The Mountains also on the South are high, some of which are of white and hard Salt, and the Inhabitants thirty days journey about fetch it from thence, being the best World, so hard that they must break it with Iron Instruments, so much that the whole World may have sufficient Salt from thence. The other Mountains have store of Almonds and Pistaches. Going between the East and North-east from hence the Country is fruitful, the Inhabitants Murderers, Perfidious, Mahumetans, Drunkards: Their Wine is boiled and excellent. They go bareheaded, save that the men bind up their heads with a certain string of ten hanfuls long. But they make them clothing of the skins of the wild beasts which they take, as Breeches and Shoes, and use no other Garments. After three days journey is the City Scassem seated in a Plain, and hath many Castle, Scassem. in the Mountains round about it. A certain great River also floweth through the middle thereof. There are many Porcupines in that Country, which they hunt with Dogs by the Hunters: Porcupines. Porci spinosi. and they contracting themselves with great fury, cast their prickly Quills against the men and the Dogs, and wound them. That Nation hath a particular language: the shepherds thereof abide in the Mountains, having made Caves for their Habitation. You go hence three day's journey without any Habitation at all, to the Province Balaxiam. Balaxiam is a Mahometan Province, and hath a peculiar Language. Balaxiam. Their Kings who succeed one another by hereditary right, are reported to have derived their descent from Alexander the Great, and from the Daughter of Darius, and are called Zulcarnen, which is to say, Alexander. There are found the Ballasses, fair precious stones, and of great value. No man without danger of life, dare either dig such stones, or carry them out of the Country, but with the licence and consent of the King: for all those stones are the Kings, and he sendeth them to whom he pleaseth, either for a Present, or payment of Tribute: he exchangeth also many for Gold and Silver. And this he doth lest the stone whereof there is such plenty should become viler and cheaper. Other Mountains also in this Province yield stones, whereof the best Azure is made, the like whereof is not found in the World. The Mines also yield Silver great store, and Brass and Lead. The Country itself is very cold. It hath many Horses, and those excellent, great, Courageous Horses, and unshod. Bucephalus-breed. and swift, which have so hard and strong hooves on their feet, that they need no Iron Shoes, although they run through Rocks. It is said that not long since there were Horses of the Race of alexander's Bucephalus, all with his forehead-marke, in the possession only of the King's Uncle, who was slain for denying the King to have of them: whereupon his Widow in angry spite destroyed the whole Race. There are also excellent Falcons. The soil thereof beareth notable Wheat, and Barley without husks, and Oil made of Nuts and Susimane, which is like to flax seed, more savoury than other Oil. There are straight passages and many stormy places. The men are good Archers and Huntsmen, clothed with beasts skins. The hills are steep and high, large plains, Rivers alongst the ruptures; and if any have an Ague with abiding two or three days on the hills he recovereth, which Marco proved in himself after a years sickness. The women in the skirts of their Garments put sixty or eighty yards of Cotton, the greatest Bumsie Boncer seeming the goodliest Lass. The Province Bascia is ten days journey toward the South, distant from the Country Balaxiam. Bascia. And the Country itself is very hot: whereby it cometh to pass, that the people are brown: they are expert Magicians, and continually attend thereto. They have a peculiar Language: and wear Golden and Silver Earrings with Pearls and stones artificially wrought in them. They eat flesh and Rice, and are Idolaters, crafty and cruel. Chesmur. The Province Chesmur is seven days journey distant from Bascia. The Inhabitants thereof have a peculiar Language, and are Idolaters; beyond all others cunning Enchanters, forcing their Idols to speak, and darkening the day. They are the chiefest Idolaters, and Idols are descended from them. From thence you may go to the Indian Sea. The men and women are brown, not wholly black, the heat somewhat tempered: their food is flesh and Rice, yet are they exceeding lean. There are many Cities and Towns there. Their King is tributary to none. There are certain Heremites in this Province, who in Monasteries and Cells worship Idols, honouring their Gods with great abstinence of meat and drink, and observe great Chastity, are very cautelous not to offend their Idols, and live long. Of these are many Abbeys, and the people give them great reverence. The men of this Province kill no quick creatures, and shed no blood: and if they will eat flesh, it is necessary that the Saracens which live amongst them, kill the creature. Coral is here sold dearer than any where. We will leave the way to India now and return to Balaxiam and direct our way towards Catay, betwixt the East and North-east. Beyond Balaxiam is a certain River, whereon stand many Castles and Villages belonging to the King of Balaxiams' Brother: Vochan. and after three days journey is the Province Vochan, having in length and breadth three days journey. The Inhabitants thereof have a peculiar Language, and worship Mahumet. They are good Livers, stout Warriors, and good Hunters: for that Country aboundeth with wild beasts. If you depart hence betwixt the North-east and the East, you must ascend for three whole days together, Highest mountain. until you come unto an exceeding high Mountain, than the which, there is said to be none higher in the World. There also between two Mountains, a great Lake if found, whence by a Plain runneth a very goodly River, near unto which are excellent Pastures, so that in them a lean Horse, or an Ox, may be fatted in ten days. There is also plenty of wild beasts: especially, exceeding great wild sheep, having horns some of them six palms or spans long, of the which they make diverse kinds of vessels. That Plain contayeth twelve days journey in length, Pamer. and is called Pamer; nor is there any humane Habitation there, and Travellers must carry victuals with them. No Bird also appeareth there, by reason of the cold, and (it is reported for a Miracle) if fire be kindled there, it is not so bright nor so effectual to boil any thing, as in other places. From hence the way leadeth forty days further, between the East and the North-east through the Mountains, Hills, and Valleys, in the which many Rivers are found, but no humane habitation, nor any herb: and the Country itself is called Beloro. Beloro. Habitations of men are seen in the top of those high Mountains, but such as are savage, wicked, Idolatrous; who live by hunting, and are clothed with the skins. Caschar. After this you come to the Province Caschar, which is tributary to the great Cham and a Mahometan. In it are Vines, green Gardens, fruitful trees, Cotton, Flax, and Hemp, and a fertile soil. The Inhabitants have a peculiar Language, and are Merchants, and Artificers, who are so covetous that they eat that which is bad, and drink worse. Some Nestorian Christians are found there, who also have their Churches. The Country enlargeth itself five days journey. Samarchan is a great and famous City in that Country, where are goodly Gardens and a fertile Plain. It is subject to the Nephew of the Great Cham. In it the Christians dwell with the Saracens, whence little agreement is betwixt them. It is reported, that in this manner a Miracle happened, the brother of Great Cham, named Zagatai, governed that Country, about one hundred years ago, being persuaded to become a Christian, the Christians through his favour built a Church, in honour of Saint john Baptist, with such cunning that the whole Roof thereof, was supported by one Pillar in the midst, under which was set a square stone, which by favour of their Lord was taken from a building of the Saracens. Zagathais Son succeeded after his death in the Kingdom, but not in the faith: from whom the Saracens obtained that the Christians should be compelled to restore that stone. And when they offered a sufficient valuable price, the Saracens refused to receive any other composition than the stone. But the Pillar lifted up itself, that the Saracens might take away their stone, and so continueth. Carchan. Departing again from this City, you come into the Province Charchan, about five days journey in length. This Province hath plenty of all victuals, being subject to the Dominion of the Nephew of Great Cham. The Inhabitants worship Mahumet, yet among them certain Nestorian Christians dwell. Wens by bad waters happen also in the Alpes. Cotam the name of a Province and chief City. They are great Artificers, and have most of them great legs, and a great Wen or Bunch in the throat, by reason of the waters which they drink. The Province Cotam followeth between the East and the North-east. It is subject to the Dominion of the Nephew of Great Cham, and hath many Cities and Towns. The chief City thereof is called Cotam. The Province is extended eight days journey in length. There is no want therein of any thing, appertaining to the maintenance of life. It hath plenty of Cotton, Flax, Hemp, Corn, and Wine. But the people are not warlike, yet good Artificers and Merchants. They acknowledge Mahumet. Proceeding further through the same Country, you meet with the Province Peim, Peim. extended five days journey in length. It is subject to Great Can, and hath many Cities and Castles. The chief City thereof is called Peim, near which runneth a River, wherein precious stones are found, to wit, jasper stones and Chalcedonie. The Inhabitants of the Country worship Mahumet, and are Artificers and Merchants. There is a custom in this Province, that when any married man goeth into another place and returneth not home within twenty days, it shall be lawful for the Wife to marry another Husband, Adulterous custom. Great Turkey, or Turcomania. and the men also wheresoever they go do the like. All those Provinces aforesaid, to wit, Caschar, Cotam, Peim, to the City of Lop, are in the bounds of Great Turkey. Ciarcian is subject to the Tartars, the name of the Province and chief City, Ciarcian. it hath many Cities and Castles. Many precious stones are found there in the Rivers, especially jaspers' and Chalcedonies, which Merchants carry even to Ouchach to sell, and make great gain. From Peim to this Province, and quite thorough it also, it is all Sand▪ with many bad waters and few good. When any Army passeth through this Province, all the Inhabitants thereof with their Wives, Children, cattle, and all their household stuff, fly two days journey into the sands, where they know good waters are, and stay there: and carry their Corn thither also to hide it in the sands after Harvest for like fears. The wind doth so deface their steps in the sand, that their Enemies cannot find out their way. Departing from this Province, you are to travel five days journey thorough the sand, where no other water almost then that which is bitter is to be found, until you come unto the City named Lop. Lop is a great City, from whence is the entrance of a great Desert, called also Lop, seated between the East and the North-east. The Inhabitants are mahometans, Lop. Desert of Lop. subject to the Great Can. In it Merchants who desire to pass over the Desert, cause all necessaries to be provided for them. And when victuals begin to fail in the Desert, they kill the Asses and Camels and eat them. They most willingly use Camels, because they are sustained with little meat, and bear great burdens. They must provide victuals for a month to cross it overthwart; for to go thorough the length, would ask a years time. They go thorough the sands and barren Mountains, and daily find water, yet is it sometimes so little, that it can scarcely suffice fifty or one hundred men with their beasts: and in three or four places the water is salt and bitter: the rest (which are eight and twenty) good. In it are neither beasts nor birds. Illusions of Devils. It seems that the compass was not then found out, which of later times they use in De●sarts, as in the Sea. They say that there dwell many spirits which cause great and marvellous Illusions to Travellers to make them perish. For if any stay behind that he cannot see his company, he shall be called by name, and so going out of the way is lost. In the night they hear the noise as it were of a company, which taking to be theirs they perish likewise. Other appearances as of their companions, or of enemies have caused some to miscarry. Consorts of Musical Instruments are sometimes heard in the Air, likewise Drums, and noises of Arms. They go therefore near together, hang Bells on their beasts necks, and set marks if any stay. Having passed over the Desert, you come unto the City Sachion, betwixt the East and North-east, subject to the Great Can, in the Province of Tanguth, Sachion. Tanguth. where among the Worshippers of mohammed, a few Nestorian Christians are found. Many Idolaters are also there, who have their proper Language. The Inhabitants of this City, live not of Merchandise, but the fruits of the Earth. This City hath many Monasteries, consecrated to diverse Idols, in the which many Sacrifices are offered, and great reverence. And when a Son is borne unto a man, he presently commendeth him to some Idol, and in honour thereof, nourisheth a sheep that year in his house, which he presenteth before it together with his Son, The Sacrifice of the Birthday. the next Festival Day of that Idol, with many Ceremonies and great reverence. Afterward the flesh of the sheep is boiled, and left so long before the Idol, while their Prayers are finished, which they make for the conservation of their Son, and the Idol hath sucked out the savour of the meat, after which their fancy all his kindred being gathered together, eat that flesh at home with great devotion and joy: but orderly keep the bones in certain vessels. The Priests have the feet, head, inwards, skin, and some part of the flesh for their share. The Rites of Funeral. Astrologers. In celebrating the Funerals of such as were of esteem, the dead bodies are burned after this manner. The kindred send for the Astrologers, and tell them what year, month, day, and hour, he who died was borne: who perceiving the constellation, declare the day when he is to be burned: so that when the Planet fits not, they reserve the dead body sometimes seven days, and sometimes six months, preparing a Chest for it at home, and joining the sides together with such cunning Art, that no stink can issue forth. They also imbalm the body itself with Spices, and cover the Chest fairly painted with a costly cloth: and every day that the dead corpse is kept at home, at the hour of Dinner, a Table is prepared near the Chest, setting wine and meat thereon for the space while one might well eat a meales-meat, supposing that the soul of the dead, feedeth of the savour thereof. The Astrologers sometime forbid to carry it forth at the chief gate, pretending some disastrous stars thereto, and cause them to carry it out another way, and sometimes break the wall which is opposite to that place which the Planet makes more lucky; for otherwise the spirits departed would be offended and hurt those of the house. And if any such evil happen, they ascribe it to the dead thus wronged. When the body is carried through the City to be burned without, wooden Cottages are erected in the way, with a porch covered with Silks, in which they set the body, and set before it Bread, Wine, and Flesh, and Delicate Cates, supposing the spirit to be refreshed therewith, which must be presently present at the burning of the body. And when they come unto the place of burning, they write and paint upon Papers made of the barks of Trees, the Images of Men and Women, Horses, Camels, Money, and Garments. (All the Instruments of the City meanwhile resounding) all which are burned together with the dead body. For they say, that that dead man shall have so many manservants, and Maydseruants, cattle, and Money, in another life, as resemblances, and Pictures were burned together with him, and shall perpetually live in that honour and riches. The Province Chamul lieth in the great Province Tanguth, subject to the Great Can, having many Cities and Towns: the chief City is called Chamul. The Land butteth upon two Deserts, to wit, the great Desert, whereof we have spoken before, and a certain other, that is less, of three days journey. It aboundeth with such things, which a man needeth for the sustentation of life. jovial L●ds. The Inhabitants are Idolaters, have a peculiar Language, and seem to be borne for none other purpose, but to apply themselves to sporting, singing, dancing, writing and reading after their fashion, playing on Instruments, and to give themselves delight. When any Traveller passing by, turneth into any man's house for entertainment, the Master of the Family receiveth him with great joy, Bawds to their own Wives. and commandeth his Wife and all the Family, that they as long as he will abide with them, obey him in all things. In the mean space, he departeth not to return so long as the Guest remaineth in his house. And meanwhile he lieth with the Wife, Daughter, Kind Cuckold's. and the rest, as with his own Wives. The women of that Country are beautiful, and ready to obey all those Commandments of their Husbands, who are so besotted with this folly, that they think it a glorious thing for them, and acceptable to their Idols, for which they prosper with plenty of all things. Mangu Can having heard of this folly, commanded them to observe this detestable custom no longer; which they did about three years, and then seeing not their wont fertility, and troubled with some Domestical crosses, sent Ambassadors to the Can, and instantly entreated, that he would revoke so grievous an Edict, and not abolish that Tradition which they had received from their Elders. The Can answered, seeing you desire your reproach and shame, let it be granted you. Go and do herein after your wont. The Messengers returning with this Answer, brought great joy to all the people: this custom is observed by that people until this day. After the Province of Camul, followeth the Province of Chinchintalas, which on the North boundeth upon the Desert, and is sixteen days journey in length, subject to the Dominion of Great Cham. This Chapter is not in Ramusios' Italian Copy which I have (printed 1559) yet is it mentioned there among the Provinces of Tanguth. It hath Cities and many Castles. The people thereof are divided into three Sects. Some few acknowledge Christ, and these are Nestorians: others worship Mahumet, the third, adore Idols. In this Province there is a Mountain where are Mines of Steel and Andanicum, and also Salamanders, of the which cloth is made, which, if it be cast into the fire, cannot be burned. But that cloth is made of the Earth in this manner (as one of my companions, a Turk named Curcifar, a man endued with singular industry, informed me) who had the charge of the Minerals in that Province. A certain Mineral of Earth is found in that Mountain, which yieldeth threads, not unlike to Wool, which being dried in the Sun, are bruised in a brazen Mortar, and afterward washed, and whatsoever earthy substance cleaveth unto them, is taken away: And I have not a little traveled in Travellers to find this Salamander, but have found not a little; no Midwife to my throws; which makes me throw away that conceit. Succuir. Rhubarbe. Of this Ramusio hath given a large discourse from the Relation of Chaggi Me●eret, which had been in these parts. lastly, those threads so purged and made small, are spun like other Wool, and woven into cloth. And when they will whiten those clothes, they cast them into the fire for an hour, and then they are taken out of the flaming fire unhurt, whiter than Snow. After the like manner they cleanse them, when they have taken any spots: for no other washing is added to them, besides the fire. But touching the Salamander, the Serpent, which is reported to live in the fire, I could search out nothing in the East Countries. They say, there is a certain Napkin at Rome, woven of the Salamander, wherein the Handkerchief of the Lord is kept wrapped up, which a certain King of the Tartars sent unto the Bishop of Rome. After you are passed this Province, you go betwixt the East and North-east ten days journey, in which few Habitations or things remarkable are found; and than you come to the Province Succuir, which hath many Habitations and Towns. The chief City thereof is called Succuir. In this Province, among many Idolaters, a few Christians are found: they are subject to the Great Can. They apply not themselves to Merchandise, but live of the fruits of the Earth. The best Rhubarbe is found in great quantity in this Province, which is carried thence by Merchants, to diverse parts of the World. Strangers dare not go to the Mountains where it grows, by reason of venomous herbs, which if their beasts should eat them would lose their hooves; but those of that Country know and avoid them. The general name of this Province, and of the two following is Tanguth. Campion is a great City, the principal in the Country of Tanguth. In it are christian's (which have there three great and fair Churches, Mahumetans, and Idolaters. Cam●io●. Christian Churches. Idolatrous Monasteries▪ Idols of diverse kinds. The Idolaters have many Monasteries, where they worship their Idols. Moreover, those Idols are made either of stone, wood, or clay, some overlayed with gold, and very artificially wrought. Among these, some are so great, that they contain ten paces in length, fastened to the earth, as if they lay upright, near unto the which, little Idols are placed, which seem to give reverence to the greater, and both are much reverenced. The Religious men seem to live more honestly than other Idolaters, abstaining from certain things, as Lechery, and other things; although Lechery seems no grievous sin: for they say, if a woman seeks for love to a man, he may use her without sin, but not, if he seeks first to her. They reckon the whole circuit of the year by Moons. In these Moons, they observe five, or four, or three days, wherein they kill no Beast, The year of the Moon. or Bird, nor eat Flesh (as is the use with us on Friday, Saturday, and Vigils.) The Laymen marry twenty or thirty wives, as they are able to maintain: Their many wives. yet the first is accounted the more worthy, and more legitimate. The husband receiveth no dowry from the wife, but he himself assigneth convenient dowry, in cattle, servants, or money, according to his ability. If the wife become hateful to the husband, it is lawful for him to divorce her from him, as he pleaseth. They take for wives their Kins-women or Mothers in law. Marco, together with his Father, and Uncle, remained a years space in this City, for the dispatch of certain affairs. From the City Campion, you go twelve days journey to the City Ezina, Ezina. bordering upon a sandy Desert towards the North, contained in the Province of Tanguth. Many Camels are there, and many other beasts; and Hawks of diverse kinds. The Inhabitants are Idolaters, living of the fruits of the Earth, forbearing merchandise. §. four Of Carchoran, the Original, proceedings and exploits of the Tartars; of Priest JOHN and his discendants. Customs of the Tartars. Of Bargu, Erginul, Xandu the Cans City and Palace; of Musk: of strange Sorcerers, and austere Monks. ALl the Provinces and Cities aforesaid, Sachion, Chemul, Chinchitalas, Succuir, Campion, and Ezina, pertain to Tanguth. Having passed over the foresaid Desert, you come unto the City Carchoram, which is in circuit three miles, Carchoran, vid. Rubr. of Caracarum. The original of the Dominion of the Tartars. strongly rampired with earth, for they want stone. near it is a great Castle, and in it the Governor's fair Palace. This was the first place near which in old times the Tartars assembled themselves. And now we will declare how they began to reign. They dwelled in the North parts, to wit, in Ciorza and Bargu, where are many and great Plains without Cities and Towns, but goodly Pastures, Rivers and waters. They had not a Prince of their Nation, but paid tribute to a certain great King, named as I have heard, in their language Vmcan, which in some men's opinion in our tongue signifieth, Presbyter (or Priest) john. To him the Tartars gave yearly the tenths of all their beasts. In process of time, the Tartars so increased in multitudes, that Vmcan was afraid of them, and thought to disperse them into several parts of the world. And therefore when any rebelled he sent three or four of an hundred of the Tartars into those parts, so diminishing their power; and the like he did in his other occasions, deputing some of their principals to that purpose. They seeing their ruin intended and loath to be separated one from another, went from the places where they dwelled to the Desert towards the North, where by remoteness they might be safe, and denied to Vmcan their wont Tribute. It happened that about An. 1162. the Tartars having continued some time in those parts, chose a King among themselves, a wise and valiant man, named Cingis Can. He began to reign with such justice, that he was beloved and feared of all as a God rather than a Prince, insomuch that his fame brought all the Tartars in all parts to his subjection. And he seeing himself Lord of so valiant men would needs leave those Deserts, and commanding them to provide Bows and other weapons, began to subdue Cities and Provinces, in which Conquests he placed such just Governors, that the people were not offended. The chief of them he carried alongst with him with great provisions and gifts. Seeing therefore that he was advanced to so great glory, The fruit of a wild government. and power, he sent Ambassadors politikly to Vmcan to entreat, that he would bestow his daughter upon him to be his wife. Which he taking, in very evil part, answered with indignation, and rejecting the Ambassadors of Cingis, said, doth my servant demand my daughter? Get ye out of my sight and tell your Master, if he ever make such demand again, I will make him die a miserable death. But King Cingis, levying a great Army, went forth with an hostile mind, Cingis goeth forrh against Vmcan. Tanduc. He consulteth with the Magicians. and encamped in a certain great Plain, named Tanduc, sending unto the King, and signifying unto him, that he should defend himself. But he, coming with a mighty Army, descended to the Plains, and pitched his Tents within ten miles of the Camp of the Tartars. Then Cingis commanded his Astrologers to show him, what event and success the battle should have. They cutting a Reed lengthwise in two parts, set the pieces themselves into the ground, and wrote upon the one, Cingis; and on the other, Vmcan; and said unto the King: In the mean space, while we read the Conjurations, it shall come to pass by the Idols power, that these two parts of the Reed shall fight together: And whose part shall ascend upon the other, that King shall obtain victory in the battle. The multitude therefore running together to behold that spectacle, the Astrologers began to mumble their prayers, and read their enchantments, when presently the parts of the Reed being moved, fought together, until at length the part of Cingis ascended upon the part of Vmcan. He vanquisheth the Enemy by war. Which being seen, the Tartars assured of the future victory, were encouraged to the battle, and Vmcan being slain, the Victory, and Kingdom, and Vmcans' daughter remained to Cingis. Cingis reigned six years a●ter this, in the which he got many Provinces: and lastly, when he endeavoured to win a certain Castle, called Thaigin, and came somewhat near, He dieth with the shot of an Arrow. Cingis. an. C●n Ca●. Bat●●n Can. E●u Can. Mon●● Can. 〈◊〉 Can. Al●●i the Sepulchre of the Kings of the Tartars. Their cruel custom of funerals. being shot in the knee with an Arrow, he died, and was buried in the Mountain Altai. The first King of the Tartars, was called Cingis; the second, Cyn Can; the third, Bathyn Can; the fourth, Esu Can; the fifth, Mangu Can; the sixth Cublai Can, whose power is greater than all his Predecessors, having inherited theirs, and adding by Conquest in manner the rest of the World. For he lived near sixty years in his Government. The name Can signifieth Emperor. All the great Cans, and Princes of that blood of Cingis, are carried to the Mountain of Altai to be buried, wheresoever they die, although one hundred days journey from it. And they which carry the Corpse to the burial, kill all those that they meet in the way, saying: go, and serve our Lord the King in another life. They kill also the better Horses. When the body of great Cham Mongu, the Predecessor of Cham Cublai, was brought unto the Mountain Altai to be buried, the Soldiers accompanying the funeral, are reported to have slain above ten thousand men, upon the foresaid occasion. The marriages of the Tartars. The Tartarean women are most faithful to their husbands. Adultery is a great shame with them: yet it is accounted lawful, and honest, that every one may marry as many wives as he is able to maintain, although the first be judged to be more principal and honourable than the rest. These live together in the same house without one ill word, women's concord and industry. in admirable concord, make their merchandises, buy, and sell, and chaffer all things necessary to their husbands and households, the men meddling with nothing but their hunting, hawking, and things pertaining to Arms. They have the best Falcons in the World, and so they have of Dogs. They live only of Flesh and Milk, and what they take in hunting. They eat Horses, Camels, Dogs, if fat; and drink Mare's milk, called Chemurs, so used, that it is like white z Cosmos. Wine. If the father dies, the son may have all his wives except his own mother and sisters. So, the brother being dead, it is lawful for the brother who remaineth alive, to marry the widow of the brother. The husbands receive no dowry from the wives, but they themselves assign dowry to the wives, and their mothers. Through the multitude of wives, the Tartars have many children. Nor is the multitude of Wives very burdensome unto the Tartars, seeing they gain much through their labours. Besides, they are very careful for the government of the family, and preparation of food: and with no less care, execute the other duties of the house. But the men apply themselves wholly to hunting, Their substance of cattle. fowling, and exercise of Arms. The Tartars nourish many herds of Oxen, flocks of Sheep, and other Beasts, and cattle, and abide with them in places of Pasture, in the Summer time, in the Mountains, and colder places, where they find Pasture and Wood; but in the Winter, they remove unto the hotter Countries, where they find Pasture for their cattle: Cottages. and go forthon two or three months together. Their houses are covered with sticks and felts, ordinarily round, which they carry with them on Carts or Wagons of four wheels, whither soever they go. For they can fold and extend them, set them up, and take them down: and they turn the door of them always to the South. They have also neat Carts of two wheels (covered with Felt so well that rain cannot pierce them) drawn by Oxen, and Camels, wherein they carry their wives, children, and necessary householdstuff with them, and defend them from the injury of foul weather, and rain. The Tartars, if they be rich, are clothed with Sables, Ermines, and Cloth of gold, and all their furniture is costly. Their Arms are Bows, Swords, Pole-axes, and some Lances, but they can best use their Bows, whereto they are used from their childhood. They are hardy, valorous, cruel, will continue two days and nights on horseback armed; exceeding patient of difficulties, and exceeding obedient to their Lords. Their cattle also are hardy. The Tartars religion. The Law and Faith of the Tartars is this. They say, that there is a great God, high and heavenly, of whom with daily incense they desire good understanding and health. They have another, which they call Natigay, which is like an Image covered with Felt, or some other thing, which every one hath in his house. To this God they make a wife and children, placing the wife's Image at the left hand, and the representations of children before his face. This they call, The God of earthly things, which keepeth their Children, and their Beasts, and Corn: and give it great reverence. Before they eat themselves, they anoint the mouths of the Images with the fat of the sodden Flesh, and they cast the broth out of doors, in honour of other Spirits, saying, that their God with his family have had their part; and after they eat and drink at pleasure. If the son of any Tartar die, who hath not yet been married, and also the daughter of another die unmarried, the parents of both the deceased parties meet together, Painted Marriages. and make a marriage between the dead: and making a draughter in writing, of that contract, they paint men and women for servants, Horses and other creatures, with clothes of all sorts and monies, in paper, and burn them together with the writing of contract; by the fumes whereof, they say that all these things are carried to their children in another world, where they are married, and the fathers and mothers think they are joined together through such a bond of affinity, as if those marriages had been celebrated, while the married couple yet lived. When the Tartars go to war, their Prince conducteth about one hundred thousand Horse, Their war-fare appointing Heads over ten, hundreds, thousands, ten thousands, by which orderly subordination, commands are easily effected. Every hundred is called a Tuc; ten, a Toman. When they set forth they send out men every way, as Scouts that no Enemy may assault them unprovided. Of Horse and Mares, there are for every man about eighteen. They carry also their like Felt houses, under the which they shelter themselves in the time of rayn●. When there falls out some important employment, they will ride ten days together without victuals boiled, and live of the blood of their Horses, cutting a vein and sucking it. They have Milk dried like Paste, which they make, boiling the Milk, and taking the Cream which swims on the top, put it in another vessel, and thereof make Better: After, they set the Milk in the Sun, and dry it; and when they go in the Army, carry ten pounds thereof, and every morning take half a pound, and put it into a little Flask or Bottle of Leather, with as much water as he pleaseth: which while he rides, beats together: and this is his dinner. When they encounter with their Enemies, they ride here and there shooting, and sometimes make show of flight, shooting as they flee, and finding the Enemies broken, redintegrate their forces, and pursue the victory: having their Horses at command, with a sign to turn any way. But now the Tartars are mixed in diverse parts, and so are their fashions. They punish malefacters after this manner. If any steal a thing of small value, The mulct or penalty of nine fold. The marks of the herds of cattle. and hath not deserved to be deprived of life, he is seven times beaten with a Cudgel, or seventeen, or seven and twenty, or thirty seven, or forty and seven, giving the strokes according to the measure and quality of the offence, and that unto an hundred; some do often times die, through these strokes. But if any have stolen an Horse, or another thing, for the which he deserveth to dye, he is cut asunder with a Sword in the middle: but if he will redeem his life, he shall restore the theft nine fold. Such as have Horses, Oxen or Camels, brand them with their marks, and send them to the pastures without a keeper. Leaving the City of Carachoran, and the Mountain Altai, you come unto the champain Country of Bargu, which extendeth itself Northwards about sixty days journey in length. Bargu. The Inhabitants of those places are Mecriti, and they are subject to great Chan, using the manners of the Tartars. They are wild men, Meditae and eat the flesh of Beasts which they take by hunting, especially of Stags, whereof they have great plenty, and they make them so tame, Strange Falcons. This is either a conjecture or by relation hardly credible. that they may ride them. They want Corn and Wine. In the Summer they exercise great hunting and taking of wild Beasts and Fowl, with the flesh whereof they may live in the winter: For in Winter, as well fowl as other living creatures fly from thence, by reason of the exceeding and untolerable cold of that Country. After the end of forty days journey, you come unto the Ocean, near which is a Mountain where Astori, and strange Falcons breed, which are carried thence unto the Court of great Chan. here we must return unto the City Campion. Night walking Spirits. Ergmul. If therefore you proceed further five days journey from the City Campion towards the East, (in the places lying in the middle, horrible voices of Devils are heard in the night time) you come to the Kingdom Erginul, in the Province of Tangut, subject to the great Cham. In this Kingdom are many other Kingdoms which are Idolators. There are some Nestorian Christians, and Turks. There are many Cities and Castles, of which Erginul is chief. From hence, if you proceed further to the Southeast, you may go to the parts of Cathai, going Southeast towards Cathai, Cathai. there is a certain famous City named Cinguy, (the name also of the Province) tributary unto great Chan: contained in Tangut: the people are some Christians, some mahometans, others Idolators. Their are also found wild Oxen, near as great as Elephants, very fair, having white and black hair, short in other parts, and on the shoulders three palms long, fine and white beyond silk: of which Marco brought some to Venice as a rare thing. Many also of these Oxen are tamed, Wild Oxen of the bigness of Elephants. and made to engender with tame Kine, and the breed of them are fitter for business then any other creatures, bear great burdens are yoked to the plough, and do twice as much as others. The best Musk in the world is found in this Province, and is of a goodly beast of the bigness of a Goat, Musk. having gross hair like a Stag, feet and tail like a Gazella but without horns; it hath four teeth, two above, and two beneath, of the length of three fingers, subtle, and white as ivory, and is a fair beast to see to, when the Moon is at full, near the navel under the belly there grows to this beast an imposthume or bladder full of blood, and at the full than they go to hunt the said beasts and take away that swelling, which is dried in the Sun, and is the best Musk: the flesh also is good to eat. Master Marco brought to Venice the head and feet of this beast dried. The men ●●ue of Merchandise and Arts, and have abundance of Corn: they are Idolaters, of a fat body and a little Nose, black haired, having no beard but four hairs on their chin. The women are fair and white. And when the men desire to marry wives, they rather seek the beautiful, Beauty preferred before Nobility and riches. Feasants. than the noble or rich. Whereby it cometh often to pass, that a great and Noble man marryeth a poor wife, but beautiful, assigning dowry to her mother there. This Province extendeth itself five and twenty days journey in length, and is very fertile. In it are exceeding great Feasants, having trains eight or ten handfuls long. Many other kinds of Birds are also found there, which have very goodly feathers, distinguished with diverse and excellent colours. Proceeding further towards the East, after eight days journey, you meet with the Province Egrigaia, Egregaia. in the which are many Cities and Castles, all still in Tanguth. The principal City is called Calacia. The Inhabitants thereof are Idolaters, there are three Churches of Nestorian Christians, and are subject to the great Chan. In the City Calacia, Chamlets are made, woven of white wool and the hair of Camels, than the which, there are scarce any fairer found in the world. Going to the East from the Province Egrigaia, the way leadeth unto the Province Tenduch, in the which are many Cities and Castles: where also Presbyter johannes useth to abide, who now payeth tribute to great Chan. This King of that progeny of Priest john is named George, and is a Priest and a Christian, and most of the people are Christians. All the Great Chans, after his death who was slain in battle by Cingis, gave their Daughters to those Kings to wife. This King George holds not all that Priest john before held, and is the fourth of that progeny. There is a Nation there called Argon, more goodly men and fitter for Merchandise then the rest, descended of Idolaters and Mahumetans. There are also two Regions where they reign, which in those parts are called Og and Magog, Gog and Magog but they which dwell there call them Vng and Mongul: in Vng are Gog, and in Mongul the Tartars. Riding East seven days towards Catay, are many Cities peopled with Idolaters, Mahumetans, and Nestorians. There is one City called Sindicin, The City Sindicin. where very fair and excellent Arms are made of diverse sorts, fit for Armies. In the mountains of this Province are great Mines of silver, and manifold game of wild beasts, and the Country of the mountains is called Idifa. Three days journey distant from the foresaid City, standeth another City jangamur, Idifa. Cianganor. that is White Lake, wherein is a Palace, in which the great Chan most willingly remaineth, because there are many Lakes and rivers, many Swans, and in the plains, Five sorts of Cranes. Cranes, Feasants, and Partridges, and store of other fowl. There are five sorts of Cranes there: some have black wings like Crows, others are white and bright, having their feathers full of eyes like Peacocks, but of a golden colour, the neck black and white very beautiful; a third sort of bigness not unlike ours; a fourth, little and very fair, intermingled with red and blue colours; the fifth, of a grizell or grey colour, having red and black heads, and these are very great. And near unto this City lieth a certain valley where many Cottages are, in the which an exceeding number of Partridges is maintained, which are kept for the King, coming to lodge there for a time. Xandu. This City is three days journey Northeastward to the City Xandu, which the great Chan Cublay now reigning, built; erecting thereing a marvelous and artificial Palace of Marble and other stones, which abutteth on the wall on one side, and the midst of the City on the other. He included sixteen miles within the circuit of the wall on that side where the Palace abutteth on the City wall, into which none can enter but by the Palace. In this enclosure or Park are goodly meadows, springs, rivers, red and fallow Deer, Fawns carried thither for the Hawks, (of which are there mewed above two hundred Gerfalcons which he goeth once a week to see) and he often useth one Leopard or more, Hunting with Leopards. sitting on Horses, which he setteth upon the Stags and Dear, & having taken the beast, giveth it to the Gerfalcons, and in beholding this spectacle he taketh wonderful delight. In the midst in a fair Wood he hath built a royal House on pillars gilded and vernished, A goodly house of pleasure. on every of which is a Dragon all gilt, which windeth his tail about the pillar, with his head bearing up the loft, as also with his wings displayed on both sides: the cover also is of Reeds gilded and varnished, so that the rain can do it no injury, the reeds being three handfuls thick and ten yards long, split from knot to knot. The house itself also may be sundered, and taken down like a Tent and erected again. For it is sustained, when it is set up, with two hundred silken cords. Great Chan useth to dwell there three months in the year, A solemn Sacrifice. to wit, in june, july, and August. On the eight and twentieth day of August, he departeth to make a solemn sacrifice. He hath an herd of white Horses, and white Mares, about ten thousand of the milk whereof none may drink except he be of the progeny of Cingis Can, except one family, Mare's milk. called Boriat, privileged hereto by Cingis for their valour. And these beasts as they go up and down feeding are much reverenced, nor dare any go before them or hinder their way. The Astrologers or Sorcerers tell Chan that on the twenty eight of the Moon of August, he should disperse that milk here and there, for the honour of all spirits and his Idols, that they might be careful preservers of all those things which he possesseth. There are two sorts of Idolaters, Sorcerers called Thebeth and Chesmir, The King's Magicians. which in the midst of storms ascend the Palace and suffer no rain to fall thereon; which they make the people believe comes to pass by their sanctity: and therefore they go slovenly and regardless of their persons, never washing nor combing themselves. They also have a horrible custom to dress and eat such as are condemned to death, but not those which die naturally. They are called also Bachsi, which is the name of their Order, as Friar's Predicants or Minors with us. They seem by Magic to do what they list, when the great Can in his Hall sits at his Table, which is eight yards high: and in the midst of the hall a good distance from the table is a great Cupboard of plate furnished: They cause that the pieces full of Wine or Milk or other viands of themselves, fill the goblets without any hand touching them, and go ten paces in the air into the great Cans hand; and when he hath drunk, return to their place. This they do in the presence of any man, when their Lord commands. These Bachsi also when they will make feasts to their Idols, go to the Can and say; Sir, know that if our Idols be not honoured with Sacrifices, they will bring plagues to Corn and Beasts. And therefore we pray you to give the flesh of so many Sheep with black heads, and so many pounds of Incense and Lignum aloes, that we may make them due sacrifice and honour. This they spoke not to him themselves, but by certain Lords deputed to that Office, who speak to the Can and obtain it. On the feast day they sacrifice the said beasts, and sprinkle the broth before the Idols. They have great Monasteries some of the bigness of a City, in some of which are about two thousand Monks which serve Idols, sequestered from the laity in their shaving and garments. For they shave their heads and beards, and were a religious garment. Shave. These in the solemnities of their Idols sing with solemn songs and lights, some of them may marry. There are some of great abstinence called Sensim, leading an austere life, for they eat nothing but Meal mingled with water till all the Flower be gone, and eat the bran without any savour. These worship the Fire; and the men of other rules say that these which are so austere, are Heretics against their Law, because they worship not Idols as they do; Austerity. and there are great differences betwixt them: and these marry not in any case. They shave their Head and Beard: they wear black hempen garments, and bright yellow. They sleep in thick Mats, and live the severest life in the world. §. V. Of CUBLAI CAN, his Reign and Acts, Magnificent feasts and Hunt, Court and Counsel. His City Cambalu and glorious Palace. IN this Book I purpose to write of all the great and marvelous Acts, Heère begins the second Book of Marco Polo, of which I thought good to advertise the Reader: as for the Chapters, the Latin and Remusio so differ, that I have le●t both and observed our own divisions Cingis or Chingis Can. Naiam● rebellion. Caydu. of the present Can called Cublai Can, which is in our Tongue Lord of Lords, the greatest Prince in peoples, Cities and Treasures, that ever was in the world. He being descended from the Progeny of Chingis, the first Prince of the Tartars, is the sixth Emperor of that Country, beginning to reign in the year of our Lord 1256. being twenty seven years old, and ruling the people with great wisdom and gravity. He is a valiant man, exercised in Arms, strong of body, and of a prompt mind for the performance of matters, before he attained to the dignity of the Empire (which by his wisdom he did against the will of his Brethren) he often showed himself a valiant Soldier in the wars, and carried himself like a wiser and bolder Captain, than ever the Tartars had. But since he swayed the Kingdom, he went but once into the Field, but sends his Sons, and other Captains in expeditions. In the year of our Lord 1286. his Uncle named Naiam, being thirty years of age, and having the command of many people, and Countries, so that he was able easily to bring together four hundred thousand Horse. Being puffed up through youthful vanity, would now no longer be subject, but would needs take away the Kingdom from his Lord Cubai, and sent to another great Lord named Caydu, Lord of the parts towards great Turkey, who was nephew of the Emperor Cublai, yet hated him, who yielding consent to Rebellion, promised to come in proper person with an hundred thousand Horse. Both of them began to gather Forces, which could not be done so secretly but Cublai heard of it, and presently took order to set guard to the ways that no intelligence might pass that way: and then assembled all the Forces within ten days journey of Cambalu with great speed, so that in twenty days, were gathered together three hundred & sixty thousand Horse, and one hundred thousand Foot, a great part of them Falconiers and men of his Household. With these he made all haste day and night towards Naiams' Country, where at the end of twenty five d●yes he arrived, altogether unlooked for: and rested his men two days. Then he called his Astrologers, and caused them before all the Army to divine who should have victory (a thing they always use to encourage their men) and they promised it to Cublai. One morning whiles Naiam was sleeping negligently in his Tent, having not so much as sent out any scouts to espy, Cublai made show of his Army upon a hill to Naiams. He himself sat in a certain Castle of wood, full of Archers and Crossbow men, borne by four Elephants; on the top whereof was the Royal Standard with the Images of the Sun and Moon. He divided his Army into three wings, of which he sent that on the right hand and the other on the left against Naiams' Army: To every ten thousand Horse were assigned five hundred Foot with Lances, taught to leap up behind the horsemen if any occasion of flight happened, and suddenly on advantage to light and slay the enemy's horses with their lances. Caidu was not yet come. The battels joined and made a cruel fight, which continued from morning till noon: and then was Naiam taken and brought before Cublai, who commanded that he should be sewed betwixt two Carpets, which should be tossed up and down till the breath were out of his body, that so the Imperial blood might not be exposed to the Sun and the air. The remainder of his people swore Obedience to Cublai, which were four Nations, Ciorza, Carli, Barscol, and Sitingui. Naiam was secretly baptised, and by profession a Christian, but no follower of the works of Faith, and signed his principal Ensign with the sign of the Cross, having with him infinite store of Christians which were all slain. The jews and Saracens, that were in the Army of Cublai, began to upbraid the Christians with this disaster of the Cross, who thereupon complained to Cublai. He then sharply reproving the jews and Saracens, turning to the Christians saith; Surely, your God and his Cross, would not give any aid to Naiam, but be not you therefore ashamed, because God being good and just, ought not at all to defend Injustice and Iniquity. Naiam was a Traitor to his Lord, and contrary to all equity raised rebellion, and sought the help of your God in his mischievous purpose. But he as a good and upright God, would not favour his Designs. He returned after this with great triumph to Cambalu, and stayed there till Easter. On that day he called the Christians before him, and kissed their Gospels, and made his Barons do the same. The like he doth in the great Feasts of Saracens, jews, and Ethnikes, that Sogomamber Can the God of the Idols, Mahumet, Moses, or whosoever is greatest in heaven might help him. Yet he made best show of liking to the Christian Faith but pretended the ignorance of the Professors, and the mighty acts of the Sorcerers, to his not professing it. Now for rewarding his Soldiers, he hath twelve Barons or wise Counselors, which give him notice of each Captains merit, who raiseth them command of one hundred to a thousand, and from one thousand to ten thousand, and so forward, giving them Vessels of Plate and Tablets. The Captain of one hundred hath a Tablet of silver, and the Captain of one thousand of Gold, or silver gilded; the Captain of ten thousand hath a Tablet of Gold with a Lion's head on it: the weight of the Tablets differ also according to the worth and weight of the dignity. On the said Tablet is written a command in this manner. By the strength and power of the great God, and by the Grace which he hath given to our Empire, the name of Can be blessed, and let them all dye and be destroyed which will not obey him. All they which have these Tablets have privileges in writing, of all things which they are to do or demand. And the Generals when they ride in public, they have a cloth borne over their heads; and when they sit, sit on a Chair of silver. Their Tablet is of three hundred Saggi (fifty ounces of Gold) with the Images of the Sun and Moon. They whose Tablet have a Gerfalcon, may take with them for their guard the whole Army of a great Commander. Cublai● person described. Cublai is a comeley and fair man of a mean stature, of a red and white face, black and goodly eyes, well fashioned nose, and all the lineaments of his body consisting of a due proportion. He hath four wives which he accounteth lawful, and the firstborn of them succeedeth him in the Kingdom. His Wives and Concubines. And every one of these is called Empress, and holdeth a peculiar Court, and that Princely in a proper Palace, having about three hundred chosen Handmaids, and Mayd-seruant, and many Eunuch servants, and at least ten thousand persons in their Family. The King hath also many Concubines. Vngut. There is a certain Nation of fair people, Tartars, called Vngut, whether every second year he sendeth Ambassadors to purvey the fairest Lasses for him of greatest esteem for beauty, which bring him four or five hundred more or less, as they see cause. There are Praisers or Examiner's appointed, which take view of all their beauties, examining Eyes, Nose, Mouth, etc. apart; and set price on them at sixteen, seventeen, eighteen, nineteen, twenty or more Carrats. And they bring those of that rate which their Commission appoints. These he causeth to be reviewed by other Examiner's, and of so many chooseth perhaps thirty for his Chamber of the chief; which he puts to some of his Baron's Wives, to see if they snore not in their sleep, if in smell or behaviour they be not offensive. Those which are approved are by five divided, each fifth part waiting three days and nights in his Chamber by course, the other in the next Lodgings preparing whatsoever these command them. The less prized are put to Cookery, and other noble Officers. And sometimes the Can bestows them on Gentlemen with great portions. The men of that Country esteem it a grace and credit to have Daughters worthy his liking: and think themselves borne under an ill Planet, if they have not for his turn. Cublai hath two and twenty Sons by his four legitimate Wives, His children. and the firstborn of his first Wife was called Cingis, who should have succeeded him in the Empire, if he had not died before his Father. He left a Son named Temur, a valiant man, wife, and exercised in Arms, Temur who is to succeed his Grandfather in the Empire, in stead of his deceased Father. But by his Handmaids and Maydseruants, he hath five and twenty Sons, all which are daily exercised in feats of Arms, and are great Lords. Seven of his Sons by his Wives are Kings of great Provinces, and maintain their states with great reputation. Three months of the year, to wit, December, januarie, and February, Cublai remaineth ordinarily in Cambalu which is at the North-east border of Cataio, and there on the South part by the new City is seated a great Palace. First, there is a square Wall, each square being eight miles, with a deep Ditch environing, and a Gate in the middle of each: after which is the space of a mile in circuit where Soldiers stand. After this is another circuit of six mile square, with three Gates on the South square, and three on the North: that which is in the midst being in both the greater, and kept shut, except when the Can passeth that way; the other always open to others. In each corner of this Wall and in the midst is a fair Palace, eight in all, very large, in which are kept the Cans munitions and furnitures of all sorts, for Horses in one, in another Bows and shooting Artillery, in a third Costlets, Curasses and leather Armours, and so in the rest. Within this circuit is another wall-circuit, very thick, and ten paces high, all the battlements white; the wall square, each square a mile in length, with six gates as the former, and eight Palaces also very great, wherein are the Cans provision. Betwixt these two last walls are many fair trees and meadows, in which are Dear, Musk beasts, with other game, and store of grass, the paths being heigthned two cubits to spare it, no dirt, nor plashes of water being therein. Within this last wall is the Palace of the great Can, the greatest that hath been seen, abutting with the wall on the North and South and open spaced where the Barons and Soldiers pass. It hath no ceiling, but a very high roof: the foundation of the pavement ten palms high, with a wall of marble round about it, two paces wide, as it were a walk. In the end of the wall without, is a fair Turret with Pillars. In the walls of the Halls and Chambers are carved Dragons, Soldiers, Birds, Beasts, of diverse kinds, histories of Wars, gilded. The roof is so made, that nothing is seen but Gold and Imagery. In every square of the Palace is a great Hall of marble, capable of great multitudes. The Chambers are disposed the best that may be devised: the roof is red, green, azure, and of all colours. Behind the Palace are great Rooms, and private storehouses for his treasures and jewels, for his women, and other secret employments▪ Over against the said Palace of the Can, is another for Cingis his son, whose Court, was in all things like his Fathers. near this Palace towards the North is a Mount made by hand, a mile in compass, one hundred paces high; beset with trees that are always green. Unto this mountain, the king commandeth all the best trees, to be brought from remote parts, lading Elephants with them, for they are taken up with the roots, and are transplanted in this Mountain. And because this Mountain is always green it is called, The green Mountain. And where the earth of that Mount was taken away, are two Lakes answering each other, The green Mountain. Two Lakes. with a pretty River filling them, stored with fish, and so grated that the fish cannot get forth. The City of Cambalu in the Province of Cathai, seated on a great River, was famous, and regal, from antiquity. And this name Cambalu signifieth, The City of the Lord, or Prince. Cambalu. This City the great Can removed unto the other side of the River where the Palaces are: for he understood by the Astrologers, that it should rebel against the Empire * The long story of this rebellion is omitted. Taidu. . This new built City is called Taidu: and he made all the Catayans to go out of the old City into the new: which containeth in compass four and twenty miles, every side of the square containing six miles. It hath walls of earth ten paces thick at the bottom, and at the top but three, by little and little ascending thinner: the batlements are white. Every square of the wall hath three principal Gates, which are twelve in all, having sumptuous Palaces built over each of them. There are also excellent Palaces in the angles of the walls, Palaces. where the Arms of the Garrison (which are one thousand at each Gate) are kept. The buildings are squared out, & the streets laid very strait by line, throughout this City, The equality of the streets. so that from one Gate a free prospect openeth thorough the City, to the opposite Gate, having very goodly houses built on both sides, like Palaces with Gardens and Courts, divided to the Heads of Families. In the middle of the City, a certain sumptuous house is built, wherein hangeth a very great Bell, after the third knolling whereof in the night no man may go out of his house, until the beginning of the day following, except it be for special cause, as for a woman in travel, etc. And they are compelled to carry a light with them. Without the City of Cambalu are twelve great Suburbs, three or four miles long, joining upon each of the twelve Gates, more inhabiting the Suburbs than the City: Suburbs large▪ here Merchants and Strangers keep, each Nation having a several Storehouse or Burse in which they lodge. No dead corpse of any man is buried within this City, but the bodies of Idolaters are burned without the Suburbs, where the dead bodies of other sects are buried. And because an huge multitude of Sorcerers converse always there, Burial without the City. they have about twenty five thousand Harlots in the Suburbs and in the City, and these have a Captain appointed over every hundreth, and thousand; and one General; whose office is, that when Ambassadors come, or such as have business with the Can whose charges he findeth, this Captain giveth every Ambassador and every man of his family, change of women nightly at free cost: for this is the Queans tribute. Harlot's of the Suburbs. The Guards every night cast those in prison which they find walking late: and if they be found guilty they are beaten with Cudgels: for the Bachsi tell them that it is not good to shed man's blood. But many dye of those beat. The number of the horsemen of the Courtiers. The Guard. The great Can hath in his Court twelve thousand Horsemen, which they call Casitan, faithful Soldiers of their Lord, who guard his person more for state then fear. And four Captains have the charge of these, whereof every one commandeth three thousand. When one Captain with three thousand Soldiers within the Palace, hath guarded the King for three days and nights, another Captain with his Soldiers again succeedeth: and so throughout the whole yeeare, this course of watching by course is observed. Solemn feasts. When through occasion of any festival day he keepeth a solemn Court, his Table being higher than the rest of the Tables, is set at the North part of the Hall, and his face is to the South, having the greatest Queen on his left hand, to wit, his principal wife, and his Sons, and nephews, The order of them that sit down. and they of the blood royal on his right. Yet their table is in a lower place, so that they scarce touch the King's feet with their heads; the seat of the eldest being higher than the rest. The Barons and Princes, sit in a lower place than that. Their wives also keep the like order, first the Cans sons wives and his kinsman's, sits lower on the left hand, and after, those of the Lords and of every Captain, and Nobleman, each in her degree and order. And the Emperor himself, while he sitteth at his table, may cast his eyes upon all that feast with him in that Hall. There are not Tables for all to sit, Threshold threshing. The Noblemen that carry dishes, cover their mouths, The ceremonies while the King drinketh. Consorts of Music. but the greatest part of the Soldiers and Barons eat on Carpets. At all the doors stand two giantly fellows with Cudgels, to see that none touch the Threshold, which if he do they take his garments away; which he must redeem with so many blows as shall be appointed, or else lose them. They which serve the King sitting at the table, all of them cover their mouths with Silk, lest their breathing should by any means touch the King's meat or drink. And when he hath mind to drink, the damosel which gives it, goeth back three paces and kneels down, and then the Barons and all the people kneel, and the Musicians sound their Instruments. There is no cause why I should write any thing concerning the meats which are brought to the Table, how dainty and delicate they are, and with what magnificence and pomp they are served in. The birth day of Cublai. All the Tartars observe this custom, to celebrate the Birth day of their Lord most honourably. The Festival birth day of Cublai, is kept the twenty eight of September, New Moon feast. The presents of the men of Dignity, subject unto him The like Custom is still used by the Mogul, as also the New-year's day. The twelve Barons. The prayers of diverse Religions. and this day he accounteth more solemn, than any of the whole year, except the first of February, wherein they begin their year. The King therefore in his Birth day is clothed with a most precious garment of Gold, and about two thousand Barons and Soldiers, are clothed of the same colour of gold (though of Silk stuff) and a girdle wrought with gold and silver, which is given them with a pair of shoes: some wear Pearls and Gems of great price, namely, the Quiecitarie, which are next to the Can: and these garments are not worn but on their thirteen solemn Feasts according to the thirreene Moons of the year; all then clothed like Kings. This custom is also observed with the Tartars, that on the birth day of great Cham, all the Kings, Princes, and Nobles, which are subject to his Dominion, should send presents unto him, as to their Emperor. And they who desire to obtain any place of Dignity or office of him, offer their requests unto twelve Barons appointed for this purpose, and what they decree, is all one, as if the Emperor himself had answered them. All people also, of what Faith or sect soever, whether Christians, or jews, Saracens, or Tartars, and other Pagans are bound, solemnly to call upon their Gods, for the life, safety, and prosperity of Great Can. Newyeres day On the day of the Kalends of February, which is the beginning of the Tartars year, great Can and all the Tartars, wheresoever they are, celebrate a very great and solemn Feast, and all aswell men as women, The white colour accounted ominous. New-year's gifts. desire to be clothed in white Garments. For they believe, that the white garment is a token of good luck: Therefore that fortune might favour them all the year, they wear white in the beginning of the year. Moreover the Rulers of Cities, and Governors of Provinces, mindful of their duty, send unto their Emperor on this day presents of Gold and Silver, Pearls and Precious stones, many white clothes, and other white things, and many Horses of a white colour: the rest of the Tartars at the beginning of the year, send white presents one to another. See Sir T. Roe of the presents to the Mogul. The King's Elephants. It is the custom of those which bring presents, if they can, of each to present nine times nine; as if they send Horses, to present nine nine, that is e●ghtie one, and so of Gold, of clothes, & other things, that sometimes he hath by this reckoning one hundred thousand Horses. Also at this good luck, all the Elephants which the Emperor hath (five thousand in number) are brought unto the Court, covered with Tapestry, wherein the similitudes of diverse Beasts and Fowls are portrayed, carrying upon their shoulders two Chests full of golden and Silver vessel. Many Camels also are brought, covered with fair Silken clothes, which bring other things, necessary for the Court. And this day in the morning, all the Kings, Captains, Barons, Soldiers, Physicians, Astrologers, Falconers, and the Governors of Provinces, and Armies, and other Officers of the Emperor, assemble in the great Hall before the King, and they who happen to have no place there, for the multitude of men, stand in another place where he may see them. All being placed in their order, and degree, one ariseth as it were some Prelate, and crieth out with a loud voice, Bow down, and adore. And presently all do reverence, bending down their foreheads to the earth. Then he saith, God preserve our Lord with long life and joy, and all answer, God grant. Then he saith, God increase and advance his Empire, and preserve his Subjects in peace, goodwill, and prosperity: and all answer, God grant. And this they do four times. The adoration finished, the said Prelate goeth to an Altar richly adorned, on which is a red Table, wherein is written the name of the Can, and taking a Censer, and putting odoriferous Spices therein, they perfume the Table and the Altar with great reverence, in honour of great Can, and so return to their places. After which, are offered the gifts whereof we have spoken; and then the Tables are prepared, and a most solemn Dinner held, The Feast. eating and drinking with great joy with their wives, in manner before described. And lastly, a domestical Lion is brought unto the King, which lying at his feet, like a gentle Whelp, A tame Lion. acknowledgeth his Lord. In those three months, in which as we said before, the Emperor remaineth in the City of Cambalu, to wit, in December, januarie, and February, The office of the Provincial Hunters. all the Hunters which the Emperor hath in all Provinces, round about the Province of Cathai, apply themselves to hunting, and offer all the greater wilde-beasts, to wit, Stags, Bears, Roebucks, wild Boars, Dear, and such like, unto their Governors: who (if they be distant from the Emperor's Court, less than thirty days journey) send such beasts taken, by Wanes, and Ships unto the Emperor, having first bowelled them. But such as are forty days journey distant from his Court, send only the skins, which are necessary for the making of Armour. He hath many Leopards, Tame Leopards, and Lions. and Wolves for hunting, and many Lions also, greater than those which are in Babylon, in the hair whereof certain little beams appear of diverse colours, to wit, white, black and red, and they are accommodated to catch Boars, Bears, Stags, Roebucks, wild Asses, and wild Oxen; and it is marvelous to see the Lion's fierceness and dexterity in the act. Two Lions use to be carried in one Wagon, when they go to hunt, and with them a Dog, with which they are tamed; and they carry them on this fashion, because of their fury and unruliness: and they must carry them contrary to the wind; for else the beasts would sent them, and flee. Eagles. He hath many tame Eagles, which are so fierce, that they take Hares, Roebucks, Dear, and Foxes: among which some of them fear not with great violence ●o seize upon Wolves, and vex them so sore, that without labour and danger, they may be taken by men. The great Can hath in his Court two which are brethren, one called Bayan, the other Mingan, The Masters of the Game. called in the Tartar language, Civici, that is, Masters of the Game, whereof either hath the charge of ten thousand men: they which are under one of them, are clothed in red; the other in skie-colour, always when they hunt. These keep diverse sorts of Dogs, to the number of five thousand Mastiffs and other. In hunting they go with their people, one on the right, and the other on the left hand of the King: and they take up so great a length of the Plain, that from one end to the other is a day's journey, so that no beast can escape them; and it is great pleasure when the Can goes in the midst, to see the Dogs follow Hearts, Bears, and other kinds. And these Brethren are bound by covenant, from the beginning of October to the end of March, to bring to the Court, one thousand heads of ●easts and birds, besides Quails, and fishes the best they can, in great proportion. The month of March coming in▪ great Can departeth from the City of Cambalu, Hawking. and proceedeth Northeastward towards the Ocean distant thence two days journeys, bringing with him about ten thousand Falconers, who have Falcons, Hawks, Gerfalcons, and other kinds of Fowls of prey fit for hawking. 1●000. Falconers. These Falconers disperse themselves by an hundred or two hundred in a Company: and the birds that are taken, for the most part, are brought unto the King, who by reason of his Gout, sitteth in a wooden house, which two Elephants carry, The King's Horse litter. covered with the skins of Lions, and within hanged with cloth of Gold, having with him for his recreation, twelve choice Hawks, and twel●e favoured Courtiers: many Noblemen and Soldiers ride by, who guard the King's person. Who, when they see Pheasants, or Cranes, or other birds flying in the air, declare it to the Falconers which are near unto the King: and they, signifying the same unto the King uncover the King's House, and let their Falcons and Hawks fly, and the King sitting on his Bed, beholdeth the pastime of the birds. Other ten thousand men also go with the King, who in that hawking, ●unne hither and thither, by two and two, and mar●e whither the Falcons and Hawks fly, that are cast from the fist, that (if need be) they may help them. And these, in the Tartars Language, are called Toscaol, that is to say, Toscaol. Watchmen or Markes-men, being skilful in a certain kind of whistle, wherewith they call in the Hawks that are flown. Nor is it needful, that the Falconer who let the Hawks fly, should follow her, seeing they, of whom I now speak, are busily employed in taking up the Hawks, and are careful that by no means they be hurt or lost. And every flying Hawk carrieth a little table of silver on her foot, The marks of the Hawks. signed with the mark of her Master or Falconer, that if she be lost, she may be restored to her owner. But if the mark cannot be known, the Hawk is delivered to a certain Baron, who for this cause is called Bulangazi, to whom are brought all lost things (otherwise the Finder would be counted a Thief) and to him Losers resort to inquire of things lost. He hath a most eminent place, noted by his Ensign, that in so great an assembly of people he may be known. Whiles they are thus busied in sporting and hawking, they come unto a certain great Plain, called Caczarmodin, where the Tents of the King and all the Courtiers are prepared, about ten thousand in number. The number and order of the Pavilions. The first and chief is the Cans Pavilion, under which ten thousand Soldiers stand, besides Barons and Noblemen, with the door to the South: sustained with three Pillars, wrought with diverse curious and excellent carved works, and covered with the skins of Lions (and strakes of diverse colours) which keep out rain. But within, The huge price of Armelines, and Sables. the walls of the Pavilions are covered with most costly skins of Armelines and Sables, although in those Countries these skins are accounted most precious, that sometimes skins worth two thousand Sultanines of gold are scarce sufficient for one pair of Vests. The Tartars call the Sable, the Queen of Furs. The Cordes, wherewith these Pavilions are supported, are of silk. There are also other Pavilions erected, wherein the Wives, Sons, and Handmaidens of the King remain. Further also, the Falcons, Hawks, Owls, Garfalcons, and other Birds, which serve for Hawking, have their Tents wherein they are contained. For, there is so great a multitude of Tents, that to them that come thither, a far off it seemeth that a famous City is built there. Hunting forbidden. The King remaineth all March in that Plain, and taketh innumerable Beasts and infinite multitudes of Fowl. For no man may else hunt in all the Provinces of that Kingdom, at the least within five days journey one way, ten another, and fifteen a third way of the Cans Court: nor keep an hunting Dog, or an Hawk: and specially, from the beginning of March until the month of October, no man is permitted to use any device or engine whatsoever, to take Stags, Dear, Roe-bucks, Hares, lest he should hinder their breed: and hereupon it is that there are such store. Bark or Paper money. It is incredible what multitudes of People, Merchants, and merchandises of all sorts are seen in Cambalu. The Money of the Great Can is not made of gold or silver, or other metal, but they take the middle bark from the Mulberry Tree, and this they make firm, and cut it into diverse and round pieces, great and little, and imprint the Kings mark thereon. Of this matter therefore, Cambalu, the Mint of money. the Emperor causeth an huge mass of money to be made in the City of Cambalu, which sufficeth for the whole Empire: and no man under pain of death may lawfully coin any other, or spend any other money, or refuse it in all his Kingdoms and Countries. Nor any coming from another Kingdom, dare spend any other money in the Empire of Great Can. Whereby it cometh to pass, that Merchants often coming from far remote Countries and Regions unto the City of Cambalu, bring with them gold, silver, pearl, and precious stones, and receive the King's money for them. And because this money is not received in their Countries, they change it again in the Empire of Great Can for merchandise, which they carry away with them. He also payeth stipends to his Officers and Armies of the mentioned money; and lastly, whatsoever thing he needeth in his Court he buyeth with this money. Wherefore, there is not a King to be found in the World, who exceedeth him in Treasure, not expended on the Mint as elsewhere. The Great Can hath twelve Barons, as is said before, which are his Counsel of War, and dispose of martial affairs, and the exalting or disgracing of Captains and Soldiers. Their office is called Thai, that is, The high Court, because they have none above them but the Can. Other twelve Barons are appointed Counsellors for the four and thirty Provinces, which have a fair Palace in Cambalu, in which is for every Province a judge & many Notaries. These have power to choose Governors of the said Provinces, and present their names to the Can which confirms them. These also have the charge of the Treasure to exact and dispense the same. Their office is called Singh, that is, The second Court, subject to none but the Can, yet reputed less noble than the former, that being a martial State. §. VI The Cans provisions for Ambassadors and for Posts; against Dearth; for Highways; for the Poor in Cambalu, for Astrologers; Tartar's Wine, Fuel, Religion, Opinions, Behaviour, Court-neatnesse: POLOS proceeding from Cambalu Westward. Of Pulisangan, Gouza, Tainfu, Pianfu, Thaigin, Cacianfu, Quenzanfu, Sindinfu, Thebeth, Caindu, Caraian, Carachan, Cardandan and Vociam. WIthout the City of Cambalu, many public ways conduct to the neighbouring Provinces, and in every one of them always at the end of five and twenty or thirty miles, are Lodgings or Inns built, called Lamb, that is, Post-horses, with great and fair Palaces, Chambers furnished with Beds and other Provisions, Posts and Inns. The Romans also had public Stables, as appears by Constantine, Zos. l. 2. and Palladius who in three days would ride from the Confines of the Empire to Constantinople, Soc. l. 7. c. 19 meet to entertain great Men, yea to lodge a King; the provisions laid in from the next adjoining places: where about four hundred Horses are in readiness for Messengers and Ambassadors, which there leave their ridden Horses and take fresh. And in mountainous places, where are no Villages, he sends People to inhabit, ten thousand at a place where these Lamb are built, which till the ground for their provisions; and this continueth unto the furthest limits of the Empire: so that in the public ways, throughout the whole Empire, about ten thousand of the King's Inns are to be found. And the number of the Horses, appointed for the service of the Messengers in those Inns, are more than two hundreth thousand, a thing almost incredible to tell: so that in a little while with change of Men and Horse, intelligence might fly to the Court. And if any wonder how so many men and beasts should be provided for, he must consider that the Moors and Gentiles have many women, and store of children, some having thirty sons which follow them armed; and for victual they sow three seeds, Rice, Panike and Mill, which yield an hundred fold: they make not bread, but boil these with Milk or Flesh. Wheat will not so increase with them: nor suffer they any ground, which will bear, to lie untilled. And their cattle always increase, that each of them carries with him six, eight, or more Horses into the field for his own person. These Horses also take turns, that of the four hundred aforesaid two hundred are in the stables ready, the other two hundred at grass by monthly courses. Their Cities adjoining to Rivers or Lakes, are appointed also to have ferry Boats in readiness for the Posts. And Cities adjoining to Deserts, are sessed at Horses and provisions thorough those Deserts, but have contribution from the Can. In cases of great import, the Post rides with a Gerfalcon Table, and is trussed so that he will ride two hundred miles in a day, or two hundred and fifty, sometimes also they ride the night, Foot-posts running by with lights, if the Moon shine not. They wind a Horn that the fresh Horses may be brought forth for them to mount presently, and having their bellies and heads girded run as fast as the horse can: and those which are able to endure this excessive riding are of great reputation. There are also between the said Inns other habitations, three or four miles distant one from another, where there are a few houses wherein Foot-posts dwell, having all girdles full of shrill sounding bells. These are always ready, and as often as the King's Letters are sent unto them, convey them speedily to the next habitation: Foote-postes. Die Post b●den. who hearing the sound of the Foot-post coming afar off, expect him, and receiving his Letters, presently carry them to the next watch: and so the Letters passing through diverse hands, are conveyed without any delay, unto that place whither they ought to come. And it cometh often to pass, that the King understandeth news, or receiveth new fruits from a place, ten days journey distant, in two days: as fruits growing at Cambalu in the morning, the next day at night at Xandu. Their Privileges. But all the mentioned Posts are free from all exaction of Tribute, and receive a good recompense of their labours from the King's Rent gatherers besides. Some also are appointed to examine these Posts monthly▪ and to punish their faults. He sends yearly unto diverse Provinces, subject to his Empire, Provisions against dearth. to inquire whether any harm be done to the Corn, by Tempests, Locusts, Worms, or any other plague. And when he hath notice given him, that any Province or City, hath sustained any damage, he remitteth Tributes to that people for that year, and sendeth Grain for victual and for Seed, out of his own Garners. For, in the time of great plenty, the King buyeth abundant store of Corn, Fatherly Royalty. and keepeth it with great care of Officers, three or four years in Garners, that when there shall be scarcity of Corn in one Country, that defect may be supplied out of the King's Storehouses. He selleth his grain for the fourth part of other men's price, and always provideth that his storehouses be stored. Likewise, when any murrain lighteth among cattle, he sends them other cattle which he hath for Tenths in other Provinces. And if a thunderbolt hath stricken any beast of any Herd or Flock, he will have no Tribute thereof for three years, be the Herd never so great: nor custom of a Thunder-stricken ship, thinking God is angry with them which are so stricken. Likewise, that Travellers may find the way in all places capable to bear Trees, He hath caused Trees to be planted, a little distance one from another, near unto the principal ways; and in Sandie and desert places, Hence perhaps the walk from Lahor to Agra was occasioned. Their Rice-wine. he hath caused to set Stones and Pillars for that purpose: and Officers are appointed to look to these things. He plants Trees the rather because his Astrologers tell him, that planting Trees lengthens the life. They make excellent drink, in the Province of Cathai, of Rice and diverse Spices, which in the taste thereof excelleth the sweetness even of Wine. And they who drink more greedily thereof then reason judgeth to be fit, or the nature of the drinker requireth, sooner become drunk then if they had drunk Wine. Coals taken out of mines, a thing strange to Polo an Italian, but common with us, called Sea-coal, because they are brought by Sea from Newcastle, etc. Aeneas Silvius and the China Jesuits have told wonders of these black stones, a wonderful divine bounty indeed to this Land, and specially to this City. Cans charity to the Poor. The Tenths paid to the Can. Weekly labour for him. The Devil an Angel of light. Astrologers. Throughout the whole Province of Cathai, certain black stones are digged out of the Mountains, which put into the fire burn like wood, and being kindled preserve fire a long time, as if they be kindled in the Evening, they keep quick fire all the night. And many use those stones, because that though they have store of wood, yet is there such frequent use of Stoves and Baths (thrice every week) that the wood would not serve. It is not amiss also, having spoken of his Provisions abroad, to mention his care for the poor of Cambalu. When he hears of any honourable Family decayed by disaduentures, or of any which cannot work, and have no means: he causeth to give to such Families the whole years' expenses; each of such Families going to the Officers for that purpose, and showing their Bill of allowance, receive provisions accordingly. There is a Palace deputed for those Officers. They are provided also of garments for Winter, and for Summer; the Can having the Tenths of all Wool, and Silk, and Hemp, which he causeth to be made into Clothes in a house thereto appointed: for all Trades are bound one day in the week to work for him. He provides also apparel for his Armies, and in every City causeth Cloth to be made of his tithe wool. You must understand that ●he Tartar's ancient customs knew no alms, but rather upbraided such as were in necessity, as hated of God. But the Idolaters, especially these Bachsi, have propounded it as a good work acceptable to God, and have taught him to be thus bountiful, so that in his Court bread is never denied to any which ask: and there is no day in which is not given away twenty thousand Crowns in Rice, Millet and Panike, whereby he is esteemed as a God. There are also in Cambalu of Christians, Saracens, and Catayans, about five thousand Astrologers and Diviners, which the Great Can provideth yearly of food and raiment, as those poor abovesaid. These have an Astrolabe in which are marked the signs of the Planets, the hours and points of all the year. Herein all these Astrologers, each Religion apart, view the course of the year, according to every Moon, observing the disposition of the weather, referring always to God to do more or less after his own pleasure. They write also upon certain squares (they call them Tacuini) the things which are to come that year, which they sell to those that will buy them, and such as speak most truth are most honoured. If any intent any great work, or to go a far journey, and will know the event beforehand, he makes recourse to these Astrologers, to see it with their eyes in the Heavens, which they do, comparing the present Constellation with that of his Birth (which they demand of him) so foretelling him the good or evil. Tartarian computation of times. The Tartars reckon the computation of their years by twelves, the first signified by a Lion, the second by an Ox, the third by a Dragon, the fourth by a Dog, and so thorough the whole twelve: so that if a man be demanded when he was borne; he will answer, such a point of such an hour, of such a day in the year Lion (this their fathers exactly set down in a book) and when the twelve is complete, they go over the same again. Their Religion. Of their Religion we have said that they are Idolaters, and for their Gods have a Table set aloft in the wall of their Chamber, on which is written, a Name representing the High God of Heaven; and there every day, with a Censer of incense, they adore it in this manner. They lift up their hands aloft, and strike their teeth thrice, praying it to give them a good understanding and health; and desire thereof nothing else. Besides, on the ground they have another statue, called Natigai, The God of earthly things, with his Wife and Children (as before is said) whom likewise they worship with incense, striking * Shattendo identi. or gnashing the teeth, and lifting up the hands; and desire thereof temperature of the air, fruits of the earth, children, and the like. They hold the Soul to be immortal, and that when a man dies, it enters into another body better or worse, according to the merits in the former life, Opinions of the soul. as of a poor man to become a Gentleman, and after of a Prince or Lord, and so higher till it be assumpted in God: or if it hath ill deserved to be a poorer man, after a Dog, always descending to the lowest rank of baseness. They have a comely speech, Their Customs. salute cheerfully and honestly, have a graceful carriage, and feed cleanly. They bear great reverence to their Parents, and if any be undutiful, or helpless to their necessity, there is a public Office designed to this particular, to punish ungrateful or disobedient children. Prisoners are released at three years' end, and marked in the cheek, to be known Malefactors. Court reverence. The Barons and People which go to the Grand Can, observe these Rites. First, within half a mile of the place where the Can is, all is hushed and quiet without noise or cries, or any loud speech: and every Baron carries continually a little fair vessel to spit in, after which he covers it, none daring to spit on the Hall. They have Fur buskins of white leather, which they put on when they enter the Hall, putting off the former and giving them to the servants, lest they should foul the fair artificial Carpets. TEn miles off Cambalu, is a certain great River, named Pulisangan, emptying itself into the Ocean, by which many ships with much merchandise ascend. And in that place, there is a very fair Bridge, all of Serpentine stone curiously wrought, containing three hundred paces in length, and eight in breadth, that ten men may ride abrest. An admirable Bridge. Ramusio hath given a picture, London more. On each side it is fairly mounted with a wall of marble, and Pillars set on a rue: and in the height of the ascent is a great and high Pillar, at the foot whereof is a great Lion, and on the top another. And so quite thorough the Bridge, one pace and half distant are Pillars with Lions on the top, and a fair wellwrought marble work betwixt, to keep men from falling. Having passed over the River and Bridge, proceeding thirty miles westward (in which Palaces are continually seen with Vineyards and fertile Fields) you come to the City Gouza, The City Gouza. both fair and great▪ having many Monasteries of Idols. Cloth of gold and silks are made there, and the purest and finest Cambrics or Lawns; and many common Inns for Strangers and Travellers are found in that City: The Citizens are Artificers and Merchants. A mile without this City the way parteth, one leading West, the other Southeast: Parting of the way. that to the West leadeth through the Province of Cathay, but the other towards the Country of Maugi. From the City of Gouza to the Kingdom of Tainfu, you ride ten days thorough Cataio, always finding many fair Cities and Castles, well traded with Vineyards and tilled Fields, from whence Wine is carried to Cataio, where it wants. There are many Mulberry trees for Silkeworkes: the People civil and Cities very frequent. Tainfu is the name of the Kingdom, and of the chief City which is great and fair, Tainfu. Arms, hath much trading with store of munition, fit for the Cans Armies. The Wine about this City serveth the whole Province. Seven days further westward is a goodly Country, beautified with many Castles and Cities, in which also great trade of merchandise is used. After which, you come to a City very great, named Pianfu, in which there is great abundance of Silk and Trading. Westward from Pianfu standeth a very goodly Castle, named Thaigin, anciently built by a King called Dor. In it is a spacious Palace, wherein is a fair Hall, in which are painted all the famous Kings which have reigned there; a fair spectacle. Dor and his Damsel-court. The King of Achen, and the Mogol, do likewise in part. Of this King Dor they say that he was potent, and was attended only by young Damsels, whereof his Court had great store. They also when he listed to take his pleasure, carried him in a small light Chariot thorough the Castle, which is so fortified by Art and Nature, that the Governor thereof feared none, no not Vmcan his Lord, against whom he rebelled. But seven men professing fidelity and service to Dor, took him at advantage in hunting, and brought him captive to Presbyter john or Vmcan, who put him in vile clothes, and appointed him to keep his cattle, and set on him a strong guard till two years were ended: after which, he commanded him to be brought before him, and attired him in Princely apparel, and giving him his pardon after sharp admonition, sent him so well attended to the repossession of his Kingdom. About twenty miles beyond the Castle Thaigin, is the River Caramoran, Caramoran. which by reason of the exceeding breadth and depth thereof, hath no Bridge: and floweth to the Ocean. On the shore thereof are many Cities and Castles built; wherein much trading is exercised. This Country aboundet with Ginger, Silk, and Fowl, especially Feasants, that three of them are bought for a groat of Venice. There grow Reeds infinite store, so great that some are a foot, some are a foot and half in compass, profitable to many uses. Passing this River, after two days journey is the famous City called Carianfu, where many clothes of Gold and Silk are made: here grows Ginger, Galingale, Spike, and many Spices. The people are Idolaters. Carianfu. Proceeding seven day's journey Westward, many Cities, and Towns, goodly Fields and Gardens are found; and every where Mulberries for Silkworms. And they are Idolaters: but there are also Christians, Turks, Nestorians, and some Saracens. There is much both of wild Beasts and Fowl. If you proceed seven days journey further, you shall come to a certain great City, named Quenzanfu, which is the chief City of the Kingdom, Quenzanfu▪ in which have reigned many famous Kings: and at this day, the son of great Can, called Mangalu, hath the command thereof. That Country yieldeth great plenty of Silk, Cloth of Gold, and all other things necessary for furnishing of an Army, and for preservation of the life of Man. The Inhabitants worship Idols, and there are some Christians, and Turks, and Saracens. Five miles without the City standeth the Palace of Mangalu, seated in a Plain, where are many Springs, Riverets, and places of Game. There is a high wall encompassing five miles, where are all wild Beasts and Fowls, King Mangalu. in the midst is an excellent Palace, having many Halls and Chambers great and fair, all painted with Gold and Az●re, and infinite Marbles adorning. The King with his Courtiers applieth himself to hunting of wild Beasts, and taking of Fowl, and followeth his ●athers steps in justice and Equity, much beloved of his people. Going three days journey Westward from the said Palace, through a certain goodly Plain, where many Cities and Castles are (and abundance of Silk, Merchandise, and Arts) is a mountainous Country, where, in the Mountains and Valleys are frequent Habitations, and store of Lodgings, of the Province of Cunchin. The Inhabitants are Idolaters, and Husbandmen. Also, Cunchin. in that Country they hunt Lions, Bears, Stags, Roebucks, Dear, Wolves. That Plain is two days journey, and the Country is twenty days Westward all inhabited, having Mountains, and Valleys, and many Woods. Achbaluch Mangi. After that, twenty days towards the West, is a Province, named Achbaluch Mangi, that is, The white City of the borders of Mangi, which is well peopled. This Province for two day's journey hath a Plain, with infinite habitations. After which follow Mountains, Valleys, and Woods, all inhabited twenty days journey Westward. It hath store of wild beasts, and of those creatures which yield Musk. In this Province Ginger groweth in great plenty, as also Corn and Rice. After twenty days journey thorough those Hills, is a Plain, and a Province in the Confines of Mangi, Mangi. Sind●nfu. named Sindinfu. The chief City hath the same name, great and exceeding rich, being, twenty miles' circuit about. It hath had many rich and mighty Kings, but the old King dying, left three sons Successors of the Kingdom, which divided the City into three parts, compassing every part with their proper walls, all which notwithstanding were contained within the former wall. But great Can subjected that City and Kingdom to his Dominion. Thorough this City run many Rivers, in many places, and round about, some half a mile over, some two hundred paces, very deep, and on them are many Bridges of stone, very fair, eight paces broad, set on both sides with marble Pillars, which bear up a timber Frame that covers the Bridge; each Bridge having streets and shops all alongst. When these Rivers are passed the City, they become one great river, Quian. called Quian, which runneth one hundred days journey hence to the Ocean. near these Rivers are many Cities and Castles, and ships for Merchandise. Proceeding five day's journey ●urther, through a certain Plain, many Cities, Castles, and Villages are found, in which fine Lawns are in great abundance. Many wild Beasts also are there. The greatness of the Province of Tebeth After the Plain whereof we now speak, is the Province of Tebeth, which great Can vanquished, and wasted: for in it are many Cities destroyed, and Castles overthrown by the space of twenty days journey. And because it is become a Wilderness, wanting Inhabitants, wild Beasts, and Lions are there increased abundantly: and it is needful that Travellers carry victuals with them. Very great Canes grow in this Country ten paces in length, and three palms in thickness, and as much from knot to knot. When Travellers therefore will rest by night secure from Beasts, The subtle device of Travellers. they take great bundles of the greener Reeds, and putting fire under, kindle them. Which make such a cracking, and so great a noise, that it may be heard two miles off. Which terrible sound the wild Beasts hearing, flee away. Moreover, Horses, and other Beasts which Merchants use for their journey, hearing this noise and cracking, are very much afraid, and many betaking themselves to flight, have escaped from their Masters: but the wiser Travellers binding their feet together with Fetters, detain them with violence. Twenty days journey ended, having passed over the Province of Tebeth, we meet with Cities, justine in his 18. book mentioneth the like of the Cyprians. Aelianus V.H. the 4. book, chapter 1. and very many Villages, in which, through the blindness of Idolatry, a wicked custom is used: for, no man there marrieth a wife that is a Virgin. Whereupon, when Travellers and Strangers coming from other parts, pass through this Country, and pitch their Pavilions, the Women of that place having marriageable daughters, bring them unto Strangers, desiring them to take them, and enjoy their company as long as they remain there. Thus the prettier are chosen, and the rest return home sorrowful. And when they will depart, they are not suffered to carry any away with them, but faithfully restore them to their Parents. The Maiden also requireth some toy or small Present of him who hath deflowered her, which she may show as an argument and proof of her deflowering. And she that hath been loved, and abused of most men, and shall have many such favours and toys to show to her Wooers, is accounted more noble, and may more easily and honourably be married. And when she will go honourably attired, Whose glory is in their shame. she hangeth all her Lover's favours about her neck, and the more acceptable she was to many, of so much the more honour is she adjudged worthy. But when they are once married to husbands, they are now no more suffered to be coupled with strange men. And the men of this Country are very wary, that they offend not one another in this matter. They are Idolaters, and cruel men, thinking it no sin if they rob, and exercise theft. They live by hunting, and the fruits of the earth. Many beasts also are found with them, yielding Musk called by them, Gudderi. They have a proper Language, and have no money, not the Paper money of Can, Coral money. but spend Corals for money, and are clothed with the skins of beasts, or course Hemp. This Country appertaineth to the Province of Tebeth: for Tebeth is a very large Province, Eight Kingdoms of Tebeth. and hath been sometime divided into eight Kingdoms, having many Cities, and Towns, with many Mountains, Lakes, and Rivers, where Gold is found. The women wear Coral about their necks, and hang it about the necks of their Idols, as a precious thing. In this Country there are very great Dogs, as big as Asses, which take wild Beasts, specially wild Oxen, called Beyamini. They are exceeding Necromancers, causing tempests, lightnings, thunderbolts, and many other wonders. There are many sorts of Spices never brought into these parts. This Thebeth is (as all the former Provinces) subject to the Can. Caindu. On the West of the Province of Tebeth, bordereth the Province of Caindu, sometimes governed by her own Kings, now by the Governors of the Can. By the West you must not understand that the Countries are in the West, but that we departing from those parts which are betwixt the East and North-east come hither Westward: and therefore reckon them Westward. The people are Idolaters, have many Cities, the chief called by the name of the Province, Caindu, built in the entry of the Province. There is a great salt Lake, in which is store of Pearls, white, not round, so abundant, that the price of them would become little worth, if they were suffered to be carried away at men's pleasures. Whereupon, it is provided upon pain of death, that none should presume to fish for Pearl in this Lake, without the licence of great Can. There is also a Mountain in which is found a Mineral of Turkess stones, confined to the like licence. Many Gadderi are also in this Province, which yield Musk. Gadderi. That Lake also which engendereth Pearl in such plenty, aboundeth with Fishes: and the whole Country is full of wild Beasts, that is to say, of Lions, Bears, Stags▪ Dear, Ounces, Roebucks; and diverse kinds of Birds. Cloves are found there in great plenty, which are gathered from small Trees, Cloves. which have boughs and leaves like the Bay-tree, but somewhat longer and straighter, white flowers and little, as are the Cloves, and when they are ripe they are black and dusky. Ginger, Cinnamon, and diverse other Spices grow there in great plenty, Ginger, Cinnamon. which are not brought unto our Countries. Wine groweth not in it, but in stead thereof they make excellent Drink of Corn, Rice, and diverse other Spices. The Inhabitants of this Country worship Idols, The Inhabitants are Idolaters and Bawds. by which they are so besotted, that they think they deserve their favour, if they prostitute their wives, sisters, and daughters to be abused by Travellers. For, when any Stranger cometh amongst them, every householder seeketh to give him entertainment, and go their way, leaving the females and house to the Strangers will, and return not until they depart. And the women presently hang up some sign till he be gone, that when the Master of the family returneth, he may know he is there still, and go away again, staying without till he be departed: which he doth for the glory of his Idols, hoping they will be more gracious unto him. Certain twigs of Gold are their money, using weights, and according to the weight of the twig is the value of the money. And this money is the greater money without stamp. They have also a lesser, which they make after this manner. They boil Salt in a Cauldron an hour's space, Money of Salt. of which being congealed, they make little lumps like twopenny loaves, which being made solid, is signed with the Princes Stamp, and make great profit thereof in savage places, remote from Cities which have store of Musk and Gold, and want Chapmen. These bartar their Gold for Salt to use in their meats. Leaving this Province, they proceed fifteen days journey further, and in the mean space meet with Castles, and many Villages, whose Inhabitants have the same customs, that the Province of Caindu hath, and at length they come unto a River, called Brius, The River Brius yielding Gold. where the Province of Caindu is bounded. In this River Gold is found in great plenty, which they call, Diego Paiola (washed in vessels to sever it from the sands and earth.) On the banks thereof Cinnamon groweth in great abundance. This River runneth to the Ocean. Having passed over the River Brius, they come westward to the Province Caraian, The seven Kingdoms of Caraian. King Sentemur. which containeth seven Kingdoms. It is subject to the Great C●n, whose son, named Sentemur, is made King of that Kingdom, who is rich, wise and just. The Inhabitants thereof are Idolaters. You ride five days and find it all well peopled. They live of their Beasts and Fruits. The Country breedeth excellent Horses: and it hath a peculiar and difficult language. At the end of those five days is the chief City, called jaci, and it is great and famous, The City jaci. hath in it many Merchants and Artificers, and many sorts of People▪ Idolaters, Christians, Nestorians, and Saracens; but the most Idolaters. It hath Corn, and much Rice, although they eat no bread of Corn, because it is not wholesome, but they make bread of Rice. They make drink also of it, and diverse Spices very pleasant. They use white Porcelanes in stead of money, Money of Stones. and for ornaments which are found at the Sea. Much Salt is made in this City of the water of salt Wells, whereof the King hath great profit. The men of this Country care not if any man come to their Wives, so they give their consent. There is also a Lake there very full of Fish, containing an hundreth miles in compass. Those men eat raw flesh of Hens, Beef, Mutton and Buffals, Raw flesh. but prepared after this manner. They first break it into small pieces, and after season it with excellent Spices; but the poorer sort shred it and lay it in Garlic sauce, and eat it as we do boiled meat. Departing from the City of jaci, having travailed ten days journey westward, ye come to the Province named, as is the chief City, Carazan, which Cogatin, son of Cublai, governeth. Carazan. River's yielding gold di paiola that is washed in vessels from the sand & earth. Great Dragons. The Rivers there yield very much gold di paiola, and also that which is more solid, and the Mountain's gold of the vein, and they give one stone of gold for six of silver. They spend Porcelanes for money, brought thither from India. The Inhabitants are Idolaters: very great Serpents are bred in this Country, whereof some contain ten paces in length, and in thickness ten spans. They have two little feet before nigh the head, with three talons or claws like Lions, and the eyes bigger than a Groat loaf, very shining. They have their mouths and jaws so wide, that they are able to swallow a man; great and sharp teeth: nor is there any man, or other living Creature, which may behold those Serpents without terror: there are found less, of eight, six, or five paces long, which are taken after this manner. In the day time they use to lie hid, The taking of them. by reason of the heat, in holes, out of the which they go by night to seek their prey, and devour whatsoever they get, Lions, Wolves, or others: and then go to seek water, leaving such a tract with their weight in the sands, as if some piece of timber had been drawn there. Whereupon the Hunters fasten under the sands sharp Iron pricks in their usual tracts, whereon they are wounded and slain. The Crows presently ring his knell, and by their craing cries invite the Hunters, which come and slay him, taking forth his gall, profitable for diverse Medecines (amongst other things, for the biting of mad Dogs, a penny weight given in Wine; and far women in travel for carbuncles and bushes) and they sell the fl●sh dear as being exceeding delicate. There are bred great Horses in this Province, which by Merchants are carried into India. They use to take one bone out of the tail, lest he should bend his tail hither and thither, and esteem it more comely that it hang down right. They use long Stirrups as the Frenchmen; which the Tartars and other Nation's 〈◊〉 their shooting use short, because when they shoot, they rise up. They use Targets and Armour in the Wars, made of the hides of Buffals: they have Lances and Crossbows, and poison all their Arrows. Some of them which are ill minded, are said to carry * Poison and Dog's dung. poison about them continually, that if they be taken, they may suddenly swallow it and death together, to prevent torture. For which cause the great Lords have Dogs dung ready, which they force them to swallow, and that forceth them to vomit the poison. A wicked custom. Before the great Can subjected them, they used, that when any Stranger which seemed of good presence and parts lodged with them, they slew him by night, supposing that those good parts of that man might abide afterwards in that house: and this was the death of many. Going from the Province Carazan, after five days journey Westward, is the Province Cardandan, Cardandan. Vociam. which also is subject to great Can. The chief City thereof is called Vociam. The Inhabitants thereof use Porcelanes and weighed pieces of Gold in stead of money: for in that Country, and many other lying round about, Silver mines are not found, and they give one ounce of Gold for five ounces of Silver, The rareness of Silver. Golden coverings for the teeth. and great gain is made by the change. The men and women of that Country cover their teeth with thin plates of Gold, which they so fit unto them, that the teeth themselves seem (as it were) to be set in the plates. The men about their arms and legs make lists, pricking the places with Needles, and putting thereon a black indelible tincture. And these lists or marks are esteemed with them a great galantrie. They give their minds to nothing but riding, hunting, hawking, and exercises of Arms, leaving the household cares to the women, who are helped therein by slaves which they buy or take in War. When a woman is brought to bed she forsakes the bed, washeth the child and dresseth it, and then the husband * Strabo in his third book mentioneth the same to be done with the Spaniards in some places. Apoll●nius reporteth the like custom, with the Le●us●f ●f the Brasilians. Tallies of contracts. The deceitful medicine of the Magicians. lieth down and keeps the child with him forty days, not suffering it to depart: is visited mean while of friends and neighbours, to cheer and comfort him. The woman looks to the house, carry the husband his broths to his bed, and gives suck to the child by him. Their Wine is made of Rice and Spice, their meat Rice, and raw flesh dressed, as is before mentioned. In this Province there are no other Idols, save that every family adoreth the oldest man in the house, of whom they say come themselves and all they have. They dwell for the most part, in wild and mountainous places. But Foreigners come not to those Mountains, because the air would kill them, being in Summer very corrupt. They ●aue no letters, but make their Contracts and Obligations by tallies of wood, the half whereof the one keepeth, and the other, the other: which being afterward paid, the tally is rendered. There are no Physicians in this Province, nor in Caindu, Vociam and Caraian: but when any is sick, they call the Magicians, or Idol Priests together, and he sick party declareth his disease unto them: then the Magician's dance, and sound certain instruments, and bellow forth songs in honour of their Gods, while at length the Devil entereth into one of them skipping and playing in the dance. Then leaving the dance, they consult with him that is possessed, for what cause that disease happened unto him, and what is to be done for his recovery. The Devil answereth by him, because he hath done this or that, or because he hath offended this or that God: therefore, he fell into this disease. Then the Magicians entreat that God to pardon him that offence, promising, that if the sick party recover, he shall offer a Sacrifice of his own blood. But if the Devil think the weak party to be sick of such a disease that he cannot be freed from the same, he useth to answer: This man hath so grievously offended that God, that he cannot by any sacrifices be appeased. But if he think he shall recover, he commandeth to offer so many Rams having black heads, and to prepare so many Magicians with their wives, by them to offer Sacrifices, and that God may then be appeased towards him. Which being heard, his kinsmen quickly cause those things to be done which the Devil commanded: they kill Rams, and sprinkle their blood in the air, and the Magicians assembled with their Witches, light great Candles, and perfume the whole house with incense, making fume of Lignum Aloes, and sprinkle the broth of the flesh in the air, together with the potion made of Spices: all which being duly performed, they skip about again in a dance in honour of that Idol, which is supposed to have been favourable to the sick, singing, and making an horrible noise with their voices: These things being done, they ask the possessed again, whether by these things the Idol be appeased. If he answer, No, they presently prepare themselves to fulfil another command of his. But if he answer, that he is satisfied, they sit down at the Table, and eat the flesh offered to the Idol with great joy, and drink the confections. And dinner being ended, and the Magicians paid, every one returneth to his own home. And when the sick hath thus escaped the disease, through the providence of God, and hath been restored to health, they attribute it to the Idol whom they sacrificed. But if he die, than they say, the Idol was defrauded, and that some of the Sacrificers tasted thereof first. This is not done to all but to the Richer, the Devil deluding their blindness. §. VII. Of the Province of Mien and Bengala, how they were conquered to the Can: Of Cangigu, Amu, Tholoman, Cintigui, and some other parts of Cataio. And of the Conquest of Mangi. ANno Dom. 1272. the Great Can sent an Army into the Kingdom of Vociam, and Carazan to guard it, to the number of twelve thousand expert warriors, under the conduct of Nestardin a wise Captain. As soon as the King of Mien, and the King of Bengala heard of their coming, assembling their forces, they joined Horse and Foot together, about threescore thousand, and about a thousand Elephants beating Castles, and in every Castle twelve or sixteen * This by relation; for they use not to carry above three or four. His stratagem. armed men were placed. With this Army the King of Mien speedily marched towards the City Vociam, where the Army of the Tartars rested. Nestardin coming forth with a manly courage to fight against the Enemy, encamped against a certain great Wood, knowing that the Elephants with those Towers were not able to enter into the wood. Then the King of Mien marcheth forth to meet them. But the Tartarian Horses perceiving the Elephants to be present, which were placed in the first front of the battle, were terrified with so great fear, that they could not by any violence or policy be provoked against the Elephants. The Tartars therefore were compelled to alight from their Horses, Fight & flight of Elephants. and tying them to the Trees of the Wood, they come to fight on foot against the Elephants. In the front of the battle, all the Tartars purposely shot a multitude of Arrows against the Elephants, which not able to endure the strokes of the Arrows, speedily betook themselves to flight, and with swift course went all unto the next Wood, and broke their Castles, and overthrew the armed men sitting in them, which the Tartars seeing, run unto their Horses, and getting up upon them, furiously fall upon the King's Army with great violence: and many of either Army fell, at length the King of Mien being put to flight, left the victory to the Tartars, who hasten to the Wood, and taking many Captives, used their help to take two hundred of these Elephants. And ever since Great Can hath used Elephants in his Armies which before he had not accustomed. Hereupon also he vanquished the Countries of the King of Mien and Bengala, and subjected them to his Empire. Departing from the Province of Cardandan, is a great descent, which continueth two days and a half, nor is there any habitation there, but a very large Plain, in the which, Market in a dis-habited Plain. Change of gold and silver. three days in the week many men meet together for Trading. Many descend from the great Mountains of that Country, bringing gold with them to change for silver, to wit, giving one ounce of gold for five ounces of silver: whereupon, many Merchants from foreign Nations come thither, who bringing silver carry away gold, and bring thither merchandises to sell to those people. For to those high Mountains, in which, they who gather gold in that Country, dwell, no stranger can come, seeing the way is unpassable and intricate. When you are passed that Plain, going toward the South, Mien bordereth upon India, and the way lieth fifteen days journey in places not inhabited and woody, in which innumerable Elephants, Unicorns, Unicorns or Rhinocerotes. and other wild beasts wander. After that fifteen days is found Mien, a great and noble City, the head of the Kingdom, Mien. and subject to Great Can. The Inhabitants thereof have a peculiar language, and are Idolaters. In this City there was a King, who being ready to die, commanded that near to his Sepulchre, there should be made two Towers in Pyramid fashion, one at the head, the other at the feet, both of Marble, of the height of ten fathom. On the top was a round Ball. He caused one to be covered all over with gold a finger thick, and the other with silver. And upon the top round about the Balls, many little golden and silver Bells were hanged, which at the blowing of the wind gave a certain sound. The Monument or Sepulchre was also covered with Plates, partly of gold, partly of silver. He commanded this to be made in honour of his Soul, and that his memory should never decay among men. And when Great Can minded to subdue this City, he sent a valiant Captain, and the greatest part of his Army were jesters, of which his Court is always furnished. These winning the City, would not violate that Monument without the Cans knowledge, who hearing that the decessed had made it for the honour of his Soul, would not suffer it to be stirred: The piety of the Tartars towards the dead for the manner of the Tartars is, not to violate those things which belong to the dead. In this Province are many Elephants, wild Oxen, great and fair Stags and Dear, and other wild Beasts of diverse kinds. Bengala. The Province Bengala bordereth upon India toward the South, which Great Can subdued, when Marco Polo lived in his Court. The Country hath a proper King, and peculiar language. The Inhabitants thereof are all Idolaters: they have Masters which keep Schools and teach Idolatries and Enchantments; a thing common to all the great Men of that Country. They eat Flesh, Rice and Milk: they have Cotton in great plenty, and by reason thereof, much and great trading is exercised there: they abound also with Spike, Galangal, Ginger, Sugar, and diverse other Spices. Oxen as big as Elephants. eunuchs. Huge Oxen also are there, comparable with Elephants in height but not in thickness. Many eunuchs are made in this Province, which are afterwards sold unto Merchants. This Province continueth thirty days journey, in the end whereof going Eastward is the Province of Cangigu. Cangigu. The Kings many wives. Cangigu hath his proper King and peculiar language. The Inhabitants thereof worship Idols, and are Tributaries to Great Can. Their King hath about three hundreth Wives. Much gold is found in this Province, and many Spices, but they cannot easily be transported, seeing that country is far distant from the Sea. There are also many Elephants in it, and much game of many wild Beasts. The Inhabitants thereof live with Flesh, Milk and Rice. They want Wine, but they make good drink of Rice and Spices. Embroidered Gallants. Aswell the Men as the Women use to embroider their Faces, Necks, Hands, Bellies and Legs, making the Images of Lions, Dragons and Birds, and so firmly imprint them that they cannot easily be put out: and the more such Images any one hath, by so much is he esteemed the more gallant. And there be Professors of this foolish Art of flesh embroidery, which use no other Trade but this Needlework, and dying of Fooles-skinnes. Amu. Amu is an Easterly Province subject to Great Can, whose Inhabitants worship Idols, and have a peculiar language. They abound with Herds of cattle, and have plenty of Victuals, and many Horses and those excellent, which Merchants bring into India. They have also many Buffs and Oxen, because there are delicate Pastures there. As well Men as Women, wear bracelets of gold and silver of great value on their arms, also the like on their legs: but those of the Women are of most value. From Amu to Cangigu are five and twenty days journey. Tholoman. The Province Tholoman is eight days journey distant to the East from Amu, subject unto Great Can, having a peculiar language, and worshipping Idols. The Men and Women thereof are tall and goodly, of a brown colour. The Country is very well inhabited, having many and strong Castles and Cities. The men are exercised in Arms and accustomed to war. They burn the bodies of their dead, and enclosing the Relics of their bones in a Chest, hide them in the Caves of the Mountains, that they cannot be touched either of man or beast. Gold is in great plenty there, and in stead of money they use Porcelanes brought from India, as also in Cangigu and Amu. From the Province Tholoman, the way leadeth towards the East on a River, by which are many Cities and Castles, Cintigui. and at the end of twelve days you come to the great City Cintigui. The Country is subject to Great Can, and the Inhabitants thereof are addicted to Idolatry. Excellent Clothes are made in this Country of the barks of Trees, Cloth made of Barks: which are now used in Congo. Great and hardy Dogs. wherewith they are clothed in the Summer. Very many Lions are there, so that for fear of them, none dare sleep without doors by night. The ships which go up and down the River, for fear of the Lions, are not fastened to the bank. There are great Dogs in the same Country, so hardy and strong, that they fear not to adventure on the Lion: And it often happeneth, that two Dogs and one Archer kill a Lion: for the Dogs set on by the man give the onset, and the Lion's nature is presently to seek shelter from some Tree, that the Dogs may not come behind him: neither yet will his great heart suffer him to run from the Dogs, lest he should seem afraid; but he holds his stately pace, the man meanwhile shooting, and the Dogs fastening on his hinder parts, but with such quickness, that when the Lion turns on them they are gone. And then doth this magnanimous Beast hold on his way again to seek such Tree succour, that with Bite and Arrows he sometimes comes short, and with expense of blood dyeth by the way. This Country aboundeth with Silk, which by Merchants is carried to diverse Provinces by the River. They live on Merchandise, their money is Paper. Sidinfu. Cingui. Pazanfu. They are valiant in Arms. At the end of ten days is the City Sidinfu, and twenty days from thence is Gingui, and four days thence is Pazanfu towards the South, and is in Cataio returning by the other side of the Province. The people are Idolaters and burn their dead. There are also certain Christians which have a Church: all under the Can and use Paper money. They make Clothes of Gold, and Silk, and Lawns very fine. By this City (which hath many Cities under it) goes a great River which carries store of merchandise to Cambalu, made by many Channels to pass thither. But we will pass hence, and proceeding three day's journey, speak of Cianglu. Cianglu. Cianglu is a great City toward the South of the Province of Cataio, subject to the Can, the Inhabitants are Idolaters, and burn their dead. Their money is the (Mulberry) Paper coin of the Can. In this City and the Territories they make store of Salt, for that Earth is very salt, The Salt of Canglu. and out of it they get Salt, after this manner. They heap up Earth in manner of an Hill, and pour water upon it, which draws the saltness of the Earth unto it, and then runs into certain Conduits, and is boiled in Pannes till it be congealed to Salt fair and white, to the Cans and their great gain, being carried into other Countries to sell. There are great Peaches very good, which weigh two pounds a piece. Five days journey beyond the City Cianglu, Great Peaches in Cataio Southward standeth another City, named Ciangli (in which way are many Cities and Castles, all subject to the Can) through the midst whereof runneth a great River, Ciangli. very convenient for shipping laden with merchandises. Six days journey thence to the South (all which way hath great Cities and Castles of Idolaters) is the noble Kingdom and great City Tudinfu, which had his proper King, Tudinfu. before it was subdued to Great Can, Anno 1272. and hath eleven Royal Cities, famous for traffic, subject to the jurisdiction thereof. It is very delectable for Gardens and Fruits, rich in Silks. The Can sent to the government hereof one of his Barons, named Lucansor, with eighty thousand Horse: who rebelled against his Lord, but was slain by a power of one hundred thousand under two other Barons sent against him, and the Country reduced to obedience. Seven days off (riding by many Cities and Castles of Idolaters, plentiful of all things) towards the South is the famous City, named Singuimatu, unto the which on the South, a certain great River runneth, Singu●matu. which being divided by the Inhabitants of the place into two Rivers, floweth partly to the East towards Cataio, and partly to the West towards Mangi. By these Rivers, innumerable Vessels for multitude, and incredible for their greatness and wealth, bring necessaries to both Provinces. If you go sixteen days journey towards the South from Singuimatu, you still meet with Cities and Towns where much trading is exercised. The Inhabitants of these Countries are Idolaters, subject to Great Can. After that sixteen days, you come unto a great River, named Caramoran, Caramoran. which is said to flow out of the Kingdom of Vincan or Presbyter john, of the North. It is very deep, and carrieth Ships of great burden: it is also stored with Fish. Within one days journey of the Sea there are in this River fifteen thousand Sail, each of which carrieth fifteen Horses and twenty Men, besides Victuals and the Mariners. This is the Cans Fleet kept there in readiness, to carry an Army to any of the Lands in the Sea, if they should rebel; or to any remote Region Near the bank of the River where these Ships are kept, is Coiganzu, and over against it Quanzu, one a great City, the other small. After you are passed that River, you enter into the noble Kingdom of Mangi. And do not think that we have handled in order the whole Province of Cataio: yea, I have not spoken of the twentieth part. For, M. Polo passing by the said Province, hath only described the Cities in his way, leaving those on both hands, and those betwixt these, to prevent tediousness. The Province of Mangi is the most rich and famous that is found in the East: and An. 1269. had a certain King, named Fanfur, Fanfur King of Mangi, which is now called China. richer and mightier than any which had reigned there in an hundred years, but a man peaceable and full of almesdeeds, so beloved of his subjects, that thereby, and by the strength of the Country, he seemed invincible. Whereby it came to pass, that the King aswell as the People, lost the use and exercise of War and Arms. All the Cities were compassed with Ditches, a Bow shoot broad, full of Water. He held in pay no Horses, because he feared none. And hence it came to pass, that the King giving himself to pleasure more than was meet, enjoyed continual delights. He maintained about a thousand goodly Lasses, with which he passed his time in pleasure. He nourished justice, and preserved Peace. No man durst offend his Neighbour, and disturb the Peace, for fear of severe unpartial punishment. So that Artificers would often leave their Shops full of Wares open by night, and yet none would presume to enter into them. Travellers and strangers most safely walked day and night, throughout that whole Kingdom, fearing no man. The King himself also was pitiful and merciful towards the Poor, and forsook not them that were oppressed with necessity, or pinched with penury. Besides, every year he took up twenty thousand young Infants, cast off by their Mothers, which through poverty were not able to keep them, which he brought up, and set them when they were grown to some Trade, or married the young Men with the Maids which he had in like sort educated Cublai Can was of a differing disposition to Fanfur, and delighted only in Wars and Conquests, and to make himself Great; he sent a great Army levied of Horse and Foot, and made one, named Chinsan Baian (that is, one hundred eyes) General thereof. He, Chinsan Baian▪ another Argus in the signification of his name. therefore coming with his Army and a Fleet to the Province of Mangi, first summoned the city Coiganzu to yield obedience to his Emperor. Who refusing the same, he departed without any assault given to the City: and required the same of the second City; which likewise refusing, he marched forward to the third, and fourth, and received the like answer of them all. But he assaulted the next with great courage, and vanquished the same by force, and slew every mother's child therein; which so affrighted and terrified the rest, that they all presently yielded. Moreover, Great Can sent another great Army after the former, with both which Armies he marched against the chief City Quinsai, where the King of Mangi resided: who mightily terrified, as never having seen any battle, Quinsai, the King's Court. fled with his wealth and treasures in ships which he had prepared to certain impregnable Lands in the Ocean (where he after died) committing the custody of the City of Quinsai to his wife, bidding her to defend it as well as she could; for being a woman she need not fear death, The flight of King Fanfur. if she were taken. It is to be observed, that King Fanfur had been told by his Diviners, that his Kingdom should never be taken from him, but by one which had an hundred eyes: which the Queen knew, and therefore was still in hope not to lose the City, howsoever straightened; thinking it impossible for one man to have an hundred eyes. But one day she heard, that the Commander of the Tartars was called Baian Chinsan, that is to say, An hundred eyes, and was much terrified: wherefore, calling for the Commander of the Tartars Army, thinking him to be the man which the Astrologers spoke of, she delivereth the City unto him. Which being heard, the Citizens, and Inhabitants of the whole Province, revolted to the obedience of great Can. The Queen was sent unto the Court of great Can, and was most honourably received by him, and maintained like a Queen. And now we will speak of the Cities of * This name Mangi and China, are so different that they may seem diverse Regions. But the Reader is to observe, that China is a name to the Chinois unknown, and that Kingdom hath appellations diversely diversified: either from the Family reigning (which now is called Ciu, and the Kingdom Min, and Min Ciu, are not far from Mangi) and by the Tartars, when they reigned, it was called Han and before, Cheu, which both put together make Han Cheu, without any great dissonance from Mangi: Or else by general appellations common to all ages, etc. See our following relations of Ricci and Triganti●. Mangi. §. VIII. Of the Cities of Mangi (now called China) and the rarities thereof: the many wonders of Quinsai, the Palaces, Pleasures, Rites and Government, observed by the Natives, and the Tartars. Coiganzu. COiganzu is a fair and rich City, situate towards the Southeast, and East in the entrance of the Province of Mangi, (from Cataio, whence the Author passed) where are always great store of ships, being seated on the River Caramoran. Great store of Merchandise is carried thither. The Salt of Conigangui. Salt is also made there in great abundance. Going from Coiganzu, you ride towards the Southeast one days journey on a stone * Terraglio. Causey; on both sides whereof are great Fens with deep waters, whereon they may pass with ships: neither is there any entrance into Mangi but by shipping (as the Captain of the Can did) but by this Causey. Paughin. At the end of that day's journey is a City called Paughin great and fair. The people make clothes of Gold and of Silk, are Merchants and Idolaters. The Paper money of great Can is received throughout that whole Country. It is plentiful of all necessaries of life. Caim. To the City Caim, is from Paughin one days journey Southeast, and this is also a famous City, Pheasants. abounding with fish, and game, of beasts, and fowl: especially Pheasants are found there, in exceeding great plenty, as great as Peacocks; of which you may have three for one Venetian groat. Proceeding further hence one days journey, you come thorough a well manured and peopled Country to the City Tingui, Tingui. which although it be not great, yet hath it exceeding great plenty of victuals. They are Merchants, and very many ships are also there: plenty of beasts and fowls: It is seated to the Southeast, and on the left hand towards the East three days journey off is the Ocean: Salt pits. Cingui. and in the space between, are very many Salt pits; and they make great store of Salt. After this, is Cingui a great City, whence the Country is furnished with Salt, whereof the Can makes great profit, beyond belief. They are Idolaters, and have Paper money. jangui, Head of 27. Cities. From Cingui riding towards the Southeast, you meet with the noble City jangui, under the government whereof are other Cities; seven and twenty in number. And in that City resideth one of the twelve Barons which are Governors of Provinces chosen by the great Can. They are Idolaters, and live of Merchandise. They make Arms and Harnasse for war. And Master Marco had the sole government thereof by commission of the great Can, M. Polo Governor of jangui. Nanghin. three years together in stead of one of those Barons. Nanghin is a Province to the West, one of the greatest and noblest of Mangi, a place of great Merchandise. They are Idolaters, spend Paper money, have store of beasts and fowl, wild and tame. They make clothes of Gold and Silk, and are rich Merchants, and the Country is very commodious to the Can, specially by Customs of Merchandise. There is great plenty of Corne. Sianfu is a noble and great City in the Province of Mangi, and hath twelve rich and great Cities subject unto her jurisdiction. They make great store of Silks and cloth of Gold, have plenty of game and fowl, and of all things pertaining to a City of note: so strong, that it was three years besieged, and could not be vanquished by the Army of the Tartars, when the Province of Mangi was subdued. For it is compassed on every side with Lakes, that there was no way unto it, but on the North: so that ships came and went continually, bringing plenty of victuals: which not a little afflicted great Can. The two brethren Master Nicolo, and Master Maffio, then in his Court, hearing hereof, went to him, and offered their service to devose certain Engines after the manner of the West, able to shoot a stone of three hundred weight, thereby to kill men, and ruin houses. The Can appointed them the best Carpenters which were Nestorian Christians, who made three (Mangani) of those Engines in a short space, Mangani, a kind of Engines. It hereby appears that they had not the use of the Cannon. which were proved and approved before him, and by ships sent unto his Army. Planting them therefore against the City Sianfu; they began to cast great stones into the City: and the first falling upon a certain house, broke it for the most part, with the violence thereof. Which the besieged Inhabitants seeing, were very much astonished, and yielded themselves, and became subject to the obedience of great Can, on the same conditions with the rest of Mangi; to the great repute of the two Venetian brethren. From the City Sianfu, to a certain City, named Singui, Singui. are numbered fifteen miles South-eastward, which although it be not great, yet hath it an exceeding multitude of Ships, being seated upon the greatest River in the world, called Quian, Quian. the breadth of which in certain places, containeth ten miles, in other eight, and in some six. But the length thereof extendeth itself above an hundred days journey from the head to the Sea. Innumerable other Rivers flow into it, which run thorough diverse Regions, and are navigable, and make it so great; incredible store of Merchandise is brought by this River. There are also very many other Cities, in number about two hundred, which participate of this River: it floweth through the bounds of sixteen Provinces. The greatest commodity is Salt, wherewith all the Cities which communicate in these waters are stored. Master Marco saw at one time at Singui five thousand ships, and yet other Cities on that River have more. All those ships are covered, and have but one mast, and one sail, and usually carry four thousand, and so upwards, some of them twelve thousand Venetian Cantari. Neither use cordage of Hemp, except for the mast and sail, but have Canes fifteence paces long, which they rive into thin parts from one end to the other, and binding the cut pieces together, and wreathing them, make very long ropes, so that some of them contain three hundred fathom in length. And those lines are as strong as Hempen, and serve for halves and cables to draw their ships up and down the River, each ship having ten or twelve Horses for that purpose. On that River in many places are rocky hillocks, on which are built Monasteries to their Idols: and all the way are Villages and places inhabited. Cayngui is a little City, upon the foresaid River South-eastward, Cayngui. where every year is brought store of Corn and Rise, carried the most part to Cambalu. Hand-made River. For they may pass thither by Lakes and Rivers, and by one deep large hand-made River, which the Can caused to be made for passage from one River to another, and from Mangi to Cambalu without going to Sea. Which work is goodly and wonderful for the site and length, and more for the profit thereby to the Cities. He hath made also great Causies to go on land by those waters commodiously. In the mids of the said River is an Island of a Rock, on which is erected a great Temple and Monastery, in which are two hundred Idolatrous Monks. This is the Mother-temple and Monastery of many others. Cinghianfu is a City of Mangi, rich in Merchandise, plentiful of game, Cinghianfu. of wild beasts and fowl, and of victual. In it are two Churches of Nestorian Christians, built Anno 1274. when the great Can sent Governor thither, Marsachis a Nestorian, which built them. From the City Cinghianfu, in three days journey South-eastward, you find many Cities and Castles all Idolaters, and at last come to the City Tinguigui, a great and fair City, Tinguigui. abounding with all kind of victuals. When Chinsam Baian, General of the Army of the Tartars conquered the Province of Mangi, he sent many Christians (called Alani) against this City, which was double walled; into the inner they retired; into the other the Alans entered, and found there abundance of Wine, whereof after a bad journey, they began to drink so largely, that they were all drunk: and the Citizens in their sleep suddenly falling upon them, slew them all, none escaping. But Baian hearing this, sent another great Army against those Citizens, which shortly vanquishing the City, in revenge, put them all to the sword, leaving none alive. The great and excellent City Singui, containeth in circuit twenty miles. Singui. Great multitudes of people are in it: it hath many rich Merchants, and cunning Artificers, and it hath also very many Physicians, and Magicians, and Wisemen or Philosophers. In the Mountains of this City, Physicians and Philosophers. Rhubarbe. Rhubarb and Ginger grow in great plenty. This City hath sixteen Cities under the jurisdiction thereof, where much trading is used, and very many curious Arts are exercised. Very many Silks are made there. The word Singui, in their language, signifieth, The City of the Earth, as also they have another City, which they call Quinsai, that is to say, The City of Heaven. From Singui one days journey is Vagiu, where is also abundance of Silk, and cunning Artificers with many Merchants. GOing from Vagiu three days, continually you find Cities, Castles, and Villages, well peopled and rich. The People are Idolaters, under the Can: at the end of those days you come to Quinsai, which for the excellency hath that name (interpreted City of Heaven) for in the World there is not the like, Quinsa● the Earthly City of Heaven. O how much better is the heavenly City on Earth in grace, & more than most incomparable that heavenly City of Heaven in glory? ap. 21. & 22. The situation. 12000. bridges. The Ditch. in which are found so many pleasures, that a man would think he were in Paradise. In this City Master Marco Polo hath often been, and considered the same with great diligence, observing the whole state thereof, setting down the same in his memorial, as here shall be declared briefly. This City by common opinion, is an hundred miles in circuit; for the streets and channels thereof are very wide. There are Market places exceeding large. On the one side a clear Lake of fresh water, on the other a great River which enters in many places, and carries away all the filth of the City, and so runneth into that Lake, thence continuing his course to the Ocean: which causeth a good air, and commodious passage both by land, and by these channels. There may go both Carts and Barks to carry necessaries: and the report is, that there are twelve thousand Bridges great and small, and those on the chief channels are so high that a ship without her Mast may pass under, and above, Chariots and Horses. On the other side the City is a Ditch, about forty miles long, which encloseth it on that side; large and full of water from the River, made by the ancient Kings of that Province, both to receive the overflowings of the water, and to fortify the City: the earth which was taken out being laid within as a bank or hill encompassing. Ten Market places. There are ten chief Market-places (besides infinite others along the streets) which are square, half a mile in each square. And from the forepart of them is a principal street forty paces wide, running right from one end of the City to the other, The high street with many Bridges traversing it. And every four miles is found such a Marketplace, two miles, The main Chanell. as is said, in compass. There is also one large channel, which runs against the said street, behind the Market-places, on the next bank whereof are erected great Storehouses of stone, where the Merchants from India, and other parts lay up their Merchandise, at hand, The Markets. and commodious to the Market-places. In each of these Market-places is a concourse three days in the week of persons betwixt forty and fifty thousand, which bring thither all things that can be desired for man's life, of all beasts of game, and fowls; that Lake yielding such commodiousness to bring them up, that for a Venetian groat you may have two Geese, and four Ducks for as much. Then follow the Butcher-rowes of Veal, Beef, Kid, and Lamb, which the great and rich men eat; for the poor eat unclean meats without respect. There are all sorts of herbs and fruits continually, Pears of ten pound. and amongst the rest huge Pears, weighing ten pounds a piece, white within like paste, and very fragrant: Peaches yellow and white very delicate: Grapes grow not there, but are brought from other places dried very good, and Wine also, but not so esteemed in those parts, that of Rice and Spices contenting them. Every day from the Ocean is brought up the River (which is the space of five and twenty miles) great quantity of fish, besides that of the Lake, so much as a man would think would never be bought, and yet in a few hours is gone. All those Market-places are encompassed with high houses, and underneath are shops of Artificers, and all sort of Merchandises, Spiceries, jewels, Pearls, and in some only Rice-wine. Many streets answer one another in the said Market-places. In some of them are many Baths of cold waters accommodated with attendants of both sexes, a thing which from children they use themselves unto. There are chambers also in the said Baths with hot waters for strangers which are not accustomed to the cold waters. They wash every day; neither do they eat before they have washed. Trades of diverse sorts. In other streets are mercenary Prostitutes in such number, that I dare not report it: and not only near the Market-places, where they have their places appointed, but thorough all the City they stand very pompously with great odours, many servants, and their houses adorned. These are very practic in making sports, and dalliances, and sweetest pleasures ravishing (fools) forth of themselves. In other streets are the Physicians, the Astrologers, they which teach to read and write, and infinite other Trades. At each end of every Marketplace is a Palace, where Lords and Governors are appointed by the King to deternine difficulties which happen betwixt Merchants or others, as also to look to the Guards on the Bridges, punishing the negligent. Alongst the principal Street (whereof we spoke) on both sides are great Palaces with Gardens; and near them houses of Artificers, and such multitudes of people continually going to and fro, that a man would wonder whence such multitudes should be provided of victuals. And Master Marco learned of an officer of the Customhouse in Quinsai, A saucy City. that by reckonings appeared the daily expense of Pepper in Quinsai, to be three and forty Some, and every Soma is two hundred twenty three pounds. Hence may be guessed the quantity of Victuals, Flesh, Wine, Spiceries, were there spent. The Quinsaian Citizens and their conditions. The Inhabitants are Idolaters, spend Paper money, are white and fair complexion, apparelled for the most part in Silk, which grows in all that Territory abundantly, besides that which is brought from other places. There are twelve principal mysteries, each of which have one thousand shops; and in each shop or standing, are ten men, fifteen, or twenty at work, and in some forty under one Master. The rich Masters do no work with their hands, but stand civilly adorned, or rather pompously, especially their wives, with jewels invaluable. And although the ancient Kings ordained, that the child should be of the father's Trade; yet the rich are permitted not to work, but to keep shop, and men working in the same Trade. Their Houses are well ordered, and wrought richly, adorned with Pictures and other stupendious costs. The Natives are peaceable, know not to manage Arms, nor keep them in their Houses: nor is there strife and debate amongst them. They make their works with great sincerity. They love in such amity, that one Street seems as one House, without jealousies of their Wives, which they hold in great respect, and it would be reputed great disgrace to speak a dishonest word to a married Woman. They entertain Merchant-strangers kindly, both in their houses, and with best advice for their affairs. But they are loath to see Soldiers and the Guards of the Grand Can, Great neighbourhood. as by whom they are bereft of their natural Lords and Kings. About the Lake are built fair Buildings and great Palaces of the chief men: and Temples of their Idols with Monasteries of many Monks. In the midst of the Lake are two Lands, upon each of which is a Palace with incredible numbers of Rooms; whither they resort upon occasions of Marriages or other Feasts; where Provisions of Vessels, Naperie, and other things are maintained in common for such purposes, one hundred sometime accommodated at once in several Rooms. In the Lake also are Boats and Barges for pleasure, Pleasures. adorned with fair Seats and Tables, and other provisions for Banquets, covered above and plain, upon which men stand with Poles to make the Boat go, the Lake being but shallow. Within they are painted; without, are windows to open and shut at pleasure. Nor can any thing in the World seem more pleasant then in this Lake to have such an object, the City so fully presenting itself to the eye, with so many Temples, Monasteries, Palaces, Gardens with high Trees on the Waters, Barges, People: for their custom is to work one part of the day, and to dispense some part to this solace with their Friends, or with Women in the Lake; or else by Chariots riding thorough the City, which is also another of the Quinsay pleasures. For all the streets are paved with stone; Stone ways. as also are all the high Ways in the Province of Mangi, only for the Posts is left on the side, a space unpaved. The principal street of Quinsay is paved ten paces on each hand, and in the midst it is full of Gravel with passages for the Water, which keep it always clean. On this street are always innumerable long close Chariots, accommodated with Clothes and Cushions of silk, for six persons; which solace themselves in the street, or go to Gardens, and there pass the time in places made by the Gardeners for that purpose, and return at night in the said Chariots. When one is borne, the Father sets down the print of Time, and with that note goes to the ginger to consult of his future fortunes. Astrologers. Of these Astrologers are a great number in every Market place. They will not celebrate a marriage without such consultation. When one dies that is of note, his Kindred cloth themselves in Canvas, Funerals. and so both Men and Women accompany him to the burning place, playing on Instruments, and singing all the way prayers to their Idols: and being comen to the place, cast into the fire many Papers of Cotton, whereon are painted Slaves, Horses, Camels, Clothes of gold and silk, Monies, which they think he shall really possess in another World; and make such minstrelsy, in conceit of the joy wherewith the Idols there receive his Soul, where he beginneth (they say) to live anew. In every street are Towers of stone, whither in danger of fire they use to carry their goods, their timber houses being much subject to such casualty. The Can hath ordained that on the most part of the Bridges, day and night, Warders. there stand under a covert ten Guardians, five by day and five by night: and in every Guard is a Tabernacle of Wood with a great Basin, whereby they know the hours of the day and night, Clocks. which at every hours end the Warders strike to notify what hour, one, two, etc. beginning at the Sun rising, and then again at the beginning of the night. They walk up and down, and if any have a light or fire after the deputed time, they cause him to answer it before the justices or Governors aforesaid; or if any walk later. If any be not able to work, they carry him to Hospitals, Hospitals. of which are exceeding many founded by the Kings of old, with great revenues, thorough the City. When they are well again, they are compelled to work. If a fire happen; these from diverse places come to quench it, and to carry the goods into Boats, or the Lands, or those Towers: for in the night the Citizens dare not come out, but those who are in danger. The Can always keepeth here store of his best and faithfullest soldiery, as being the best and richest place in the World. Within a mile of each other are builded Rampires of wood, Larums. where a sound is made to be heard further off, for like purposes. When the Can had reduced all Mangi to his obedience, he divided it (being before but one Kingdom) into nine parts, and set a King over each, which there administers justice. Nine Viceroy●● in Mangi. Every year they give account to the Cans Officers of the revenues, and other accidents: and every third year are charged, as all other Officers are. One of these Deputie-Kings is resident at Quinsay, who is Governor of above one hundred and forty Cities, all rich and great. Nor may this be a wonder, seeing in Mangi there are twelve thousand Cities, 12000. Cities, and their garrisons. all inhabited with rich and industrious people. In every of which the Can maintaineth a Garrison, proportionable to the greatness and occasions, one thousand, ten or twenty thousand; not all Tartars, but Catayans; for the Tartars are Horsemen, and keep where they may exercise their Horses. Into Cathay he sends those of Mangi, and Cathayans hither such as are fit for Arms, of which he makes choice every third year: and sends for four or five years together into places twenty days journey from their Country, and then suffers them to return home, others succeeding. And most part of the Cans Receipts are this way expended: and if any City rebel, he suddenly from the next Garrisons raiseth an Army to reduce or destroy them. This City of Quinsai hath in continual Garrison thirty thousand Soldiers; and that which hath least, hath one thousand in Horse and Foot. Fanfurs' Palace To speak now of the Palace of King Fanfur; his Predecessors caused to enclose a place of ten miles' circuit with high walls, and divided it into three parts. That in the midst was entered by one Gate; on the one side and the other were great and large Galleries, the Roof sustained by Pillars painted, and wrought with gold and fine azure: these were smaller at the entry, and the further the greater; the fairest at the end, the Roof fairly adorned with gold, and on all the Walls were painted the stories of the former Kings artificially. There every year on certain Idol holy-days, Feasts. Fanfur kept his Court and feasted his principal Lords, the great Masters, and rich Artificers of Quinsai, ten thousand at a time under those Terraces. This dured ten or twelve days with incredible magnificence, every guest endeavouring to present himself in greatest pomp. Behind this middlemost building was a wall, and going out which divided the Palace; in which was, as it were, a Cloister with Pillars, sustaining the Porch or Terrace round about the Cloister: wherein were Chambers for the King and Queen curiously wrought. From this Cloister was entrance into a Gallery six paces wide, in length extending to the Lake, all covered. On each side of this Gallery were ten Courts, answering one another fashioned like Cloisters, 1000 Women in 1000 chambers. each Court having fifty Chambers with their Gardens, and in them one thousand Lasses abode, which the King kept for his service, who sometimes with the Queen, sometimes with them, went in his Barge on the Lake for solace, or to visit his Idol Temples. The other two parts of the Serraile were divided into Groves, Lakes, Gardens planted with Trees; Great Park. in which were enclosed all sorts of beasts, Roes, Bucks, Stags, Hares, Coneys: and there the King solaced himself with his Damsels in Charets or on Horseback, no man entering there. There did he cause These to hunt with his Dogs, weary whereof they went into those Groves, which answered one another over the Lakes, and there leaving their garments came forth naked, and set themselves a swimming in the King's presence. Sometimes he would take his repast in those Groves being served by those Damsels, without once thinking of Arms, which sweet meat cost him the sour sauce ye have heard. All this was told me by a rich old Merchant of Quinsai, whiles I was there, one which had been an inward familiar of King Fanfur, and knew all his life, and had seen that Palace flourishing, into which he would needs bring me. The Viceroy now resides there; and the first Galleries remain as they were wont, but the Damsels Chambers are ruined; the wall also which encompassed the Woods and Gardens is fallen to the ground, the Beasts and Trees being gone. Twenty five miles from Quinsai is the Ocean betwixt the East and North-east, near to which is a City, The Sea Gampu. called Gampu, a goodly Port, where arrive the Indian ships of merchandise. Whiles M. Marco was in Quinsai, account being given to the Grand Can of the Revenues, and the number of the Inhabitants, he hath seen that there have been enroled one hundred and sixty Toman of fires, reckoning for a fire, the Family dwelling in one house: every Toman containeth ten thousand, 1600000. households in Quinsai. which makes sixteen hundred thousand Families: of all which there is but one Church of Christians, and those Nestorians. Every householder is bound to have written over his door, the names of the whole household, Males and Females; also the number of Horses; the names added or blotted out as the Family increaseth or decreaseth. And this is observed in Mangi and Catay. Those also that keep Inns, write in a Book the names of their Guests, and the day and hour of their departure, which Book they send daily to the Lords or Magistrates, which reside at the Market-places. In Mangi the poor which are not able to bring up their children, sell them to the rich. Revenues of Quinsai, & the appurtenances twenty three Millions of ducats, and 200000. The Revenues which accrue to the Can from Quinsai, and the others pertaining thereto, being the ninth part of the Kingdom of Mangi, are first, of Salt every year eighty Toman of gold (every Toman is eighty thousand Sazzi of gold, and every Sazzo is more than one Florin of gold) which will amount to six Millions and four hundred thousand ducats. The cause is, that that Province being nigh the Sea, there are many Lakes where the water in Summer is coagulated into Salt, wherewith five other Kingdoms of that Province are served. There is store of Sugar growing, Customs. which payeth as all other Spices do, three parts and a third in the hundred. The like of Rice-wine. Also those twelve mysteries (which we said had twelve thousand shops) and the Merchants which bring goods hither, or carry any hence by Sea, pay the same price. They which co●e from far Countries and Regions, as from the Indies, pay ten per cento. Likewise, all things there breeding, as Beasts, and growing out of the Earth, and Silk, pay tithe to the King. And the computation being made in the presence of M. Marco, besides Salt before mentioned, yearly amounts to two hundred and ten Toman, which will be sixteen millions of gold and eight hundred thousand. FRom Quinsai one days journey to the Southeast are all the way Houses, Villages, fair Gardens, plentiful of Victuals, at the end whereof is Tapinzu, a fair and great City, in the jurisdiction of Quinsai. Three days thence Southeast is Vgaiu, Tapinzu. Vg●iu. and two days further may you ride that way, all the way finding Castles, Cities, and cultivated Places, in such Neighbourhood, that they seem to Travellers all one City; all in the same jurisdiction of Quinsai. There are great Canes fifteen paces long and four palms thick. Two days journey further is the City Gengui, fair and great, and travelling further Southeast are inhabited places, Gengui. full of People and Trades. And in this part of Mangi are no Muttons, but Beefs, Buffals, Goats, and Swine in great plenty. At the end of four days journey is found the City Zengian, Zengiaen. built on a Hill in the midst of a River, which with her parted Arms embraceth and encompasseth it, and then run one to the Southeast, the other to the Northwest. They are in the jurisdiction of Quinsai, are Merchants, Idolaters, have store of Game. Three days journey thence, thorough a goodly Country exceedingly inhabited, stands Gieza, a great City, the last of Quinsai Kingdom, Gieza. after which you enter into another Kingdom of Mangi, called Concha. Concha. (The principal City thereof is Fugiu) by the which you travel, six days journey Southeast, thorough Hills and Dales, always finding places inhabited and store of Game of Beasts and Fowl. Fugiu. They are Idolaters, Merchants, subject to the Can. There are stout Lions; there grows Ginger and Galingale plenty, with other sorts of Spices, eighty pounds of Ginger for a Venetian groat. There is an herb, whose fruit hath the effect and gives the colour and smell of Saffron, but is not Sa●●ron, used in their meats. They voluntarily eat man's flesh, if they die not of sickness, as daintier than others. When they go to Wars, they shave to the ears and paint their faces with azure; they are all Foot save the Captain which rideth, and use Swords and Lances: are very cruel, and when they kill an Enemy, presently drink his blood, and after eat his flesh. M●n eaters After those six days travel is Quelinfu, a great City with three Bridges, Quelinfu. each eight paces broad and above one hundred long; the Women fair, delicate; and they have store of Silk and Cotton, are great Merchants, have store of Ginger and Galingale. I was told, but saw them not, that they have Hens without feathers, hairy like Cats, which yet lay Eggs and are good to eat. Store of Lions make the way dangerous. After three days, Hairy Hens: in a populous Country which are Idolaters, and have store of Silk, is the City Vnguem, where is great plenty of Sugar; Vnguem. Sugar. sent thence to Cambalu, which they knew not to make good till they became subject to the Can; in whose Court were Babylonians, which taught them to refine it with ashes of certain Trees; they before only boiling it into a black paste. Fifteen miles further is Cangiu, still in the Realm of Concha: and here the Can keepeth an Army in readiness for guard of the Country. Cangiu. Thorough this City passeth a River a mile broad, fairly built on both sides, and stored with Ships of Sugar and other lading. This River disembokes from hence five days journey Southeast, at Zaitum, a Sea Port, from whence the rich Ships of India come to this pleasant and fertile City, as is the way betwixt, in which are Trees or Shrubs of Camfire. Zaitum is a famous Port, where many Ships arrive with merchandise, Zaitum. thence dispersed thorough all India. There is such store of Pepper, that the quantity which comes to Alexandria to the West, is little to it, and as it were one of a hundreth: the concourse of Merchants is incredible, it being one of the most commodious Ports of the World, exceeding profitable to the Can, which Custometh ten of the hundreth of all merchandise. They pay so much for hire of ships also that there is not above one half of their merchandise remaining entire to themselves, and yet is that moiety very gainful to them. The City is Idolatrous, given to pleasure; in it is much embroidery and Arras work. The River is great, very wide and swift, and one arm of it goeth to Quinsai, at the parting of which is Tingui situate, Tingui, where Porcelain is made. where Porcelain dishes are made (as I was told) of a certain Earth which they cast up in great Hills, and so let lie to all weathers for thirty or forty years without stirring: after which refining by time, they make Dishes, paint them and then put them in the Furnace. You may there have eight Dishes for one Venetian Groat. In this Kingdom of Concha the Can hath as great Revenue almost as of the Kingdom of Quinsai. In these two M. Marco was, and in none of the other nine Kingdoms of Mangi (in all which is one speech used, with variety of Dialect, and one sort of writing) and therefore will speak no more of them; but in the next Book discourse of India the Greater, the Middle, and the Less, in which he was both in the service of the Can, and also in his return with the Queen to Argon. §. IX. The Ships of India described, the I'll of Zipangu, the Sea Chin, and World of Lands, the two javas, Zeilan and other Lands, with the rarities therein. WE will now enter into India and begin with their Ships, which are made of Fir, and the Zapino Tree, Here begins the third book of M. Polo. Ships of India. with one deck, on which are twenty Cabins (or less, as the Ships are in quantity) each for one Merchant. They have a good Roother, and four Masts with four Sails, and some two Masts, which they erect or take down at pleasure. Some greater Ships have thirteen Colii, or divisions, on the inside made with boards inchased, that if by blow of a Whale or touch on a Rook water gets in, it can go no further than that division; which being found is soon mended. They are all double, that is, have two course of boards one within the other, and are well ●alked with Ocam, and nailed with Iron, but not pitched (for they have no Pitch) but anointed with the Oil of a certain Tree mixed with Lime and Hemp beaten small, faster than Pitch or Lime. The greater ships have three hundred Mariners, others two hundred, one hundred and fifty, as they are in bigness, and from five to six thousand bags of Pepper. And they were wont to be greater than now they are; the Sea having broken into Ports and Lands, that the defect of water, in some places, causeth them to build less. They use also Oars in these Ships, four men to an Oar; and the greater Ships have with them two or three ships less, able to carry a thousand bags of Pepper, having sixty or more Mariners, which less ships serve sometimes to tow the greater. They have also with them ten small Boats for fishing and other services, fastened to the sides of the greater ships, and let down when they please to use them. Also they sheathe their ships after a years usage, so that then they have three course of boards; yea proceed on in this manner sometimes till there be six courses, after which they break them up. Having spoken of the ships, we will speak of India, and first of certain Lands. Zipangu. Zipangu is an Island in the East, one thousand and five hundred miles distant from the shores of Mangi, very great, the people white and fair, of gentle behaviour, in Religion Idolaters, and have a King of their own. They have gold in great store, for few Merchants come thither, and the King permits no exportation of it. De magnis maiora: golden febles; and make difference betwixt his own Relations and those which he had at the second hand: although it be true of much gild in Edoo sup. l. 4. c. 1. & 3. And they which have had commerce there tell of the King's house covered with Gold, as Churches here with Lead, gilded Windows, Floores of gold: there are many Pearls. Once; the fame of these riches made Cublai Can to send to conquer it, two Barons, with a great fleet of ships, one named Abbaccatan, the other Vonsancin, which going from Zaitum and Quinsai arrived there; but falling out betwixt themselves, could take but one City, and there beheaded all they took save eight persons, which by an enchanted precious stone enclosed in the right arm betwixt the skin and flesh, could not be wounded with Iron; whereupon, with wooden Clubs, at the command of the two Barons they were slain. It happened one day that a Northern wind made great danger to the ships there riding, so that some were lost, some returned further into Sea, and others with the two Leaders and other Principals returned home. Out of many broken ships some escaped by boards, and swimming on an Island not inhabited four miles off Zipangu, and were about thirty thousand, without provisions of victuals or Arms, against whom the Zipanguanders, after the Tempest was calmed, set out a fleet of ships and an Army. These coming on Land to seek the wracked Tartars without order, gave occasion to the Tartars to wheel about, the Island (being high in the midst) and to get unseen to their ships, which were left vnmanned with the Streamers displayed: and with them they went to the chief City of Zipangu, where they were admitted without suspicion, and found few others but Women. The King of Zipangu besieged them six months, and they having no relief yielded themselves, their lives saved: this happened An. 1264. The Can for this disorder of his two Commanders, This punishment the Mogol used to Cors●roons Captains: and in many things you shall see Sir T. Roe and our Mogol Relations agree with these of Polo the Mogol being of Tartar original. Note for China. Cin in Italian is pronounced Chi● The Monsons'. cut off the head of one, and sent the other to a savage Island, called Zorza, where he causeth Offenders to die, by sewing them, their hands bound, in a new-flayed hide of a Baffle, which drying shrinketh so as it puts them in a little-ease to a miserable death. The Idols in this and the adjoining Lands are made with heads of Kine, Swine, Dogs, and other fashions more monstrous, as with faces on their shoulders, with four, ten, or an hundred hands (some, and to these they ascribe most power and do most reverence) and say, that so they learned of their Progenitors. They sometimes eat the Enemies which they take, with great joy, and for great dainties. The Sea in which this Island standeth, is called the Sea of Cin or Chin, that is the Sea against Mangi: and in the language of that Island, Mangi is called Chin: which Sea is so large, that the Mariners and expert Pilots which frequent it, say, that there are seven thousand four hundred and forty Lands therein, the most part inhabited, and that there grows no Tree which yields not a good smell, and that there grows many Spices of diverse kinds, especially Lignum Aloes, and Pepper black and white. The ships of Zaitum are a year in their voyage, for they go in Winter and return in Summer, having Winds of two sorts, which keep their seasons. And this Country is far from India. But I will leave them (for I never was there, nor are they subject to the Can) and return to Zaitum. From hence sailing Southwestward one thousand five hundred miles, passing a Gulf, called Cheinan (which continues two months sailing to the Northward, still confining on the Southeast of Mangi, and elsewhere with Ania, and Toloman, and other Provinces before named) within it are infinite Lands, all in manner inhabited. In them is found store of Gold, and they trade one with the other. This Gulf seems another World. After one thousand and five hundred miles sailing overthwart this Gulf, Ziamba. is the Country Ziamba, rich and great, having a King and Language proper, Idolaters, and paying tribute to the Grand Can, of twenty Elephants, and Lignum Aloes in great quantity yearly. Anno 1268. the Can hearing of the riches of this Island sent thither Sagatu with an Army, to invade it. Accambale the King thereof was old, and made this composition of tribute. There are many Woods of black Ebony. Sailing thence betwixt the South and Southeast one thousand & five hundred miles, is java, java maior, I suppose this is Borneo, and java minor that which still is called java. supposed by Mariners, the greatest Island in the World, above three thousand miles in circuit, under a King which payeth tribute to none, the Can not offering to subject it for the length and danger of the voyage. The Merchants of Zaitum and Mangi fetch thence store of Gold and Spices. South and Southwestward six hundred miles from java are two Lands, one Sondur, which is the greater; the other Condur, less, both desolate. Fifty miles' Southeast from them is a Province of firm land, very rich and great, named Lochac, the people Idolaters, having a Language and King peculiar. There grows Brasill-wood in great quantity, store of Gold, Elephants, wild beasts, and fowl, a fruit called Berci, as great as Lemons, very good. The place is mountainous and savage, and the King permits not many to come th●ther, l●st they should know his secrets. There is store of Porcelain shells for money transported to other places. Five hundred miles Southward from Lochac is the I'll Pentan, a savage place, Lochac. A Sou●h Continent, if true. P●ntan. Mala●ur. java minor, in which are eight Kingdoms. The Mahometans by commerce first, and after by conquests & religion have here altered all things, both Names, Peoples, and Rites; that hardly they can now be designed, and reconciled to l●ter names. Unicorns, or rather some kind o● Rhinoceros. Pigmeys●ow ●ow made. which produceth in all the Woods sweet Trees: sixty miles of the way the Sea is in many places but four fathoms: after which being sailed to the Southeast, thirty miles further is the Island and Kingdom of Malziur, which hath a peculiar King and Language to itself; and here is much Merchandise of Spices. From Pentan one hundred miles Southeast is java the less, encompassing about two thousand miles, and hath in it eight Kingdoms, and as many Languages. They are Idolaters, have store of Treasure, Spices, Ebon: Brasill, and are so far to the South, that the North Star cannot there be seen. Ma●●er Marco was in six of those Kingdoms, of which shall here be spoken, leaving the other two, which he saw ●ot. One of those eight Kingdoms is, Felech: here the Idolaters by frequent Trade of Saracens are converted to the Law of Mahomet, in the Cities, the Mountainers being beastly, eating man's flesh and all impure food; and worship all day wha● they first see in the morning. Next to that is Basma, which hath a Language by itself; they live without Law, like beasts, and sometimes send Hawks to the Can (who challengeth all the Island) for Presents. They have wild Elephants, and Unicorns much less than Elephants, like the Buffals in hair. Their feet are like Elephants feet. They have one horn in the midst of the forehead and hurt no body therewith; but with the tongue and knee. For on their tongue are certain long prickles and sharp, and when they hurt any, they trample on him, and press him down with their knee, and then wound him with their tongue. The head is like to a wild Boars, which he carries downwards to the ground; and they love to stand in the mire, and are filthy beasts, and not such as they (Unicorns) are said to be in our parts, which suffer themselves to be taken of Maidens, but quite contrary. They have many Apes and of diverse fashions. They have Goshawkes' all black as Raven's great, and good for prey. There are certain small Apes faced like men, which they put in Boxes, and preserve with Spices, and sell them to Merchants, who carry them thorough the World for Pygmies, or little men. Samara is the next Kingdom where Master Marco stayed five months against his will, Samara. forced by ill weather. There none of the Stars of Charles wane are seen. He descended once on land with two thousand people, and there fortified for that five months, for fear of those brutish man-eaters, and traded mean while with them for victuals. They have excellent Fish, Wine of the Date-●ree, very medicinal for P●tisicke, Dropsy, diseases of the Spleen; See of this Wine (●addy) in Master ●●rry pag 1469 &c Coco-nuts. Dragoian. some white, some red▪ and Indian Nuts as big as a man's head, the middle whereof is full of a pleasant liquor, better than Wine: they eat all flesh without any difference. Dragoian is another of those Kingdoms, claimed by the Can, having a proper King and Language. I was told of an abominable custom, that when one is sick, they send to inquire of the Sorcerers whether he shall scape; if the Deu●ls answer, No; the kindred send for some whose office it is, to strangle the 〈◊〉 party, after which they cut him in pieces, and the kindred eat him with great ●o●lity, even to the marrow of the bones, For (say they) if any substance of him should remain, worms would breed thereof, which would want food, and so die, to the great torture of the soul of the deceased. The bones they after take and carry into some Cave in the hills, that no beast may touch them. If they take any stranger they also eat him. Lambri is a fifth Kingdom of java in which is store of Brasill, of the seeds whereof Master Marco brought to Venice, Lamb●i. and sowed them, but in vain, the soil being too cold. Some men (the most) in this Kingdom have tails more than a palm long, like Dogs, but not hairy; and these dwell in the Mountains out of Cities. They have Unicorns in great plenty, and chase of beasts and fowls. Fanfur. Sagu, see in Sir F. Dr●ke, and other Indian stories. Fanfur, the sixth Kingdom hath the best Camfire, which is sold weight for weight with Gold. In that Province they take meal out of great and long trees, as great as two men can fathom, whence taking the thin bark and wood about three fingers thick, the pith within is meal, which they put in water, and stir well, the lightest dross swimming, and the purest settling to the bottom; and then the water being cast away, they make thereof passed, of which Master Marco brought to Venice, Heavy wood. tasting like Barley bread. The wood of this tree thrown into the water sinks like Iron, whereof they make Lances, but short, for the long would be too heavy to bear: these they sharpen, and burn at the tops, which so prepared will pierce an Armour sooner than if they were made of Iron. About one hundred and fifty miles from Lambri, sailing Northwards, are two Lands, one called Nocueran, Nocueran. in which they live like beasts, go all naked, men and women, and worship Idols, have excellent Trees, Cloves, Sanders white and red, Indian Nuts, Brasill, and other Spices; Angaman. the other, Angaman, savage as the former, and I was told, they had Dogs heads and teeth. Zeilan. Sailing hence one thousand miles to the West, and a little to the Northwest, is Zeilan, two thousand and four hundred miles in circuit▪ and of old encompassed three thousand and six hundred miles, as is seen in the Maps of the Mariners of those parts, but the North winds have made a great part of it Sea. It is the best Island of the World. The King is named Sendernaz. The men and women are Idolaters, go naked (save that they cover their privities with a cloth) have no Corn, but Rice, and Oil of Sesamino, Milk, Flesh, Wine of trees, abundance of Brasill, the best Rubies in the World, Saphires, Topazes, Amathists, and other Gems. The King is said to have the best Ruby in the World, one palm long, and as big as a man's arm, without spot, A glorious Ruby. shining like a fire, not to be bought for money. Cublai Can sent and offered the value of a City for it, but the King answered, he would not give it for the treasure of the world, nor part with it, having been his Ancestors. The men are unfit for wars, and hire others when they have occasion. §. X. Of the firm Land of the Greater India. Malabar. FRom Zeilan sailing sixty miles to the West is the great Province of Malabar, which is not an Island, but firm Continent, called India the greater, the richest Province in the World. There are in it four Kings, the chief of which is Senderbandi, in whose Kingdom they fish for Pearls, to wit, betwixt Malabar and Zeilan, in a Bay where the Sea is not above ten or twelve fathom, See my Pilg. l. 5. c. 12. in which diverse descend, and in bags or nets tied to their bodies bring up the Oysters in which they are. And because there are great fishes which kill the Fishermen, they hire certain Bramines to charm them (being skilful to charm all sorts of beasts also and birds) and these have the twentieth, the King the tenth. These Oysters are found all April, and till the midst of May, and not else: in September they find them in a place above three hundred miles off, and till the midst of October. The King goeth as naked as the rest, save that he weareth some honourable Ensigns, as a Choler of precious stones about his neck, and a thread of Silk to his breast with one hundred and four fair Pearls (as Beads) to number his Prayers, Bread-devotion. of which he must daily say so many to his Idols: like Bracelets he weareth on three places of his arms, and likewise on his legs; and on his fingers also and toes. The prayers which he saith are Pacauca▪ pacauca, pacauca, one hundred and four times. This King hath one thousand women, and if any please his sense he takes her; as one he did from his brother, whence wars had followed, but the mother threatening to cut off her breasts which had nourished them, if they proceeded, stayed the broil. He hath many Horsemen for his Guard which always accompany him, who when the King dies, throw themselves voluntarily into the fire wherein he is burned to do him service in the next World. Most of these following customs are still in use, as in Linschoten, and in my Pilg. l. 5. is seen. This and his brethren the Kings of Malabar buy their Horses from Ormus, and other parts. The Country breeds none, and if it happens sometimes, yet are they there bred ill-favoured and naught. Condemned persons will offer themselves to die in honour of such an Idol, which is performed with twelve Knives, and twelve wounds in diverse parts of the body, at every blow, saying, I kill myself in honour of that Idol, and the last he thrusts in his heart; and then is burned by his kindred. The wives also cast themselves into the fire with their husbands; they being disreputed which refuse it. They worship Idols, and most of them Beefs, and would not eat of so holy flesh as Beef, for all the World. There are some called Gavi, which eat those Beefs which die alone, may not kill them, and daub over their houses with Ox dung. These Gavi are of the Posterity of those which slew Saint Thomas, and cannot enter the place where his body is, if ten men should carry them. They sit on Carpets on the ground in this Kingdom, they have no Corn but Rice, are no Warriors, kill no beasts, but when they will eat any get the Saracens to do it, or other people; wash twice a day, morning and evening both men and women, and will not otherwise eat; which they which observe not, are accounted Heretics. They touch not their meat with the left hand, but use that hand only to wipe, and other unclean offices. They drink each in his own pot, and will not touch another man's pot, nor suffer their own to touch their mouth, but hold it over and pour it in. To strangers which have no pot they pour drink into his hands to drink with them. justice is severely executed for Crimes, Det-circle▪ and Creditors may encompass their Debtors with a Circle, which he dares not pass till he hath paid or given security: if he doth, he is to be put to death: and M. Marco once saw the King himself on Horseback thus encircled by a Merchant whom he had long delayed and frustrated, neither would the King go out of the Circle which the Merchant had drawn till he had satisfied him, the people applauding the Kings justice. They are very scrupulous in drinking Wine of the Grape, and they which do it are not admitted to be Witness; a thing denied also to him which sails by Sea, for they say such men are desperate. They think Lechery no sin. It is very hot, and they have no rain but in june, july, and August, without which refreshing of the Air they could not live. They have many Physiognomers and soothsayers, which observe beasts and Birds, Boys put to timely 〈◊〉. and have an unlucky hour every day of the week, called Choiach, as on Monday betwixt two and three, on Tuesday, the third hour, on Wednesday the ninth, etc. thorough all the year set down in their Books. They curiously observe Nativities: at thirteen years old they put the Boys to get their own livings, which run up and down to buy and sell, having a little stock given them to begin: and in Pearle-season they buy a few Pearls, and sell them again to the Merchants, which cannot well endure the Sun for little gain. What they get they bring to their Mothers to dress for them, but may not eat at their Father's cost. They have Idols Males and Females, to which they offer their Daughters, Their Idols & Votaries. which when the Monks (or Priests) appoint, sing and dance to cheer the Idols; and diverse times set victuals before them saying, that they eat, leaving it the space of a meal, singing the while, and then they fall to eating in deed, after which they return home? The cause of these solaces is the household quarrels betwixt the God and his Goddess, which if they should not thus appease, they should lose their blessing. The great men have Litters of large Canes, which they can fasten artificially to some upper place, to prevent Tarantulas biting and Fleas, and other Vermin; and for fresh Air. The place of Saint Thomas his Sepulchre, is a small City, smally frequented by Merchants, Malabar is by this Author extended to Choromande● also. infinitely by Christians and Saracens for devotion. The Saracens hold him a great Prophet, and call him Ananias, that is a holy man. The Christians take of the Earth where he was slain, which is red, and carry it with them with great reverence, and give it mixed with water to the sick. Anno 1288. A great Prince having more Rice than room to lay it in, made bold with Saint Thomas his Church in the room where Pilgrims were received, but by a Vision of Saint Thomas in the night was so terrified that he quickly freed the place. The Inhabitants are black, not so borne, but often anoint themselves with Sessamine Oil to obtain that beauty: they paint the Devil white, and their Idols black. The Beeve-worshippers carry with them to battle, some of the hair of a wild Ox as a preservative against dangers: and therefore such hairs are dear prized. Murphili or Monsul is Northward from Malabar five hundred miles, they are Idolaters. They have Diamonds in their hills, which they search for after great-raines. Murphil. Westwards from Saint Thomas is Lac, whence the Bramines have original, which are the truest Merchants in the World, and will not lie for any thing, Lac. Brahmins. and trustily keep any thing committed to their custody, or sell, or barter Merchandise for others. They are known by a Cotton thread which they wear over the shoulder tied under the arm crossing the breast. They have but one Wife, are great Diviners, of great abstinence and long life: observe their own shadow in the Sun when they are to buy, and thence conjecture according to their Discipline. Betre, or Be●●le▪ after called Tem●ul and Are●●a. They use to chew a certain Herb which makes their teeth good and helps digestion. There are some Religious of them called Tingui, which go altogether naked, live austerely, worship the Beeve, whereof they have a little brass Image on their forehead, and of the Ox bones ashes make an Ointment, wherewith they anoint their bodies in diverse places with great reverence. They nor kill nor eat any quick creature, nor herb green, or Root before it is dried, esteeming all things to have a soul. They use no Dishes but lay their Viands on dry leaves of Apples of Paradise. They do their Excrements in the Sands, and then disperse it hither and thither, lest it should breed Worms which must presently dye for want of food. Some of them live to one hundred and fifty years, and their bodies after death are burned. In Zeilan I had forgot to tell of a high Mountain, which none can ascend but by Iron chains, Adam's sepulchre. Sogomonbarchan the fi●st cau●e of Idolatry. as I was told, in the top whereof the Saracens say is Adam's Sepulchre, the Idolater say it is the body of Sogomonbarchan the first Idol-founder, son to a King of that Island, which gave himself to a solitary life on the top of this hill, whence no pleasures nor persuasions could draw him. His Father made an Image after his death to represent him, all of Gold adorned with Gems, and commanded all the Islanders to worship it, and hence began Idolatry. Hither they come from far places in Pilgrimage; and there his hair, teeth, and a dish of his are reserved, and solemnly showed. The Saracens say they are of Adam, which report caused the Can, Anno 1281. to send Ambassadors thither, Cans superstition. who obtained two teeth, and a dish, and some of his hairs by grant of the King of Zeilan; which he caused to be received by the whole people of Cambalu, without the City, and brought to his presence with great honour. Cael. Cael is a great City governed by Astar, one of the four Brethren, very rich and a good user of Merchants: he hath three hundred women. All the people have a custom to carry in their mouths chawing, a leaf called Tembul, with Spices and Lime. Coulam is five hundred miles Northwest from Malabar, they are Idolaters; there are also Christians and jews which have a speech by themselves. They have Pepper, Brasill, Indigo, Lions all black, Parrots of diverse sorts, all white as Snow, others Azure, others Red, and some very little: Peacocks and Pea-hens much differing from ours, and greater, as are their fruits. They are lecherous, and marry their sisters and kindred. Cumari or Cape Com●r●. D●ly. There are many Astrologers and Physicians. In Cumari are Apes so great that they seem men: and here we had sight of the North star. Dely hath a proper King and Language: the people Idolatrous and have store of Spices. The ships of Mangi come thither. Pirates, still used. Malabar is a Kingdom in the West, in which and in Guzzerat are many Pirates, which come to Sea with above one hundred Sails, and rob Merchants. They bring with them their wives and children, and there abide all Summer. In Guzzerat is store of Cotton, the Trees six fathoms (or paces) high, and dure twenty years; the Cotton of the old Trees is not good to spin, after they are passed twelve years old, but for Quilts. There are many * Hereby appears the Unicorn he mentions, is the Rhinoceros: for India hath no other. Unicorns: they have artificial embroideries. In Canam is store of Frankincense; it is a great City, where is great trade for Horses. In Cambaia is much Indigo, Buckram, and Cotton. Seruenath is a Kingdom of a peculiar language, Idolaters, Merchants, a good people. Chesmacoran is a great Kingdom of Idolaters and Saracens, the last Province of the greater India towards the Northwest (understand the Author according to his journey, from China or Mangi by Sea) five hundred miles from which, are said to be two Lands, one of Men, the other of Women, those coming to these, and there staying March, These Relations which follow by relation of others, are of less weight: yea, therefore I have omitted the greatest part. I had trouble enough to find and translate the truth: and for such as love such hearesay-fables, as that of Ruch, etc. let them seek elsewhere. 12700. Lands. India maior, media and minor. Abascia, or India media. Sultan of Adem. April, and May. The Women keep their Sons till twelve years, and then send them to their Fathers. It seems the Air admits no other course. They are Christians and have their Bishop, subject to the Bishop of Soccotera; they are good Fishers and have store of Ambar. Soccotera hath an Archbishop, not subject to the Pope, but to one Zatolia which resides in Baldach, who chooseth him. The Soccoterans are Enchanters and great Witches, as any in the world (howsoever excommunicated therefore by their Prelate) and raise Winds to bring back such ships as have wronged them, in despite of all contrary working. A thousand miles thence Southward is Magastar, one of the greatest and richest Isles of the World, three thousand miles in circuit, inhabited by Saracens, governed by four old men. The People live of merchandise, and sell great store of Elephants teeth. The Currents in these parts are of exceeding force. They tell of Fowls, called Ruch, like an Eagle, but of incomparable greatness, able to carry an Elephant (but I am not able to carry it.) Zenzibar also is said to be of great length, etc. there are Elephants, Giraffas, sheep unlike to ours: the Men and Women are very deformed. I have heard Mariners and great Pilots of those parts report, and have seen in their writings, which have compassed the Sea of India, that there are in it twelve thousand and seven hundred Lands, inhabited or desert. In India mayor, which is from Malabar to Chesmacoran are thirteen Kingdoms. India minor is from Ziambi to Murfili, in which are eight Kingdoms, besides Lands many. The second or middle India, is called Abascia. The chief King is a Christian; there are six other Kings, three Christians, and three Saracens, subject to him: there are also jews. Saint Thomas having preached in Nubia, came to Abascia, and there did the like, and after to Malabar. They are great Warriors, always in Arms against the Sultan of Adem, and the people of Nubia. I heard that An. 1288. the great Abissine would have visited jerusalem, but being dissuaded by reason of Saracen Kingdoms in the way, he sent a Bishop of holy life to do his devotions, who in his return was taken by the Sultan of Adem, and circumcised by force: whereupon the Abissine raised a power, discomfited the Sultan with two other Mahometan Kings, took and spoilt Adem. Abascia is rich in gold. Escier is subject to Adem forty miles distant Southeast: Frankincense. where is store of white Frankincense very good, which drops from small Trees by incision of the bark; a rich merchandise, etc. Some in that Country for want of Corn make Biscuit of Fish, whereof they have great plenty. They also feed their beasts with fishes. They take them in March, April, and May, etc. Having spoken of the Provinces on the Coast, I will now return to some Provinces more to the North, where many Tartars dwell, which have a King called Caidu, of the Race of Cingis Can, but subject to none. These observe the customs of their old Progenitors, Caidu and his Northern Tartars. dwell not in Cities, Castles, or Fortresses, but abide with their King in the Fields, Plains, Valleys, and Forests, and are esteemed true Tartars. They have no sort of Corn, but live of Flesh and Milk in great peace. They have store of Horses, Kine, Sheep, and other beasts. There are found great white Bears, twenty palms long, black Foxes very great, wild Asses, and little beasts called Roudes which bear the Sable Furs, and Vari arcolini, and those which are called pharao's rats, which the Tartars are cunning to take. The great Lakes which are frozen except in a few months of the year, cause that the Summer is scarce to be traveled for mire. And therefore the Merchants to buy their Furs, for fourteen days journey thorough the Desert, have set up for each day a house of Wood, where they abide and barter: Tragule. and in Winter they use Sleds without wheels, and plain in the bottom, rising with a semicircle at the top or end, drawn easily on the Ice by beasts like great Dogs * Perhaps these are a kind of Deer. Region of Darkness. six yoked by couples, the Sledman only with his Merchant and Furs sitting therein. In the end of the Region of these Tartars, is a Country reaching to the furthest North, called Darkness, because the most part of the Winter months the Sun appears not, and the Air is thick and darkish, as betimes in the morning with us. The men there are pale and great, have no Prince; and live like beasts. The Tartars oft rob them of their cattle in those dark months, and left they should lose their way, they ride on Mares which have Colts sucking, which they leave with a Guard at the entrance of that Country, where the Light beginneth to fail, and when they have taken their prey give reynes to the Mares, which hasten to their Colts. In their long continued day of Summer they take many the finest Furs (one occasion of the Tartars going to rob them) of which I have heard some are brought into Russia. Russia. Russia is a great Country in that Northern Darkness: the people are Greek Christians, the Men and Women fair, and pay Tribute to the King of the Tartars of the West, on whom they border on the East. There is store of Furs, Wax, and Minerals of silver. It reacheth, as I was told, to the Ocean Sea; in which are store of Gerfalcons and Falcons. To the Reader. IN this admirable Voyage of Polo, I confess, Inopem me copia fecit; the Translation which I had of Master Hakluyts from the corrupted Latin, being less than nothing (nimirum damno auctus fui) did me no steed but loss, whiles I would compare it with the Latin, and thought to amend it by the Italian; and was forced at last to reject both Latin and English, and after much vexation to present thee this, as it is, out of Ramusio. I have not given thee word for word as an exact Translator, but the sense in all things substantial, with longer Relations than I have admitted in others, because many which have read M. Paulus, never saw M. Polo, nor know the worth of the worthiest Voyage, that perhaps any one man hath written; a man credible in that which he saw himself, in some things received by Relation, rather telling what he heard, then that which I dare believe, and specially toward the end of his third Book, which I have therefore more abridged. Pity it is that time hath so gnawn and eaten somewhere, and somewhere devoured utterly many his names and Tracts, which new Lords and new (Laws, the Saracenicall Conquests, especially ever since his time) in those parts have caused. And far easier by the Cans greatness then, and his employments under him, might he know the World in those times; then in the combustions long since begun and still continued, in diversified and quarrelling States is possible: the Saracens quarrelling with Ethnikes, Christians, and other Saracens; the Tartars divided and subdivided into so many quarrelsome Serpentine heads, whereby that hugeness is broken in pieces; the Chinois and others prohibiting ingress of strangers, egress of their own; that I mention not Ethnic and Moorish Divisions amongst themselves. In the same time with Polo, lived this following Armenian, of whom Ramusio relateth, See Tom. 1. l. 8. c. 4. §. 3. and this Discourse intimateth that the Holy Land being quite lost, Pope Clement the fifth minding to recover it, was given to understand of helps which might be gotten from the Tartars, and withal of this Haiton or Antony a Kinsman of the King of Armenia, then living a Monk or Friar of the Order Premonstratensis in Episcopia in Cyprus; who in his young time had been exercised in the Wars betwixt the Tartars and Egyptian Sultan's, by whom he might receive the best Intelligence of Tartarian Affairs. He therefore (as he first removed the Court from Rome to France, where it abode seventy years) caused the said Hayton to be brought from Cyprus to France with all his Memorials and Writings of that subject, and being comen to Poitiers, caused one Nicolo di Falcon a Frenchman to write in French, which the other dictated in Armenian, which was done Anno 1307. A Copy of this Story written above two hundred years since came to Ram●sioes hand (whereto I here, that I say not you, are beholden) whence he took that which concerned the Tartars, omitting the rest, or remitting rather his Reader to M. Polo. Betwixt which two some difference may seem, but so little, that Wisemen need no advertisement thereof. One thing is remarkable, that the Author and the next, who in many Geographical Notes agrees with him, divide Asia into two parts, one called profound or deep, the other the greater, and divided in the midst by the Caspian Sea, Haiton and Mandevils agree in many things. The reason of our method in thus ordering our Pilgrims. and Caucasus, which our Armenian calls Cocas, which Alexander passed not, nor was ever well known to the Ancients, who called all beyond that Hill Scythia, as we now call the most of it by a general name Tartary. Strabo * Strab. l. 11. ad eum Nat. Casaub. hath made like division of Asia into the inner and utter, Taurus being the Umpire; which Hill (with diverse Appellations) beginning at Pamphylia runs Eastwards thorough the midst of Asia to the Indies, that part to the North being called Asia within (Taurus) and that to the South Asia without. Some ancient Geographers as Dionysius mentions, extended Europe to the Caspian Sea, which most of the Ancients thought to concur with the Ocean, as the Mediterranean, Arabian, and Persian do. Dionysius his Verses are worth observation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Dionys. Alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ vid. & Eustach. come. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. They called it Taurus, as there follows of the Bull-forme, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Hereof we are the more curious, to give to the more curious a reason of our method in this Work, who in our former Tome have first encompassed the shores of Asia from the West to the East: and then in the Inland parts have in the eight and ninth Books principally (as Voyages gave leave) viewed Asia without Taurus, and to the South of the Caspian: but this Profound or Inner, more unknown part, we survey here, where we handle the Voyages and Discoveries of those parts of the World, which the Ancients knew very little or not at all. And indeed, how little was Mangi, Cataio, or Tartary known, till the Tartars obtruded upon the World, a terrible knowledge of themselves, in manner as Rubruquius and the former Friars, with these Gentlemen, Polo and Haiton describe? Yea, how were they by ignorance of following times buried again, till Portugal, English, and other modern Voyages have revived them, as it were in a resurrection? and that often in new names, as if they had suffered that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so often here rehearsed, and so much credited in many Religions of those Eastern Asians, whence it comes that they are hardly known to be the same. The Reader must pardon me (or go to the Author himself) if I have here omitted some pieces of Haiton, which you have had in Polo and others before, specially not so pertinent to our present Tartarian subject. The figures note the Chapters, after the Latin, from which Ramusios' Division is much divided, and we therefore from both. CHAP. V. The History of AYTON, or ANTHONY the Armenian, of Asia, and specially touching the Tartars. §. I. Of the Kingdom of Cathay, and diverse other Provinces of Asia, and of the first habitation of the Tartars: and of CANGIUS, or CINGIS his beginnings. The largeness of the Kingdom of Cathay. Lands. THe Kingdom of Cathay, is the greatest that is to be found in the World, and is replenished with people and infinite riches; being situated on the shore of the Ocean Sea; In the which there are so many Lands, that their number can no ways be known. For never was there any man that could say he had seen all those Lands; But those of them which have been frequented, are found to abound with innumerable wealth and treasures; and that which is there most esteemed, Oil of olives. and dearest sold, is Oil of Olives, which the Kings and Commanders there cause to be kept with great diligence, as a Sovereign Medicinable thing; And moreover, in the Kingdom of Cathay, are many marvelous and monstrous things, which I forbear to mention. The Inhabitants of those parts are exceeding wise and subtle, replenished with all kind of skill and cunning, insomuch, that they disdain the endeavours of all other Nations, in all kind of Arts, and Sciences: Their arrogant presumption. Effeminate fearfulness. saying, that they only see with two Eyes, the Latins but with one eye, and that all other Nations are blind. And albeit they are exceeding sharp-sighted in the exercise of all bodily works and labours; yet is there not amongst them any knowledge of spiritual things; the men of that Country are not bold, or courageous, but more fearful of death than befitteth such as bear Arms; yet are they very ingenious, and have oftener had victory of their enemies by Sea, then by Land: the money used in those parts, is of square pieces of Paper, signed with the King's sign, according to which sign or mark: the pieces are of greater or smaller value; and if they begin by age to be wasted, or worn out, he that bringeth them to the King's Court shall have new for them; of Gold and other Metals, they make Vessels, and other ornaments. Of this Kingdom of Cathay it is said, that it is in the beginning of the World, See Sir john Mandevils travels. because the head thereof is in the East, and there is not known any other Nation to inhabit more Easterly thereabouts; on the West it confineth on the Kingdom of Tarsa, on the North with the Desert of Belgian. And on the Southside are the Lands of the Ocean, afore mentioned. 2. In the Kingdom of Tarsa are three Provinces, whose Rulers are also called Kings, Of the Kingdom of Tarsa. the men of that Country are called jogour, they have always worshipped Idols, and yet do except the ten Kindred's of those Kings, who by the guiding of a Star came to worship the Nativity in Bethleem juda. And there are yet found many great and noble among the Tartarians of that Race, which hold firmly the Faith of Christ. But the rest which are Idolaters in those parts, are of no estimation in matter of Arms, Wit and inclination. yet are they of a piercing wit for the learning of all Arts and Sciences. They have peculiar Letters or Characters of their own. And almost all the Inhabitants of those parts abstain from eating of flesh and drinking of Wine, neither would they by any means be brought to kill aught that hath life. Manners and Rites. Their Cities are very pleasant and they have great Temples in which they worship their Idols. Corn groweth there abundantly, and all good kind of Graine. But they are without Wine, and hold it a sin to drink it, as do also the Agarens. This Kingdom of Tarsa on the East-side confineth with the Kingdom of Cathay, as aforesaid; on the West it bordereth on the Kingdom of Turquestan, on the North on a certain Desert, and on the Southside it adjoineth to a very rich Province called Sym, Sym. which is situate between the Kingdom of India and Cathaia, and in that Province are found Diamonds. 3. The Kingdom of Turquestan on the East side is confined with the Kingdom of Tarsa, on the West side with the Kingdom of the Persians, Of the Kingdom of Turquestan. The Inhabitants Shepherds. on the North side with the Kingdom of the Corasmians, and on the South it reacheth out to the Desert of India. In this Kingdom are but few good Cities, but there are large Plains and good feeding for their flocks, therefore the Inhabitants for the most part are Shepherds, dwelling in Tents, and houses that may easily be removed from place to place. The greatest City of that Kingdom is called Ocerra, there groweth but little Barley or Wheat: no Wine at all. Their Drink is Cursia, and other made Drinks, and Milk, they eat Rice and Millet, and flesh, and are called Turks. Ocerra. Cursia. Turks. And almost all of them are of the Sect of wicked Mahomet, yet there are some amongst them of no Faith nor Religion. They have no peculiar Characters of their own, but do use the Arabike Letters in their Cities or Camps. 4. The Kingdom of the Corasmians, is well stored with good Cities and Towns, and there are many Inhabitants, because the Land is fruitful and pleasant, and wheat, and other grain, Of the Kingdom of the Corasmians. is there in great quantity; but they have little Wine. This Kingdom is confined with a Wilderness of one hundred days journey, in length on the Westside, it reacheth out to the Caspian Sea. On the North it bordereth on the Kingdom of Cumania, and on the South it hath the Kingdom of Turquestan. The chief City of that Kingdom is called Corasme, and the people are called Corasmians, being Pagans, which have neither Learning, not Religion. But those which are called Soldini, are very fierce in Arms, Corasme. Soldini. and have their Language and Letters, and Ceremonies of the greeks, and make the body of Christ after the Greek manner, and are obedient to the patriarchs of Antioch. 5. The Kingdom of Cumania is very great: yet by reason of the distemperature of the Air, Of the Kingdom of Cumania. This extremity comes by the long presence in Summer, and absence of the Sun by Winter. it is ill inhabited: for in the Winter season, the cold is so great in some places, that neither man nor beast can any way live therein. And again in some places, the heat of Summer is so great, that none can endure the same, nor the flies which abound there. This Kingdom of Cumania, is in a manner all plain, and there are no Trees, nor any Wood to be found therein, unless it be about some Cities, which have certain Orchards. The people inhabit in Fields, and in Tents burning the dung of beasts in steed of Wood: This Kingdom of Cumania on the East-side, hath the Kingdom of Corasmia, and a certain Desert or Wilderness; on the Westside is the great Sea called Pontus Euxinus, and the Sea of Tanais: on the North-side it confineth on the Kingdom of Cassia, and on the Southside, it reacheth out to a certain great River called Etil, which every year is frozen, and sometimes remaineth all the year so hardly frozen, that men and beasts go thereon as on Land, on the banks of that River, are found certain small Trees. But beyond and on the other side of that River, are diverse and sundry Nations inhabiting, which are not accounted of the Kingdom of Cumania, and yet are obedient to the King thereof: And some there are which inhabit about the Mountain Cocas, Cocas or Caucasus. which is exceeding great and high. The Astures and other ravenous Birds, breeding in that Mountain, are all white, and that Mountain is seated between two Seas; for on the West is the great Euxine Sea, and the Caspian Sea on the East, which Caspian Sea hath no entrance into the Ocean, but is as a Lake which only for his greatness hath the name of a Sea, for it is the greatest Lake that is to be found in the World, See after Chapter 47. reaching from the said Mountain Caucasus, even to the head of the Kingdom of Persia, and divideth all Asia into two parts, whereof that which is towards the East is called Asia profunda, and that which is on the West is called Asia mayor, or the greater Asia, and many good fishes are in that Lake. India. 6. The Kingdom of India is very long, and situated on the Ocean Sea, which in those parts is called the Indian Sea. This Kingdom beginneth from the Confines of Persia, and extendeth by East unto a Province called Balaris, in which are found the precious stones which we call Balayes. Note that of Alexander the great, the Saracens and Pagans have many and strange Fables, never heard of in these parts; as here of Orlando, Arthur, Ogerus, and others. See in Polo. Persia and Media are omitted. On the North-side is that long and great Desert of India, where the Emperor Alexander is said to have found so many Serpents, and such diversity of Beasts inhabiting. In that Kingdom it is that Saint Thomas preached the Faith of Christ, and converted many people and Provinces. But because they are so far distant and remote from other places and parts of Christendom, the Christian Religion is there much diminished, for there is but one City that is inhabited with Christians, the rest having wholly forsaken the profession of Christianity. On the Southside of this Kingdom is a very long reach of the Ocean, in the which are many Lands, but their Inhabitans be all black, going altogether naked for heat, and worship Idols like fools. In those Lands are found precious stones, Pearls, and Gold, and sundry Spices, and medicinable drugs helpful unto men. There is also a certain Island called Celan or Zeilan, known in ancient time by the name of Taprobana, in which are found Rubies and Saphires, and the King of that Island hath the greatest and best Ruby that is any where to be found, which when he is to be crowned King, he holdeth in his hand riding round about the City, and is afterwards obeyed of all as King. Armenia. 9 In the Land of Armenia there are four Kingdoms: yet have they always been subject to one King only. The length of the Kingdom of Armenia beginneth at the Confines of Persia, and reacheth out Westward even to the Kingdom of Turkey. The breadth of Armenia begins at the City Miralis, called the Iron Gate, and extendeth even to the Kingdom of Media. Miralis, or the Iron gate, now Derbent. In Armenia there are many great and very rich Cities, of which Tauris is the chief: they have both Characters of their own, called the Armenian Letters, and others also which they call Haloen. In Armenia is the highest Hill or Mountain that is in the World, which is commonly called Arath, or Ararat, and on the top of that Mountain, the Ark of Noah rested first after the Deluge. And albeit for the abundance of Snow which is always on that Mountain, both Winter and Summer none is able to go up the same, yet is there always seen in the top thereof a certain black thing, which men affirm to be the Ark. Georgia. 10. The Kingdom of Georgia on the East-side, beginneth from a certain great Mountain, called Alboris, or Albsor. There do inhabit many Nations, and thereof that Province is called Alania, or Albania, from whence the Kingdom of Georgia reacheth Westward on the North-side to some Lands of the Kingdom of Turkey; the whole length of this Kingdom of Georgia lying upon the great Sea, and on the Southside it is confined with Armenia the Great. This Kingdom of Georgia is divided into two Kingdoms, one of which is called by the name of Georgia, and the other known by the name of Albcas, or Albcase: and they have been always governed by two several Kings. The one of which is subject to the Emperor of Asia; namely, the King of Georgia, But the Kingdom of Albcas being mighty in people, and strongly situated and fortified, could never yet either by the Emperors of Asia, or by the Tartarians be subdued. In this Kingdom of Georgia is a marvelous strange Wonder or Miracle, which I durst not have reported or believed, if I had not seen it with my eyes. But because I have personally been there, and been made the eye witness thereof, I say, that in those parts there is a Province or Country called Hamsem, being in circuit about three days journey, whose whole extent is all covered over with such thick and palpable darkness, that none can see any thing therein, neither do any dare to go into that Land, because they know not the way out again. Those that inhabit near about it, affirm, that they have often heard the sound of men's voices crying, of Cocks crowing, and the neighing of Horses in the Wood, and by the course of a River that runneth out from that place, there appear certain signs that there are people inhabiting therein. Chaldea. 11. The Kingdom of the Chaldaeans beginneth on the East-side from the Mountains of Media, and reacheth out unto Ninive. The Inhabitants of Chaldaea are called Nestorians, because they are followers of the Error of Nestorius, and they have their peculiar Chaldaean Characters, others there are amongst them that use the Arabian Letters, and are of the Sect of the seducer Mahomet. Mesopotamia. 12. The Kingdom of Mesopotamia on the East-side, beginneth at the great City Mosel, (called of the Ancients Seleucia) which is seated near the River Tigris, and stretcheth out unto the River Euphrates, Euphrates. Turkey. and the City of Robais (or Edessa.) 13. When the Turks had invaded the Kingdom of Turkey, and possessed themselves thereof, they could not prevail against the City of Trapezond, nor the Territory thereof, because of their strong Castles and other Fortifications, by reason whereof it remained still under the government of the Emperor of Constantinople, who used yearly to send thither a Ruler or Governor as his Deputy there, until at length one of them rebelling against him, made himself King in such sort that he which now holdeth that Land, is called Emperor of Trapezond. The Inhabitants are greeks. In the Kingdom of Turkey are four Nations inhabiting; namely, the greeks, Armenians, and jacobines, (or jacobites, which are Christians, Nations of Turkey. living on merchandise and manuring the Earth:) and the Turks, which are Saracens, that have invaded that Land, and gotten the Government from the Greeks. Some of them live on merchandise, and labouring of the ground inhabiting in Cities and Towns: others keeping in the Woods and Fields, both Winter and Summer being Shepherds, and very good Bowmen. 14. Cilicia at this day is called Armenia, Syria. Cilicia, how it came to be called Armenia by reason that after the enemies of the Christian faith had gotten that Country, and held it a long time from the greeks, the Armenians endeavoured themselves so well that they won it again from the Pagans. In so much that the King of Armenia, by the grace of God ruleth over Cilicia at this day: In the Kingdom of Syria are diverse Nations inhabiting, namely, greeks, Armenians, jacobites, Nestorians, and Saracens. Cap. 15. Of the Saracen Empire is omitted. Of the Country where the Tartarians formerly inhabited. There are also other Christian Nations, namely, the Syrians and Maronines (or Maronites.) 16. The Country in which the Tartarians first inhabited, lieth beyond the great Mountain Belgian, mentioned in the Histories of * Such dreams as the Saracens and Asians have of Alexander, whom they call Bicornis etc. as before. Alexander. And there they lived like brutish People without learning or Religion, feeding herds of Beasts, and going from place to place to seek pasture. And being not exercised in arms they were despised of other Nations, and paid tribute to al. Of these in ancient time there were many Nations which by a common name were called, * Mo●●s. Changius or Cingis. Mogli, who upon their increase were after divided into seven principal sorts esteemed more noble than the rest. The first of these Nations was called Tatar, from the name of that Province wherein they first inhabited: The second, was named Tangur: The third, Cunat: The fourth, Talair: The fifth, Sonich: The sixth, Monghi: And the seventh, Tebeth. And whiles these seven Nations lived under the subjection of their Neighbours, as is above said, it happened that a poor old man, being a Smith, saw a Vision in his sleep; namely, a man armed all in white Armour, and mounted on a white Horse, which calling him by his name, said unto him, Changius, It is the will and pleasure of the immortal God, that thou be Lord and Ruler over these Nations of the Mogli, and that by thee they be delivered from the Dominion of their Neighbours, under which they have long remained: and they shall rule over their Neighbours, and receive Tribute of them to whom they formerly paid Tribute. Changius hearing this Word of God, was replenished with exceeding joy, and made publicly known the Vision which he had seen. But the Rulers and Commanders would not give credit to the Vision, but rather despised and mocked the old man. But the night following, they themselves saw the same Vision of the Horseman armed in white, who commanded them from the Immortal God, that they should be obedient to Changius, and cause all to obey his command. Whereupon, all the said Chieftains and Governors of the seven Nations of the Tartarians, calling the people together made them to yield obedience and reverence to Changius. Then afterwards placing a Chair for him in the midst of them, and spreading a black Felt Carpet on the ground, they set him thereon, and then the seven chief Rulers lifting him up, did place him in the Throne, or Chair of State, with great triumph and acclamation, calling him Can their first Emperor, and doing him solemn reverence, with bowing their knees as to their Lord and Governor. Now, at this solemnity of the Tartarians, and at the simplicity of their black Cloth, used in the creating of their first Emperor, none ought much to wonder, either because haply they were not then furnished with any fairer (loath of S●ate, or else were so rude and ignorant at that time, that they knew no better or fairer fashion of S●ate. But at this men might rather marvel, See sup. c. ●. that the Tartarians having since that, conquered many Kingdoms, and gotten infinite riches, (and namely, commanding over the Dominions and wealth of Asia, even to the confines of Hungaria) they will not yet leave their ancient and accustomed manner; but at the confirmation of every Emperor observe the like order in every point, whereof I can well be a witness, having been personally present at the ceremony used at the Confirmation of one of their Emperors. But to return to our purpose, Haiton, an eyewitness of the Tart. Coronation. Changius ordaineth Laws. Changius Can being thus made Emperor by common consent of all the Tartarians, determined ere he attempted any thing, to make trial, whether they would all perform faithful obedience to him, to which end he made certain Ordinances to be observed of all. The first was, That all the Tartarians should believe and obey the Immortal God, by whose will he was promoted to the Imperial Dignity: which Commandment they observed and from thenceforth until this day have ever continued to call on the Immortal God in all their occasions. Secondly, He willed that all the men that were able to bear Arms should be numbered, and that over every ten should be one appointed, and over every ten thousand a great Commander, and that also over every thousand should be a Colonel, or Conductor of a Regiment, and he called an Army of ten thousand Soldiers, a Regiment. He commanded also the seven Rulers over the Nations of the Tartarians, that they should forthwith dismiss themselves of their former dignities: which they relinquished immediately. But another of his Ordinances was very strange and admirable, in which he commanded those seven chief Rulers to bring every of them his eldest son, and each with his own hand to cut off his head. Which Commandment appearing to be most cruel and unjust, yet was there none that would any way gainsay it, because they knew him to be set over them by God's providence, and therefore they presently fulfilled it. When Changius Can had seen that they were ready to obey him, even unto death, he appointed them all a certain day in which they should be ready to fight. And then they road against them which bordered next unto them, prevaileth in fight against his borderers. and subdued them. Whereby, they which had been Lords over them, were brought into subjection under them. After, he invaded diverse other Nations, which he conquered with great celerity: For he did all his exploits with a small troop of men, and was successful in his enterprises. Yet, one day it fell out, that being accompanied with a small number he was encountered with a great troop of his Enemies, in such sort, that the fight being begun between them, whiles he valiantly defended himself, his Horse was slain under him. And the Tartarians seeing their Lord overthrown, betook themselves to flight; so that the Enemies being all busied in pursuing of those that fled, and having no knowledge of the Emperor, whom they had unhorsed and overthrown; he run and hid himself among certain shrubs for safety of his life. Whither when the Enemies were returned, with purpose to spoil the dead Carcases, and to seek out such as were hidden, it happened that an Owl He escapeth by means of an Owl. josephus in his 13. Book chap. 8. reciteth a like matter of Agrippa the great. Ramusi● hath vn certo uccello chiamaso Alloccho. The Allocho honoured. came and sat upon those little trees or shrubs which he had chosen for his covert, which when they perceived, they sought no further in that place, supposing that the said Bird would not have sat there, if any man had been hidden underneath. By which means in the dead time of the night he found means to escape thence, and came by diverse unfrequented ways unto his own people, and discoursed unto them what had befallen him. For which the Tartarians rendered thanks unto the Immortal God. And that Bird which under God was held to be the means of his escaped, hath ever since been held in such reverence amongst them, that happy is he that can get but a Feather of an Owl, which they wear in their heads with great reverence. Which I thought fit to set down in this Book, that the cause might be known for which the Tartarians use commonly to wear Feathers on their heads. But their Emperor Changius Can having given great thanks to God: for his deliverance out of so great a danger gathered his Army together, and fiercely assaulted his former Enemies again and brought them all under subjection, A new Victory. and so became Emperor of all the Countries lying on that side of the Mountain Belgian, and possessed them quietly without disturbance, until it happened him to have another Vision as shall after be declared. The Author excuseth himself. Neither is it any marvel that in these Histories I have not set down the certain time, because albeit I have sought of many to know the certainty thereof, yet could I never find any to instruct me fully therein: the reason thereof I take to be, because the Tartarians at the first were ignorant of all Learning, and knew no letters, and so passed over the times and memorable accidents without any Record or Register thereof kept, whereby they came afterwards to be forgotten. §. II. Of CHANGIUS Can his second Vision and Conquests. Of HOCCOTA and his three Sons expeditions; of GINO Can; of MANGV Can, who was visited by the King of Armenia, and baptised; of the expedition of his Brother HALOON. 17. AFter that Changius Can had subdued all the Kingdoms and Countries on that side of the Mountain Belgian, he saw another Vision in the night. For the selfsame Horsman armed in white Armour appeared unto him again, The second Vision. josephus' mentions a vision of Alexander, one like the jewish high Priest imposing on him his Expedition. The Sea also gave him way, Ant. l. 11. & l. 2. The fatal expedition. saying, Changius Can, it is the pleasure of the Immortal God, that thou pass over the Mountain Belgian, and direct thy course Westwards, where thou shalt possess Kingdoms and Countries, and subdue many Nations. And that thou mayest be assured that the words which I speak unto thee are from the Immortal God: Arise and go with thy people to the Mountain Belgian, to that part thereof which joineth to the Sea, there thou shalt alight from thy Horse, and kneeling down nine times towards the East; thou shalt worship nine times the Immortal God, and he which is Almighty will show thee the way by which thou mayest easily pass over the Mountain. At this Vision Changius rejoiced exceedingly, and arose without farther doubt or delay: because the truth which he had found in the first Vision gave him assurance of the other: in such sort that he forthwith speedily assembled his people, and commanded them to follow him with their wives and children, and all that they had. And so they went forwards until they came to the place where the great and deep Sea did beat against the Mountain, so that there appeared no way nor passage for them. There presently Changius Can as had been commanded him by God, alighted from his Horse, and all his followers in like manner, worshipping nine times on their bended knees towards the East, they beseeched the Almighty and everliving God, that of his infinite mercy and grace he would vouchsafe to show them the way and passage thence where they continued in prayer all that night. And in the morning arising, they saw that the Sea was departed from the Mountain, and had left them a way of nine feet in breadth to pass. Whereat they being all astonished exceedingly, and rendering thanks to the Immortal God most devoutly, The miraculous way. they passed on the way which they saw before them, and directed their steps towards the West. But as the Histories of the Tartarians do mention, after they had passed over those Mountains, they endured some hunger and thirst for certain days, because the land was Desert, and the waters were bitter and salt, which they could not by any means drink▪ until at length they came where they had all necessaries abundantly. In which place they abode many days. And there it happened by the will of God, that Changius Can grew dangerously sick, in such sort that the Physicians despaired of his recovery. The sickness of Changius Can. By reason whereof he called before him his twelve sons, and persuaded them to unity and concord by an Example. For, he commanded each of them to bring with him an Arrow, His allegorical exhorting of his sons to unity. The like History hath Stobaeus serm. 82. of Scilu●us see jornands also of the sons of Attila disagreeing. which when he had received, and bound them altogether he willed the eldest to break them if he could, which when he had tried, but could not perform, he delivered them to the second, and then to the third, and then to all the rest, but none of them could break them as they were. Then he commanded his youngest son to take the Arrows severally and break them, which he easily accomplished. Then said Changius Can to his sons: In like manner will it be with you; for, as long as you remain in concord and unity, your Empire shall continue; but as soon as there cometh division amongst you, your power is easily overthrown. Many other good examples were given by him, and gathered by the Tartarians, which in their Language they call, jasach, or Instructions of Changius Can. And afterwards he caused the wisest and best of his sons, called Hoccota Can, to be received as his Successor in his Empire, before he died: and then rested in peace. And his son, called Hoccota Can, was placed in his Seat. But before we end this History we must show how the number of Nine came to be of reverence and sacred estimation among the Tartarians: His death. for of a memorial of the nine kneel which they made in the Mountain Belgian, when they worshipped the immortal God, according to the direction of him that appeared in white Armour, and their way of the breadth of nine feet, through which they passed, they hold that number Nine in very high estimation. The number of Nine, esteemed among the Tartarians. So they use still to the Mogul. sup. pap. 556 Of Hoccota Can the second Emperor of the Tartarians. Insomuch, that if any will offer a Present to the Tartarian Emperor, it must be presented in form of nine several things, if he will have it graciously accepted; and so that the number of Nine be offered the gift is reputed happy, which Custom is yet observed at this day among the Tartarians. 18. Hoccota Can, who succeeded in the Empire, was a man of much valour and wisdom, which made him very well beloved of the Tartarians, who were always faithful and obedient unto him. He therefore bethought himself in what manner he might best subdue all Asia, and thought good to make trial first of the mightiest Prince therein before he attemped it himself in person. On that enterprise therefore he sent forth ten thousand Horsemen under the conduct of a wise and valiant Leader, called Gebesabada, and commanded him to seek out diverse Kingdoms and States, and when he met with an Adversary too mighty for him, to return. He marched on, and took diverse Castles and Towns, and cruelly used those which he vanquished in battle, for terror to others, putting out their eyes, and taking away their Horses and Victuals; dealing kindly with the weaker. Thus he proceeded to the Iron Gate which Alexander built at the foot of Cochas, and razed it, left it might hinder his return. Yuannu● the Prince of Georgia came out against him, and in a Plain, called Mogran, they fought, but the Tartars overcame; and proceeded to Arscor a City of the Sultan of Turkey, who was so well provided to entertain him, that Gebesabada seeing his forces decayed, returned to Hoccota Can, Gebesabada. then in Cambalu. He desiring to subdue all Asia, called three of his sons, giving to each a great Army, jochi the eldest he sent Westward to Tigris; Baydo, to the North; Chagoday, to the South: and so divided Asia among his three sons. Hoccota Can made choice of another skilful and valiant Captain, called Baydo, to whom he gave thirty thousand Tartarian Soldiers, termed Tamachi, or Conquerors, and commanded them to set forward the very same way that the other ten thousand went before, and not to make stay in any place till they came to the Kingdom of Turkey, and to try whether they could withstand the Sultan of Turkey, which was held the mightiest of all the Princes in Asia. And if haply they found him so strong that they were not able to encounter him, they should then forbear to fight with him, and make choice of some place where they might rest themselves till they had received supply of further aid from some of his sons which should be nearest unto them, and that afterwards they might with more safety set upon him. Baydo accordingly with his thirty thousand Tartarians came to the Kingdom of Turkey; and there he understood that the Sultan which had discomfited the first Tartarians was dead, and that his son Guiatadin succeeded him. And this man hearing of the Tartarians coming, was very much afraid, and got all the Mercenaries that he could to his succour both Barbarians and Latines, and amongst others he had to his aid two thousand Latins under his two Captains, the one called, john de Liminado, who came from the I'll of Cyprus, and the other Bonifacius de Molin, who was borne at Genua. The Sultan also sent to his Neighbours, promising many favours and benefits to such as would assist him, by which means having assembled a great number of men, he went towards the place where the Tartarians made their abode, The Turks overcome by the Tartarians. whom they found nothing astonished at his approach; for they manfully gave him battle at a place called C●nsedrack, where they overthrew the Army of the Turks, and so the Tartarians won the Kingdom of Turkey, in the year 1244. Of Gino Can the third Emperor. The former Friars mention these two, I de Pl●no C●rpini was with the former, and Rubruq. with Mangu. Mango Can drowned. Cobila, or Cublai Can. jons the great City. jochi reigneth over Turquestan. 19 And after a little time Hoccota Can died, and a son of his succeeded in the Empire, called Gino Can, whose life was but short, and after him succeeded a Kinsman of his, called Mango Can, who was of very great power and subdued many Provinces, and at length with a great spirit he went into the Cathayan Sea to take a certain Island, which whiles he held besieged, the Inhabitants of those parts being very subtle and ingenious, sent certain diverse secretly under water, who continued so long under the Ship, in which he was, until they had made many holes therein, so that the water came into it (no man observing nor stopping the leak) until the Ship sunk, and Mango Can was drowned therein. Whereupon the residue of the Tartarians returned home and choose his brother, called Cobila Can, for their Emperor, who reigned over them two and forty years, became a Christian, and founded a certain City, called jons, in the Kingdom of Cathay, which is reported to be greater than Rome; and in that City he dwelled until his dying day. But leaving him, let us speak of the three sons of Hoccota Can, and of Haoloon, and of his Heirs. 20. jochi, the eldest son of Hoccota Can, r●de toward the West with all that people which his Father had given him, and there finding fruitful and pleasant Countries, abounding in all kind of riches, he fixed his Tents, and ruled over the Kingdom of Turquestan, and the lesser Persia, even to the River Phison, where his people inhabiting ever since, are exceedingly multiplied in persons and riches, and the Heirs of jochi have succeeded one the other in those Dominions to this present, and those Countries are at this day ruled by two Brothers, the one called Chapar, See 47. Chapt. the other Doax, who have divided those Countries between them, and do possess them peaceably. The success of Baydo Northward. 21. Baydo, the second son of Hoccota Can, with the Tartarians which his Father gave him, rode towards the North, until he came to the Kingdom of Cumania, where the Cumanians having many armed men, opposed themselves, and defended their Land against them. But being at length overcome, His victory over the Cumanians, so called as may seem of the Castle Cumania, mentioned by Pliny l. 6. c. 11. now Derbent. Now Muscovia. they fled to the Kingdom of Hungaria, where are yet many Cumanians inhabiting. Baydo having beat the Cumanians out of their Country, went to the Kingdom of Russia and conquered it, and possessed the Land of Gazaria (which is in the Northern part of Taurica) and the Kingdom of Bulgoria, and by the way which the Cumanians had fled, he came to the Kingdom of Hungaria. Afterwards the Tartarians went towards the parts of Germany, till they came to a certain River that runneth through the Dukedom of Austria: where they thought to have passed over a Bridge which they found there. But Frederick the Duke of Austria, and others, that bordered near it, had fortified the Bridge so that the Tartarians were denied passage. Baydo thereupon, incensed with fury, commanded that all should pass through the water, and himself was the first that entered, exposing thereby himself and all his followers to apparent danger of death: His drowning in Austria. for such was the breadth of the River and the violence of the stream, that their Horses were wearied before they could come to the farther bank of the River. Which the residue seeing which were not yet entered into the water, they were confounded with grief, and returned to Russia, and Cumania which they formerly had conquered, as hath been declared; and never since that have the Tartarians attempted against Germany. His posterity. But the posterity of Baydo hath ever since successively held those Lands which he subdued. And he which now reigneth there, is called a Of him after 47. Chapt. Cangadays enterprise. Tochai, and ruleth peaceably and quietly. 22. Cangaday (or Chagoday) with those Tartars which his Father gave him, rode towards the South, even to the parts of India the lesser. There he found many Deserts, Mountains, and dry Lands not inhabited, so that he could not pass that way: but having lost many of his People, Horses, and other Beasts, he turned him towards the West, and after much labour came to his brother jochi, to whom he related what had befallen him: who taking compassion on his brother, gave him and his people a good part of those Countries which he had: and ever after, those two brethren dwelled together and their Progeny, until this day inhabit in those parts, yet in such sort, that those which descended of the younger brother, do bear a kind of reverence to the posterity of the Elder, and so being content with their Portions, they live peaceably and quietly together: and that Successor of b Or rather of Bagoday for the Successors of jochi, were named in the 20. Chapter. Of Mango Can the fourth Emperor. jochi that now liveth, is called Barach. 23. In the year of our Lord 1253. Haython, the King of Armenia, seeing that the Tartarians had in a manner subdued all the Kingdoms, Countries, and Lands, even to the Kingdom of Turkey, taking Counsel of the wise, he resolved to go in person to the Emperor of the Tartarians, the better to insinuate himself into his favour, and to make league with him. But first he sent his brother, Lord Sinibaldy, Constable of the Kingdom of Armenia, to obtain safe conduct for him: who carrying with him many Presents, and going attended with a goodly company, dispatched in good order the business for which he was sent, yet stayed he by the space of four days before he came back to Armenia: but at his return, he related to the King what he had seen and done: who without delay departed in secret manner disguised, because it might be dangerous for him to be known in the Kingdom of Turkey, through which he must needs make his journey: and as God would, at his coming thither, Haiton King of Armenia his journey. he found that the Sultan of Turkey was overthrown by a Tartarian Captain, whom he met with there and made himself known unto him, who when he understood him to be the King of Armenia, and that he was going toward the Emperor, entertained him very honourably, and caused him to be conducted to the Kingdom of Cumania, and beyond the Iron gate. And afterwards, other Tartarian Captains caused him to be conducted over all other Countries and Places, until he came to c It seems Caracarum which then was Almalech, the King's City, or Cambalu, as Ramusio hath it. Almalech (or Cambalu) where Mango Can their Emperor resided; who rejoiced much at the coming of the King of Armenia, and the rather for that from the coming of Changius Can over the Mountain Belgian, no other great Prince had come to meet him, and therefore he received and entertained him with much honour and love, and gave unto him some of the greatest persons about him to attend, and associate him at his pleasure, and did him many other favours; But the King of Armenia having rested certain days, entreated the Emperor to vouchsafe him Audience in those affairs, for which he was come, and to give him licence to return. The Emperor very graciously answered him, that he would most willingly accomplish all his desires, and that it was very acceptable unto him that he came of his own accord. The King with good deliberation made seven Petitions. First, The King of Armenia his Demands. He desired that the Emperor and all his people would be baptised in the Christian Faith, leaving all other Sects. Secondly, That there might be a perpetual peace and friendship established between the Christians and the Tartarians. Thirdly, That in all Countries which the Tartarians either had conquered or should conquer, the Churches and Churchmen, whether secular or religious, might be free and exempted from all servitude and payments. Fourthly, That he would deliver and free the holy Land, and the holy Sepulchre of our Lord, out of the hands of the Saracens, and restore them to the Christians. Fiftly, That he would endeavour the destruction of the Caliph of Baldach, who was the head and chief Doctor of the Sect of Mahometism. Sixtly, He required that a special Charter might be granted him, that of whatsoever Tartarians especially such as should be nearest to the Kingdom of Armenia he should be occasioned to demand aid, they should forthwith be ready to assist him. Seventhly, He craved that all the Lands of the jurisdiction of the Kingdom of Armenia, which the Saracens had invaded, and were or should happen to be recovered by the Tartarians, might be restored to the King of Armenia, and that such as he should get from the Saracens, he might peaceably and quietly enjoy. The answer of the Tartarian. Mango Can having considered the Petitions of the King of Armenia, calling before him all his chief Captains and Counsellors in their presence, made him answer after this manner. Because that the King of Armenia of his own accord, and not of compulsion, is come unto us from remote parts; it beseemeth the Imperial Majesty to yield him all his demands that are lawful and honest: Therefore to you, O King of Armenia, We return this answer, That we will accept of all your Requests made, and will cause them all (God-willing) to be duly accomplished: first, I myself being Emperor and Lord of the Tartarians, will be baptised in that Faith which the Christians hold at this day; wishing and advising all my Subjects to do the like: yet not intending to force any thereunto. To your second, We will and agree that there be a perpetual peace between the Tartarians and Christians, yet with this caution, that yourself be a chief Pledge and Surety that the Christians observe on their behalf the like peace and amity towards us, as we for our part intent inviolably to keep towards them. We grant also, That all the Churches of Christians and their Clergymen whatsoever, either Secular or Religious, shall enjoy their Privilege and Immunity of Liberty and Exemption throughout the Dominions of our Empire, and that none shall molest them any kind of ways. Touching the matter of the holy Land, we say, That if we could conveniently we would willingly go thither in person, for the reverence we bear to our Lord jesus Christ. But because we have many occasions of importance to stay us in these parts, we will take order with our Brother Haloon for the due accomplishment of that service in all points as it behooveth, for the freeing of the City of Hierusalom and all the holy Land, out of the hands of the Pagans, and restoring it to the Christians. Concerning the Caliph of Baldach. We will give order to Baydo, our Captain of the Tartarians, which are in the Kingdom of Turkey, and the rest thereabouts, See the 18. and 24 Chapters. that they be all obedient to our Brother, whom we will have to destroy the Caliph as our capital and deadly Enemy. The Charter which the King of Armenia desireth for assistance from the Tartarians, We wish it to be drawn according to his desire, and we are ready in all things to confirm it. Lastly, whereas the King Armenia requireth, That the Lands of his Kingdom, which the Saracens had taken from, and have since been recovered by the Tartarians, may be restored unto him, we freely and frankly accord it, Polo calls this Haloon, Vlau. willing our Brother Haloon to see such restitution made without delay. 24. After that Mango Can had thus liberally accorded the Requests of the King of Armenia, and confirmed them by Charters, he would forth with receive the Sacrament of Baptism, Mango Can with his people is baptised. and was accordingly baptised by the hands of a certain Bishop, who was Chancellor of the King of Armenia, and all that were of his household with many other great Personages of both Sexes. And then he made choice of such as were to accompany his Brother Haloon, about the enterprise of the Holy Land. After Haloon and the King of Armenia departed, and road both together until they passed over the great River Phison; The Voyage of Haloon with King Haython. Persia possessed by the Tartars. then Haloon with his mighty Army invaded the Countries and Lands every where, and in less than six months he subdued easily the whole Kingdom of Persia, because it was without a Ruler, or Governor, and took in all the Countries without resistance, even till he came to the Land of certain Infidels, which are called Assassini, having neither Law nor Religion, but living as their Prince and Lord, commonly called * Senex de monte, see Polo §. 2. Tigado besieged. Sexmontio, instructeth them at whose pleasure and commandment they willingly and readily expose themselves to death. These had a certain impregnable Castle, called Tigado, which was so well furnished with all kind of necessary provision, and so strongly built and seated, that they feared no assault. Haloon therefore commanded one of his Captains to take with him ten thousand of those Tartarians, which he had left in Persia, and in no wise to depart from the siege of that Castle until he had taken it, so that they remained at the siege thereof, by the space of seven years both Winner and Summer, which at last was yielded up by the Assassini, only for want of clothes, In the Latin it is 27. Ramus 7 Polo hath but 3. but not for any penury of victuals, or scarcity of any other thing, whiles Haloon employed himself in ordering of the Kingdom of Persia, and besieging the Castle of the Assassini, the King of Armenia took leave of him to return, because he had been long out of his Kingdom: Haloon therefore licenced him to depart, and giving him many great gifts, directed his Precept to Baydo, residing in the Kingdom of Turkey, which he had subdued, that he should conduct him safely to the entrance of his own Kingdom, which in all things he fulfilled, so that after three years and a half of absence, the King of Armenia, through the mercy of jesus Christ, came joyfully home into his own Country. Haloon sojourneth in Sorloch. The si●ge of Baldach. The City and Caliph taken. 25. Haloon having ordered the Kingdom of Persia in convenient manner, went into a certain Province near to Armenia, called Sorloch, where he reposed and recreated himself all the Summer, and at the beginning of Winter he besieged Baldach, in which the Caliph resided, who was the chief Master and Doctor of the Irreligious Sect of Mahometism, for which Enterprise Haoloon reinforced his Army with thirty thousand Tarrarians, that were in the Kingdom of Turkey, and assaulting the City by the shore, he took the same without any great difficulty, or delay. The Caliph was brought alive into the presence of Haloon, and there was found in Baldach, so much Treasure and Riches as would scarcely be believed to be in all the World besides; This City of Baldach was taken in the year 1258. The Parsimony of the Caliph. 26. When Haoloon had disposed of the City of Baldach, he caused the Caliph to be brought unto him, and all his Treasure to be laid before him, Then he demanded of him whether he had been Lord of all that Treasure, who affirming, it was asked again why he had not made use thereof in procuring the aid of his Neighbours, and levied mercenary Soldiers to defend him and his Country from the power of the Tartarians, whose answer was that he thought his own people had been sufficient. Then said Haloon to the Caliph, thou art said to be the chief Doctor & Teacher of all that believe the deceiving Doctrine of Mahomet, & receivest rewards and Gifts of them all; therefore such and so precious a Master must be fed with no other meat but with these precious things, which thou hast loved and kept so carefully, all which we give thee for thy sustenance: and so commanded that the Caliph should be shut into a Chamber, and that his Pearl and Gold should be set before him, His death amongst his Treasure. that he might eat as much as he would thereof, but that no other meat nor drink should be given him; by which means the miserable wretch ended his life after a miserable manner. And there was no other Caliph in Baldach after him. 27. After that Haoloon had subdued Baldach and all the Country round about, he distributed the Provinces amongst his Captains and Rulers as he thought good, giving charge that the Christians should every where he lovingly used, The favour of Haolono towards Christians. His Wife. and be preferred to the government of Castles and Cities, and the Saracens held under straight subjection. Haloon had also a Wife called Doncoscaro descended of those Kings that came from the East being guided by the Star of the Nativity of our Lord, which Lady being a most devout Christian, was a great means of destroying the Temples of the Saracens, and prohibiting the Solemnities and Ceremonies of Mahomet, and finally razed their Temples to the ground, and brought the Saracens in such subjection that they durst not show their heads. 28. After that Haoloon had rested a year, he sent to the King of Armenia, to meet him at the City Robays, in the Kingdom of Mesopotamia, because he intended to go towards the Holy Land, King Haython bringeth aid to Haolono. that he might restore it to the Christians, whereupon, the King Haython of famous memory took his journey, accompanied with a great Army both of Horsemen and Footmen, for at that time the Kingdom of Armenia, was in so good estate, that it could ra●se a power of twelve thousand Horse, and threescore thousand Footmen, whereof being an Eye witness myself, I can will give testimony thereof, when the King of Armenia was come according to this appointment of Haplan, and had conference with him touching the Enterprise of the Holy Land, Halappi, or Aleppo. he advised him that because the Sultan of Halappi, ruled over all the Kingdom of Syria, in which the City of jerusalem was seated, the way to get the Holy Land, was first to besiege the City of Halappi, being the chief City of Syria, which when he had won, it would not be difficult for him to subdue all the rest of that Country: which advice Haloon liked well, and besieged the City of Halappi (or Aleppo) which he found to be of great strength being well walled and inhabited: therefore with Mines under ground, with Slings and other Engines, Balestri. he begird it so straightly, and assaulted it so manfully on every side that albeit it seemed impregnable, yet in the space of nine days he obtained it. Halepo taken. In this City they found such incredible store of wealth as would hardly be believed, yet there was a Castle in the midst of the City, that held out eleven days after the City was taken, which at length was won by undermining. So the City Halappi, and afterwards the Kingdom of Syria, was taken by Haolono in the year of our Lord * 1260. yet both Latin & Italian have 1240. 1240. 29. But when the Sultan of Halappi named Melechnaser being then in the City of Damascus, understood that the City of Halappi, with his Wife and Children in it, was taken, being utterly destitute of Counsel he came and cast himself at the feet of Haloon, hoping thereby that his Wife and Children with some part of his Dominions would be restored him. But the Sultan found himself therein deceived, for Haloon sent him with his Wife and Children into Persia, that thereby he might enjoy the Kingdom of Syria, the more securely. These things thus disposed, Haloon gave to the King of Armenia a great part of the spoil of Halappi, and of the Lands which he had invaded, whereby the King of Armenia was strengthened with many Castles bordering on his Kingdom, which he fortified as he thought good; and after that Haoloon had settled the affairs of those Cities and Countries which he had won, intending to go to jerusalem to free the Holy Land from Pagans, and to restore it to the Christians. There came to him a Messenger the third day, who brought news that the Tartarian Empire was vacant by the death of his Brother Mango Can, and that his coming was earnestly expected to be his Successor therein, which report made him very sorrowful: In regard whereof he could now proceed no further in person, but left ten thousand Tartars to keep the Kingdom of Syria, under the command of a Captain called Guiboga, to whom he gave order that he should conquer the Holy Land, and restore it to the Christians. And so leaving his Son at Tauris, he hastened Eastward himself by great journeys. §. III. Of COBILA CAN the fifth Emperor, of the Tartarians: Of the War with BARCHA, and Tartarian quarrel with the Christians, HAOLAONS' death. Acts of the Sultan of Egypt. Of ABAYA and other Sons and Successors of HALOON. But before he could come to the Kingdom of Persia, he heard that the Nobles & Princes had placed his Brother Cobila Can in the Imperial Seat of the Tartars, The Civil war between Haolon and Barcat or Barcha. See Polo, §. 1. Guiboga of the Kindred of the three Kings that came to worship the Nativity of Christ. which he heard whilst he was at Tauris: where he understood that Barcat (or Barcha) was marching thither with a great Army, purposing to make himself Emperor. Haoloon therefore assembled his people and met with his Enemies, on a certain River which was frozen, where began a very great Battle. But the Ice being broken by the great multitude of Horses and Men, there was drowned on the one side and on the other thirty thousand Tartars; Insomuch, that the Armies on each side returned. But Guiboga whom Haoloon had left in the Kingdom of Syria, and the Province of Palestina held those Countries peaceably, and loved the Christians well, for he was of the Progeny of the three Kings which went to worship the Nativity of our Lord. But when he had laboured earnestly to reduce the Holy Land again under the power of the Christians, the Devil sowed the seed of scandal, and discord betwixt him and the Christians of those parts, which happened on this manner. In the Land of Belforte, Belforte. which is of the Territory of the City of Sidon, there were sundry Towns and Villages inhabited by Saracens, which paid certain Tribute to the Tartars, on whom some of Sidon and Belforte made diverse roads and spoils killing sundry of the Saracens, and carrying others away Captive with a great droue of Cattle. A Nephew of Guiboga remaining near thereabouts, followed speedily after those Christians that had committed those outrages to tell them on the behalf of his Uncle, that they should dismiss their booty. But some of them unwilling to large their prey they had taken, ran upon him, and slew him, with diverse other Tartarians that accompanied him. He destroyeth the City of Sidon. Guiboga hearing that the Christians had slain his Nephew, road presently and took the City of Sidon, dismanteled the walls thereof, and slew some few Christians, the rest saving themselves in an Island. And never after would the Tartars trust the Christians of Syria, neither durst they put confidence in the Tartars, who were afterwards driven out of the Kingdom of Syria by the Saracens, as shall be declared. 31. Whiles Haoloon was busy in the war with Barcat, as hath been said, the Sultan of Egypt assembling his Army came to the Province of Palestina, The Sultan's enterprise against Guiboga. and in a place called Hamalech, he joined battle with Guiboga and his Tartars, where Guiboga was slain, and his Army defeated. The Tartars which escaped went into Armenia, and by this means the Kingdom of Syria was wholly subdued by the Saracens, saving certain Cities of the Christians, which were seated near the Sea. When Haloon understood how the Sultan of Egypt had invaded Syria, and driven thence his people, Haolono preparing to renew the wars, dieth. he gathered his Army and sent to the King of Armenia, and to the King of Georgia, and the other Christians of the East to prepare themselves against the Sultan of Egypt and the Saracens, and when his Army was in readiness a sickness seized him, of which he languished the space of a fortnight, and then died, by whose death the enterprise of the Holy Land had an end. Abaga his Son held the Dominion of his Father, who entreated the Emperor Cobila Can being his Uncle, Abaga his Son and Successor. to confirm him therein, to which he willingly accorded. So he was called Abaga Can, and began to reign in the year of our Lord 1264. 32. Abaga was wise and governed prosperously in all things, two only excepted, one that he would not be a Christian, as his Father had been, but worshipped Idols, believing the Idolatrous Priests. The other, that he was always in wars with his Neighbours, by reason whereof the Sultan was long in quiet, and the power of the Saracens much increased. Those Tartars (or rather Turks) which could escape from out the Dominion of the Tartars, fled unto the Sultan, seeking to avoid the heavy burdens which the Tartars imposed on them. And the Sultan dealt politicly, for he sent Messengers by Sea to the Tartars, in the Kingdoms of Cumania, and Russia, and made composition and agreement with them, that whensoever Abaga should move war against the Land of Egypt, than they should invade his Country, for which he promised them great gifts, by means whereof Abaga could not well invade the Land of Egypt, but the Sultan could easily without resistance invade the Christians in the parts of Syria, insomuch, that the Christians lost the City of Antioch, and diverse other places of strength, which they held in that Kingdom. Bendecar Sultan of Egypt invadeth Armenia. Ramusio calls him Bunhocdore. 33. Moreover, Bendecar the Sultan of Egypt was so fortunate that he much abased the Kingdom of Armenia. For it happened that the King of Armenia with many of his men was gone to the Tartars, which the Sultan hearing, sent a Captain of his to invade the Kingdom of Armenia. The Sons of the King of Armenia, gathering together all that could bear Arms, encountered the Egyptians in the Confines of their Kingdom, and resisted them courageously; but the Army of the Armenians being overthrown, one of the King's Sons was taken, and the other was slain in battle. So that the Saracens thereby wasted and spoilt all the Kingdom of Armenia, and carried infinite riches thence to the great damage of the Christians, whereby the Enemy's power was much increased, and the Kingdom of Armenia wondrously weakened. The King whose endeavour was wholly bend about the destruction of the Infidels, having heard this most unhappy news of his own Country, busied his thoughts night and day how to afflict the Saracens, and ofttimes very earnestly dealt with Abaga, and his Tartars to attempt the overthrow of faithless Mahomet, He concludeth a truce with the Sultan. and the relief of the Christians. But Abaga excused himself by reason of the wars, in which he was daily entangled with his Neighbours. The King of Armenia seeing that he could not have any present aid of the Tartarians, sent and made truce by his Messengers with the Sultan of Egypt, that he might redeem his Son which was Prisoner. The Sultan also promised him that if he restored him a friend of his called Angoldscar whom the Tartars held captive, and yielded up the Castle Tempsach, and some holds of the City of Halappi, which he had gotten in the time of Haoloon, he would set his Son at liberty. Whereupon the Sultan, having received his friend, and the Castle of Tempsacke being yielded, and two other Castles thrown down at his appointment, delivered his Son out of Prison, and restored him accordingly. Then afterwards King Haython of famous memory, having reigned forty five years, and done much good to the Christians, yielded up his Kingdom and Dominion to his Son Livon, whom he had delivered out of captivity, and renouncing this Kingdom of the World became professed in Religion, and was called Macharius, changing his name (according to the custom * That the Greek Monks changed their names, appeareth by the example of Alexander Comneus in Nicet. p. 48.6. and of Andronicus the Emperor in Gregoras, lib. 9 p. 47 and of Cantacuzenus the Emperor in Calcondilas lib. 1. Abaga entered the Kingdom of Egypt, and destroyed Turkey. Paruana. of the Armenians) when they enter into Religion, and in short time after died in peace in the year of our Lord 1270. 34. This King of Armenia Livone was wise, and governed his Kingdom providently, and being much beloved by his own People, and by the Tartars, he laboured earnestly to destroy the Saracens, so that in his time Abaga made peace with all his neighbours, who of long time had been his enemies. Then the Sultan of Egypt entered the Kingdom of Turkey, and slew many of the Tartars, and drove them out of many Towns. For a Saracen, called Paruana, being Captain over the Tartars that were in Turkey, rebelled against Abaga, and sought the destruction of the Tartarians. Abaga hearing thereof, posted thither so speedily, that in fifteen days he road forty days journey. The Sultan hearing of his coming departed suddenly, not daring to make any longer abode. Yet could not so speedily withdraw himself, but that the Tartars following swiftly, overtook the rearward of his Army in the entry of the Kingdom of Egypt, in a place called Pasblanke. There the Tartarians rushing on them, took two thousand Horsemen of the Saracens, beside much riches, and five thousand of the Cordines which lived in that Country. Abaga being come to the Confines of Egypt, was persuaded to go no farther for heat: for that Land is very hot, and his Tartars, and their beasts having come speedily from far, could hardly have endured it, by reason whereof he returned into Turkey, and spoiled and wasted all the Countries that had rebelled, and yielded to the Sultan. Paruana cut asunder and eaten. But he caused the Traitor Paruana with his partakers to be cut asunder in the midst, after the Tartarian manner, and part of his flesh to be served in all his meats, whereof he and his Captains did eat. Such was the revenge of King Abaga on the Traitor Paruana. 35. Abaga having effected his desires in Turkey, and enriched his Tartars with the spoils of the rebellious Saracens, he called to him the King of Armenia, King Livono refuseth the offer of the Kingdom of Turkey. and offered him the kingdom of Turkey, in regard that his father and he had been ever faithful to the Tartarians. But the King of Armenia being discreet and wise, rendered great thanks to Abaga for so great a Present, but excused himself from the accepting thereof, as unable to govern two Kingdoms. For the Sultan of Egypt was in his full strength, and earnestly bend against the Kingdom of Armenia: so that he had enough to do to provide for the defence thereof. Yet advised him to settle and dispose the Kingdom of Turkey in such sort ere his departure, that there might be no fear of Rebellion afterwards: and in any case to permit no Saracen to command there. Which advice Abaga accepted of, and never after suffered any Saracen to bear rule in that Country. He urgeth the delivering of jerusalem from Pagans. The king of Armenia then desired him to think of delivering the Holy Land out of the hands of the Pagans: wherein he promised all his best endeavour: and wished the King to send messengers to the Pope, and to other Princes of Christendom for their assistance. So Abaga having ordered the affairs of Turkey, returned to the Kingdom of Corazen, where he had left his family. Corazen. Bendecar the Sultan of Egypt, after he had received such damage by the Tartars, was poisoned, died in Damascus: whereof the Christians of those parts were very glad. The death of the Sultan. And the Saracens very sorrowful: for they had not his like after, as they themselves commonly reported. For his son, called Melechahic, succeeded him, who was soon driven out of his Dominion by one called Elsi, who violently usurping, made himself Sultan. Melechahic his son and successor. Elsi the Sultan. 36. The time appointed being come, when Abaga was to begin his war against the Sultan of Egypt, he appointed his brother Mangodanior to go to the Kingdom of Syria with thirty thousand men, being Tartars, and courageously to overcome the Sultan, if he came in battle against him: or otherwise to take in the Castles and Holds of the Country, and deliver them to the Christians, if the Sultan should shun the fight. Mangodanior deputed General by his Brother. When Mangodanior with his Army setting forward, was come near the Confines of Armenia, he sent for the King of Armenia, who came presently unto him with a goodly company of Horse: so that they entered the Kingdom of Syria, and went spoiling and foraging, till they came to the City Aman, now called Camella, which is seated in the midst of Syria. Before this City lieth a fair great Plain, where the Sultan of Egypt had assembled his Power, intending to fight with the Tartarians. He cometh to battle against the Sultan. And there the Saracen on the one side, with the Christians and Tartars on the other side, fought a great battle. The King of Armenia with the Christians ruled and commanded the right wing of the Army which invaded the Sultan's left wing manfully, and put them to flight, and pursued them three days journey, even to the City Aman. Turara. Another part of the Sultan's Army was also routed by Amalech a Tartarian Captain, who pursued them also three days journey, to a City called Turara. When they thought the Sultan's Power utterly overthrown, Mangodanior who never had seen the conflicts of war before, being afraid without any reasonable cause of certain Saracens, called Beduini, withdrew himself out of the field, having the better, forsaking the King of Armenia, and his Captain which had prevailed against his enemies. When the Sultan, which thought he had lost all, saw the field clear, and all abandoned, he got upon a little hill, with four armed men, and stood there. The King of Armenia returning from the pursuit, and missing Mangodanior in the field, was much astonished, and imagining which way he should be gone, followed after him. But Amalech returning from the enemies whom he had pursued, Almach. abode two days expecting his Lord, supposing that he had followed after him, as he ought, for the further subduing of his enemies, and the Country which they had overcome: till at last, having heard of his retreat, leaving his victory, he made speed after him; whom he found on the bank of the River Euphrates staying for him. And then the Tartars returned to their own Province. The King of Armenia, his great loss at his return. But the King of Armenia sustained much loss, and hard adventure in his return: for the Horses of the Christians of the Kingdom of Armenia, were so wearied and spent with the length of the way, and want of Fodder, that they were not able to travel, so that the Christians going scatteringly by unusual ways, were often found out, and slain without mercy by the Saracens inhabiting those parts: Insomuch that the greatest part of the Army was lost, and in a manner all the Nobility. And this misadventure of Mangodanior happened in the year of our Lord 1282. When Abaga understood the success hereof, he assembled all his people, 1282. Abaga prepareth a revenge and when he was ready to set forward with all his power against the Saracens, a certain Saracen, the son of the Devil, came to the Kingdom of Persia, and prevailed by giving great gifts to s●me that served near about Abaga, in such sort, that both he and his brother Mangodanior were poisoned both in one day: He is poisoned wi●h his Brother. and died both within eight days after. The truth whereof was afterwards disclosed by the mischievous Malefactors themselves. And so died Abaga Can in the year of our Lord 1282. Tangodor the brother and Successor of Abaga. 37. After the death of Abaga Can the Tartars assembled themselves, and ordained over them a brother of his, called Tangodor, who had overgone the rest of his brethren. In his youth he had received the Sacrament of Baptism, and was baptised by the name of Nicholas. But being come to riper years, and keeping company with Saracens, whom he loved, he became a wicked Saracen, Of a Christian turneth Saracen. and renouncing Christian Religion, would be called Mahomet Can, and laboured by all means to turn all the Tartarians to that irreligious Sect of Mahomet the son of Iniquity; in such sort, that those that he could not compel by violence, he alured by preferments and rewards: insomuch that in his time many of the Tartarians became professed Saracens, as at this day appeareth. This Child of perdition commanded the Churches of the Christians to be destroyed, and forbade them to use any of their religious Rites or Ceremonies. He caused the doctrine of Mahomet to be publicly preached, the Christians to be banished, and their Churches in the City of Tauris utterly to be destroyed. He sent Messengers also to the Sultan of Egypt, and concluded a Peace and a League with him, promising that all the Christians within his Dominion should become Saracens, or else lose their heads, which gave the Saracens cause of much rejoicing, and made the Christians very sad. He seeketh to betray the Kings of Armenia and Georgia. He sent moreover to the King of Armenia in Georgia, and to the other Christian Princes of those parts to come unto him without delay. But they resolved rather to die in battle then to obey his commandment, for other remedy they could find none. And the Christians being now in such anguish and bitterness of heart, that they rather desired to die then to live, even God (which never refuseth them that put their trust in him) sent consolation to them all. For a Brother of this Mahomet, with a Nephew of his also, called Argon, opposing themselves, and rebelling against him for his evil deeds did signify to Cobila Can the great Emperor of the Tartarians, He is accused to Cobila Can. how he had forsaken the steps of his Ancestors, and was become a wicked Saracen: labouring with all his might to bring the rest of Tartars to be Saracens also. Which when Cobila Can understood he was much displeased thereat: insomuch that he sent and required Mahomet to reform his evil ways, for otherwise he would proceed against him. Which message replenished him with wrath and indignation, insomuch that he being persuaded there was none that durst gainsay his proceedings but his Brother and his Nephew Argon, He slayeth his Brother. he caused his Brother to be slain: and intending the like to his Nephew, he went against him with a mighty Army. Argon being not of strength to withstand his forces, betook himself to a strong Hold among the Mountains; which that Son of Iniquity besieged with his devilish Army. Argon finally yielded himself, with condition that he might still enjoy his Dignity and Dominion. But Mahomet delivered him to the Constable and others of the Nobility, to be kept in Prison. And departing towards the City of Tauris, where he left his wives and children, he gave direction that his Army should come softly after him: but appointed the Constable, and such as he trusted most, to put his Nephew to death secretly, and to bring him his head. These things thus hastily ordered and directed, there was amongst those that had received the command of that bloody execution, a man of some Place and Authority, brought up under Abaga the Father of Argon, Argon of a Prisoner is made King. who having compassion of his distress, took Arms, and in the night time slew the Constable of Mahomet and all his followers, and delivering Argon, made him Lord and Ruler of all: some for fear, and others for love being obedient to his will and commandment. Argon being thus established, accompanied with his faithful followers, pursued presently after Mahomet, His revenge on Tangodor. whom he overtook and seized on before he came to Tauris, and caused him after their manner, to be cut asunder in the midst. And such was the end of that cursed Caitiff Mahomet, before he had sat two years in his seat. §. four Of ARGON the Son of ABAGA, and REGAITO his Brother; of BAIDO, and of the exploits of CASAN against the Sultan of Egypt, and others. IN the year of our Lord 1285. after the death of mohammed, Argon the son of Abaga Can, would not take on him the title of Can, until he had received commandment from the great Can Sovereign Lord and Emperor, to whom he dispatched Messengers which were honourably received, and entertained by the great Can, who rejoiced much of his success against Mahomet and sent some of his great Officers, Argon is confirmed by Cobila Can. to confirm Argon in his Dominion, who was thenceforth called Can, and much respected of all. For he was of a goodly aspect and presence, courageous and wise in his proceedings, much regarding and honouring the Christians. The Churches overthrown by Mahomet he repaired. The Kings of Armenia and Georgia, with the other Christian Princes of the East, came unto him, desiring his best counsel, and help that the holy Land might be freed from the Pagans. Argon very graciously answered, That he would gladly do any thing that might tend to the honour of God, and the advancement of Christian Religion, and that he intended to make peace with his Neighbours, that he might the more freely and securely follow that enterprise. But Argon, before the execution of these good designments, died in the fourth year of his reign. He dyeth. And a Brother of his, called Regaito, succeeded him, who was a man of small valour, as shall be after declared. 39 In the year of our Lord 1289. after the death of Argon Can, his brother Regaito was his Successor, being a man of no Religion: in Arms he was of no valour, but was altogether given over to beastly luxury, and satiating his insatiable appetite with superfluous meats and drinks: and did nothing else by the space of six years which he reigned, insomuch that being hated of his subjects and contemned of strangers, he was finally strangled by his Peers. After whose death Baydo, a Kinsman of his succeeded him, Baydo succeedeth him. who was upright and constant in Religion, and did many favours to the Christians, but he soon ended his days, as shall be declared. 40. In the year of our Lord 1295. after the death of Regaito, his Kinsman Baydo ruled over the Tartars. He being a good Christian builded the Christian Churches, and commanded that none should Preach or publish the Doctrine of Mahomet amongst the Tartarians. But because those of the Sect of Mahomet were many, they could hardly be induced to be obedient to that commandment of Baydo, and therefore sent Messengers secretly to Casan the son of Argono, promising to give him the Dominion which Baydo held, and to make him their Lord and Ruler, if he would renounce the Christian Religion. Casan caring little for Religion, but greatly affecting Dominion, promised to do whatsoever they would, and so began an open rebellion, whereupon Baydo assembled his people, thinking to have taken Casan, not knowing of the Treason which his people had wrought against him. But when they came to the Field, all the Mahometists leaving Baydo, fled unto Casan, so that Baydo being forsaken, The death of Baydo. thought to have escaped by flight, yet was pursued and slain by his Enemies. 41. After the death of Baydo; Casan being made Ruler over the Tartars, Casan succeedeth. at the beginning of his reign, durst not gainsay what he had promised the Mahometists that had promoted him thereto, and therefore showed himself for a while very austere to the Christians. But when he found himself well and firmly settled in his Dominion, he began to honour and cherish the Christians, doing them many favours as shall be declared. First, therefore he destroyed many great Ones, who had been persuaders with him to become a Saracen, and to persecute the Christians. Then he commanded all the Tartars within his Dominion, to be ready with their Armour and all necessary furniture, to attend him for a Conquest of the Kingdom of Egypt, and overthrow of the Sultan, and sent to the King of Armenia, and the King of Georgia, and other Christian Princes of the East in that behalf. At the beginning of the Spring Casan gathered his forces, and first set forward towards Baldach: and at length turned towards the Land of Egypt. The Sultan, called Melechnaser, who had long before some intelligence of the coming of the Tartars, assembled all his power, and came before the City of Aman, Melechnaser the Sultan. which is seated in the midst of the Kingdom of Syria. Casan understanding that the Sultan meant to give him battle, forbore to besiege any City or Castle, but hasted speedily to the place where the Sultan was, and pitched his Tents but one days journey from him in certain Meadows, where was plenty of forage and feeding, where he rested his Followers and their Horses which were wearied with their travel. Amongst whom was a Saracen, Calphacks double dealing. called Calphack (or Capchick) who had served the Sultan, and was fled from him to Casan, for fear of imprisonment and punishments for his misse-demerits. This Calphack had received sundry favours and rewards of Casan, who reposed great confidence in him: yet, like a wicked Traitor, he disclosed the counsel and purpose of Casan to the Sultan and Saracens, acquainting them by Letters how Casan meant to abide in those Meadows, until they had sufficiently rested their Horses which were wondrously wearied, and therefore counselled the Sultan to set upon him before his Horses were refreshed, whereby he might easily overcome the Tartarians. The Sultan who thought to have expected the Tartars at the City of Aman, The Sultan's sudden onset. did hereupon change his resolution, and with a chosen company hasted with all speed to assail Casan at unawares. But his Spials and Scouts giving him notice of their approach. Casan commanded his men presently to be set in order and manfully to resist them. He himself more bold than a Lion with such company as he had about him, road to meet the Saracens, who had approached so near that they could not avoid the battle. Casan seeing that the residue of his company were spread so far abroad in the Country for the feeding of their Horses, He dealeth politicly. that they could not suddenly come to him, he commanded those that were with him to dismount from their Horses, and placing them in a Circle, made as it were a Wall of them, and with their Bows and Arrows caused his men to expect their Enemies, and not to shoot until they were sure to reach them, by which means the Tartars shooting altogether, wherein they are very skilful and ready, wounded the foremost Horses of their Enemies in such sort that they fell before the rest, whereby the rest following on with great fury, and finding the former overthrown, fell themselves headlong over them: insomuch, that of all the Saracens there escaped few, which were not either overthrown or else wounded to death, with the Arrows of the Tartars. The Sultan himself being in the Army, fled as fast as he could, which Casan perceiving, made his men get up on their Horses, and manfully to set on their Enemies, being himself the foremost amongst them that entered the Army of the Sultan, who with some small company remaining so long, sustained the brunt, until the Tartars came in Troops well ordered to fight, and then came the whole Army on both sides to battle, which endured from the Sun rising till the Ninth hour. He overcommeth. But in the end, the Sultan with his Saracens fled, being not able to withstand the courage of Casan, who did wonders with his own hand, and pursued them with his people, killing on every side until it was dark night, and made so great slaughter of the Saracens, that the Earth was covered every where with their dead carcases. That night Casan rested at a place, Caneto. called Caneto, rejoicing exceedingly at that great victory which God had given him against the Saracens. This fell out in the year of our Lord 1301. on the Wedn●●day before the Feast of the Nativity. 42. Then Casan sent the King of Armenia, and a Leader of the Tartars, called Molay, with forty thousand Horse, to pursue the Sultan as far as the Desert of Egypt, being twelve days journey distant from the place where the battle was fought, and willed them to expect him or some Messenger from him at the City Gazara. Gazara. And they departed speedily before the Sun rising, to follow after the Soldan. But some three days after, Casan sent for the King of Armenia to return, because he purposed to besiege the City of Damascus, and willed Molay with the forty thousand Tartars to pursue with speed after the Saracens, and to put what he could take to the sword. Yet the Sultan himself flying very swiftly, and riding on Dromedaries both night and day, Beduines are wild Arabs. in the conduct and company of certain Beduini, escaped into the City of Babylon very strangely. But others of the Saracens fled several ways, as they thought they could best save themselves, and a great number of them going by the way of Tripoli, were slain by the Christians, which inhabited the Mountain of Libanus. The King of Armenia returning to Casan, found that the City of Aman had yielded unto him, so that the whole treasure of the Sultan, and his Army was brought into his presence: which was so great that every one marvelled, why the Sultan carried so much treasure with him when he went to fight. Casan, when he had gathered together all the riches and spoils which they had gotten, bestowed them bountifully amongst the Tartars, and the Christians his followers, whereby they were all made rich. A●●●n yielded. Ayton present at these and the other Expeditions, from Haloon till this time. And I Friar Haython, the Compiler of this History, who was present in all Expeditions and Battles, which the Tartars had with the Sultan, from the time of Haloon to this day, yet did I never see nor hear that any of the Tartarian Lords accomplished more in two days than did Casan. For the first day, with a small company of his own, he over-came a great Army of his Enemies, and did such exploits in his Person, that he won fame and commendations above all the rest. On the second day, such was his largesse, and so great this liberality of his heart, that of all the infinite wealth and treasure which he got, he kept nothing for himself, but a Sword and a Purse, in which was contained certain writings concerning the Land of Egypt, and the number of the Sultan's Army. And this was most marvellous above all the rest, how in so little a body, and of so bad presence (for he seemed like a Monster) there could be so much virtue and rigour contained: Casans' dwarfish stature and ill-favoured feature. for among near two hundred thousand Soldiers, there could hardly one of less stature, or of worse aspect be found. Therefore, because this Casan lived in our time, it is fitting we made the more ample narration of his Acts. And in regard that the Sultan who was overthrown by Casan, 1307. is yet living at the writing of this History, they which intent to destroy, or any ways to endamage the Saracens, may receive many advertisements out of these Collections. After some few day's rest, Casan directed his course towards the City of Damascus: where the Citizens hearing of his approach, and fearing lest if he took them by force, they should die without mercy, by the advice of the wisest amongst them, sent with one consent their Messengers unto him with offer of their City, which he willingly accepted, and after a while road towards the River of Damascus, on whose Banks he pitched his Tents, forbidding any damage to be done to the City. Then the Citizens sent him diverse gifts, and plenty of victuals for his Army. There Casan made his abode five and forty days with all his Followers, except those forty thousand Tartars which were sent with Molay, who stayed his coming at the City of Gaccara. 43 While Casan reposed himself near Damascus, there came news unto him, how a Kinsman of his called Baydo, had entered into the Kingdom of Persia, and committed great spoil there in his absence: and thereupon he resolved to return to his own. Leaving therefore his chief Captain Cotolusa, Cotolusa. with part of his Army for the custody of the Kingdom of Syria (whom he willed Molay and the rest of the Tartars to be obedient unto as to his Lieutenant) he set Rulers and Governors over all the Cities, and committed the government of Damascus to the Traitor Calfach, being not yet acquainted with his traitorous disposition. Then calling to him the King of Armenia, and acquainting him with his purpose, he told him that he would willingly have delivered the Lands which he had conquered into the Christians hands, if they had come to him, and that if they came he would give order to Cotolusa to restore them the Lands which they had formerly holden: and to yield them convenient supply for the repairing of their Castles and Fortresses. These things thus ordered, Casan took his journey towards Mesopotamia, but when he came to the River Euphrates, he sent word to Cotolusa, that leaving twenty thousand Tartars under the command of Molay, he should come speedily to him with the rest of the Army. Cotolusa did as was commanded him, so that Molay remained Lieutenant in Syria for Casan, who eftsoons by persuasion of the Traitor Calfach, removed towards the parts about jerusalem, to a place called Gaur, Calfachs' treason. Gaur. to find good feeding and provision for his Horses. But in the Summer time, Calfach (who had formerly hatched Treason in his heart against Casan, sent word secretly to the Sultan, that he would restore him Damascus with the other Towns which Casan had taken. The Sultan liked hereof, and covenanted to give him Damascus in perpetual keeping, and part of his treasure with his sister to wife. Insomuch, that shortly after, Calfach became Rebel, and caused all the strong places to rebel against the Tartars, bearing themselves bold on the heat of Summer, in which they knew the Tartars could not ride nor yield any aid unto their friends. When Molay perceived that they rebelled every where, he durst not stay any longer with so small a company, but took the shorte●● way towards the Kingdom of Mesopotamia, and signified thence to Casan all that had happened in the Kingdom of Syria. Who seeing he could not any way redress it at that season, by reason of heat, yet when the Winter approached, he made very great preparation on the banks of the River Euphrates, and sent over Cotolusa before with thirty thousand Tartarian Horsemen, directing him that when he came to the parts of Antiochia, he should call unto him the King of Armenia, and the other Christians of the East, and of Cyprus, and with that strength should enter into the Kingdom of Syria, whiles he prepared to come after with the strength of his Army. Cotolusa did as he was commanded, and with his thirty thousand Tartars went forwards till he came to Antioch, and then sent to the King of Armenia, who came unto him with his Army. The Christians also in the Kingdom of Cyprus having heard of the coming of Cotolusa, came speedily with their Galleys and other Vessels to the I'll called Anterada, among whom was the Lord Tyron brother to the King of Cyprus, Tyron. Master of the Hospital of the Temple, with their Brethren of their Society. And these being all ready to undergo the service of Christ, there came a rumour that Casan was dangerously sick, that men despaired of his recovery. Whereupon Cotolusa with his Tartars returning towards Casan; the King of Armenia returned also into his Country; and the Christians at the I'll of Anterada to the Kingdom of Cyprus, by which means the business of the Holy Land was utterly abandoned, which happened in the year of our Lord 1301. Again, in the year of our Lord 1303. Casan assembling a mighty Army, came with great preparation to the River Euphrates, intending to enter into the Kingdom of Syria, Casan reneweth the war of Syria. and there to destroy the whole Sect of Mahomet, and to restore the Holy Land to the Christians. But the Saracens fearing the coming of Casan, and doubting that they should not be able to withstand him when they had reaped and gathered their Corn and other fruits of the Earth, and had housed their cattle in strong holds, they set fire on the rest, The Saracens burn and waste their own Country. that the Tartars when they came might not find victuals for themselves, nor for forage for their beasts. When Casan understood what the Agarens had done, and how they had wasted all the Land, considering that his horses could not there be fed nor sustained, he resolved to remain that Winter upon the banks of the River Euphrates, and to begin his journey at the beginning of the Spring, when the grass began to sprout. For the Tartars are ever more careful of their Horses then of themselves, being contented with the smallest pittance of any kind of nourishment for themselves. Then Casan sent for the King of Armenia, who came to him without delay, and lodged himself on the River. Casan extended three days journey in length even from a certain Castle called Cacabe, to another Castle called by'r, which Castles appertained to the Saracens, Caccabe, Sir. yet yielded without any assault unto Casan. But while Casan abode there, expecting the convenient season for effecting his desire on the Saracens, and to deliver the Holy Land out of their hands, the Devil cast a new Obstacle in his way, for he had news again that Baydo had entered, and made more spoils on his Land then before; Baydo 〈◊〉 again. so that it was necessary for him to return to his own, whereat being much grieved, in respect that he was constrained so long to delay the business of the Holy Land, he commanded his Captain Cotolusa with forty thousand Tartars to enter into the Kingdom of Syria, and to take Damascus, and kill all the Saracens; and that the King of Armenia should join his people with Cotolusa. Casan then returned into Persia, Cotolusa and the King besieged the City Aman: and having certain Intelligence that the Sultan was at the City Gazara, and would not stir from thence, they took it by assault putting all the Saracens one with another to the sword. 〈◊〉 t●ken. There they found great store of wealth and munition. Thence they went to the City of Damascus to besiege it, but the Citizens sent their Messengers, Damascus' besieged. desiring a Truce for three days which was granted them. The Scouts of the Tartars being almost a day's journey beyond Damascus, took certain Saracens whom they sent to Cotulossa that he might examine them. Cotulossa being advertized by these that there were about twelve thousand Saracens Horsemen, with in two days journey from thence, which expected daily the coming of the Sultan. He road presently with all speed, hoping to take them at unawares: But it was almost night before Cotulossa and the King of Armenia could reach thither, and they had Intelligence that the Sultan was come newly before them. Therefore being deceived of their expectation to assail those twelve thousand alone, some advised them for the best to repose themselves that night being now somewhat late, and to set upon the Enemy in the morning. But Cotulossa despising the Sultan, and his people would not hearken to any advice, but commanded his Army to be forthwith put in order: The obstinacy of Cotulossa. which the Saracens perceiving, kept their standing, being on the one side fenced with a Lake, and with a Mountain on another side, and knowing that the Tartars could not come to assault them without danger, they would not go forth to fight, The Sultan a wary Warrior. but remained in the place where they were, and when the Tartars thought without any impediment to have assailed their Enemies; they found a small River between them, which in some places had no passage over: by means whereof much time was spent before they could pass over the River; but after they had passed the greatest part over the River, they set manfully on their Enemies. Yet the Sultan stood still and would not remove from the place he was in, Cotulossa his fruitless attempt. betwixt the Lake and the Mountain; which Cotulossa perceiving, because the dark night approached, he withdrew his company for that night and lodged them near the Mountain; only about a thousand Tartars, which could not pass the River, were not with him that night. The day coming, the Tartars again courageously set upon the Sultan: but as before, he would by no means come forth to fight, but defended himself in that place of advantage. So the Tartars continuing their assault from the morning until the ninth hour, being thirsty and over-wearie for lack of water they retired themselves in good order, leaving the Sultan and came to the Plain of Damascus, where they had plenty of pasture and water at will, where they determined to abide until they had sufficiently reposed themselves and their Horses. But the Inhabitants knowing, that the Army of the Tartars was spread abroad in that Plain, opened the Sluices of the River in the night time, whereby the waters rose so high in eight hours over all the Plain, that the Tartars were constrained on the sudden to arise and depart, so that the night being dark, and the Ditches all filled with water, and no ways nor paths to be seen, they were all amazed in such sort that many Horses perished, and much Armour was lost, insomuch, that the King of Armenia endured much loss, yet the day coming through the goodness of God, they escaped the waters, but the Bows and Arrows of the Tartars being their chief weapons which they use, The Tartars endangered by the waters. and the rest of their Armour being all wet and utterly unserviceable, they were so astonished therewith, that if their Enemies had then pursued them, they might have been taken or slain. Afterwards, the Tartars by reason that many had lost their Horses, returned softly by small journeys to the banks of the River Euphrates, yet none of their Enemies durst follow or pursue them, but the River being risen and swollen through the abundance of rain that fell, many of the Armenians, as also of Georgians, perished therein, more than of the Tartars, whose Horses knew better to swim: so returned they into Persia ruined and disgraced, not by the power of the Enemy, but by accident partly, partly by evil advice. A great cause whereof was the obstinacy of Cotolusa, who would not regard any advice that was given, for if he would have hearkened to the counsel of the wise, he might easily have prevented those dangers. And I friar Haython the Compiler of this History, was present at all these proceedings: and if happily I treat more largely thereof then shall be thought convenient. He aideth him with men and money. I crave pardon in regard that I do it to this end, that on like occasions happening these courses may be called to mind. For these actions that are ordered by counsel, have commonly good and commendable events, but the rash and improvident Erterprises, do usually fail of their wished success. After that the King of Armenia had passed the River Euphrates with some loss, he resolved to go to Casan before he returned to his Kingdom of Armenia, and therefore he went straight to the City of Ninive in which Casan then resided. He entertained the King with much honour, kindness, and magnificence, and being compassionate of his losses to make him some recompense of especial favour unto him, he granted him a thousand Tartarians, continually in pay at his charge for the defence of his Kingdom, and also granted him out of the Kingdom of Turkey, a yearly pension, for the maintenance of another thousand Armenian Horse men yearly at his pleasure, the King thus recompensed, having taken his leave, returned to the Kingdom of Armenia, which Casan had enjoined him to watch warily over, until God pleased to enable him personally to go to the relief of the Holy Land. land V. CASAN dyeth, CARBANDA succeedeth; his Apostasy. The Author's entrance into a Religious Habit. Of TAMOR Can the sixth Emperor, and of CHAPAR, HOCHTAI, and CARBANDA, three other Tartarian Kings. THe King of Armenia returned safely to his Kingdom, but after he came thither he found little rest there, for after it so pleased God, that Casan was surprised with a grievous infirmity, and having governed wisely in his life, he was no less willing that his wisdom should be commended in his death. Therefore he made his last Will and Testament, Carbanda his Successor. appointing his Brother Carbanda (or Carbaganda) his Heir and Successor and having ordered all things concerning the Affairs of his Kingdom and his House in prudent manner, he made many good Ordinances and Laws which for a memorial he left behind him, being at this day inviolably observed by the Tartarians. Then died Casan, and his Brother Carbanda succeeded in his Kingdom. This Carbanda was the Son of a Lady of famous memory, called Erockcaton, who was very devout and religious in Christianity, while she lived, and had every day Divine Service celebrated before her, keeping a Priest and Chapel of her own, so that this Carbanda was baptised and named Nicholas in his Baptism, and continued a professed Christian as long as his Mother lived. But after his Mother's death, delighting in the society of Saracens, he forsook the Christian Religion to become a Mahometist. The King of Armenia understanding of the death of Casan, was much troubled therewith, and his Enemies began to lift up their Crests very high. For the Sultan of Babylon thereupon sought by all means to endamage him and his people, sending all the year almost every month great troops of armed Soldiers, which foraged and wasted the Kingdom of Armenia, and did more damage and spoil on the plain Country than they had ever sustained before in any man's memory. The Sultan maketh roads into Armenia. But the Almighty and most merciful God who never forsaketh altogether those that put their trust in him, had compassion on the poor afflicted Christians: for it fell out that in the month of july, seven thousand Saracens of the best Families under the Sultan, made a road into the Kingdom of Armenia, wasting and spoiling all as far as the City of Tharsus, in which the blessed Apostle Saint Paul was borne, and when they had committed many spoils in that Province, and were upon their return, the King of Armenia, having gathered his people together, encountered and set upon them near the City of Giazza, where more by God's goodness then our worth, The King of Armenia overthroweth his Enemies. they were utterly overthrown in such sort, that of seven thousand Saracens there escaped not three hundred, but were either taken or slain, albeit they thought in their Pride, they could have overrun the whole Kingdom of Armenia, and devour all the Christians there at a morsel. This was performed on the Lord's Day, being the eighteenth of july, after which conflict, The Victory brings peace. the Saracens durst no more enter into the Kingdom of Armenia. But the Sultan sent to the King of Armenia to make truce with him, which was agreed between them. 46. I friar Haython, having been present at all the said proceedings, The Author of himself. had purposed long before to have taken a Regular Habit upon me, and to have entered into Religion. But by reason of many impediments and difficulties in the Affairs of the Kingdom of Armenia, I could not with my honour forsake my friends and kindred in such extremities. But seeing that God's goodness had been so gracious unto me, as to leave the Kingdom of Armenia, and the Christian people there after my manifold labours and travels in quiet, and peaceable estate, I then took the time to perform that Vow which before I had vowed. Therefore having taken my leave of my Lord the King▪ and of the rest of my kindred and friends, even in that field where God gave the Christians Victory over their Enemies, I began my journey, and coming to Cyprus in the Monastery of Episcopia, took a Regular Habit of the Order Premonstratensis, to the end that having served the World as a Soldier in my youth, He taketh the Habit of a Premonstratensis. An. Do●. 1305. I might spend the rest of my life in the Service of God, forsaking the pomp of this World, which was in the year of our Lord 1305. Therefore I render thanks unto God, that the Kingdom of Armenia, is at this day in a good and peaceable estate, and well reform by the Modern King Liveno, Son to King Haython, who is a Looking-glass or pattern to all other Kings in all kind of eminent virtue. Moreover, the Compiler of this Work affirmeth, The credit of this History. that he hath come three manner of ways to the knowledge of those things which he declareth and writeth in this Book. For from the beginning of Changius Can, who was the first Emperor of the Tartars until Mango Can, who was their fourth Emperor, I faithfully deliver what I gathered out of the Histories of the Tartarians. But from Mango Can to the death of Haloon, I write, that which I received of an Uncle of mine, who writ the same by the commandment of Haiton King of Armenia, and was present then at all the foresaid occurrences, and with great diligence did often discourse & make rehearsal of them to his Sons and Nephews, that they might remain the better to Posterity, and from the beginning of Abaga Can to the end of this third part of this Book, the Author relateth those things which he knew of himself, as having been present at them a●l, whereby he is enabled to give testimony of the truth. Now albeit we have hitherto treated of the Histories and Deeds of the Tartarians, there remaineth yet somewhat to be said concerning their Power and Dominion, especially of those that are now living, that it may the better be known. Tamar Can. 47. The great Emperor of the Tartars which now holdeth the Empire, is called Tamor Can, being their sixth Emperor, who keepeth his Residence in the Kingdom of Cathay, in a very great City called jong, jong, or jons, see sup. 19 §. 1. which his Father caused to be built, as is above declared, his power is very great. For this Emperor alone is able to do more than all the Tartarian Princes together, and the Nations under his government are reputed more noble and rich, and better stored of all necessaries, because that in the Kingdom of Cathay, in which they now live, there is great abundance of riches. Three inferior Kings of the Tartars. Besides this great Emperor, there are three other great Kings or Princes of the Tartars, which rule each of them over many Nations, yet are they all subject to the Emperor, and acknowledge him their natural and Liege Lord. And the differences which happen between them are decided in the Emperor's Court, and determined by his judgement. The first of these Kings is called Chapar, Chapar. Hoctai. Carbanda. Chapar. another Hochtay, and the third Carbanda. This Chapar hath his Dominion in the Kingdom of Turquestan, being the nearest to the Emperor. It is thought that he is able to bring into the field four hundred thousand Horsemen, and these are bold and good Warriors, but not so well furnished of Horse and Armour as were expedient. The Emperor's subjects do many times make war upon them, and they on the other side do often invade the people of Carbanda. The Dominion of this Chapar was in ancient time subject for the greatest part to a Lord called Doay. Hochtay keepeth his Seat of Residence in the Kingdom of Cumania, in a City called Asaro, (or Sara) and it is said, Hoctay, of whom came the Zagatay Tartars, and Tamerlane. that he is able to bring six hundred thousand Horsemen to the fight, yet are they not so much commended in Feats of Arms, as the men of Chapar, albeit they have better Horses. These make war sometimes on the Subjects of Carbanda, sometimes against the * That is the Huns of whom the Hungarians had original. Carbanda. Hungarians, and sometimes amongst themselves. But Hochtay who ruleth at this present holdeth his Dominion peaceably and quietly. Carbanda hath his Dominion in the Kingdom of Asia the Great, and maketh his chief abode in the City of Tauris, being able to bring three hundred thousand Horsemen to the field. But these are gathered out of diverse parts being rich and well furnished with necessaries. Chapar and Hochtay do sometimes make war upon Carbanda, but he never meddleth first with them: neither moveth wars against any but that he sometimes invadeth the Sultan of Egypt: against whom his Predecessors have fought many Battles. Chapar and Hochtay would willingly take from Carbanda his Dominion, if they were able to effect it. The reason whereof is this, Asia is divided into two parts, the one part whereof being called the Lower or Deep Asia, The division of Asia. is inhabited by the Emperor, and those two Kings called Chapar and Hochtay. The other part being the higher, is called Asia the Greater, in which Carbanda inhabiteth and hath Dominion. Now there are only three ways by which men may pass out of the Deeper or Lower Asia, unto the high Country called Asia Maior, The one is out of the Kingdom of Turquestan, to the Kingdom of the Persians; another way there is called Derbent, which lieth near the Sea where Alexander built the City called the Iron Gate, The Derbent. The City called the Iron Gate. as in the Histories of Cumania appears; the other way is to go over the Sea, called Mare maius, which way lieth through the Kingdom of Barca,. By the first way the subjects of Chapar cannot pass to the Territories of Carbanda, without great danger and difficulty, because they should find no feeding for their Horses in many day's travails, the Land being so dry and barren, that before they could come to any fruitful inhabited Country, their Horses would be starved, or at least so faint and wearied that they might be easily overcome, and therefore that way they will not take. By the way of Derbent the people of Hochtay may pass into the Country of Carbanda, only six months in the year, which is in the Winter time. But that way Abaga hath caused great Trenches and Fortifications to be made in a place called Ciba: and is always kept and especially in the Winter with a Garrison of armed men to defend the passage. The people of Hochtay have assayed many times to pass that way by stealth and secretly: but they never could, neither can by any means do: for in a Plain called Monga, there are always in the Winter time certain Birds about the bigness of Pheasants having very fair feathers to behold, and these Birds (which are called Seyserach) when any people come into that Plain, The Birds called Seyserach. strait fly away over those Watchmen and their Trenches, whereby the Soldiers there are eftsoons assured of the coming of their Enemies, and prevent the surprise: and by the way of the Sea called Mare maius, they never attempted, because that way goeth through the Kingdom of Barca, which is so mighty in people and so strongly situated, Barca in the Latin Copy is called Abcas. that they are without hope to prevail there, and by means hereof hath Carbanda and his Predecessors been secured from the power of so potent Neighbours. Now we will briefly say somewhat of the manners and fashions of the Tartars. 48. The Cataians' do so much differ from other Nations in their fashions and manner of living, that it were tedious to treat of the manifold diversity and strange variety found amongst them. The Religion of the Cataians', or Tartarians of those parts. Impunity of Manslaughter. They acknowledge and confess one Immortal God, and they call upon his Name: yet they neither fast nor pray, nor any ways afflict nor humble themselves, for fear or reverence of him, nor do any good works. The kill of men they hold to be no sin: but if they happen to leave their Bridle in their horse-mouth when he should feed, they think therein they offend God mortally. Fornication and Lechery is held by them as no sin. They marry many wives, Polygamy. and the custom is, that the Son must marry his Stepmother after the death of his Father: and the Brother is married to his Brother's Wife after his decease. In matter of Arms they are very good, and more obedient to their Superior than other Nations are: and do easily know by certain signs in Battle the will of their Commander: Warfare. whereby the Army of Tartarians is easily ruled and commanded. Their Lord bestoweth not any stipend on them, but they live on hunting and such prey as they can get: and their Lord may take from them when he list whatsoever they have. When the Tartars ride upon any enterprise, they take with them great store of Horse, drinking their Milk, and feeding on their flesh which they reckon very good food. Eating of Horseflesh. The Tartars are very ready and excellent Archers on horseback, but on foot they are but slow, they are dexterous and ingenious in taking of Cities and Castles, and are for the most part victorious over their Enemies; yet will they not forbear to turn their backs in the skirmish if it be for their advantage. And this advantage they have in the field that they will fight with the Enemies when they list themselves, and yet they cannot be compelled to fight but at their pleasure. Their manner of fight is very dangerous, so that in one conflict or skirmish of the Tartars there are more slain and wounded then in any great Battle of other Nations, which happeneth by reason of their Arrows, which they shoot strongly, and surely out of their Bows; being indeed so skilful in the art of shooting, that they commonly pierce all kind of Armour, and if they happen to be routed, yet they fly in troops and bands so well ordered, that it is very dangerous to follow or pursue them, because they shoot their Arrows backwards in their flight, wounding and killing ofttimes both men and horses that pursue them. The Army of the Tartars maketh no great show, because they go trooping close together, so that an Army of one thousand Tartars will scarce seem five hundred. Their Hospitality. The Tartarians do courteously entertain strangers, giving them part of their Viands, and expect the like offers to be made them, for otherwise they will take it by violence. They are much more skilful in conquering of Countries then in keeping of them. When they are weak they are humble and gentle; stout and proud when they are grown the stronger. They cannot endure lying in other men, yet themselves are much given to lying, unless it be in two especial things. Delight in lying. The one being in matter of Arms, in which none dareth affirm, that he did any exploit which was not done by him, or deny any fair Act which he hath committed: The other is, That whosoever hath done any offence, though it deserveth death, he confesseth it presently to his Lord if he be examined thereon. This may suffice at this time, concerning the manners of the Tartars, because it were long to rehearse all the different customs and kinds of behaviour. The other Chapters which follow, pertaining rather to advice fitting those Times, and the holy Land affairs, than the Tartarian History, I have omitted. And in the next place will present some Extracts of our Countryman, that famous Traveller Sir john Mandevile, whose Geography Ortelius commendeth, howsoever he acknowledgeth his Work stuffed with Fables. For my part, I cannot but deplore the loss of such a Treasure, but know not how to recover or repair it (as Ramusio hath done for Polo) and here have been forced to deal with him, as Historians do with our famous Arthur, daring to say little, because others have dared so much and such incredibilities. For his merit, and for his Nation I have given a touch of him, these few Latin Extracts; referring him that hath a mind to read him, to Master Hakluits first Edition of his Voyages, where his story in Latin is to be seen at large. I suspect that some later Fabler out of the Tales of Ogerus the Dane hath stuffed this story; some of which, Ogerus a Dane, of whom they write that he conquered India etc. for a taste, I have here left remaining; not that I take pleasure in lies, but that thou mayst see, from what Fountain I suppose this corruption flowed: and in that misty Age (when humaner learning was inhumanely imprisoned, and Divine Scripture was vulgarly buried, and Printing not at all borne) what Husks poor Christian Prodigals (prodigal to believe such lies) were fed with in stead of Bread; not only in the Church by Legends, but in their private studies, by Arthur's, Orlando, Bevises, Guyes, Robin Hoods, Palmerins, and I know not what monstrous changeling-births of History. Such was this Ogerus: and in great part such was Odericus a Friar and Traveller, in whom perhaps some Friar hath traveled, with him at least in this Author (whose age was before him, Odericus in M. Hak. published. and therefore could not cite aught out of him.) Neither is it for nothing (though for worse than nothing, a lie is both) that Friars are in this story so often mentioned and praised: I smell a Friars (Liars) hand in this business. Our Mandevile traveled from jerusalem beyond jerico, from Christendom to remotest Ethnikes, and hath fallen among thieves: The Friarly Priest and Levite not only neglected him, but I am afraid played the thieves thus to rob and wound him; maiming the two former parts, and juggling in the third, which I have therefore chopped off; not daring in the former but with the Nilus' Dog to taste and away, for fear of a false Crocodile. Here you may find lies by retail efficta, afficta, affixa, to this Mandevile; who there, is made a mand vile full of such pedlerie, unworthy thy sight. CHAP. VI Brief Collections of the Travels and Observations of Sir JOHN MANDEVILE; written by Master BALE, Cent. 6. IOhn Mandevile, Knight, borne in the Town of Saint Albon, was so well given to the study of Learning from his childhood, that he seemed to plant a good part of his felicity in the same: for he supposed that the honour of his birth would nothing avail him, except he could render the same more honourable by his knowledge in good Letters. Having therefore well grounded himself in Religion by reading the Scriptures, he applied his studies to the Art of Physic, a Profession worthy a noble wit: but amongst other things, he was ravished with a mighty desire to see the greater parts of the World, as Asia and Africa. Having therefore provided all things necessary for his journey, he departed from his Country in the year of Christ 1332. and as another Ulysses returned home, after the space of four and thirty years, and was then known to a very few. In the time of his travail he was in Scythia, the greater and less Armenia, Egypt, both Lybias, Arabia, Syria, Media, Mesopotamia, Persia, Chaldaea, Greece, Illyrium, Tartary, and diverse other Kingdoms of the World: and having gotten by this means the knowledge of the Languages, le●● so many and great varieties, and things miraculous, whereof himself had been an eye wit●esse, should perish in oblivion, he committed his whole Travel of three and thirty years to writing in three diverse Tongues, English, French, and Latin. Being arrived again in England, and having seen the wickedness of that Age, he gave out this speech: In our time (said he) it may be spoken more truly then of old, that Virtue is gone, the Church is under foot, the Clergy is in error, the Devil reigneth, and Simony beareth the sway, etc. He died at Liege, in the year 1372. the 17. day of November, being there buried in the Abbey of the Order of the Guilielmites. The Tomb and Epitaph of Sir john Mandevile, in the City of Liege, spoken of by Ortelius, in his Book called Itinerarium Belgiae, in this sort. MAgna & populosa Leodij suburbia, ad collium radices, in quorum iugis multa sunt, & pulcherrima Monasteria, inter quae magnificum illud, ac nobile D. Laurentio dicatum, ab Raginardo Episcopo. Est in hac quoque Regione, vel suburbijs Leodij, Guilielmitarum Coenobium, in quo Epitaphium hoc joannis à Mandeville, excepimus. Epitaphium. Hic jacet vir nobilis, D. joannes de Mandeville, aliter dictus ad Barbam, Miles, Dominus de Campdi, natus de Anglia, Medicinae Professor, devotissimus, orator, & bonorum largissimus pauperibus erogator, qui toto quasi orbe lustrato, Leodij diem vitae suae clausit extremum. Anno Dom. 1371. Mensis Novembris, die 17. Haec in lapide: in quo caelata viri armati imago, Leonem calcantis, barba bifurcata, ad caput manus benedicens, & vernacula haec verba: Vo● qui paseis sore mi, pour l'amour deix pr●ïes por mi. Clipeus erat vacuus, in quo olim fuisse dicebant laminam aeream, & eius in ea itidem caelata insignia, Leonem videlicet argenteum, cui ad pectus lunula rubea in campo caeruleo, quem L●mbus ambiret denticulatus ex auro. Eius nobis ostendebant, & cultros, ephipiaque, & calcaria quibus usum fuisse asserebant, in peragrando toto fere terrarum orbe, ut clariùs testatur eius Itinerarium, quod typis etiam excusum passim habetur. Epistola. PRincipi Excellentissimo, prae cunctis mortalibus praecipue venerando, Domino Edwardo ejus nominis Tertio, divina providentia, Francorum & Anglorum Regi Serenissimo, Hiberniae Domino, Aquitaniae Duci, mari ac eius Insulis Occidentalibus dominanti, Christianorum encomio & ornatui vniuers●rumque arma gerentium Tutori, ac Probitatis & strenuitatis exemplo Principi quoq▪ invicto, mirabilis Alexandri Sequaci, ac universo Orbi tremendo, cum reverentia non qua decet, cum ad talem, & tantam reverentiam minus sufficientes extiterint, sed qua paruitas, & possibilitas mittentis ac offerentis se extendunt, contenta tradantur. CVm terra Hierosolymitana, terra promissionis filiorum Dei, Pars prima, continens capita 23. dignior cunctis mundi terris sit habend● multis ex causis, & praecipuè illa, quod Deus conditor coeli & mundi, ipsam tanti dignatus fuit aestimare, ut in eo proprium filium Saluatorem mundi Christum exhibuerit geveri humano per incarnationem ex intemerata Virgine, & per eius conversationem humillimam in eadem, Cap. 1. Commendatio brevis terrae Hierosolymitanae. ac per dolorosam mortis suae consummationem ibidem, atque indè per eius admirandam Resurrectionem, ac Ascensionem in coelum, & postremo quia creditur illic in fine saeculi reversurus, & omnia iudicaturus: certum est, quòd ab omnibus qui Christiano nomine à Christo dicuntur, sit tanquam à suis proprijs haeredibus diligenda, & pro cuiusque potestate ac modulo honoranda. Verum quia iam nostris temporibus verius quam olim dici potest, Virtus, Ecclesia, Clerus, Daemon, Simonia, Cessat, calcatur, errat, regnat, dominatur, ecce iusto Dei iudicio, credita est terra tam inclyta, & Sacrosancta impiorum manibus Saracenorum, quod non est absque dolore pijs mentibus audiendum, & recolendum. Ego joannes Mandevil militaris ordinis saltem gerens nomen, natus & educatus in terra Angliae, in Villa Sancti Albani, ducebar in Adolescentiamea tali inspiratione, ut quamuis non per potentiam, nec per vires proprias possem praefatam terram suis haeredibus recuperare, irem tamen per aliquod temporis spacium peregrinari ibidem, & salutarem aliquantulum de propinquo. joannis Mand●villi peregrinati●, per tres & triginta annos continua●a. Vnde in Anno ab Incarnatione Domini 1322. imposui me nauigations Marsiliensis mar●s & usque in hoc temporis, Anni 1355. scilicet, per 33. annos in transmarinis partibus mansi, peregrinatus sum, ambulavi, & circuivi multas, ac diversas Patria●, Regiones, Provincias, & Insulas, Turciam, Armeniam maiorem & minorem, Aegyptum, Lybiam bassam & altam, Syriam, Arabiam, Persiam, Chaldaeam, Aethiopiae partem magnam, Tartariam, Amazoniam, Indiam minorem, & mediam, ac partem magnam de maiori, & in istis, & circum istas Regiones, multas Insulas, Civitates, Vrbes, Castra, Villas, & loca, ubi habitant variae gentes, aspectuum, morum, legum acrituum diversorum: Attamen quia summo desiderio in terra promissionis eram, ipsam diligentius, per loca vestigiorum filij Dei perlustrare curavi, & diutius in illa steti. Quapropter & in hac prima parte huius operis iter tam peregrinandi, quam navigandi, à partibus Angliae ad ipsam describo, & loca notabiliter sancta, quae intra eandem sunt breviter commemoro & diligenter, quatenus peregrinis tam in itinere quamin proventione valeat haec descriptio in aliquo deseruire. Qui de Hibernia, Anglia, Scotia, Noruegia, Cap. 2. Iter ab Anglia tam per terras quam per aquas vique in Constantinopolim. Regis Hungariae olim potentia. aut Gallia iter arripit ad partes Hierosolymitanas potest saltem usque ad Imperialem Greciae Civitatem Constantinopolim eligere sibi modum proficiscendi, sive per Terras, sive per Aquas. Et si peregrinando eligit transigere viam, tendat per Coloniam Agrippinam, & sic per Almaniam in Hungariam ad Montlusant Civitatem, sedem Regni Hungariae. Et est Rex Hungariae multum potens istis temporibus. Nam tenet & Sclavoniam, & magnam partem Regni Comannorum, & Hungariam, & partem Regni Russiae. Oportet ut peregrinus in finibus Hungariae transeat magnum Danubij flumen, & vadat in Belgradum; Hoc flumen oritur inter Montana Almaniae, & currens versus Orientem, recipit in se 40. flumina antequam finiatur in mare. De Belgrade intratur terra Bulgariae, & transitur per Pontem petrinum flwij Marroy, & per terram Pyncenars, & tunc intratur Graecia, in Civitates Sternes, Asmopape, & Andrinopolis, & sic in Constantinopolim, ubi communiter est sedes Imperatoris Greciae. Qui autem viam eligit per aquas versus Constantinopolim navigare, accipiat sibi portum, prout voluerit, propinquum sive remotum, Marsiliae, Pisi, januae, Venetijs, Romae, Neapoli, vel alibi: sicque transeat Tusciam, Campaniam, Italiam, Corsicam, Sardiniam, usque in Siciliam, quae dividitur ab Italia per brachium maris non magnum. In Sicilia est Mons Aetna iugiter ardens, qui ibidem appellatur Mons Gibelle, Mons Aetna. & praeter illum habentur ibi loca Golthan ubi sunt septem lencae quasi semper ignem spirantes: secundum diversitatem colorum harum flammarum estimant Incolae annum fertilem fore, vel sterilem, siccum vel humidum, calidum, vel frigidum: haec loca vocant caminos Infernales, Aeolides Insulae. & à finibus Italiae usque ad ista loca sunt 25. miliaria. Sunt autem in Sicilia aliqua Pomeria in quibus inveniuntur frondes, flores, & fructus per totum annum, etiam in profunda hyeme. Regnum Siciliae est bona, Temperies Siciliae Insulae. & grandis Insula habens in circuitu ferè leucas 300. Et ne quis erret, vel de facili reprehendat quoties scribo leucam, intelligendum est de leuca Lombardica, quae aliquanto maior est Geometrica; & quoties pono numerum, sub intelligatur fere, vel circiter, sive citra, & dietam intendo ponere, de 10. Lombardicis leucis: Levea Lombardica. Quid sit dieta. Geometrica autem leuca describitur, ut notum est, per hos versus. Quinque pedes passum faciunt, passus quoque centum Viginti quinque stadium, si millia des que Octo facis stadia, duplicatum dat tibi leuca. Constantinopolis pulchra est Civitas, & nobilis, triangularis in forma, firmiterque murata, Cap. 3. De urbe Constantinopoli, & reliquijs ibidem contentis cuius duae partes includuntur mari Hellespont●, quòd plurimi modò appellant brachium Sancti Georgij, & aliqui Buke, Troia vetus. Versus locum ubi hoc brachium ex●t de mari est lata terrae planities, in quà antiquitus stetit Troia Civitas de qua apud Poetas mira leguntur, sed nunc valdè modica apparent vestigia Civitatis. In Constantinopoli habentur multa mirabilia, ac insuper multae Sanctorum venerandae reliquiae, ac super omnia, preciosissima Crux Christi, seu maior pars illius, & tunica inconsutilis, cum spongia & arundine, & uno clavorum, & dimidia parte Coronae spineae. cuius altera medietas seruatur in Capella Regis Franciae, Parisijs. Nam & ego indignus diligenter pluribus vicibus respexi partem utramque: dabatur quoque mihi de illa Parisijs unica spina, quam usque nunc preciose conseruo, & est ipsa spina non lignea sed velut de iuncis marines rigida, & pungitiva. Ecclesia Constantinopolitana in honorem Sanctae Sophiae, id est, ineffabilis Dei sapientiae dedicata dicitur, Ecclesia Sanctae Sophiae. & nobilissima universarum mundi Ecclesiarum, tam in schemate artificiosi operis, quam in seruatis ibi Sacrosanctis Relliquijs: nam & continet corpus Sanctae Annae Matris nostrae Dominae translatum illuc per Reginam Helenam ab Hierosolymis: Regina Helena Britanna. & corpus Sanctae Lucae Euangelistae translatum de Bethania judeae; Et corpus Beati joannis Chrysostomi ipsius Civitatis Episcopi, cum multis aliis Reliquijs preciosis; quoniam est ibi vas grande cum huiusmodi reliquijs velut marmoreum de Petra Enhydros; quod iugiter de seipso desudans aquam, semel in anno invenitur suo sudore repletum. Ante hanc Ecclesiam, super columnam marmoream habetur de aere aurato opere fusorio, Imago justiniani. Aristotelis tumba & festum. magna Imago justiniani quondam Imperatoris super Equum sedentis. De praedicta terra Thraciae fuit Philosophus Aristoteles oriundus in Civitate Stageres, & est ibi in loco tumba eius velut altare, ubi & singulis annis certo die celebratur à populo festum illius, ac si fuisset Sanctus. Temporibus ergo magnorum confiliorum conveniunt illuc sapientes terrae, reputantes sibi per inspirationem immitti consilium optimum de agendis. Item ad divisionem Thraciae & Macedoniae sunt duo mirabiliter alti Montes, unus Olympus, alter Athos, cuius ultimi umbra Oriente sole apparet ad 76. miliaria, usque in Insulam Lemnos. In horum cacumine montium ventus non currit, nec aer movetur, etc. Cap. 10. De conductu Soldani, & via v●que in Sinai. Priù● dictum est de reverentia Soldani, quando ad ipsum intratur exhibenda. Sciendum ergo, cum ab eo petitur securus conductus, nemini denegare consuevit, sed datur petentibus communiter sigillum eius, in appenditione absque literis: hoc sigillum, pro vexillo in virga aut hasta dum peregrini ferunt, omnes Saraceni videntes illud flexis genibus in terram se reverenter inclinant, & portantibus omnem exhibent humanitatem. Verumtamen satis maior fit reverentia literis Soldani sigillatis, quod & Admirabiles, & quicunque alij Domini, quando eis monstrantur, antequam recipiant, se multum inclinant: Deinde ambabus manibus eas capientes ponunt super propria capita, posteà osculantur, & tandem legunt inclinati cum magna veneratione, quibus semel aut bis perlectis, offerunt se promptos ad explendum quicquid ibi iubetur, ac insuper exhibent deferenti, quicquid possint commodi, vel honoris: sed talem conductum per literas Soldani vix quisquam perigrinorum accipit, qui non in Curia illius stetit, vel notitiam apud illum habuerit. Literae Soldani in gratiam Mandevilli concessae. Ego autem habui in recessu mec, in quibus etiam continebatur ad omnes sibi subièctos speciale mandatum, ut me permitterent intrare, & respicere singula loca, pro meae placito voluntatis, & mihi exponerent quorumcunque locorum mysteria distincte & absque ullo velamine veritatis, ac me cum omni sodalitate mea benigne reciperent, & in cunctis rationalibus audirent, requisiti autem si necesse foret de civitate conducerent in civitatem. Habito itaque peregrinis conductu, ad Montem Sinai, etc. Cap. 11. De Monasterio Sinai, & reliquijs bearae Catherina. Omittuntur seqq. vid. supr. l. 8. c. 13. Mons Sinay appellatur ibi desertum Synon: quasi in radice Montis istius habetur Coenobium Monachorum pergrande, cuius clausura in circuitu est firmata muris altis, & portis ferreis, pro metu bestiarum deserti. Hi Monachi sunt Arabes, & Graeci, & in magno conventu, multum Deo devoti. Ostendere solent & caput ipsius Catherinae cum involumento sanguinolento, & multas perterea sanctas, & venerabiles reliquias, quae omnia intuitus sum diligenter & saepè, oculis indignis, etc. jerusalem cum tota terra Promissionis, est quasi una de quinque Provincijs vel pluribus, quibus Regnum Syriae distinguitur. jungitur autem Iudaea ad Orientem Regno Arabiae, ad meridiem Aegypto, ad Occidentem mari magno, Cap. 14. De Ecclesia gloriosi Sepulchri Domini in urbe jerusalem. & ad Aquilonem Regno Syriae. judeae terra per diversa tempora à diversis possessa fuit Nationibus, Cananaeorum, judaeorum, Assyriorum, Persarum, Medorum, Macedonum, Graecorum, Romanorum, Christianorum, Saracenorum, Barbarorum, Turcorum, & Tartarorum. Cuius rei causa merito potest aestimari, quod non sustinuit Deus magnos peccatores longo tempore permanere in terra sibi tam placita, & tam sancta. Itaque peregrinus venient in jerusalem primo expleat suam peregrinationem, ad reverendum & Sacrosanctum Domini nostri jesu Christi Sepulchrum: Templum Sepulchri. cuius Ecclesia est in ultima civitatis extremitate, ad partem Aquilonarem, cum proprio sui ambitus muro ipsi civitati adiuncto. Ipsa vero Ecclesia est pulchra & rotundae formae cooperta desuper cum tegulis plumbeis, habens in Occidente turrim altam & firmam, in pavimenti Ecclesiae medio ad figuram dimidij compassi habetur nobili opere Latonico aedificatum paruum Tabernaculum quasi 15. pedum tam longitudinis quam latitudinis, & altitudinis miro artificio intus extraque compositum, ac multum diligenter diversis coloribus ornatum. Hoc itaque in Tabernaculo seu Capella, ad latus dextrum, continetur incomparabilis thesaurus gloriosissimi Sepulchri, habentis octo pedes longitudinis, & quinque latitudinis. Et quoniam in toto habitaculo nulla est apertura praeter paruum ostium, illustratur accedentibus peregrinis pluribus lampadibus, (quarum ad minus una coram sepulchro iugiter ardere solet) ingressus. Sciendum, quod ante breve tempus solebat sepulchrum esse ingressis peregrinis accessibile, ad tangendum & osculandum: sed quia multi vel effringebant, vel conabantur sibi effringere aliquid de petra sepulchri, Melech Mandybron Soldanus. iste Soldanus Melech Mandybron fecit illud confabricari, ut nec osculari valeat, nec adiri, sed tantummodo intueri. Et ob illam cansam in sinistro pariete in altitudine quinque pedum immurari effracturam petrae sepulchri ad quantitatem capitis humani, quod tanquam pro sepulchro ibi ab omnibus veneratur, tangitur, & osculatur. Dicitur ibi quoque communiter praefatam lampadem coram sepulchro singulis annis in die Sanctae Parascheues, Mandevillus de hoc dubitat. vid. sup. l. 3. c. 2. hora nona extingui, & in media nocte Paschae sine humano studio reaccendi. Quod (si ita est) evidens divini beneficij miraculum est. Et quamuis id plurimi Christians simpliciter in magno pietatis merito credant, plerisque tamen est in suspicione. Fortè talia Saraceni custodes sepulchri fingentes divulgaverunt, pro augendo emolumenta tributi, quod inde resultaret, sen oblationum quae dantur. Singulis autem annis in die Coenae Domini in Parascheue, & in vigilia Paschae, tribus his diebus manet Tabernaculum hoc apertum continuè, & patet omnibus Christianis gentibus accessus, Tumba Godefridi de Bollion. alias vero non per annum sine redditione tributi. Intra Ecclesiam, propè parietem dextrum, est Caluariae locus, ubi crucifixus pependit Christus Dominus. Per gradus ascenditur in hunc locum, & est rupis velut albi coloris, cum aliqua rubedine per loca commixta, habens scissuram, quam dicunt Golgotha, in qua maior pars preciosi sanguinis Christi dicitur influxisse: ubi & habetur Altare constructum, ante quod consistunt tumbae Godefridi de Bullion, etc. Vltrà duo stadia ab Ecclesia ad Meridiem sancti Sepulchri habetur magnum hospitale sancti joannis Hierosolymitani, Cap. 15. De tribus aliis Ecclesijs, & specialiter de Templo Domini. qui caput & fundamentum esse dignoscitur ordinis Hospitaliorum modò tenentium Rhodum Insulam: in quo recipi possunt omnes Christiani peregrini cuiuscunque sint conditionis, seu status, vel dignitatis. Nam Saraceni pro levi cura anxij rumoris, prohibent ne apud quenquam suorum Christianus pernoctet. Ad sustentationem aedificij huius hospitalis, habentur in eo 124. columnae marmoreae, & in parietibus distincti 54. pilarij. Satis propè hunc locum in Orientem, est Ecclesia quae dicitur, de Domina nostra magna: & inde non remotè alia, quae dicitur nostrae Dominae Latinorum, aedificata super locum, ubi Maria Magdalene, & Maria Cleophae cum aliis pluribus, dum Christus cruci affigebatur, flebant & dolores lamentabiles exercebant. Item ab Ecclesia sancti Sepulchri in Orientem ad stadium cum dimidio habetur aedificium mirabile, ac pulchrum valdè, quod Templum Domini nominatur, quod constructum est in forma rotunda, cuius circumferentiae Diameter habet 64. cubitos, & altitudo eius 126. & intrinsecus pro sustentatione aedificij, multi pilarij. In medio autem Templi est locus altior 14. gradibus, qui & ipse columnis undique est stipatus: & secundum quatuor mundi plagas habet Templum quatuor introitus per portas Cypressinas artificiosè compositas, nobiliterque sculptas, & excisas. Et ante portam Aquilonarem intra Templum fons est aquae mundae, qui quamuis olim exundabat, tamen nunc minimè fluit. In toto circuitu aedificij extrinsecus est valdè pro atrio latum spacium loci, stratum per totum pavimentum marmoribus. Hoc Templum non ducitur stare in eodem loco ubi Templum Dei stetit in tempore Christi, quo post Resurrectionem à Romanis destructo, istud longo post tempore Adrianus Imperator extruxit, sed non ad formam Templi prioris: praedictum tamen excelsum in medio Templi locum vocant Iudaei Sanctum Sanctorum. Sciatis itaque quòd Saraceni magnam exhibent huic Templo reverentiam, & honorem, saepius illud discalceati intrantes, & positis genibus devotè Deum Omnipotentem exorantes, nulla enim ibidem habetur imago, sed multae lampades relucentes. Neminem Christianorum seu Iudaeorum ingredi sinunt hoc Templum, reputantes eos indignos ad hoc, & nimium immundos, Literae Soldani traditae Mandivillo. undè nisi virtute literarum quas habui à Soldano, nec ego fuissem ingressus. Ingrediens autem cum meis sodalibus deposuimus calciamenta, recogitantes cum multa cordis devotione, nos magis id facere debere, quam incredulos Saracenos. Porrò in eo loco ubi statuerat idem Rex ante Templum Altare holocausti, videlicet extra portam Templi Occidentalem, habetur & nunc Altare, sed non ad instar, nec ad usum primi: Nam Saraceni, quasi nihil curantes, traxerunt in eo lineas tanquam in Astrolabio figentes in linearum centro batellum, ad cuius umbram per lineas discernuntur diei horae. Viaturo ad dextram satis de propinquo habetur & alia Ecclesia, quae nunc appllatur schola Salomonis: rursusque ad Meridiem est & aliud Templum sive Ecclesia, quae vocatur Templum Salomonis, Cap. 16. De pluribus locis sacris iuxta urbem. quòd olim fuit caput, & fundamentum totius ordinis Templariorum, etc. Dominus Soldanus quodam die in Castro, expulsis omnibus de camera sua, me solùm retinuit secum tanquam pro secreto habendo colloquio. Consuetum enim est iis eijcere omnes tempore secretorum: qui diligenter à me interrogavit qualis esset gubernatio vitae in terra nostra, breviter respondebam, bona, Colloquium Soldani cum Mandevillo. Reprehensio Sacerdotum. per Dei gratiam, qui recepto hoc verbo dixit ita non esse. Sacerdotes (inquit) vestri, qui seipsos exhibere deberent aliis in exemplum, in malis iacent actibus, parum curant de Templi seruitio: habitu & studijs se conformant mundo: se inebriant vino, continentiam infringentes, cum fraude negotiantes, ac prava principibus consilia ingerentes. Communis quoque populus, dum festis diebus intendere deberent devotioni in Templo, currit in hortis, in spectaculis, Reprehensio vulgi iust●ssima in Tabernis usque ad crapulam, & ebrietatem, & pinguia manducans & bibens, ac in bestiarum morem, luxuriam pravam exercens. In usura, dolo, rapina, furto, detractione, mendatio & periurio viwnt plures eorum evidenter, ac si qui talia non agant, ut fatui reputantur, & pro nimia cordis superbia nesciunt ad libitum excogitare, qualiter se velint habere, mutando sibi indumenta, nunc longa, Vestimentorum varietas reprehensa. nunc curta nimis, quandoque ampla, quandoque stricta ultra modum, ut in his singulis appareant derisi potius quam vestiti: pyleos quoque, calceos, calligas, corrigias sibi fabricant exquisitas, cum etiam è contra deberent secundùm Christi sui doctrinam simplices, Deo devoti, humiles, veraces, invicem diligentes, invicem concordantes, & iniuriam de facili remittentes. Scimus etiam eos propter peccata sua perdidisse hanc terram optimam quam tenemus, nec timemus eam amittere, quamdiu se taliter gubernant. Attamen non dubitamus, quin in futurum per meliorem vitae conversationem merebuntur de nostris eam manibus recuperare. Ad hoc ego ultra confusus & stupefactas, nequivi invenire responsum; verebar enim obloqui veritati, quamuis ab Infidelis ore prolatae, & vultu prae rubore demisso percunctatus sum, Domine, salua reverentia, qualiter potestis ita plenè hoc noscere? De hominibus (ait) meis interdum mitto ad modum Mercatorum per terras & Regiones Christianorum, cum Balsamo, Gemmis, Sericis, ac Aromatibus, ac per illos singula exploro, tam de statu Imperatoris, ac Pontificum Principum, ac Sacerdotum, quam Praelatorum, nec non Aequora, Provincias, ac distinctiones earum. Igitur peracta collocutione nostra satis producta, egressos Principes in cameram revocavit ex quibus quatuor de maioribus iuxta nos advocans, fecit eos expresse ac debite, per singulas divisiones in lingua Gallicana destinguere per partes, & singularum nomina partium, omnem Regionem terrae Angliae, ac alias Christianorum terrras multas, acsi inter nostros fuissent nati, vel multo tempore conversati. Nam & ipsum Soldanum audivi cumijs bene & directè loquentem idioma Francorum. Itaque in omnibus his ment consternatus obmutui, cogitans, & dolens de peccatis singulis, rem taliter se habere, etc. Secunda pars. AEthiopia consistit à terra Chaldaeorum in Austrum, quae distinguitur in Orientalem Aethiopiam, & Meridionalem, Cap. 26. De Aethiopia, & Diamantibus▪ & de infima India. India triplex. quarum prima in illis partibus vocatur Cush, propter hominum nigredinem, altera Mauritania. De Aethiopia intratur in Indiam mediam, nam triplex est, videlicet Infima, quae in quibusdam suis partibus est nimis frigida ad inhabitandum: Media quae satis temperata est, & Superior, quae nimi● calida, etc. Cap. 28. De Ecclesia & corpore sanctae Thomae Apostoli. Regio Mabron vel Malaber. Calami●, vel Calumè. Idolum in Templo sancti Apostoli erectum. Hinin Meridiem pluribus exactis Insulis per viam decem dietarum venitur in Regnum Mabron. Illic in civitate Calamiae, seruatur in magno Templo corpus beatissim● Thomae Apostoli Domini noster jesu Christi in capsa honorificata. In quo loco & martirizatus fuit, licet dicunt quidam, quod in Edissa civitate. Iste populus non est multum tempus transactum, quin fuit totus in fidei religione, sed nunc est ad pessimos Gentilium ritus perversus. Per certas historias habetur Ducem Danorum Ogerum conquisivisse has terras, & in exaltatione sanctarum Apostoli relliquiarum fecisse fieri praefatam spectactilem Ecclesiam, etc. In hac ipsa beati Thomae Ecclesia statuerunt multa mirae magnitudinis simulachra, ex quibus unum quòd maius est multò aliis, apparet sedens homo in alto solio adoperto aureis sericis, & lapidibus praetiosis, habensque ad collum suspensa pro ornatu multa cinctoria pretiose gemmis, & auro contexta. Ad hoc autem Idolum adorandum confluunt peregrini à remotis partibus, & propinquis, in satis maiori copia, & valde feruentiori devotione quam Christiani, ad sanctuum jacobum in Galizia, quia multi eorum per totum peregrinationis iter, non audent erigere palpebras oculorum, ne fortè propter hoc devotio intermittatur. Alij de propè venientes superaddunt labori itinerandi, ut ad tertium vel ad quartum passum semper cadant in genibus. Nonnulli quoque Demoniaca inspiratione semetipsos per viam peregrinationis lanceolis, & cultellis nunc minoribus, nunc maioribus sauciant vulneribus per singula corporis loca, & dum ante Idolum perveniunt, excisum frustum de carne propria proijciunt ad Idolum pro offerenda, ac plagis durioribus se castigant, & quandoque spontaneè penitus se occidunt: in solemnitatibus verò, sicut in dedicatione, & sicut in thronizatione simulachrorum, fit conventus populi, quasi totius Regni. Et ducitur cum processione maius Idolum per circuitum civitatis, in curru preciosissimo, modis omnibus perornato, & praecedunt in numero magno puellae cantantes binae, & binae, ordinatissimè; succeditque pluralitas Musicorum cum instrmentis varijs simphonizantes, quos continuè subsequitur currus cuius lateribus coniungit se peregrinorum exercitus, qui & venerunt de remotis. Ibique cernitur miserabilis actus ultrà modum. Nam aliqui victi ultrà modum diabolica devotione proijciunt se sub rotis currus praecedentis, ut frangantur sibi crura, brachia, latera, dorsa, nec non & colla in reverentiam Dei sui (ut dicunt) à quo remunerationem sperant, venire ad Paradisum terrestrem. Et post processionem postquàm statuerunt Idolum in Templo suo loco, multiplicatur coram simulachris numerus saepè plangentium, & Occidentium ultrà quam credi sit facile. Ita quod quandoque in illa unica solemnitate inveniuntur ducenta corpora, Occidunt se in honorem Idoli vel plura occisorum. Etassistentes propin qui amici talium Diaboli martyrum, cum magna musicorum melodia decantantes in sua lingua offerun Idolis corpora, ac demum accenso rogo omnia corpora comburunt in honorem Idolorum, assumentes sibi singuli aliquid de ossibas aut cineribus pro reliquijs, quas putant sibi valituras contra quaelibet infortunia, & tempestates. Et habetur ante Templum, aquae lacus, velut seruatorium piscium, in quo proijcit populus largissimè suas oblationes, Argentum, Aurum, Gemmas, Cyphos, & similia, quibus ministri certis temporibus exhibentes prouident Ecclesia, ac simulachro, ac sibi ipsis abundantèr. Cap. 29. De Iaua, & quibu●dam aliis meridionalibus Insulis. Ind ulterius procedendo in Austrum per multas & mirabiles terras quinquaginta duarum diaetarum spacio, habetur magna Insula Lamori. Illic omnes nudi incedunt, & ferè omnia sunt singulis communia; nec utuntur privatis clavibus sive seris, imo & omnes mulieres sunt communes omnibus & singulis viris, dummodo violentia non inferatur: sed & peior est iis consuetudo, quod libentèr comedunt teneras carnes humanas; unde & negotiatores adferunt eis crassos infantes venales: quod si non satis pingues afferuntur eos saginant sicut nos Vitulum, sive Porcum. Mandeuil●us usus ast●olabio. java Insula, grandis. Multa Aromata in java. Hic apparet in bona altitudine Polus Antarcticus & incipit modò apperere in alta Lybia, ita quod in alta Aethiopa, elevatur octodecem gradibus, prout ipse probavi Astrolabio. Et est valde grandis Regio java, habens in circuitu ambitum leucarum duarum millium. Huius Rex est valde potens, & imperans septem Insularum vicinarum Regibus. Terra ista est populosa, valdè, & crescunt in ea Species, & abundantia Gingiberis, Canella, Gariofoli, Nuces Muscatae, & Mastix, cum Aromatibus multis. Sed & quod ibi nascatur vinum, non habent: Aurum & Argentum est ibi in copia immensa, quòd patet in Regis javae palatio, cuius palatij nobilitas non est facilè scribenda. Cuncti gradus ascendentes ad palatij aulas, & aularum cameras, & ad thalamos camerarum sunt solids de argento vel auro, sed & omnis statura pavimentorum in aliis habetur ad similitudinem scacarij, unam quadratam argenti, alteram auri, laminis valdè crassis, & in ipsis pavimentis, sunt ex sculpta gesta, & historiae diversae. In principali verò aula, est plenariè expressa Dani Ducis Ogeri historia, à nativitate ipsius, quousque in Franciam fantasticè dicatur reversus, cum tempore Caroli Magni Regis Franciae, ipse Ogerus armata manu conquisivit Christianitati ferè omnes partes transmarinas à jerosolymis usque ad arbores Solis & Lunae, ac propè Paradisum terrestrem. Pro hac Regione java, (quae tangit fines Imperij Tartariae) sibi subiuganda, Imperator Grand Can multoties pugnanit, sed nunquam valuit expugnare. Hinc per mare venitur ad regnum * Vel Tholomaffi. Thalamassae, quòd & * Vel Paten. Pachon dicitur, in quo habetur magnus numerus bonarum civitatum. Intra hanc Insulam, quatuor sunt genera arborum, de quarum una accipitur farina ad panem, de secunda mel, de tertia vinum, & de quarta pessimum venenum. Extrahitur autem farina de suis arboribus isto modo. Farina ex arbore. Certo tempore anni percutitur stipes arboris undique prope terram cum securi, & cortex in locis pluribus vulneratur, de quibus recipitur liquor spissus, qui desiccatus ad solis aestum & contritus reddit farinam albam, ac si de srumento esset confectus, attamen hic panis non est triticei saporic, sed alterius valde boni. Simili modo de suis arboribus mel elicitur, & vinum * Taddie. liquitur: excepto quod illa non sicut gramina prima desiccantur. Fertur quoque ibidem extractionem huius farinae, mellis, & vini, per Angelum primitus fuisse ostensam praedicto Danorum Duci, ill●c fame cum suo exercitu laboranti. Contra venenum quod de quarto arboris genere stillat, solum est intoxicato remedium, ut de proprio fimo per puram aquam distemperato bibat. In littore maris Calanoch miraculose veniunt semel in anno, per tres continuos dies, Calanoch. quasi de omni genere piscium marinorum, in maxima abundantia: & praebent se omnibus liberè capiendos ad manum. Nam & ego ipse cepi quamplures. Vnde notandum, quod eodem tempore anni quo super dicta extrahitur farina, mel, & vinum, conveniunt in hoc isti pisces: quae ambo mirabilia fecit uno tempore Deus olim pro Duce suo Ogero, quae & in memoria illius, usque nunc, singulis annis innovantur. Et sunt in hoc territorio testudines terribilis quantitatis, Testitudines grandissimae. fitque de maioribus Regi ac Nobilibus delicatus ac preciosus cibus: mentior, si non quasdam ibidem viderim testudinum conchas, in quarum una se tres homines occultarent, suntque omnes multum albi coloris. Si hic vir uxoratus moritur, sepelitur & uxor una cum eo, quatenus, sicut ibi credunt, habeant eam statim sociam in seculo altero. In istis autem meridionalibus partibus apparebat mihi elevatio poli Antarctici 33. graduum, Australis latitudo 33. grad. 16. minut. cum 16. minutis. Et sciendum quod in Bohemia, similiter & in Anglia elevatur polus Arcticus 52. gradibus vel citra: Et in partibus magis septentrionalibus, ubi sunt Scoti 62. gradibus cum 4. minutis. Ex quo patet respiciendo ad latitudinem coeli, quae est de polo ad polum, itinerario mea fuit per quartum Horizontis spherae terrae, & ultra per 5. gradus, cum 20. minutis. Cum ergo secundum Astrologos, totus terrae circuitus sit 31500. milliarium, octo stadijs pro milliario computatis, Haec erat Eratosthenis computatio. & septinginta stadia respondeant ad unum gradum, quod patet ad latitudinem terrae, perambulavi 66733. stadia cum uno tertio, quae faciunt 4170. leucas Geometricas cum dimidia vel propè. Cum igitur tot & talia in istis Insulis vidimus monstra (quae si explicarem scribendo vix à legentibus omnia crederentur) non curavimus ulterius procedere sub polo Australi, Cap. 32. De bona Regione Manchus (forte Mangi.) ne in maiora pericula incideremus: sed propter auditam & invisam nobis famositatem potentiae, nobilitatis, & gloriae Imperatoris Tartarorum, vertebam faciem cum socijs navigare magis versus Orientem. Cumque per multas dietas sustinuissemus multa pericula maris, pervenimus in Regnum Manchus, quod est in confinibus superioris Indiae, & iungitur ab una parte Tartariae. Haec Regio Manchus pro sua quantitate reputatur melior, delectabilior, & omnium bonorum abundantior de cunctis ibi propè Regionibus. Nam & homines, bestiae, & volucres maiores & corpulentiores sunt aliis, & prae ubertate vix invenirentur in una civitate decem mendici. Formosi sunt viri, sed foeminae formosiores. Sed viri loco barbae, habent perpaucos pilos, rigidos, & longos ab utraque oris parte, quemadmodum nostros videmus cattos habere. Prima quam ingrediamur civitas est Lachori, distans una dieta à mari, & mirabamur, & gavisi sumus nos invenisse integram civitatem Christianae fidei. Nam & maior pars Regni credit in Christum. Christiani. Ibi habetur in levi precio copia rerum omnium, & praecipuè victualium: unum genus est ibi serpentum in abundantia quod manducant ad omne convivium, & nisi pro finali ferculo ministrarctur de illis serpentibus, convivium quam modicum diceretur. Suntque per hoc regnum pleraeque civitates & Ecclesiae, & religiones quas instituit Dux Ogerus, quia hoc est unum de quindecim regnis quae quaesivit, sicut infra dicetur. Illic sunt elegantes albae gallinae, quae non vestiuntur plumis ut nostrae, sed optima lana. Canes aquatici, quos nos lutras nominamus, sunt ibi multi edomiti, quòd quoties mittuntur in flumen, exportant domino piscem. Sunt huiusmodi etiam cane● in India occidental●, teste Petro Martyre, in Decadibus. Cansay, vel Quinsay, & eius descriptio Ab hoc loco per aliquas dietas, venitur ad huius regionis maximam urbem Cansay, hoc est dicere, Civitatem Coeli, imo de universo orbe terrarum putatur haec maxima civitatum; nam eius circuitus 50. leucis est mensus, nec est facile dicere, quam compresse à quamplurimis populis inhabitatur. Haec sedet in lacu maris, quemadmodum, & Venetiae: & habentur in ea plures quam mille ducenti pontes, & in quolibet turres mirae magnitudinis, ac fortitudinis, munitae pervigili custodia & pro urbe tuenda contra Imperatorem Grand Can. Multi sunt ibi Christiani, & multae Religiones Christianorum, sed & de ordinibus Minorum, & Praedicatorum, qui tamen ibi non mendicant; est magna pluralitas ex diversis Nationibus Mercatorum. Per Regionem nascitur vinum valdè bonum, quod appellatur Bigon. Et ad leutam extra Civitatem; Abbatia magna est, non de Religione Christiana sed Pagana: & in ea forrestum, sive hortus magnus undique circu●●clusus, consitus arboribus, & arbustis in cuius etiam medio mons altus simul & latus, habens hortum ubi solum inhabitant bestiolae mirabiles●, sicut Simiae, marmotae, Lanbon, papionès, foreti & huiusmodi ad varia & multa genera, & ad numerum infinitum. E●dem narrat Odericus. Omni autem die post refectionem conventus Abbatiae, qui est valdè Monachosus, deferuntur reliquiae ciborum cum magno additamento, in vasis auro lucentibus ad hunc hortum: & ad sonitum Campanae argenteae, quam Eleemo syvarius manu gestat descendentes, & occurrentes de bestiolis duo millia aut plures sese componuut residere ad circulum more pauperum mendicorum, & traditur singulis per seruos, aliquid de his cibarijs, ac denuò audita campana segregando recurrunt: Cumque nos tanquam redarguentes, diceremus, cur haec non darentur egenis, responderunt, illic pauperes non habentur, quod si invenirentur, potius tamen dari deberent bestiolis. Habet enim eorum perfidia, & Paganismus, anima● nobilium hominum post mortem ingredi corpora nobilium bestiarum, & animas ignobilium corpora bestiarum ignobilium & vilium, ad luendae videlicet crimina, donec peracta poenitentia transcant in Paradisum: ideoque nutriunt, prout dicunt, has nobiliores bestias, five bestiolas, quòd à quibusdam nobilibus fundabatur in principio haec Abbatia. Multa sunt alia mira in hac Civitate, de quibus sciatis, quod non omnia vobis recitabo. Cap. 33. Insula Pygmaeorum non est protensa, sed fortè 12. Civitatum. Quarum una est grandis, & bene munita, & quam Grand Can facit cum fortibus armaturis curiosè seruari, contra Regem Mangi. Hinc proceditur per Imperium Grand Can, ad multas Civitates, & Villas morum mirabiliter diversorum, usque in Regnum jamcham, quod est unum de 12. Provincijs maximis, quibus distinguitur totum Imperium Tartarorum. jamchan. Nobilior Civitas huius Regni seu Provinciae dicitur jamchan, abundans mercimonijs, & divitijs infinitis, & multa praestans proprio Regi tributa, quoniam sicut illi de Civitate fatentur, valet annue Regi quinquaginta milia * Cuman. Cuman Florenorum auri. Nota. In jamchan Civitate est Conuentus fratrum Minorum: in hac sunt tres Ecclesiae Monasteriorum: reditus simul ascendit ad 12. Cuman. Odericus. Vnus Cuman est decem millium. Summa tributi annui, quinquaginta millia millium Florenorum. In illis namque partibus magnas numerorum summas estimant per Cuman, Civitas Meke. Ma●imae naues, quales hodie ostentat China. numerum 10 millium qui & in Flamingo dicitur laste. Ad quinque leucas ab hac Civitate est alia dicta Meke, in qua fiunt de quodam albissimi genere ligni Naues maximae cum Aulis & Thalamis, ac multis aedificijs, tanquam Palatium tellure fundatum. Ind per idem Regnum ad viam octo diaetarum per aquam dulcem, multas per Civitates, & bonas Villas, venimus a Sive Lanterin. Laucherim, (Odericus appellat Levyim) urbem formosam opumque magnarum, fitam super flumen magnum b Vel Caremoron. Cathay Calay. Cacameran. Hoc flumen transit per medium Cathay, cui aqua infert damnum, quando nimis inundat, sicut Padus in Ferraria, Mogus in Herbipoli: & illud sequentes intravimus principalem Provinciam Imperij Tartariae, dictam Cathay Calay: & ista Provincia est multum distenta, ac plena Civitatibus, & Oppidis bonis, & magnis omnibusque referta mercimonijs, maximè Sericosis operibus, & Aromaticis sp●●●ebus. Navigando per dictum flumen versus Orientem, & itinerando per hanc Cathay Provinciam ad multas dietas per plurimas Vrbes & Villas, venitur in Civitatem c Engarmago. Vilitas serici. Vel Cambaleck. Sugarmago, abundantiorem omnibus in mercemonijs antedictis: quando sericum est hic vilissimum quadragintae librae habentur ibi pro decem Florenis. Ab hac Civitate, multis Civitatibus peragratis versus Orientem, veni ad Civitatem Cambalu, quae est antiqua in Provincia Cathay: Hanc postquam Tartari ceperunt, ad dimidium miliare fecerunt unam Civitatem nomine Caydo, & habet duodecim portas, & à porta in portam duo sunt grossa miliaria Lombardica, spacium inter medium istarum Civitatum habitatoribus plenum est & circuitus cuiuslibet istarum ambit 60. miliaria Lombardica, Caydo Civitas. quae faciunt octo Teutonica. In hac Civitate Cambalu residet Imperator Magnus Can, Rex Regum terrestrium, & Dominus Dominorum terrestrium. Atque indè ulterius in Orientem intratur vetus urbs Caydo, ubi communiter tenet suam sedem Imperialem Grand Can in suo Palatio. Ambitus autem urbis Caydo, est viginti ferè leucarum, duodecim habens portas à se distantes amplius quam stadia 24. Cap. 34. De Palatio Imperatoris Grand Can. Palatium Imperatoris Grand Can, quod est in Caydo Civitate, continet in circuitu proprij muralis ultrà duas leucas & sunt in eo aulae quam plures, in forma nobiles, & in materia nobiliores. Aula autem sedis, quae est maxima caeterarum, habet intrinsecus pro sui sustentatione 24. aereas columnas factas opere fusorio, de auro puro, & omnes parietes ab intus opertas pellibus quorundam animalium, quae vocantur Pantheres: hae sanguinei sunt coloris, & ita remicantes, ut Sole desuper relucente, vix oculus valeat humanus sufferre splendorem, tantaeque fragrantia ut illi approximare non posset aer infectus, unde & ista opertura parietum appreciatur super tegmen aurearum laminarum, etc. Istius autem ostia aulae▪ dum in ea residet, aut deambulat Imperator, multi Barones ingressum seruant intentè & ne limen tangatur, quod hoc haberent pro augurio: & benè verberaretur, quia imperatore praesente, nemo nisi adductus in quacunque camera, vel habitatione intromittitur, donec interrogatus iusserit Imperator. Mandevillus suis pedibus mensuravit aulum Imperatoris. Latitudinem huius Basilicae aestimo ad spacium de meis pedibus centum & longitudinem ultrà quatuor centum. Praeterea, iuxta Palatij ambitum, habetur grandis parci spaciamentum, diversi generis arboribus repletum, fructus ferentibus varios, & nobis invisos, & in parte media, aula super excelsum collem de tam mira & pulchra structura, ut eius nobilitas de facili ad praesens non possit describi. Et undique, per collis gyrum aquae fossatum profundum, & latum, ultrà quod pons unicus ducit ad collem. Atque ex duobus montis lateribus, stagnum cum diversorum copia Piscium, & volucrum indomitarum, ut aucarum, annatum, cignorum, ciconiarum, ardearum, & collectorum in magna pluralitate: nec non & per parcum, multae syluestres bestiae, & bestiolae quatenùs per aulae fenestras possit Dominus pro solatio respicere volucrum aucupationes, bestiarum venationes, & piscium captiones. Praeter palatium hoc in Caydo, habet Imperator similitèr tria: unum in civitate Sadus, versus Septentrionem, ubi competens est frigus, ibi moratur in aestate. Cambalu, ubi competens c●lor, ibi moratur hyeme. Tertium in ciu●tate jongh, in quo & in isto Caydo, ut saepiùs seruat sedem, Haitonus meminit long. eò quòd in istis est aër magis temperatus, quamuis semper calidus videtur Nostratibus. Sciatis quòd ego, meique sodales, pro fama magnificentiae huius Imperatoris, Cap. 35. De quatuor solennitatibus, quas Magnus Can celebrat in anno. tradidimus nos stipendiarios esse in guerris, contra Regem Mangi praenominatum. Et fuimus apud ipsum 15. mensibus, & certè invenimus multò maiorem partem hominum, in mediam partem nobis non fuisse relatam: hòminum (exceptis custodibus bestiarum & volucrum) qui intra palatium certa gerunt ministeria est numerus decem cuman. Nota. Traxi moram in Cambalu tribus annis: fratres nostri locum habent in Curia sua specialiter, & festis diebus statutis dant benedictionem. Odericus. Vixit in Cambalu tribus annis. Et quoniam Imperator habet satis plures quam decem mille Elephantes edomitos, & velut ultrà numerum alias bestias (quarum quaedam tene●tur in caveis, stabulis mirabilibus, vel catenis) nec non & aves rapaces, & Accipitres, Falcones, Ostrones, Gryfandos gentiles, Laueroys, & Satyros▪ sed & Auiculas loquentes, & Papingos, & similes, aliasque cantantes: reputatur numerus hominum de istis curam & laborem gerentium, ultrà sex cuman, & praetereà iugiter ad Curiam equi●es cum plenarijs armaturis, quinque cuman, Sex cuman faemulorum. Quinque Cuman equitum. Decem Cuman pèditum. Medici Christiani, 200. in aula Grand Can. Vnus Cuman continet decem millia, ut in cap. 33. Moneta de corio vel papyro. & de peditibus cum proeliandi armaturis, cuman decem. Sed & omnes de natione quacunque mundi venientes, qui petunt describi pro Curia, recipiuntur. Sic enim iussit Imperator. Habet & medicos Paganos viginti, & totidem Physicos, atque sine his Medicos Christianos ducentos, & totidem Physicos, quoniam iste Grand Can maiorem gerit confidentiam in Medicis Christianis, quam in suae propriae nationis medicis. Hoc ergò firmiter scias, quod de Curia Regis accipiunt necessaria sua ingitèr ultrà triginta cuman hominum, praeter expensas animalium & volucrum, cum tamen in festis maioribus sint homines propè in duplo tanti. Nec valet hic Dominus defectum ullum pati pecuniae, eò quòd in terra sua non currit moneta de argento, vel auro, aliòne metallo, sed tantùm de corio vel papyro: horum enim forma denariorum signo Imperatoris impressorum preciatur minoris aut maioris valoris, secundùm diversitatem impressionis, qui per visitationem, detriti vel rupti, cum ad Regis thesaurarios deferuntur, protinùs dantur pro illis novi. Quater in anno celebrat Imperator sestivitates solennes. Prinam de die propriae Nativitatis. Quatuor festa. Secundam, de die suae prima praesentationis in eorum Templo, quod appellant Moseath, ubi & fit iis, nescio quod genus circumcisionis. Tertiam, in throniz ti●ne sui Idoli in Templo. Quartam, de die quo Idolum coepit dare responsum, seu facere diabolica mira. Plures enim in anno non tenet solennitates, Circumcisio quaedam. nisi si quando nuptias filij aut filiae celebrat. Itaque in istis solennitatibus est populi multitudo absque numero, etc. Celebrato post hoc prandio satis morosè, quia nunquam est ultrà semel edendum in die, Cap. 36. De ludis & praestigijs in suo ●esto, & de suo comitatu. Semel in die comedunt. Magi insignes. de quo & eius administratione nunc longum est scribere, adsunt gesticulatores, mira visu, suaviaque auditu pedibus, mavibus, brachijs, humeris, capitibus, & toto corpore, ac ad singulos gestus, correspondentes debito vocis sono. Et semper finem horum mirabilium cantilena subsequitur musicorum. Ex hoc ioculatores praestò sunt, & Magi, qui suis incant●tionibus praestant praestigia multa. Certum est illic homines esse subtiles ad quasdam huma●as artes, & ingeniosos ad fraudes super omnes, quas novi mundi partes, unde & inter se dicunt proverbium, se solos videre duobus oculis, & Christianos uno, caeteros autem homines caecos▪ sed mentitur iniquitas sibi, quoniam ipsi vident solo oculo terrena & transitoria, & nos Christiani duobus, quia cum terrenis videmus spiritualia, & mansura: Insignis sententia. 1. Sam. 11.2. percussit enim Naas, id est, humani generis hostis cum illis foedus, ut erueret omnibus oculos dextros, scilicet spirituales. Post annos Christi 1100. prima Tartaria fuit nimis oppressa seruitute sub Regibus circumiacentium sibi nationum. Quando autem Deo placuit, Cap. 37. Qua de causa dicitur Grand Can. Vera ratio huius nominis Can. Guis Can. Vel Belgiam. Cur albi equi, & novenarius numerus Tartaris sint in pretio. maiores illius Tartariae elevauerunt de seipsis sibi Regem dictum Guis Can, cui & promiserunt subiectissimam obedientiam. Idem cum esset prudens & strenuus 12. viriles habens filios, debellavit cum iis & populo suo, & vicit, ac subiecit cunctos in circuitu Reges, quibus terra indebitè diù subiacuerat. Quin etiam apparente sibi in visione Argelo Dei velut milite in albo equo, & candidis armis, & hortante se, ut transiret Alpes, per montem Beliam, & per brachium maris, ad terram Cathay, & ad alias illic plurimas regiones transivit, & coepit cum filijs suis aliquas ex illis debellare, & subijcere, Deo in omnibus adiwante potentèr. Et quoniam in equo albo ei Angelus apparuit, qui etiam antè passum praedicti maris novem orationes Deo facere iussit, ideò successores usque hodiè diligunt equos albos, & novenarium numerum habent prae caeteris in gratia. Dunque Guis Can morti prae senio appropinquaret, convocatos ante se filios hortabatur, & movebat exemplo 12. telorum in simul colligatorum▪ quae à nullo filiorum pariter frangi potuerant, sed dissoluta unumquodque per se facile frangebatur: sic filij (inquit) dilectissimi, si per concordiam vos invicem dilexeritis, & vixeritis seniori fratri obedientes, confido in Deo iuxta promissionem mihi ab Angelo factam, quòd omnem latissmam istam terram, & optimam illius imperio subijcietis, quod & post patris discessum strenuissimè, ac fidelissime (Deo sibi prosperante) perfecerunt. Et quia cum proprijs nominibus habebant cognomen Can, primogenitus pro differentia obtinuit nomen Grand Can, Grand Can. id est, Magnus Can, videlicet supra caeteros fratres, qui sibi in omnibus obediebant. Ochoto Can. Gui Can. Mango Can. Itaque iste secundus Imperator vocabatur Ochoto Can. Post quem filius eius regnavit dictus Gui Can. Quartus autem, qui Mango Can baptizabatur, permansitque fidelis Christianus, qui etiam misso magno exercitu cum fratre suo Hallaon in partes Arabiae & Aegypti mandavit destrui in toto Mahome● superstitionem, & terram poni in manibus Christianorum. Et fratre tum procedente, accepit rumores de fratris sui Imperatoris morte inopinata▪ quapropter & redijt negotio imperfecto. Cobila Can. Quintus Cobila Can, qui etiam fuit Christianus, & regnavit 42. annis, & aedificavit magnam civitatem Iong, maiorem satis urbe Roma, in qua & continetur valdè nobile palatium Imperiale. Hinc usque hodie omnes successores Paganismo foedantur. Echiant Can, Imperator Tartarorum tempore Mandevilli. Serochan uxor Grand Can. Tempore autem meo erat nomen Imperatoris Echiant Can, & primogenitus eius Cosue Can, praeter quem & alios filios habuit 12. de quorum nominibus conscribendis non est curae praesentis. Prima uxorum suorum vocabatur Serochan, quae & est filia Presbyteri joannis, scilicet Imperatoris Indiae. Secunda Verouchan. Tertia Caranth Can. Istis duobus Imperatoribus non creditur inveniri maior Dominus sub firmamento Coeli. In literis quae huius Imperatoris Tartariae scribuntur nomine ponitur semper iste Titulus. Can filius Dei excel●i, omnium universam terram colentium summus Imperator, & Dominus dominantium omnium. Circumferentia magni sui sigilli, continet hoc scriptum. Deus in Coelo, Can super terram, eius fortitudo. Omnium hominum Imperatoris sigillum. Sciendum quoque quod quamuis populi ibi dicuntur, & sunt Pagani, tamen & Rex & omnes credunt in Deum immortalem, & Omnipotentem, & iurant per ipsum appellantes, Yroga, Deus Naturae. Yroga, id est, Deum Naturae. Sed nihilominus colunt & adorant Idola, & simulachra aurea, & argentea, lapidea, lignea, filtria, lanea, & linea. Cap. 38. De Territorio Cathay & moribus Tartarorum. 12. Provinciae Chinae. Cathay. Asia triplex. Vestitus Tartarorum. Totum Imperium Imperatoris Grand Can distinctum est in 12. magnas Provincias, iuxta numerum duodecim filiorum primi Genitoris Can. Harum Provinciarum maior, & nobilior dicitur Cathay, quae consistit in Asia profunda. Tres enim sunt Asiae, scilicet quae profunda dicitur, & Asia dicta maior quae nobis est satis propinquior & tertia minor intra quam est Ephesus beati joannis Euangelistae sepultura, de qua habes in praecedentibus. Omnes tam viri quam feminae similibus in forma vestibus inducuntur, videlicet valdè latis, & brevibus usque ad genua cum apertura in lateribus quam firmant (dum volunt) ansis quibusdam, nam uterque sexus est brachijs seu femoralibus plenè tectus. Nunquam utuntur toga aut collobio, sed nec caputio, unde nec per aspectum indumentorum potest haberi differentia inter virum & mulierem innuptam. Sed nupta gestat per aliquod tegumentum in capite formam pedis viri. Nubit illic vir quotquot placet mulieribus, ut nonnulli habeant decem vel duodecim uxores aut plures. Nam quisque maritus iungitur licenter evilibet mulieri, exceptis matre, & amita, sorore, & filia. Sicut viri equitant, tendunt, & currunt per patriam pro negotijs sic & mulieres, quoniam & ipsae operantur omnia ferè artificia mechanica sicut pannos & quicquid efficitur de panno, corio, sericoque, minantque carrucas, & vehicula, sed viri fabricant de ferro & de omni metallo lapidibus atque ligno, nec vir nec mulier nobilis aut degener comedit ultra semel in die communiter. Porcus & panis rariss. Multa nutriunt pecora sed nullos porcos, parum comeditur ibi de pane exceptis magnatibus & divitibus, sed carnes edunt pecorum, bestiarum, & bestiolarum utpote Boum, Ouium, Caprarum, Equorum, Asinorum, Canum, Cattorum, Murium, & Rattorum, ius carnium sorbentes, & omnis generis lac bibentes. Nobiles autem bibunt lac Equarum, seu inmentorum, pro nobilissimo potu & pauperes aquam bullitam cum modico mellis, quia nec vinum ibi habetur, nec ceruisia conficitur: & multi ac plurimi fontes consulunt in sua siti, Formae domorum. per villas, & rura. Domus, & habitacula rotundae sunt formae, compositae & contextae paruis lignis, & flexilibus virgulis, ad modum cavearum quas nos facimus pro aviculis, habentes rotundam in culmine aperturam praestantem duo beneficia habitationi, quoniam & ignis quem in medio domus constituunt fumum emittit, & pro aspiciendo lumen immittit. Intrinsecus sunt parietes undique de filtro, sed & tectum filtrum est: has domus, dum locum habitandi mutare volunt, vel dum in diutina expeditione procedunt, ducunt secum in plaust●is quasi tentoria. Tartari Hamaxovij, 1. in plaust●is viventes. Novilunium in precio. Ceremoniae Tartarorum, & peccara. Multas superuacuas obseruant ceremonias, quia respiciunt in vanitates & insanias falsas: solem & lunam praecipuè adorant, eisque frequenter genua curuant, & ad novilunium, quicquid est magni estimant inchoandum. Nullus omnino utitur calcaribus in equitando, sed cogunt equum flagello scorpione, reputantes peccatum non leue, si quis ad hoc flagellum appodiat, aut iumentum percuteret suo fraeno: pleraque similia, quae parum aut nihil nocent, ponderant ut gravia, sicut imponere cultellum in igne, os osse confringere, lac seu aliud potabile in terram effundere, nec non & huiusmodi multa. Sed super haec, tenent pro graviori admisso mingere intra domum quae inhabitatur, & qui de tanto crimine proclamaretur assuetus, mitteretur ad mortem. Et de singulis necesse est ut confite●tur peccator Flamini suae legis, & soluat summam pecuniarum delicti. Et si peccatum deturpationis habitaculi venerit in publicum, oportebit reconciliari domum per Sacerdotem, priusquam ullus audebit intrare. Insuper & peccatorem necesse erit pertransire ignem, semel, bis, aut ter iuxta iudicium Flaminis, quatenus per ignis acrimoniam purgetur à tanti inquinatione peccati. Neminem hominum probibent inter se habitare, sed indifferenter receptant, judaeos, Christianos, Saracenos, & homines cuiuscunque nationis, vel legis, dicentes se satis putare suum ritum non ita securum ad salutem, nisi quandoque traherentur ad ritum magis salutarem, quem tamen determinate nunc ignorant, imò multi de nobilibus sunt iam in Christianitate baptizati. Porrò Tartari in praecincto expeditionis habent singuli duos arcus, cum magna pluralitate telorum: Arma Tartarorum. Nam omnes sunt sagittarij ad manum & cum rigida & longa lancea. Nobiles autem in equis preciose phaleratis ferunt, gladios, vel spatas breues & latas, scindentes pro uno latere, & in capitibus galoas de corio cocto, non altas, sed ad capitis formàm depressas. Quicunque de suis fugerit de praelio, ipso facto conscriptus est, ut siquando inventus fuerit occidatur. Tartari retr● sagittantes. Si castrum vel civitas obsessa se illis reddere voluerit, nullam acceptant conditionem nisi cum morte omnium inimicorum, vel si quis homo singularis se dederit victum nihilominus absque ulla miseratione occidunt, detruncantes illi protinus aures, quas postea coquentes, & in aceto (dum habuerint) ponentes mittunt invicem ad convivia pro extremo ferculo: dumque ipsi in bellis arte fugam simulant, periculosum est eos insequi, quoniam iaciunt sagittas à tergo, quibus equos & homines occidere norunt. Et quando in prima acie comparant ad bellandum, mirabilitèr sese constringunt, ut media pars numeri eorum vix credatur. Generaliter noveritis, omnes Tartaros habere paruos oculos, & modicam vel raram barbam: Tartari habent par●os oculos & raram barbam. Mos sepulturae. In proprijs locis rarò inter se litigant, contendunt, aut pugnant, timentes legum pergraues emendas. Et invenitur ibi rarius vispilio, latro, fur, homicida, iniurians, adulter, aut fornicarius, quia tales criminatores inuestigatione sollicita requiruntur, & sine redemptione aliqua perimuntur. Dum quis decumbit infirmus figitur lancea iuxta illum in terra, & cum appropinquaverit morti, nullus remanet iuxta ipsum, cum verò mortuus esse scitur, confestim in campis, & cum lancea sepelitur. Imperator Grand Can postquam eius cognita fuerit defunctio, Cap. 39 De sepultura Imperatoris Grand Can, & creatione successoris. defertur mox à paucis viris in parco palatij, ad praevisum locum ubi debeat s●peliri. Et nudato prius toto illo loco à graminibus cum cespite figitur ibi tentorium, in quo velut in solio regali de ligno corpus defuncti residens collocatur, paraturque mensa plena coram eo cibarijs preciosis, & potu de lacte iumentorum. Instabulatur ibi & equa cum suo pullo, sed & ipse albus, nobiliter phaleratus, & onustatus certo pondere auri & argenti. Et est totum Tentorij pavimentum de mundo stramine stratum. Tuncque effodiunt in circuitu fossam latam valdè, & profundam ut totum tentorium cum omnibus contentis descendat in illam. Eoque facto ita equalitèr terram planificantes adoperiunt graminibus, ut in omni tempore locus sepulturae non vaeleat apparere. Et quoniam ignorantiae nubilo turpiter excaecati putant in alio saeculo homines delectationibus frui, dicunt quod tentorium erit et pro hospitio, cibi ad edendum, lac ad potandum, equus ad equitandum, aurum & argentum ad respiciendum, sed & equa lac semper praestabit, & pullos equinos successiue generabit. Post has itaque Imperatoris defuncti miseras exequias, nullus omnino audebit de ipso loqui coram vx●ribus & filijs, & propinquis, sed nec nominare, quia per hoc putarent derogari paci, & quieti illius, qua non dubitant cum dominari, in maiori satis gloria Paradisi quam hic stetit. Breviter & nunc intendo cursum describere aliquarum magnarum Regionum & Insularum Imperij Tartariae. Et primo illas quae descendunt â provincia Cathay per septentrionalem plagam, Cap. 40. De multis regionibus Imperio Tartariae subiectis. Turquestan. Octopar. Corasine. Regnum Commanorum. Bocura, vel Bohare. Samarkand. Seu Nessabon & Spahan Sarmasane. Tertia Pars. usque ad fines Christianitatis Prussiae, & Russiae. Ergo provincia Cathay descendens in sui Oriente à regno Tharsis iungitur ab Occidente regno Turquescen, in quo & sunt plurimae civitates, quarum formosior dicitur Octopar. Ipsum autem Turquescen regnum iungitur ad Occidentem sui regno seu Imperio Persiae, & ad Septentrionem regno Cora●inae, quod spacio sum est valde, habens versus Orientem sui ultra centum diaetas deserti: hoc regnum est multis bonis abundans, & appellatur eius melior civitas etiam Corasine. Isti quoque regno iungitur in Occidente versus partes nostras regnum Commanorum, quod & similiter longum est, & latum, sed in paucis sui locis inhabitatum: Nam in quibusdam est frigus nimium, in aliis nimius calor, & in nonnullis nimia muscarum multitudo. Sunt autem in Persia duae regiones: una altae Persiae, quae à regno Turquescen descendens, iungitur ad Occidentem sui flwio Pyson. In ista habentur renominatae civitates, quarum meliores duae dicuntur Bocura & Seonargant, quam aliqui appellant Samarkand: Et altera Regio Baslae Persiae, descendens à flumine Pyson, qui ad sui Occidentem iungitur regno Mediae, & terrae minoris Armeniae, Cap. 41. De magnificentia Imperatoris Indiae & preciositate Palatij. S●u Pentoxoria. Civitas Nyse Fabula de rebus gestis Ogeri Ducis D●niae, quales de Orlando▪ Guidone 〈◊〉 etc. Vnde Presbyte● joannes sit dictus. & ad Aquilonem mari Caspio, & ad Austrum terrae minoris Indiae. In hac bassa Persia tres principaliores civitates sunt Aessabor, Saphaon, Sarmasaule, etc. A finibus regni Bachariae supradicti ubi contiguatur Imperio Indiae, eundo per multas diaetas intratur in regnum Pentoxyriae quod est magnae latitudinis, & abundantiae in multis bonis: huius nominatior civitas, dicitur Nyse, & in ea habet Imperator palatium Imperiale, in quo residet dum sibi placet. Imperator iste semper vocitatus est Presbyter joannes, cuius nominis causam audieram quandoque non veram: sed in i●lis partibus accep● rationem indubitatam, quam breviter hic enarro. Circa annum ab Incarnatione Domini Octingentessimum, Dux Ogerus de Danemarchia, cum quindecim cognationis suae Baronibus, & armatis viginti milibus transivit mare Greciae, & favente sibi Deo conquisivit Christianitati per multa pr●lia penè omnes Terras, Regiones, & Insulas, quas esse de potestate Grand Can praedixi, nec non & omnes, quae sunt de potestate Imperij huius Imperatoris Indiae. Eratque inter Barones unus denominatus Ioannes filius Goudebucf, Regis Frisonum: qui dictus Ioannes Deo devotus fuit, & dum licuit Ecclesiarum limina inivit, unde & Barones ei dabant quasi per iocum Presbyter joannes vocabulum. Dum ergo Ogerus dictas regiones expugnatas d●uideret in hus quindecim suis cognatis, & quemlibet eorum in suo loco constitueret Regem, quatenus Christiana religio in illa Orbis superficie semper stabilis permaneret, tradidit isti Presbytero joanni superiorem Indiam, cum 4000 Insulis, Regionibus, 4000. ●nsulae. & ipsum praefecit Imperatorem super reliquos cognatos, ut ei certa tributa impenderent, & in omnibus obedirent, atque ex nunc omnes successores Indiae sunt vocati Presbyter joannes, & usque in hodiernum tempus boni manserunt Christiani, & Religionis aemulatores, etc. CHAP. VII. The Voyage of NICOLO di CONTI a Venetian, to the Indies, Mangi, Cambalu and Quinsai, with some Observations of those places. This is taken out of Ramusios' discourse of this voyage. NIcolo di Conti a Venetian, having traveled quite thorough India, after five and twenty years returned home; and because to save his life he had made denial of his Faith, he went to the Pope (than Eugenius the Fourth, An. 1444.) being at Florence to obtain absolution; who enjoined him in way of penance, truly to make Narration of his Voyage, and whole Peregrination to his Secretary Poggius, who writ it in the Latin tongue. Ramusio sought for it in Venice and other Cities of Italy in vain, and at last heard that it was translated into Portugal by the care of King Emanuel, An. 1500. a Copy whereof he procured from Lisbon, but so corrupt, that he doubted to publish it, which yet for want of better he did; and we out of him these Observations. Nicolo di Conti a Venetian being a young man, then at Damascus, and having learned the Arabike Language, went with his merchandise in a Caravan of six hundred Merchants, with whom he traveled into Arabia Petraea, and thence into Chaldaea, till he came to Eufrates. In the Deserts of Arabia, Desart-devills. once about midnight they heard a great noise, which they thought were the wild Arabs coming to rob them, but saw a great multitude pass by near their Tents without hurting them, which some of the Merchants said were Devils which haunted these Deserts. Baldac. From Baldac is eight days journey to Balsera, and thence four days to the Persian Gulf, where the Sea ebbeth and floweth. After five days sailing therein, he came to Calcum, and after to Ormuz; Ormus. Calatia. thence to Calatia a Port of Persia of great traffic, where he remained to learn the Persian tongue. Afterwards clothed in the habit of the Country (which he used to do in all his journey) he went with certain Moors and Persians, having sworn to be faithful to each other, and sailed to Cambaia, and after to Pacamuria and Dely, where store of Ginger grows. Thence they went far into Sea, Bisnagar. and came to Bisinagar sixty miles about, at the foot of a high Mountain; in which are one hundred thousand men fit for arms; they marry as many wives as they will, which are burned with them when they die. The King is the mightiest King in India, and hath twelve thousand Women, four thousand of which attend him on foot whither soever he goeth, and are busied in the service of his Kitchen; four thousand others ride on Horses, or are carried in Litters; two thousand are to burn with him, which is holden a great honour. Pelagonga. Pelagonga is subject to him, eight days journey thence and ten miles in circuit: from whence in twenty days by Land he came to Pudifetania (leaving in the way Odeschiria, and Cenderghisia, where red Sanders grow) and thence went to Malepur where Saint Thomas is buried in a great and fair Church. Nestorians dispersed thorough India. Malabar. Cinnamon. The Inhabitants are Nestorians, which are Christians dispersed thorough all India, as jews amongst us. And all this Province is called Malabar. At the end of that Country is Zeilam a famous Island, two thousand miles about, where are Rubies, Saphires, Cats-eye stones; and store of good Cinnamon; the Tree like a Willow but thicker, the boughs growing more in breadth then height, the leaves like those of the Bay Tree, but greater: the Bark of the boughs is best, that of the Trunk is not good: the fruit like Bay-berries of which they make good Oil to anoint them. There is a Lake in which is a City of three miles' circuit, governed by Bramines, which spend their lives in the studies of Philosophy, and are much given to Astrology. After that is a great Island called Sumatra, which the Ancients called Taprobana, where he stayed a year. There grows the best Pepper, the Tree like to jay. In a part of the Island, called Batech, they eat man's flesh. Thence he sailed to Ternassari: and thence to the mouth of Ganges▪ and up the stream (which is very great) to Cernovem, and to Maarazia; whence crossing over Land he came to Racha, Aua. and thence in seventeen days to Avarice fifteen miles about, where they are much given to spend the Time in drinking and fellowship both Men and Women. There are certain old women which get their living by selling Bells of gold, silver, brass, of the bigness of Nuts, This Bell or Ball fashion is there still in v●e. which they put in men's yards betwixt the skin and flesh, when they are of age to use Women, and in short time cure the place; and the men much please themselves to hear the sound of them as they go. Here the Copy is defective. Mangi is full of Elephants of which the King nourisheth ten thousand: they serve him in the war, and carry Castles in which stand eight, ten, or twelve men with Lances, Either this story is not true, or this Mangi is not China but Polos Mi●n, or some other place. Bows and Slings. They take them with a tame female Elephant, used to feed in a place encompassed with a wall with two gates to go in and out; into which in the coupling season the male enters at one gate, and she flees out at the other, many men attending with devices to take him, both gates being shut; and with fasting, and accustoming other tame Elephants to him, tame him in few days. The men of this Country have but one wife, and all both men and women paint or embroider their skins with Iron pens, putting indelible tinctures thereunto. They worship Idols, yet when they rise in the morning, they turn to the East, and with hands joined, say, God in Trinity keep us in his Law. This Country produceth Serpents as gross as a man, six cubits long, without feet, which they eat for great dainties; as they do also certain red Ants. There is a beast headed like a Swine, tailed like an Ox, with a horn in the forehead like an Unicorn a cubit long, of the colour and stature of an Elephant; with whom he continually fighteth. The horn is much esteemed against poison. In the furthest parts of this Country towards Cataio, are white and black Kine, some haired and tailed like Horses, some with hairs like feathers of which they make Fans. Beyond Mangi is the greatest Province in the World, called Cataio, Cataio. the Lord whereof is called the great Can which signifieth Emperor: and the chief City is called Cambalu, which is four square and hath eight and twenty miles in circuit. In the midst thereof is a Fortress, and in it a Palace for the King; and at every of those four corners is a Castle, each four miles about, in which are Armouries of diverse sorts, and Engines for battery. From the Palace is a way on the wall to all those Castles, that if the people rebel he might betake himself thither. Note. Beyond this City fifteen days journey is Quinsai another great City, which within this little while hath been new made by this King. It hath thirty miles' compass, and is more peopled than the former. In these two Cities it was told him that the Houses and Palaces are after the manner of Italy, and the men richer and wiser than in other places. After he was gone from Avarice, alongst the River to the Sea in seventeen days he arrived at Zaiton, a great Port, where he took Sea, and in ten days came to a great and populous City, Zaiton. Pauconia, perhaps Paquin. called Pauconia, which is of twelve miles' compass where he stayed four months. There are a few Vines, which run upon Trees, and they make no Wine of them. There grow Abrecockes, white Sanders, and Camphire, etc. I am loath to return into India with this Author, whose defects and corruptions have made him so little serviceable, together with the changed names of places since his time. No compass; which yet in the next age was there in use. It is remarkable that he saith that the Indian Mariners sailed by the Stars Antarctic, and not by the compass; using certain measures and rules in that Starre-obseruation. He also relateth the huge greatness and treble sheathing of their Ships. But of India, whereof all his Relations are, we have already given you better, that is more punctual, methodical, and credible Authors. Yet before we leave him, let us observe what Aeneas Silvius, or Pope Pius Secundus hath, cited out of him. He saith, that he sailed the Indian Sea a month beyond Ganges, and then came to the River Ratha, which being sailed in six days, Aen. Syl. the 2. Asiae part c. 10. he found a City called by the same name. And thence after seventeen days passing desert Hills he came into champain Countries; which having passed in a fortnight with great labour, he found a River greater than Ganges, called Dava: and having sailed therein a month, came to a famous City fifteen miles in circuit, named Dua, where the women are exceedingly libidinous, the men contented with one wife, The Province is called Macin, full of Elephants, Macinum: hereby appears his Macin is about Siam or Pegu, etc. ten thousand of which the King keeps for his wars, and is himself carried on a white Elephant, wearing a golden Chain distinguished with gems, and hanging to his feet. The men and women raze themselves, etc. (as before) but of the Kine, he saith, that the same Kine have tails long and hairy to the feet, the hairs subtle like Feathers, of much esteem, and used on the tops of Lances as Ensigns. These things hath this Nicholas (saith Siluius) of Macin, noting without doubt, the Region Serica. For our age placeth the Eastern Scythians in Cathay. That * And yet how many things more incredible are now found true? of Dua greater than Ganges, and that of ten thousand Elephants nourished by a King not known by fame, are hard to be believed: but longinquitie cannot easily be confuted. TO THE READER. REader, I here present thee a piece of a History, so much as abuts on Tartary, and China. Alhacen, a learned Mahometan was the Author; whether an exact Historian, every where literally to be understood; or whether in some part he be parabolical, and presents a Tamerlane like Xenophons' Cyrus, (in some things rather what he should have been, and what the Author could say, than what he was) I undertake not to determine. The Abbot of Mortimer takes it for a just Story, and so doth Master Knolls in his Turkish History. If it be an History partly parabolical, yet doth the decorum exact of the Author a verisimilitude every where of actions and places (sufficient to procure our pardon, if not thanks) the verity of a great part being evident in other Stories. It is true that some things seem false for want of truth in our intelligence, rather than in themselves. And so hath it fared with all (the subject of this Book) Tartarian and Chinesian affairs: of which we had as little knowledge as of Tame●lan, f●rther than terrors of Tartarian Arms and some men's special occasions and travels have given us light. Even the Sun riseth in those parts whiles it is not daybreak with us, and hath attained almost his Noon-point before we see him: and worthy we are still to abide in a black night of ignorance, if we welcome not what light we can get (if we cannot get what we would) from so remote an East. Once; Tartarian affairs (as it happens in Conquests) were changeable, and their New Moon was quickly at the full; diverse chances and changes succeeding after Poles days to these; such wealth whetting the Tartars to get and hold, and no less the Chinois to recover, the China State being unquiet so long as the Tartar greatness continued, and freed (for the most part) with their diminishing, and division into diverse Estates. As for these times of Tamerlan (if this Story be exact) it is like the Can held the North parts of China from Quinsay forward, with Cataio; and the King of China the rest; then Nanquin being the Seat Royal, as since the expulsion of the Tartars Paquin. Or perhaps the Quinsay here mentioned, is that which Conti hath in the former Page told us, was lately built by the Can: and not that which Polo speaks of; in Catay and not in China: which cleareth this doubt of the Cans residence and rule in China. To reconcile all doubts is for me too hard a task, because Cataio and China are even still bemysted, and leave their surveyors perplexed, bounding the search of the most curious in searching their just bounds, how far they are the same or differing; wherein our Jesuits will more amuse and amaze us (where we will clear ourselves as well as we can) when we come to them. I have premised Conti, though Tamerlane be a little Elder for his Religion's sake, and to recreate with a little Relation, before this longer Story. CHAP. VIII. Extracts of ALHACEN his Arabike History of TAMERLAN, touching his Martial Travels, done into French by JEAN DV BEC, Abbot of Mortimer. §. I. TAMERLANS Birth and Person, his Expedition against the Muscovite; his Marriage with the Cans daughter; his overthrowing of CALIX. Sundry Histories do attribute, as a great want unto the happy fortune of Tamerlan, not to have a Writer in his days, which might have left in writing his History unto posterity. But without any cause did they moan him, insomuch as his History is very famous amongst the Turks, The History of Tamerlan famous amongst the Turks and Arabians. and Arabians; his Conquests very largely discoursed, and many of his worthy and notable sayings collected, with an infinite number of Noble deeds left unto the memorial of posterity. Very true it, is, that he had not an Homer, but a great and worthy person, learned as well in natural Philosophy, as in Astrology, who was in the time of this Prince, a companion and familiar of his Conquests, Alhacen. named Alhacen, an Arabian by birth, and of Mahomet's Religion. This Author then being fallen into my hands, in my Voyage into the East Country, I caused the same to be interpreted unto me by an Arabian, The Frank Tongue amongst the Turks. Ye often have read that Frank in the East, ever since the Frankes taking jerusalem signifies all the W●st of Europe. Tamerlan his learning. The Tartarians strange kind of Astrology. who did speak Frank (as they term it) that is to say, Italian, and some time I spent, in associating myself so with this man, who commended greatly unto me the eloquence and gravity of this Author, wondering at his digressions, and entering again into his matter so well to the purpose. It grieved me much that I had not the perfection of this Language, to be a help unto the richer of this History, for to deliver it unto my Nation with some grace: but I took thereof as much as I could in his Language, which was corrupted, as is the Frank Tongue (so they term it) which is a kind of Italian, mingled with Slavon, Greek, and Spanish Tongues very common at Constantinople, with the Arabian and Turkish Tongues: so as I could not gather but only the truth thereof, and not the drifts and gravity of the Declaration, wherein the Author had collected it for posterity (and as he said) by the commandment of the Prince, who was a lover of learning, and excellent in the knowledge of Astrology and Divinity, as the custom of those Nations is to join them ordinarily together, studying upon the virtue of names, and of the turning of letters, even in their placing, writing them underneath Stars, whereof they make sentences, by means whereof they wrought miraculously in the things of Nature. This is that Zoroastrien and Bactrien Science, that of Balaam, and some others in my opinion, which hath succeeded unto so many Arabian Astrologians. Now then, this Prince was endued with such knowledge, as made him admired of the people where he commanded, who are for the most part great wonderers, insomuch as this caused him to be accounted a Prince accompanied with the Divine virtue, considering the justice he used in all his actions. This hath proceeded even so far that some Italians have written foolish things thereof, as of certain kinds of Tents which he caused to be pitched, when he besieged any City; one white, signifying peace, it yielding unto his mercy; another red, signifying cruelty to follow; and the third black, signifying mourning to ensue. But I find not this in our Author, and I believe them to be fables. I will now declare unto you with my Arabian, who this great Prince Tamerlan was. The offspring and stock of Tamerlan. He was then of the blood of the Tartarian Emperors, and his father Og had for his portion the Country of Sachetay, whereof he was Lord. This Country lying between the North and the East, is the ancient Country of Parthia, upon the Coast of the Zogdians, and the chiefest City of his estate was Samercand situated upon the River of Issarle. The flocks of the Tartarian Kings are thei● stocks▪ and the Tart●rs beasts are the●● best wealth. Some of our Historiographers would needs have him to be the son of a shepherd; but this have they said, not knowing at all the custom of their Country, where the principal revenue of the Kings and Nobles consisteth in cattle, despising Gold and Silver, but making great reckoning of such riches, wherein they abound in all sorts: this is the occasion wherefore some call them Shepherds, and say also that this Prince descended from them. So his Father Og was Prince of * This name seems derived from Sochtai, mentioned before in Haiton: of whom these Tartars are still called Zagetai. Tamerlans name: some make it to signify Lame-leg by reason of that accident, falling from his Horse, Michou. Tamerlan his studies and learning. Majesty in his eyes. The like is reported of Augustus. The custom of the Tartarians. Tamerlan wore long hair, and why. The description of Tamerlan. Our Authors tell us he was lame, and that he was therefore so called. Tamerlan his first war against the Moscovite. The Army of the Moscovite. The Army of Tamerlan. Achetay, abounding in such kind of wealth. And being come unto the age of fifteen years, his father being already old, delivered up unto him the government of his Kingdom, with the commandment over all his Men of war. His father Og being given unto peace, withdrew himself unto a solitary life, for to serve God, and end the rest of his days in quiet. He gave unto his son Tamerlan (which signifieth Heavenly grace in their Tongue) two sufficient personages for to guide and assist him in the government of his Estate: the one was called Odmar, and the other Aly, persons in great dignity and credit with his father. Now this Prince was well instructed in the Arabian learning, and exercised himself much therein, and at such time as they thought him to be either in the Baths, wherein they are very curious in that Country being their chiefest delicacies, he was in the contemplation and study of heavenly things. This Prince had within his eyes such Divine beauty, being full of such majesty, that one could hardly endure the sight of them without closing of their eyes, and they which talked with him, and did often behold him, became dumb, insomuch as he abstained with a certain modesty and comeliness, to look upon him that discoursed unto him. All the rest of his visage was courteous and well proportioned: he had but little hair on his chin: he did wear his hair long and curled, contrary to the custom of his Country, who are shaved on their heads, having the same always covered, but he chose was always in a manner bareheaded, and said, his mother came of the race of Samson, for a mark whereof she advised me to honour long hair. This was the cause that made him respected of his men of Arms, and the most part of them did believe there was some virtue in those hairs, or rather some fatal destiny, the which many did believe to be so; and verily they were of a dusky colour drawing toward a violet, the most beautiful that any eye could behold. His stature was of the middle sort, somewhat narrow in his shoulders, he had a fair leg and strong, the strength of his body was such as no body did surpass, and often on the festival days he made trial of his strength with the most strong: and this he did with such grace and humanity, that he whom he overcame held himself therein most happy, although it be a disgrace amongst the Tartarians to be thrown to the ground in wrestling. Now, as he was Martial, and desirous of glory: the first war that he attempted was against the Moscovite, who came and spoilt a City which had put itself into his protection, and had entered also into his Country, and being retired, proclaimed open war against him, gave him battle near to the River Mascha, although the Muscovite had a great Army, which he had gathered together long before On the other side, the Prince determining to resist him, assembled all his forces, and those of his allies. Now the Muscovite had very great forces, and men well trained up in the wars, having had always wars with his neighbours, the King of Polonia, with whom he had then friendship, and the aid of ten thousand very good Horse. There were also with him many Hungarian Gentlemen, led by Vdecelaus a Hungarian Gentleman, who had brought with him more than eight thousand Horse; the opinion was, that he had in his Army fourscore thousand Horse, and a hundred thousand footmen. Our Prince Tamerlan had in his Army about sixscore thousand Horse, and a hundred and fifty thousand men on foot, but not so skilful in points of war as those of the Moscovite: for our Estate had long enjoyed peace, and our Soldiers were indeed trained up in discipline of wars, but not in the practice thereof. The order of Tamerlan was this; that is, The order of Tamerlans Battle. he caused all his Army to be divided into squadrons, each consisting of six thousand Horse, except his own, which was of ten thousand, so as he made eighteen squadrons, his own being reckoned which made nineteen. The Auantguard was conducted by Odmar, who led nine squadrons, flanked with forty thousand men on foot, divided both on the right and left sides, who should shoot an infinite number of Arrows. The Battle was conducted by Tamerlan, who led ten squadrons, his own being therein closed, and fifty thousand Footmen, the best and choicest Soldiers of his whole Army. Prince Thanais, a kinsman unto the Prince, led the Arere-ward, with forty thousand Footmen, and six squadrons: he had some three thousand Horse adventurers, whom they call Oliagues, in their Tongue, the same which we term, The forlorn hope. The Moscovite did not observe that order, but did fight by double Ranks with Lances, and there was a space to help themselves therein, and to break them, notwithstanding those Nations do not break them at all, and they seemed to be a greater number than we, making a great noise. At the length multitude and skill overcame the force and valour of the Moscovites, the victory bending to the Parthians side, the which they did pursue hotly. Tamerlan was hurt on the forehead upon the side of the left eye, and had two Horses slain under him in the fight. Tamerlan employed himself in giving God thanks for this victory, after he had pursued the enemy three leagues; the next day he reviewed his Army, and found that he had lost of his side for his part between seven and eight thousand Horsemen, and between three and four thousand Footmen. The Moscovite lost some seven and twenty thousand Footmen, and between fifteen and sixteen thousand Horsemen. This same day was Odmar the safeguard of his Prince; but he lost haly, who was slain by the blow of an Arrow. The Prince did slack no time after so great a victory: He set forward, and came into the borders of the Moscovite, whom he enforced to capitulations, that they should become Tributaries of a hundred thousand Ducats, and should pay all the charges of the War, amounting unto the sum of three hundred thousand Ducats, he then would send back again all the Prisoners, and withdraw his Army; that for security hereof they should give him pledges, which should be changed every year; unto all which they agreed. So was this War ended to his contentment, returning with glory unto the Prince his Father. Now Tamerlan was received into all his Countries with much honour and triumph. The great Cham of Tartary, Brother unto his Father, sent Presents to gratify him, making offer unto him of his Daughter in Marriage, and that in marrying of her, he would cause him to be acknowledged as Emperor throughout all his Kingdoms, as his next heir, himself being now old, and out of all hope to have any more Children. Hereupon he presently took his journey towards him, Quavicay, if not Quinsay. being in the City of Quavicay, where he was received with all kind of Triumph and Magnificence; there did he show himself brave in all manner of gallant Shows and Combats, as well in jest as in earnest. And as these Nations are full of vanity, and desirous to make show of their strength and agility, Tamerlan carried away the Prize therein, whether it were in shooting near with his Bow, or in changing Horses in the midst of the courses, or in breaking an Iron in running at the Quintaine; The Tartarian Exercises. he made every one wonder at his dexterity, and was crowned the sixth day after his coming thither with the joyful consent of all the Subjects of the Emperor his Uncle, Tamerlan his Marriage with the great Chans' Daughter. and of all the Court. After that, he married the Emperor's Daughter, desiring first to be crowned before the Marriage, to the intent that none should think that the Crown came unto him by means of her, but by succession, the Daughters not at all succeeding into Empires. It was also to assure his estate, and having remained in that place by the space of two months, he returned from thence with his Wife to Samercand, in which City he delighted greatly to remain, because the situation thereof was very fair; and for that the City is accompanied with a fair River, which causeth great Traffic, and maketh it richer than any City within that Country. The situation of the City of Samercand. Odmar alone was called by him, at such time as the great Cham his Uncle did impart unto him his Affairs: and amongst other matters, he propounded unto him the Enterprise of China, promising him assistance and aid, and giving him to understand how necessary it was to undertake this War for the better assuring of his estate, seeing the King of China had much gone beyond his ancient bounds. He had in his Court a Christian whom he loved much, and every one greatly respected, named Axalla, a Genuois by birth, brought up from his youth about his person. This man principally did stir him up unto great Erterprises, This may be praised in a Pagan and Infidel, but not in a Christ●●n Prince. Qui vb que est nusquam est. He which is of all Religions, is of none. Hordas, are the movable populations of the Tartars. A wall builded by the King of China. and notwithstanding his Religion, he trusted him. Now he had all Religion in reverence, so as it did worship one only God, Creator of all things. He often said, that the greatness of Divinity consisted in the sundry kinds of people which are under the Cope of Heaven, who served the same diversely, nourishing itself with diversity, as the nature was diverse where it had printed his Image, God remaining, notwithstanding, one in his Essence, not receiving therein any diversity. This was the reason that moved him to permit and grant the use of all Religions within the Countries of his obedience, always provided (as I said before) that they worshipped one only God. He determined to make War with the King of China (who is called the Lord of the World, and Child of the Sun) which was no small Enterprise. But before he would begin the same, he sent unto the said King of China, for to demand right for some Countries (which they call Hordas) abiding places, which this Prince of China had usurped long before, and even the passages of a River called Tachij, which is beyond his limits, which are Walls which are between the Kingdoms of the great Cham, and of our Tamerlan, builded of purpose by this King of China, to defend him from the Roads of the Tartarians, and forces of our Prince, so as this was begun with the advice of the great Cham, and for his benefit as well as for the Princes. Therefore to accomplish his Enterprise, in the meantime that he attended for the return of his Ambassadors, This was as the Chinois report built before, and perhaps now by age ruined, (which may be a c●use Pole mentions them not) and by this King repaired 100 years after Polos time. In which space also the Chinois, if this story be true, had recovered part of their Empire conquered before by Cublai. A kind parting between the Father and the Son. he caused his forces to come forwards from all parts, appointing unto them for the place of meeting his own at the Horda of Baschir, where all his Army assembled: and other aiding troops of the great Cham in the Deserts of Ergimul, at a certain day, in which place he should join with all his Army. The Army of the great Cham consisted of two hundred thousand fight men, wherein were all the brave men of his Court, who were accustomed unto the Wars, the Emperor which then reigned, and was old, having greatly increased his limits, and conquered a great Country, so as these men were well trained up in the Wars, and accustomed unto travel and pains. Now than the Ambassadors which were sent, return and inform the Prince of the will of (this proud King of the World) this King of China (who was named so) who puffed up with vain glory, was astonished how any durst denounce War against him, making this proud Answer, That Tamerlan should content himself that he had left him that which he might have taken from him, and that his Arms and Forces were of another sort, than those of whom he published the victory, to bring thereby terror upon his Neighbours. This Answer being heard, our Prince marched directly unto the Army, and gave order for the conveyance of victuals from all parts, sent to hasten forward his Confederates, emparted the Answer unto the Emperor by Ambassadors dispatched from him, caused the boldness of the King of China to be published, to make manifest unto all the World the justness of his cause▪ Before his departure he went to take leave of his Father, who endued with a singular and Fatherly affection, said he should never see him again, and that he hastened unto his last rest, and having made solemn Prayers over the Prince his Son for his prosperity, kissing him a thousand times, drew off his Imperial Ring, and gave it unto him, not ask whether his journey tended: and calling Odmar, he bade him farewell, recommending his faithfulness unto his Son. Then he departed and drew towards Samarcand, where the Empress his Wife remained; whom he carried with him as is the custom of that Nation, and after he had (being Religious) visited the Tomb of his Servant haly, he caused his soul three days to be prayed for, according to the Rites of his Law: whereupon he presently departed, Samay made Governor of Sachetay in Tamerlans absence. Tamerlan his Army marching against the King of China. having taken order for the well governing of his Kingdom in his absence, committing the charge thereof unto Samay, a man well practised in Affairs, and he who had the charge of our Prince in his youth. So then he marched forward in the midst of his Army, which consisted but of fifty thousand Horse, and one hundred thousand men on foot, relying principally on the Forces of the great Cham his Uncle; who above all desired this War: he did not forget to give in charge, that the rest of his Forces should be ready upon the first Commandment, as soon as he should be joined with the forces of the great Cham, and marching forwards he had stayed by the way by reason of some distemperature which had surprised him through changing of the Air, as the Physicians affirmed. But yet, notwithstanding, the forces which Catiles, Captain of the Army of the great Cham conducted, went daily forwards. Now the news was spread into an infinite number of places of his distemperature, yet did he not neglect to send unto the great Cham, and often advertise him of the estate of his health, to the end the same should not cause any alteration, the which he did foresee by reason of his preferment unto this Empire, by the great Cham his Uncle: and he was in doubt of a certain Lord named Calix, who was discontented therewith, and had not as yet neither gratified nor acknowledged him as all the other subjects had done. Now concerning his delay, it was by sundry diversely interpreted; some said that he had been advertized of some uproar to be attempted, when he should be far severed from thence, and had passed over the Mountains of Pasanfu, and that Calix stayed upon nothing else, insomuch as the Companies of the great Cham were gone forwards, even beyond the Mountains, having passed the River of Meau, and were encamped at Bouprou, the which Calix understanding, The conspiracy of Calix against Tamerlan in his absence. thought he should have the means to work his enterprise. Thereupon having assembled great store of his most faithful followers, he took counsel with them, that this was the means to overthrow the purposes of Zachetay, who would reign over, and bring them under his Empire: & that seeing their Prince had been so badly minded as to do the same of his own mind without calling of them which had interest in that election, that now was the time to assure their liberty, which was in doubt to be lost, & caused also a rumour to be spread of the sickness of this Prince, that the great Cham was old, the greatest part of his forces, far separated from him, forthwith dispatching a Messenger unto the great Cham their Prince, to assure him that they bent not their forces against him, but were his faithful and obedient subjects': but they armed themselves, because they would not be governed by the Parthians, their ancient enemies. Thus Calix thought greatly to trouble him, when he rose in Arms against him, and did think that he had already assaulted the Wall which the King of China had made against the Tartarians. As soon then as the Prince was advertized of the pretences of Calix thus discovered, he marched one days journey forward, to the end he might approach unto Calibes, and impart the same unto him, what face soever Calibes set on the matter, he hearkened what would become of Calix, that he might likewise make some commotion: there was left with him to command over the Parthians, the Prince of Thanais, without whom he could not do any thing, for that he led the avantguard. Thus was the Army divided in two parts; the King of China remaining long before he was advertized of all this, and thought he had all the forces both of the Tartarians and Parthians upon his Arms, Good directions from Tamerlan. so as this was of no small importance to favour our Affairs: for Tamerlan had especially given commandment, that the passages which are easily gotten, might as diligently be kept, to the end that the King of China should not be advertized of the tumult. Then Tamerlan set forward his avantguard under the leading of Odmar: he promised unto himself shortly a happy success in his Affairs, and advertized the Emperor of all: but it came unto him when he was sick. And surely it was high time for Tamerlan to march forward, or else all had been revolted, so leaving his Footmen, he made great journeys. Now during the time that he had been advertized, and made his abode to consult, which was the space of two months: Calix having presented himself with a hundred thousand fight men before Cambalu, a very great City, and chief of the Province of Catayo, the Inhabitants thereof came out to meet him, and did also receive him with all the joy that might be. Now whilst our Army marched towards Caindu, and from thence unto Calatia, whether our Army went easily, looking for the Forces of his Native Country of Zachetay, to come and join with him: he did not yet forget to send forward daily of our Soldiers towards Cambalu, so as they supposed all our Forces to be on the neck of them already, which gave great terror unto the people. Calix perceiving that the people did repent, he thought best to withdraw himself out of Cambalu, determining to oppose himself against Tamerlan, and sent for his power from all places, putting all upon the event and hazard of a battle. He drew out of Cambalu full fifty thousand men, as well Burgesses, as Soldiers which were there in Garrison, having won all the Captains which the old Emperor had placed there in Garrison, amounting to the number of thirty thousand men, and him that commanded over them, who had consented unto the revolt of this great City. To make it short, having assembled all his Forces, he had fourscore thousand Horse, and a hundred thousand Footmen, the which he had gathered together from all parts. Our Army then marched with all diligence, in such sort as certain Scouts which were two thousand Horse, had news of the Army of Calix, the which came forwards directly towards us, whereof they caused the Emperor to be certified speedily, who sent thither two thousand Horses more, Brore. to the end they should keep the passage of a River called Brore, by the which our victuals were conveyed unto the Army, and also for to win always time, the Prince knowing right well that the motions of Civil Wars be furious at the beginning, and that it is the best to resist them slowly, drawing them always out at length if it be possible. For the people in the end acknowledging their faults, their means and money failing them, and oftentimes victuals also. On the contrary side in a Royal Army none of all this doth happen, where all things are favourable, and the Soldiers well disciplined, obedience and order being wisely observed. Then had the Emperor the guiding of his own purposes, for he had received commandment from the Emperor his Uncle, to hazard therein all for all, delivering up into his hands the safeguard of his life and estate, that he might thereby end his days in peace, willing him likewise to punish this arrogant fellow and his partakers. By this means came forces from all parts unto Tamerlan; but on the contrary part, the Enemy's Army was then in his chiefest force, and began to feel the want of victuals. Calix was of the age of forty, he was a Captain renowned with the great Cham, he was one of the chiefest in dignity and place, and they had always respected him within Tartary as a person most worthy of the Empire, if the glory of Tamerlan, and his reputation had not so far excelled. The Armies began to be viewed the one of the other about eight of the clock in the morning, where there were very many skirmishes before they came unto the main Battle (according to the fights of these Nations) it was a great Plain wherein they met at that time, with like advantage on either part; Odmar led the avantguard, wherein there was forty thousand Horse, and threescore thousand Footmen; he made three Squadrons, whereof he set forward one before him that began the Battle. Tamerlan marched in the same order, but his Squadrons were much stronger, the Footmen both of the avantguard and of the Battle were on the right and left wings. Tamerlan had drawn out six thousand Parthian Horse, and two thousand Tartarian for the Arierward, and had committed the charge thereof unto a faithful Servant of his called Axalla (a Genuois borne) a man of great judgement, Axalla. his understanding being good and quick, and a Captain in great estimation amongst the Soldiers, although he worshipped God in another manner than we did, Many Christians. and was a Christian. And he had many of them with him, whom he caused to come from the Georgians, and from Pont Euxin, who fought with great agility; this day did he show his great fidelity and courage unto his Prince. Calix on the other-side, who was a well spoken man, was encouraging his Soldiers to favour his fortune, and the liberty of his Nation: he had divided his troops into three main Battles only, his Footmen upon the right hand, his own person was in the midst of the main Battle, with many Footmen which compassed him round about (according as we use to fight.) In the end, valiantly fight, he fell into Axallas hands, which with one voice he proclaimed through all his Camp, which overthrew the courage of all his Soldiers. Calix taken prisoner by Axalla. Calix beheaded. He was kept until the next day, and was judged by all the Counsel worthy of punishment: whereupon Tamerlan caused his head to be smitten off, the which he sent to be presented unto the Inhabitants of Cambalu: he caused the like to be done unto all the chief Leaders, not for cruelty, but for necessity, knowing very well, that the means to cut off the Foot of civil wars, is to punish the Heads of the same, for they be Hydra's which grow up too fast. §. II. Cataio, Cambalu; TAMERLANS expedition into China, entering the Wall, conquering the King, and disposing of the Country, and return to Cataio. AFter this the Army marched into the Kingdom of Cataio, a Country rich in grass, and in all kinds of pastures, abounding with great quantity of Beasts, and People, which knew not what war meant. The Prince gave commandment that these people should not be accounted as Enemies, but his good Subjects, that he would use all the Cities well, as Cangi, Sochgi, Gonzae, Tagni, Togara, Congu, which had revolted, and were come to sue for pardon at his hands, in humbling themselves before him; the which he granted unto them, enjoining them only to provide sufficient victuals for his Army: which was of no small importance for the appeasing of others, who had put all their hope in extremity, which is in losing their own lives to make others do the like▪ and especially the Inhabitants of Cambalu had taken this resolution: but being informed of the Emperor's clemency, changed their opinions. In the mean while our Army daily approached, and at such time as we came nearest, the more did the fear of all the City increase, insomuch as the Prince was advertised daily from those which favoured his side, of all things within the City, and he was assured that every one determined to obey the Conqueror, and to do whatsoever he commanded. The which being known unto the Prince, he left all his Army at Gonsa, and himself went directly unto the City of Cambalu, where all things were made quiet, The ordinary Garrison at Cambalu of 30000. Soldiers. by the means of thirty thousand Soldiers, being the ordinary Garrison, whom he caused to enter thereinto before him, and two hours after entered into the same himself, being received with great magnificence, not yielding as yet to pronounce the word of pardon, referring all unto the Emperor, and to the ordinary course of justice. He stayed for the return of one of his Favourites, whom he had sent unto the Emperor, to carry him news of the victory, and of the death of Calix, and that the chief of this Faction remained prisoners with him; also to know what justice the Emperor would appoint to be inflicted on those Citizens, which were the first beginners of the revolt of this City: for the Prince being desirous to be esteemed merciful, and to win love within this great City, would not execute justice of himself, nor in his own name, but by the Emperor his Uncle, whom he did gratify herein, leaving the authority wholly unto himself, and by this means he was not esteemed cruel. Thus the Prince after he had remained here eight days, departed. He was not many day's journey from the City before he received tidings, how the great Cham his Uncle, willed that justice should be executed on them which were the first Moovers of this revolt; the which was executed accordingly in the name of the Emperor, and by his special ministers; in such sort, that as the people accused the cruelty of the Emperor, they commended the mercy of Tamerlan. Thus was this war brought unto an end, to the great honour and reputation of Tamerlan. As soon as our Prince was returned unto his Army where he found Odmar, who there attended his coming, he was received of his Soldiers, and with a loud voice called by all his Captains and Soldiers; Most great Emperor and most victorious, Tamerlan welcomed unto his Army, with new and strange acclamation. as they are accustomed to do amongst the Tartarians. The Prince after he had long discoursed with his Captains both of the beauty and greatness of the City of Cambalu, he arrived at his Tent, where after he had declared unto Odmar in what sort all things had passed at Cambalu: he asked his advice, whether he should go and visit the Emperor his uncle. Odmar well perceived that the Prince desired it, and called unto his remembrance the honour which he had received when he was at Quinzai, and that he would have been very willing to spend the Winter with the Empress▪ staying for the Spring for to return unto the enterprise of China, with a long speech dissuaded him. The Emperor answered him, that he had ever known his fidelity and love, and that the cause of his sadness was, for that he did not find in himself ability to recompense the same: and that when he thought to give himself some ease, than was the time he must in stead of the delicacies and pleasures of Quinzay, make the Deserts of Cipribit the resting place from the travails of his new victory: that it was ended, and his purposes determined: I have also heard the Prince say, that Odmar did not speak unto him like an earthly but divine man, and that he verily believed that God by his means did call him back from some mishap which would have light upon him, to make his glory increase the more. Now, the rumour was already spread over all, that the Prince's determination was to go and visit the Emperor his Uncle, the which tickled every man with desire to return into his Country, hoping to enjoy the sweetness of his native soil. When as commandment was given for a general review of the whole Army: Tamerlan his Otation unto his Soldiers upon his going forward against the King of China. where the Emperor spoke unto his Soldiers in this manner: We have begun (my faithful Soldiers) an enterprise to go and assault the King of China, who hath of late repulsed even beyond the Mountains the Tartarian name; but we were hindered to our great grief by the foolish rashness of Calix, and were driven to turn the bridle for to punish him, wherein you have all assisted me. It grieveth me that I cannot as well brag of the fresh spoils of a stranger, as I may vaunt (by the means of your weapons) of those our unfaithful Citizens; and in times passed with your own selves making trial of my first Arms against the boldness of the fierce Moscovite, although for this last civil victory I am further indebted unto you, for your greater endeavour, and the hazarding of your persons being much greater, so were they our own people, who would not acknowledge us, whereof I cannot speak without shedding of tears, desiring rather to bury such a victory, what glory and honour soever we have gotten thereby. Neither do I recount these things unto you, but for to manifest that I forget not your faithfulness, and the great travail you have endured with me. We must not therefore be weary, but must turn our weapons against those which think that we are greatly troubled, whereas we are victorious. We have left our Companions, who have temporised to hear the event and success of our affairs, all our munitions be there; we must in that place (my Soldiers and friendly Followers) pass over the rest of Winter: our Companions look for us. The Enemy is secure and looketh not for us at this season of the year: for he perceiveth that our Army which is there is not sufficient for offence, but only for defence. You shall receive double pay, the better to furnish you against the injury of cold: and as we shall be clothed with double garments, I hope we shall be also apparelled with double glory. Let us march on merrily, I myself will go with you, and be companion of your glory. After he had thus spoken unto his Soldiers, The cry of the Soldiers upon the Emperor's Oration. they all cried; One God in Heaven, and one Emperor on the Earth: and bowing down all their heads in token of humility, they showed how agreeable they were to obey that which he commanded. Thus every one returned into his Tent, where they abode yet eight days more. The Prince sent back again Zamai unto Sachetay with some five and twenty thousand Horse, and fifty thousand Footmen, for the safety of his estate in those parts. Thus after prayers were said, all the Army being assembled together in the presence of the Prince (according to the custom of our Emperors) our Army began to march forward. He forgot not likewise to dispatch one unto the Emperor his Uncle, to give him understanding of all this resolution, the which he very well liked of. The Prince by the same Messenger did beseech him, to send unto him in the Spring of the year some fifty thousand men to repair his Army, A wall builded by the King of China forty leagues long. Perhaps this was not the ancient wall, of which the Chinois write, but some other betwixt Cathay and those parts of Mangi, which the Tartars having gotten in P●los days, might soon after lose, and the Chinois recover; the Tartarians still holding Quinsay & some other parts of Mangi or China, as this story (i● wholly tru●) seems to import. The Prince of Thanais gaineth a Lord of the Mountains to do the Emperor service. Vauchefu. and certain money also for the payment of his men of War, which he granted him. Moreover, the conducting of good store of warlike munition, and plenty of victuals for to renew ours: for this war was principally enterprised for the profit and greatness of the Tartarians, and for the importance which the loss of the Lordships of Paguin and Quifu was unto them, whereby the King of China had greatly strengthened and assured his estate, in so much as he might at his pleasure enter upon the Tartarians, and the Tartarians could not enterprise against him without great forces, for that he had caused a wall to be made between the spaces of the Mountains, which was forty leagues long, so as they were defended hereby from the ordinary incursions, the which continually did greatly enrich them, because they brought much cattle through the same, wherein the Country of China doth greatly abound, by reason it is situated in a temperate air, being neither too hot nor cold. This was the cause that made the Emperor his Uncle to desire this war; whom our Prince, according to his duty, would to the uttermost of his power gratify, as also his new Subjects. So we began to march, and in thirty eight days we arrived at Cipribit, the Army having found great discommodities: there had we news of Calibes, who was very glad to understand how the affairs had passed: he came to visit the Prince, who showed unto him a very good countenance, and gave him particular understanding of his determination, and understood at large of Calibes, all that had passed within the Kingdom of China. The next day the Prince mounted on horseback, and came unto Pazanfou, where the forces commanded by Calibes were a● that present, the which had often fought with and tried the forces of the Chinois: but found them much interior unto their own. The Emperor caused a general review to be made of all the forces which were under Calibes, and after he beheld the countenances of these Soldiers throughout all their ranks, he caused them to muster, and to receive money, every one crying▪ God save the victorious and invincible Emperor, according to their custom. The Prince of Thanais (who commanded the Army in Calibes absence, going to meet Tamerlan) with great diligence had marked the Wall, and the places by the which he might enter by force, and sent many Spies into the Country of China, by certain little ways that were within the Mountains, who advertised him of all. He had also gained through his courtesy a Lord of the same Mountains (called the Lord of Vauchefu) who ruled a great Country, with whom he had so well profited, that he made him desirous of a new Master, and to submit himself unto the Emperor, receiving daily great discommodity by the wars which the Tartarians and Chinois made: so as he coming to visit the Prince of Thanais, he assured him of his desire to do the Prince service, and to help him in the war against the Chinois, the which the Prince of Thanais had wisely concealed from Calibes. But as soon as the Prince was arrived, he imparted the same unto him, the which made Tamerlan desirous to have some speech with him, so that as soon as the Prince had received commandment from the Emperor, he sent unto Vauchefu to advertise him of the Prince's arrival, and of the commandment which he had received: whereof the other was very glad, and having appointed a day, the Prince took his journey (without stirring of the Army) into the camp of the Prince of Thanais, which was near unto the River of Languenne, whither he had caused this foresaid Lord to come, who met him there. Then the Prince after he had heaped upon him gifts of fair Horses, rich Furs, and other rare things, he willed him to utter that which he had to say unto him. This Lord spoke then in this manner: Know my Lord, that it is but loss of time to think, The speech of the Mountain Lord unto Tamerlan. that with your Arms you should be able to force the Wall, which the Chinois have built against the incursions of your subjects, the Defendants have too much advantage therein. I doubt not of your Soldier's stoutness and of their courage, I know you have conquered many Nations with them, and that whatsoever you command them, they will die or do the same. I know you have great and wise Captains with you, that your Person is only of all the World worthy to command them: but all this will be but in vain against the Wall of the Chinois, where I assure you there are fifty thousand men to keep it, and you cannot stay there so short a time, but there will come thither fifty thousand more, led by the Xianxi who hath such a commandment. The King of China will himself march forward also, who will give you battle with two hundred thousand Horse and as many Footmen. After you have fought, I believe that the fortune and valour of your men may obtain the victory, the which will cost you dear: but for to show unto you how much the reputation and mildness of your men hath bound me unto them, I will show you a means by the which you may cause fifty thousand men to enter into the Kingdom of China, whom I myself will conduct; and they shall be on them which keep the Wall, in a manner as soon as they shall perceive it. In the mean time you shall cause your men to go unto a place that I will tell you, which will be very discommodious unto the Chinois, by reason of a Mountain over against them, which you must cause them to win: for I assure myself, that when they shall perceive your Soldiers to be passed, they will lose their courage, and you may easily win the passage for to favour those men of yours which shall be passed over with me. And for to show unto you the affection and fidelity of that I speak, I will deliver into your hands an only Son I have, and two little Daughters with my Wife: I have also one Brother, who I am assured will follow me to do you service. The Prince having heard this Lord speak, received great joy thereof, hoping that his affairs should happily succeed, and this he kept very secret, for even the Prince of Thanais knew not the means that this Lord had, seeing there was only present the Prince and an Interpreter, and the Prince after he had thus spoken unto him, gratifying him with all he could possibly, this Lord retired himself, accompanied with the Prince of Thanais, who conducted him back again with all the honour that might be. So the Emperor returned from thence into his quarter, and the next day after he had imparted the whole unto Odmar, and heard Calibes concerning that which he had learned of the departing of the King of China, and of his preparation, which was great. This enterprise seeming hard unto him, after due reverence yielded unto the Prince, he spoke unto him in this manner: Know my Lord, that I am your Slave for to obey you: but seeing you require me to give you an account of all that I know of the estate of the Kingdom of China, for that I have remained these six months upon the borders by your commandment, Calibes Oration unto Prince Tamerlan. to hinder them from passing the same, whereby they might hurt your enterprises, I can affirm unto you, that the King of China, who reigneth at this present, is of great reputation, and hath increased the limits of his Kingdom more than any of his Predecessors. His strength consisteth in this Wall opposed against us, the which he hath caused to be made by reason of the ordinary roads of our Nation. I am of opinion, that there be between fifty and threescore thousand men at the guard of that Wall, men for the most part trained up in the Garrisons of the King of China, and his best Soldiers, and I know no good means to force this Wall without great hazard and much loss of your men. I have understood, that towards the Lake Hogeen you may find more easy entrance into the Kingdom: The Lake Hogeen. after every one had declared his opinion, he said; that he hoped the great God (the Unity, of whom he would maintain against such Idolaters) and his just right should answer the reasons which do contradict his purpose, and the valiant arm of his Soldiers shall quite overthrow whatsoever opposeth itself against the same; and concealed from his Soldiers that which he held as assured to execute it, to the end, the honour of a happy conducting might be ascribed unto him only. Now, our Prince having satisfied every one of the Kings and Lords that did accompany him, he appointed the meeting place for his Army to be at a certain place, where he meant to choose fifty thousand fight men, and deliver them unto the commandment of the Prince of Thanais, unto whom he joined the Lord Axalla a Genuois (for that he knew him to be discreet) for to accompany him, commanding him to give credit unto him, for his experience and fidelity. The day appointed being come, the Lord with his brother came to the Emperor, having viewed the place again, and found it to be forceable and fit to pass, assuring the Prince once again of the happy success of their enterprise, and the Prince being assembled with them to confer together, resolved in the end, that his person with all the army should approach unto the walls directly over against Quaguifou, Quaguifou. in which mean space the fifty thousand men should march forwards unto the place appointed, Fifty thousand men sent into China by a secret passage, under the leading of the Prince of Thanais and Axalla. and where they were assured to pass, conducted by the Chinois Lord, under the charge of the Prince of Thanais and Axalla. The Emperor having not failed to deliver unto them the best soldiers of his army, and having set down the order by them to be observed, he willed that the Lord Axalla should lead twenty thousand of them, and should march the first, the rest led by the Prince of Thanais, and that every one should have one of those Lords to guide them, that by their means the enterprise might be more safely directed. So having marched ten leagues, they arrived at the passage, the which was won, not finding any man there to resist them: and having taken a light repast, they began to march forward other ten leagues which yet remained, where the Chinois were, A secret way found into China, by the conduct of the mountain Lord. who suspected no such thing, having only an eye unto them which marched for to force their walls, assuring themselves to have the mastery, considering their advantage. But it fell out much otherwise, for even at the very same time the Chinois did perceive the Prince's army to approach unto their wall, as soon did they descry Axalla with twenty thousand men, who advanced forward being followed by the Prince of Thanais with thirty thousand soldiers chosen out of the whole army, who without any communication set upon the Chinois, which came presently unto them, having left a certain number of their Camp for the guard of the wall: but they were presently won by the footmen led this day by Odmar, Axalla overthrew the Chinois that kept the wall of partition. who passed over so as the Chinois were cut off between our Armies. When Axalla began the battle, he overthrew them in a manner all, the Prince of Thanais not hazarding himself therein: there was great riches gotten this day, the King of China his Cousin (whom he called King) was taken prisoner: There was a great quantity of gold amongst them, as well on their arms as on their horse and furniture: they showed no great stoutness. The news hereof being come unto the King of China, who at that present time was at Quantou, Quantiou. brought unto him great astonishment, for that he judged it a thing that could not possibly come to pass, you might have seen every one filled with fright, tears and cries, bewailing the loss of their friends. The King gathering together soldiers from all parts (as the custom is of these people) caused all the Priests and such as had the charge of holy things to come unto him, The custom of the Chinois in religion. and after exhortations used, he (as their head) commanded them to offer sacrifice unto their Gods, of whom the Sun is the principal commanding in heaven (whom they hold opinion to be the chiefest cause of their being, accounting it immortal and impassable, moving itself only for the benefit of living creatures) this did he command to be observed through out all his Cities; and the second thing was, that every one able to bear arms should mount on horseback, and come unto the King at Paguinfou, whither he doubted that we would go, because it was one of the nearest towns upon the borders. I have forgotten to declare that this Lord who had the charge to conduct fifty thousand men unto the frontiers, at such time as they which were there had need thereof, was soon in a readiness, The Emperor won the walls of China. and came to oppose himself against the Prince's Army which entered, and being skilful in the ways of the country, troubled much the Army: for a great number of his men were on horseback. The Prince determined to beat down all the walls, the better to assure his return, as also all the fortresses which were there upon all the passages, all of them having yielded themselves after his victory, showing himself very courteous unto the people of these mountains, The mountain Lord rewarded with great government. he gave unto this Lord a small portion of land, wherein there be seven or eight good towns, Archij, Ymulij, Faliquien, Fulij, Cohensen, Qualij, Pulij Quianlu, who came and delivered up their keys unto him, being neighbours unto this Lord, and gave him the government of the frontier province of Xianxij, showing himself to be a Prince of his word, and acknowledging the notable services the which this Lord had done him. He referred the honouring of his brother until he had means to do the same: the Prince had received news, how that the King of China assembled his forces & marched forwards, and that he was there in his own person, & that he strengthened also his Cities which are sufficiently fortified, and upon these doubts he thought good to have the advice of his Captains, and after sundry opinions, his resolution was, to leave nothing behind him, and to assault some famous City, and take it, by means whereof he may nourish his Army, and secondarily call the enemy unto battle. The which the conqueror should always seek, A good advertisement for General●. & the defender the latest he can hazard the same. For that it is a very doubtful thing to commit themselves unto a battle, his duty being rather to delay, undermining the conqueror by lengt hand by weariness, and light skirmishes, then to fight in open field. It was concluded, and the advice of every one was, to conquer the Country by little and little, so as their enterprise was to draw directly unto Paguinfou, which as it was a great City, and one of the chiefest, so is it also strongly fortified, and well replenished with people. Then he dispatched Odmar with fourteen thousand Horse, to advance forward and summon the same, as for to hinder victuals from being conveyed thereinto out of the champain Country: to the end that the cattle remaining in the fields, should be a means to maintain and nourish his Army. I had forgotten to tell you, Axalla made Captain general of all the footmen. that for the acknowledging of the Lord Axalla his services, the Prince had made him Captain general of all his Footmen, which was one of the principal honours of the Army. He caused the said Lord Axalla to march after Odmar, with all the Footmen, which was very near a hundred and fifty thousand men, well trained up in the wars, and good expert fighters. He marched himself immediately after with all his Horsemen, Artilleries, Engines, and other munitions belonging unto war, Paguinfou besieged. directly unto Paguinfou. Odmar did ride twenty French leagues this day, so as he arrived there contrary to their expectation, looking rather for the King then for the Enemy, and having taken much cattle, wherewith the Country greatly aboundeth, he pitched his Tents, leaving the City between him and us, and stayed for his footmen, who marched forwards in the mean space, sending continually unto the war, for to weary the Enemy. This endured three or four days, until our footmen led by this brave Christian Genuois, showed themselves in the Plain of Paguinfou. Then the City was summoned to yield obedience unto the Emperor, or else they should receive the Law of the Conqueror. They made answer, that they were determined to live and die in the service of their Prince. Now you must understand that it was forty years, or thereabouts, Note these changes of state betwixt the Tartars and Chinois. since the Father of the King which reigneth at this present over the Chinois, had conquered it from the Empire of the Tartarians, and having driven out all the Inhabitants, they had planted therein new Colonies, so thoroughly, that there were but few of the first remembrance, but only they of the flat Country, and small walled Towns, who came from all parts and brought their Keys, most willingly submitting themselves unto the obedience of the Prince: so as there was great abundance of victuals within our Army: and if we had been within our own Country, there could not have come greater store; a thing which made our Prince hope for a happy success, there being no other difficulty which for the most part can overthrow a great Army as ours was, and withdraw them from their enterprise. And thus the City of Paguinfou is besieged, and our footmen camped round about within an Arrows shot of the walls. They within the City did use great endeavour for their defence, and our Prince omitted nothing for their offence. Axalla having viewed a great and strong Suburb, which was in length almost half a league, supposed that those of the City kept no watch there: that this must needs be, for that they would not make him obstinate; he had a determination to win it in the night, and having imparted it unto the Prince, upon the first watch all his men were ready, all of them having made provision of Ladders, and of such things as are necessary for winning thereof with hand-blowes, and having assaulted it on sundry parts, after the fight had continued two hours, Axalla remained the Conqueror, A great Suburb won by Axalla in the night. and cut in pieces eight thousand men at the least which were within the same: the spoil was great, there were many of Axalla his men slain of one side, which was that by the which they doubted to be assaulted. But on the other side, by the which it was taken, there was scarce any one slain. The taking of this Suburb did greatly astonish those of the City, who had marked the lustiness of our men, and began to enter into doubt of their safety, which unto this day they accounted as most assured. The situation of the City of Paguinfou. Now you must understand that the situation of the City was of hard access, being seated upon a Plain, the which was environed round about with Mountains, one of them only approaching the City, which overlooked it on front upon the North side, where was a Valley by the which they p●ssed, and there did run a River: on this side was the Suburb situated which had been taken, so as the means to succour the City was stopped, our Soldiers keeping the passages of these Mountains, the which were in the old time the borders of the Kingdom: for Paguinfou was once governed by the Tartarians, which kept it for a defence against the Chinois, but had lost the same, and these Mountains were the limits of China against the aforesaid Tartarians, who governed Paguinfou at that time, so as these Mountains were of hard access, and there remained no other way but on the side of the Suburb, the which a River compasseth about, running all along the side of a bordering Mountain, upon the which we caused many bridges to be built, for to have thereby a way for to succour our Soldiers, which kept the passages of the Mountains on the enemy's side. In this mean time the King of Chinaes' Army approached which was very great, as they brought us word daily, the Prince determining to go in person and meet with the Enemy, accompanied with his principal Horsemen, and to leave the greatest part of his Footmen at the siege, whereunto he had a great desire, omitting nothing that might weary the besieged, who defended themselves courageously. So the Prince began to batter, The siege of Paguinfou. causing his Engines to approach; as Rams, and other munitions: insomuch as the City was assaulted on two sides very courageously. In the end through the valour of Axalla, who gave an assault with twenty thousand of his best Soldiers, he won the wall, and lodged there, the Prince having so commanded him to do, to stop the heat of the Soldiers from going any further. Now the Prince's purpose was to compound for the City, and not to force it, for two reasons. The first was, for that he feared, the City being great and rich, that when the Soldiers should sack it, the Enemy who was but thirty leagues from thence, should come upon them, and by this means his Army should be found in disorder, also rich Soldiers never serve well: The other was, for that he would draw out of that City which was rich and wealthy, those commodities which were necessary for the sure accomplishing of his enterprise, seeing it was necessary to have such a City for to make a Storehouse of necessary things for the Army. Thus although the wall was won, the Enemies wanted not courage yet to defend themselves valiantly, looking for aid according to the news they had received, that the King's Army marched forward. Whilst these things were in doing, The City of Paguinfou yielded unto Tamerlan upon the death of their Governor. Axallas choice. one of our Engines shooting a bullet, slew the Governor, whereupon they did resolve for to yield themselves unto the Prince's mercy, saving their lives, and the Soldiers enjoying their horse and weapons. The conditions were agreed upon, and there came out of the City eighteen thousand Soldiers, the Inhabitants remaining in a manner all: there were therein thirty thousand Soldiers at the beginning: the siege continued two months. The honour of taking the City and the happy success therein was attributed unto Axalla, to whom was given the government of the City with the Country already conquered. But he beseeched the Prince that it would please him to bestow it upon some other, and for himself he reserved the hope of his Master, wherein he should have part. This answer did greatly content the Prince, for he greatly desired the service of Axalla. Upon his refusal this charge was bestowed upon the Prince of Thanais, with the Title of Viceroy. Now, as I have already told you, our Prince after he had given such order as was necessary, and advertised his friends in all parts, and above all the Emperor, he marched forward, having contented his Soldiers, and made a general muster of his Army, as well of the horse as footmen, the which he found to be diminished of ten thousand men only. Now, our Prince after he had solemnly called upon the Immortal, Tamerlan his kind of godliness. Invincible, and Incomprehensible God, and spent one whole day in prayer, we enterprised to go on forward, and to go directly unto the Enemy, who was at Sintehu, with all his own forces, and of all his Allies. As soon as he received news that our Army was passed over the River of Chulifu, the King of China marched directly unto us with great magnificence: The King of China his magnificence. there was nothing to be seen but gold and precious stones in his Army: he himself was commonly in a Chariot, wherein there was such a quantity of gold and rich stones, that every part was full of Diamonds, Rubies, and Pearls. The King of China was of the age of three and thirty years, who for the most part had been brought up in pleasures, and not in military exercises, nor under the bloody ensign of Mars; laden with Iron, boisterous and furious, not with gold, precious stones, and with such kind of riches: so as he was very insolent in threatenings, bravadoes, and in defying unto the battle▪ He often said that we had surprised him, and had not warned him to prepare himself, and that we had strucken him without speaking any word: for this is the custom of the people in those parts, The custom of the Chinois. to do in this manner. He had two or three Kings also with him, his Neighbours and Allies, who marched with the same preparation. The rumour of these riches gave great courage to the Soldiers, for they were covetous of just gain, as is that gotten by a battle. So both our Armies went forward each to approach the other, and there was a City yielded unto the Prince called Tunichevoy, Tunichevoy. the which helped our Army greatly. The next day, to the end we might give occasion unto the Enemy for to approach nearer, we sent to summon, and at the same time to take possession of the City of Pannihu, the which in advancing forward we left a little behind us. Pannihu. The King of China had put many men thereinto, and it was a City sufficiently well fortified: from Tiauchevoy to Paguinuhu there were ten leagues. He advanced his Army within a league of the City Tiauchevoy, Tiauchevoy. about noon the next day they had more certain advertisement of the Enemies coming. The Prince commanded his Army to take the place for the battle, which he had chosen in his judgement with most advantage, and having set down unto Odmar the order he would have to be observed, he desired to see the coming of this Army: so sending before him five or six thousand Horse as Scouts, he advanced forward, and Calibes with him. After he had seen this great confused Army which continually came forward, he commanded Calibes to retire himself as soon as they drew near unto him, and bring unto him this great cloud, the which he hoped soon to disperse. So the Prince returned back unto his men for to assure them of the battle: he caused all his footmen to be placed all along by a great Mountain, so as they had but one head for to doubt. And he planted great store of Artillery for the guard of his footmen. I am of opinion, that the Prince had about sixscore thousand footmen, The order of the Prince's battle against the King of China. whereof many were armed after the Christian manner, and all they were commanded by sundry Captains; but all obeyed Axalla, who commanded them as General. Our Horsemen were in battle array in a great level Plain, having the Footmen on the left hand, and on the right was the coming of the Enemy, so as upon the least disfavour that might happen, he would retire to be assisted by his footmen. We had four score thousand horse: Calibes with the Scythians were in the avantguard, and had the commandment of thirty thousand horse, who should receive him at such time as he did draw on the Enemy, as he was commanded. It was divided into three troops, each one consisting of ten thousand. Odmar had also thirty thousand horse who should assist him. The Prince remained in the Arierward at the one of the wings of his footmen, which held one of his principal forces: his purpose was to suffer the threescore and six thousand horse to maintain the fight against the Barbarians, being led by two good Captains, and if any of them remained, the Emperor hoped after of them to have a good market, by causing his footmen to march forward, and himself with whom there abode twenty thousand of the best horse, which were sufficient without hazarding his Person for to give a new battle, if so be that any disfavour should happen unto them: for he had understood that this was the custom of the Kings of China, to enclose themselves within the midst of their Chariots with their footmen, and not to hazard themselves but upon the extremity. So the Enemy failed nothing at all to march directly unto Calibes, and all the Army marched after following of him and setting upon him, and he even as the Scythians are always accustomed to do, with his six thousand horse in retiring gave many charges, killing some of them, and they likewise killing some of his men. It was a beautiful sight to see this great Army march, for it seemed to be twice as great as ours, therein being an infinite number of armed Chariots, wherein he put his principal trust against the fury of our Soldiers; so many gildings of gold and silver as well in the trappings of their Horses, as on their Armour, that it glittered, and was of us all much admired. The Prince who with a troop of horse did see the Army march after Calibes, The beauty and richness of the King of Chinas' Army. commended greatly the manner of casting their men out of the ranks, for to compel this troop unto fight, and did see this Army come in good order, and he tried with his eye to note the place where the King's Person was, having near him the Chinois Lord to instruct him, who knew well their manner of fight. Now, they had neither avantguard nor battle, but only an Arierward commanded by the King, and enclosed (as I have said) with his Chariots: the which being showed unto him by this Lord, the Prince turned himself unto us, and in our language said: Yet must we this day disperse this cloud here so gilded, Tamerlan his speech of the King of China. and the King of China and myself must make a partition thereof. Now, having seen the Enemy sufficiently advanced, and judging that he had had seen them march a good league, he thought it not convenient to suffer them for to take breath, nor for to put themselves again into their order; he sent unto Calibes for to will him to set forward the fight, and that if those whom he had led with him should be weary, they should come unto him; but it was not in Calibes power to have this commandment over them. For as soon as they heard this word of fight uttered, they required the first charge, with a young Lord, who commanded over them, called Zioctabanes, who made appear unto the Chinois to what end their flight was, charging very stiffly upon the foremost of the Enemies, the which was an occasion to begin the first fight. And I assure you, there could not be seen a more furious thing, nor any for to fight with more desire to manifest the valour of his Nation, and for to procure honour unto his Prince. Now, this endured a long hour before the Chinois had overthrown Calibes. The Prince did see all patiently, saying always, The battle between the King of China and Tamerlan. that the great multitude how confused soever it were, would carry it away from the order and valour of his Soldiers: you could not yet perceive any alteration in the Prince's countenance, Adversity and Prosperity were so indifferent unto him. His thirty thousand Horse were all Scythians, who observe not the same order the Parthians do. Now, before the Prince retired with his men, he did see the first charge given. Calibes being wounded, retired himself near unto the Prince, having with him two thousand horse joined together again, and many more joining themselves together near unto the Prince, who commanded that they should cure Calibes, viewing the place of his wound, he caused him to be conducted behind his footmen, and the other which were hurt with him also. Now, Calibes was not able to pierce through this Army, being beaten back; but Odmar with almost all the Parthian horsemen, did handle them more roughly, for he ran clean thorough them, and returned by one of the right wings of the Army, where he fought most valiantly, and having beaten them back even within the King's Chariots, he thought that he should not do wisely to go about to break such forces. The King of China coming forward, and the horsemen which had been broken by Odmar, joining themselves together for his aid, Odmar only remaining in the battle sent unto the Prince for the footmen, and for to set forward the Artillery, and that he should assure himself of the victory. The Prince, who had already set forward, kept aloof off, and sent unto him fifty thousand footmen, with a part of the Artillery, giving charge thereof unto Axalla, who forthwith set forward, having commandment to set upon the Chariots, and to make an entrance: he set forward the Artillery before him, the which did greatly astonish the enemies: for the Governors of the horses, belonging to the King's Chariots, could not hold them; it made also a great spoil. As soon as he perceived this disorder, he set forward, and came to hand-blowes, there were a hundred and fifty thousand men, as yet about the King's person. Axalla full of courage fought so valiantly, that they never beheld any do more bravely. Odmar during this fight charged again the Horsemen, who were retired unto the King's aid, whom he put to flight. Then the Prince advanced forward with the rest of his Footmen, gave aid unto Axalla, and came even unto the person of the King of China, who was as yet enclosed within a second rank of Chariots with thirty or forty thousand men: and after he had fought two or three hours, the Horsemen assisting the Footmen, and they principally whom the Prince had reserved, The King of China wounded and taken Prisoner. Tamerlans victory over the King of China. the King remained wounded within the power of the Prince, the battle being won, and all the Enemy's Camp forced; the fight endured eight hours, and it was even night, which saved the lives of many of the Enemies. There were slain two Kings the Allies of the King of China, and one taken Prisoner: there was inestimable riches gotten, as well in golden Vessel as precious stones, and the most rich and fair Chariots that could be seen. The Prince would not see the captived King until the next day, being mounted on Horseback, and passing through the Camp of the Battle for to stay the slaughter, and to join together again his men, to the end the accustomed watch might be kept, whereof he gave the charge unto Axalla; to whom he gave likewise commandment to keep the King of China within the midst of his Soldiers, having been already dressed of a wound he had received in his right arm. It was a strange thing to behold the Enemy's Weapons, and the diversity of streamers wherewith they were decked, the which seemed unto us afar off as beautiful, as the diversity of colours plentiful. But to say the truth, the multitude was great which this King had, notwithstanding there was much difference between their valour and ours: and it is reported, that he had ranged in Battle this very day three hundred and fifty thousand men, whereof there were an hundred and fifty thousand Horsemen, the rest on foot: the greatest part of them were rude and barbarous people, which suffered themselves to be slain one upon another, not marking their advantage, nor having any Warlike knowledge, as our men have: there were slain of the Enemies some threescore thousand. Now the next day after the burial of the dead, the Prince having given thanks unto God for his victory, caused the wounded to be cured, and amongst the others Calibes, who by reason of the untemperateness of the Air, rather than by the blow of the wound he had received, found himself very ill, yet would he not omit his duty, to command always his Auantgard, the which was a great pleasure unto the Prince, for he alone had Commandment over the Emperor's Forces, being a Scythian, and greatly beloved of his Nation. The Prince dispatched away thirty thousand Horse in the pursuit of one of the King of Chinas' Brothers, Pannihu. who was fled away, having joined together again some twelve or fifteen thousand Horse. The Prince sent to summon Pannihu, the which did yield itself unto him: whereupon our Army approached near unto it, for to advance ourselves the further into the Country. Now I forget to declare how the Prince having the next day caused his Tents to be pitched most stately, and his Guards ordered according to his greatness, the principal of his Army being also near his person: for all the night he had remained continually on Horseback, until about two of the clock, when as they brought him a Tart and his water, for he never drank Wine; and lay down on a Carpet where he passed the rest of the night. I was near unto him and never left him: Tam. drank no Wine. The coming of the King of China prisoner unto the Emperor Tamerlan. but I never heard any vaunting or boasting to proceed out of his mouth. Then he sent a commandment unto Axalla to bring unto him the imprisoned King: who being come, the Emperor issued out of his Tents, and went to receive him. This King of China came with a very proud and haughty countenance, and like a courageous man, approaching near unto the Emperor, he demanded of Axalla by an Interpreter, which was the Emperor, and being showed him, he spoke fiercely unto him after this manner: The Gods whom I worship, being provoked against my Nation and people, and conspired against my good fortune, have made me at this day thy Prisoner: but forasmuch, as it is reported over all the World, that Tamerlan maketh war for the honour of his Nation: thou shouldest be contented that thou hast won it this glory, that the Lord of the World, the Child of the Sun, is in thy power, to receive such Law as it shall please thee to prescribe him. This he said in a brave manner, and without any other humbling of himself. The Emperor on the other-side having saluted him very courteously, led him into his Tent. 200. Cities. A description of China. Rhubarbe. He is surely a great Prince, and which hath had two hundred famous Cities within his Kingdom. There be many mines of Gold and Silver, much Musk, and also of an Herb which the Christians call Rhubarbe. There be in like manner within the Kingdom of China fifteen very large Provinces, the which have Governors. It is reported that he hath threescore and ten Kings wearing Crowns, Tributaries unto him. We call this Region China, the which they in their Language name Tame, and the people Tangis, the which we call Chinois. This Kingdom doth abound in fish, Tame, or Tamin and Tamegius. and in great numbers of wildfowl, by reason of the great abundance of running waters which do overflow the Country, the which is reasonable temperate: they a-abound greatly in Silks, and the meanest are apparelled therewith, having small quantity of Wool, and not using the same: they have much Cotton and Linen in stead thereof. The men do wear their hair long, the women comb them: they have as many Wives as they are able to maintain. Next unto the King, there is a Governor General whom they call Tutan, the which was the Brother unto the imprisoned King. The Prince having assembled his counsel, to to the end he might be advised how he should use his Prisoners and the rest of the Victory: he received news by Odmar, how that the King's Brother was arrived at Quantou, the which he had fortified, and that great store of forces did join themselves unto him. Quantou. This was the cause that the Prince having somewhat rested his forces, commanded two thousand Parthian Horse to convey the Prisoners unto Paguinfou, and from thence after they had made abode there, to pass over the Mountains, Burda. and to remain at Burda (a City of old time faithful unto the Emperors of Schytia) and there to keep them faithfully. The purpose and resolution of the Prince was, that it behoved to assault Quantou, and to shut up, if it were possible, the King's Brother within the same, being one of the principal seats belonging unto the King of China, and a City greatly peopled and strong: it was forty leagues from the place where the battle was fought. But Odmar being advanced thither, would not retire before he had express Commandment from the Prince, who having sent thither, pitched his Tents round about the said City: having summoned many small Cities, the which yielded themselves wholly unto the Prince's mercy, making great lamentation for their King taken. Notwithstanding, the gentleness used by the Conqueror made them to take all their losses with patience: and because it was also reported, that he had used the King most friendly, and all the Prisoners: the King's Brother had sent Ambassadors to obtain leave for to know of the King's health, and for to see him, the which the Prince did willingly suffer, to the end this other should not declare himself King, who would have brought him more trouble than the other. He attended for the event of Quantou, and had his eye upon the success of this siege. Now the King's Brother having received news of the Affairs of the besieged, he determined either to succour it, or to fight a Battle, and came strait unto Porchio, and made a bridge of Boats, whereof there be great store in these same Countries. Porchio. Now being informed when the half part were passed, which was fifty thousand men good, Odmar finding them in very ill order, and nothing at all advertised of the Enemy's nearness, gave the charge, and utterly overthrew them▪ Odmar set upon the King's Brother at the passing of a River, and slew fifty thousand of his men. A stratagem. there remained dead upon the ground some fifty thousand men, but it was not without great fight, strengthened with the favour of water, and a great Marish wherein they were encamped. Notwithstanding, our Footmen having won the bank of the River, began also to win the Boats, and to sever them by the means of a great Boat, the which we with diligence caused to run down being full of artificial fire, so as at the same very time that they which were within the Boat did draw near, they retired out of the same, having first kindled the fire within the Boat, the which with a great force rushed against the Bridge of Boats and overthrew it, and where it was resisted did burn. This did greatly astonish them that were passed, to see their return cut off. The King's Brother was not yet passed unto the other-side of the water, and he which first had gone over was the King of Cauchina, who was slain at the first charge, fight very valiantly, in the forefront. The King's Brother did see his men slain and drowned, and could not remedy the same. This second overthrow was of no small importance, although it was but the third part of the King's Brothers Army, and that there remained unto him as yet a hundred thousand fight men: but there was no great hope that he durst present himself before our Army. The news hereof being reported at Quantioufou, they desired to make trial of the Emperor's clemency. Axalla dispatched one of his faithful friends of his Country unto the Prince, to carry unto him these good news: which was more welcome unto the Prince, than the overthrow he had given unto the Enemy, and agreed unto all that Axalla demanded, referring all unto his sufficiency and fidelity. The King's Brother having sent to demand safety for to treat, the Prince granted so much unto them, for such as would come unto him. In this meantime Quantoufou yielded itself into the hands of Axalla, who caused the Garrison to come out of the same, received the Inhabitants into the Prince's protection, and they which would might remain therein unarmed: and he entered thereinto with the joy of all the Inhabitants, who did determine to receive the Emperor into the same with all the magnificence that might be. He caused thirty thousand men of War to enter thereinto; unto whom was money delivered for to maintain them there, until such time as all the Footmen should receive pay for three months due unto them, whereof the Inhabitants of Quantoufou did furnish the Prince, to the sum of eight hundred thousand Tentins, the which do amount unto four hundred and fifty thousand crowns or thereabout. The Prince at this present sent me unto Axalla, whom I found feasting of his Captains and soldiers, staying for the commandment that I brought unto him, the which was to remain within Quantoufou, and to cause all his footmen to set forward directly unto him, the which was done by the Prince, to the end it should strike a greater terror into the minds of the enemies, who seeing all his footmen arrived, he supposed they would nothing doubt (Quantoufou being taken) but that he would march forward, insomuch as he hoped this would greatly advance his Affairs, considering the estate they were in. I returned from Quantoufou unto the Emperor, having seen a beautiful and great City well fortified, and wonderfully peopled, and round about it there was a fruitful Country. Thus the Ambassadors being arrived, who were of the King's chiefest Vassals, Tamerlan received them with all humanity, causing his greatness to appear unto them; and therewithal the agility of his Horsemen, to make them see with their eyes, that it would be the destruction of the Chinois name, An Embassage from the King of Chinas' Brother unto Tamerlan, to treat for peace, and the King's deliverance. if he proceeded any further. So having saluted the Emperor with all reverence, they uttered their Embassage unto him, which was that the King's Brother had sent them unto him to treat for two causes: the one, was for the liberty of their King, the other, for preservation of their Country. The Prince having heard them, answered them, that they had reason to trust unto his mildness, and seeing at this present, they desired it, he would yield thereunto. Thereupon the Prince rose up, and caused to be said unto them, that they should deliver their offers in writing, and that present answer should be made thereunto. Thus went they out of the Prince's presence with great joy, and as it were assured of Peace, and to recover their former prosperities. The conditions which they offered, were to leave Paguinfou, and all the Country beyond it, with all the Fortresses of the Mountains; that they would pay all the charges of his Army, since the day of answer made unto his Ambassadors; that they would give two Millions of Gold, Conditions agreed upon between Tamerlan and the Chinois. for their King. This being presented unto the Lord, he made answer thereunto, which was; that he would keep that which he had conquered within the Country, which was his own justly, seeing his arms had given it unto him; that he would have the River where he was now encamped to be his Frontier, stretched unto Hochioy, Tahaucezug, Cauchio, Lulun, even unto Poschio bordering upon the Sea; that the King of China should pay unto him yearly three hundred thousand Crowns, the which should be delivered at Paguinfou, for acknowledgement of submission unto the Empire, as well for his Successors as himself; that they should pay five hundred thousand Crowns in ready money for the charge of the Army; that the King of China should be delivered, and all the Chinois Prisoners should pay ransom unto particular men that took them, except those which carried the name of Kings, who should pay one hundred thousand Crowns for peace with his Arms: that no Chinois should be kept as slave, nor sold for such hereafter, being under the Prince's obedience, that Traffic and Intercourse of Merchants should be free between both the Nations; that the King of China should deliver his Brother as Prisoner, and two Kings named, with twelve principal men of the Country for assurance of the peace. They accepted of such conditions of peace as pleased the Conqueror, hoping that time would bring again unto them their ancient liberty, and that for a time it behoved them to bear with patience the yoke of their bondage. Now the Prince had sent two thousand Horse, to fetch the King of China, to the end that being at liberty, he might swear to the peace solemnly, the which he having performed at Quantoufou, whither the Prince caused him for to come, he brought with him unto Paguin, all the pledges, and amongst the rest, the King's eldest Son, and his Brother. The King being departed for to perform his promise, according to the Treaty by him confirmed, he was received, and as it were worshipped within his Country, with all the joy that might be. In the meantime the Emperor, after he had provided for the assurance of his new conquest, he left Odmar there to govern them, and gave unto him an estate of thirty thousand Horse and fifty thousand Footmen, to furnish all the Fortresses and strong places, the Prince having led with him many of the new conquered people, desiring to have them for to dwell within his Country, and to send other Colonies in their places, to assure himself the better of the lightness of this people, having noted them to be inclined unto Novelties. He gave in charge unto Odmar to make his principal abode at Quantoufou, Odmar lef● Governor of China for Tamerlan. and to fortify well the passage: and also commanded a Fortress to be made at Dermio, the better to strengthen his Borders: and after he had left him all things necessary, he recommended unto him the services of that Lord, who had manifested unto him his great affection. The Emperor having well tried his faithfulness in his Affairs as they fell out, he carried with him a Brother of his, unto whom he gave great gifts within Sachetay. Then we turned our faces strait unto Cambalu, having advertized the Great Cham of the happy success of our Affairs. The Prince remained in deed King of China, holding in his possession, two of the fairest and greatest Cities of all the whole Country, having an hundred good leagues thereof unto himself, and many lesser Cities, having extended his Borders unto a River, by which he might go unto the Enemy, but they could not come unto him without passing over the same: having good means to keep it and with advantage. Now the Prince desired above all that the Idols which were within his Conquest, should be beaten down, and commanded the worship of one God, establishing the same after the form of his own Country, for he made account that in short time all would be reduced unto our customs. Our Army wherein was much sickness, began to march, and on the third day having news of forces which came towards us, the Prince sent them a Commandment not to come any further forward, and that they should march strait unto Cambalu, where the Prince did suppose to find the Emperor his Uncle, who had set forward towards that place to have the good hap for to see him, being determined to receive him at Cambalu with magnificence and triumphs, as he well deserved. Now I will declare by the way, how Odmar being severed from us, all the Prince's favour was turned unto Axalla, unto whom he committed the whole charge of his Army, Tamerlan turned his fauou● unto Axalla. insomuch as Axalla although he was always in great reputation, notwithstanding the same was much increased by the Prince at Quantoufou, where the Prince did trust him with the Army, in so weighty an enterprise as that was, and the which he so gloriously achieved: likewise the manner of entering into the Kingdom of China, the intelligences he had: so as the report of his valour did fly throughout all the Empire. Calibes led the Auantguard, and Axalla was in the battle near unto the Emperor, who gave him the chiefest place, bestowing upon him two hundred thousand crowns yearly, for to maintain his ordinary expenses. After certain days journey, we received news of the Emperor's arrival at Cambalu, 200000. crown of yeerley tent given unto Axalla by Tamerlan. the Prince having left his Army in a fair Country for to winter, where he dismissing many of our Soldiers, we arrived within four leagues of Cambalu, whither all the Princes of the Emperor's Court, came for to receive him, together with all the principal Inhabitants, for to gratify our Prince for his happy Voyage. The Prince having received every one, according to his wont courtesy, retaining notwithstanding convenient Majesty, he was beheld to the great contentment of all his Subjects. He had with him the Empress his wife, who had not left him in his Voyage. The next day the Emperor did him so much honour, as to come and meet him, The meeting between the great Cam and Tamerlan at the City of Cambalu in Cataio. with all the magnificence that might be. He gave a present unto the Emperor his Uncle, of all the richest Chariots, and fairest Horses he had won. The Emperor was very desirous to see his daughter: he caused her Chariot to be uncovered, and caused her to enter into his: but the Prince remained on Horsbacke, whom the eyes of all the people could not be satisfied with admiring. The Prince presented Calibes unto the Emperor, and making a recital of his faithfulness, and the endeavour of every one, he caused the Emperor to give unto him an hundred thousand crowns of increase unto his pension. Axalla rewarded, by the great Cam for his good service and faithfulness. Axalla was also presented unto the Emperor, who being informed of his valour, he was received with all the best favours that might be, and he gave unto him of the revenues belonging unto the Empire, an hundred thousand Tartarins of gold in a Principality, that he might the better declare unto him how much he esteemed of his fidelity. §. III. The differences betwixt TAMERLAN and BAJAZET the Turk; his return to Samercand, and expedition against BAJAZET; the battle, and victory, his caging of BAJAZET, and making him his Footstool. THis joy and pleasure continued with us all the Winter, where the Prince having received advertisement how Bajazet Emperor of the Turks, had enterprised to join the Empire of Greece unto his own, and fully determined to besiege Constantinople: the which he understanding, and succour being required of him by the Greek Emperor, he dispatched one towards Bajazet, for to declare unto him his pleasure herein, A message sent by Tamerlan unto Bajazet. and warned him on his behalf, not to trouble the Emperor Paleologue who was his confederate. Now this motion came from Prince Axalla, who had wrought this league, being of kin unto Paleologue, and also thrust forward with desire to maintain his Religion in Greece, where he was borne of the Genuois race. Whereunto being answered very proudly, by Bajazet unto our Emperor, ask what he had to do therewith, and that he should content himself, The proud answer of Bajazet. with enjoying laws unto his Subjects, and not unto others, seeing he was not borne his Subject. This answer being made, Axalla procured to be very ill accepted of the Emperor, and in such sort, that he determined to hinder this enterprise of the Ottomans. Now the Prince had obtained of the Emperor his Uncle an hundred thousand Footmen, and fourscore thousand Horse, hoping to have as many from Sachetay, besides the Lords who would accompany him for to win glory, from whom he made account also of fifty thousand men more that they would bring unto him, besides the other forces. He supposed that he had ability to deliver the Empire of Greece from the bondage of the Ottomans. Thus the Prince departed, leaving the Empress with the Emperor her father, for to serve him as a comfort of his age: it was not without a hard farewell of the Emperor's part towards his Nephew; but more grievous on the Prince's part towards his wife, Heavy parting▪ who had never left him since the time they were married: but nothing withheld our Prince, where there was either glory, or means to increase his reputation, and profit the Commonwealth: saying often, A notable saying of Tamerlan. that he was borne to this end, and that he must take in these exercises his principal delights: for every other thing wherein he did exercise himself was but borrowed, being appointed and called of God to punish the pride of Tyrants. Neither will I here omit a dream, which our Prince had the night before he departed from Cambalu, Tamerlan his dream. which was, that he did see as he thought, a great multitude of reverend men, who put forth their hands unto him, requiring his succour against the violence of certain Tyrants, who did afflict them with sundry kinds of torments: he said, that he did never see more reverend countenances, & that some of them were apparelled in white, and others in cloth of gold, some having as it were Crowns of gold upon their heads, and it seemed unto the Prince, that he gave them his hand, and lift them very high. This dream he recited us the next morning, but no body was able to give him the interpretation thereof, & himself thought no more of it. Tamerlan journey against the Turk. The Prince was accompanied also with Calibes, & he commanded the Prince of Tanais, to take upon him the state of Colonel of the footmen, which Axalla had left: unto whom he gave the charge of Lieutenant general within his Army, with commandment to lead his Auantguard, and Calibes the Arere-ward, being accompanied with far greater forces than ever he had in any of his Armies: for they came unto him from all parts. The Chinois Lord was licenced by Odmar to go with 20000. men of the subjects newly conquered, being desirous to show himself unto the Emperor, Tamerlan returneth from the conquest of China unto Samercand. as also for to learn our manners and fashions. The Prince took his Voyage directly unto Samercand, the place of his birth, three years being past since he had been there. Zamay came to meet him, and I verily believe, a million of men, blessing and praising him in all manner of songs. All the Princes of the Country also ran to visit him; he abode there a month. Axalla in this mean time was already at the meeting place at Ocera, who prepared all things, looking for the Prince's commandment for to go unto him, advertising him often of the doings of Bajazet. Consultation about the way the Army should take to the Turks Empire. We departed from Samercand, for to go unto Ozara, where was the meeting place for all the Prince's troops: and having in that place taken advice for his journey, that is to say, for to know whether should be most expedient and favourable, either to go by the coasts of Moscovie directly unto Capha, or rather on the other side of the Sea Bachu to pass by the skirts of Persia. It was resolved in the end, after sundry opinions, although the way were the longer, to pass unto Capha for to come unto Trebisonda, and to the Georgians, and from thence to enter into the limits of the Ottomans. Tamerlan his chiefest trust. Then our Army after the accustomed ceremonies & prayers made unto God, wherein our Emperor hoped to find his principal succours, we drew strait unto Maranis, where the Army abode three days, looking for the forces which Odmar did send, whereof they received news. There did the Emperor cause all his Army to be paid, and a general muster was made. He had news also there of the forces that the Moscovite did send unto him: he likewise caused an infinite quantity of victuals, and the most part of his furniture to be conveyed by the Sea of Bachu, Bachu. there being some twenty leagues where was want of water and victuals, through the which our Army must needs pass, causing all things necessary to be carried by water, the which was a great commodity unto us: and there was a commandment given at all the shores of the Sea, that they should bring all the vessels for to carry the munition of the Army: so as this foresight did greatly ease our Army. Tamerlan hunted by the way towards the Turk. The Prince went continually coasting the Sea-shoare, passing away his time in hunting, and his Army came not near him by ten leagues, except such as came to seek necessaries for the Army, the which did extend itself some twenty leagues, it was so great. The Prince abode at Sarasich during the time his Army passed the River of Edel at Mechet, and at two or three other Bridges, the which they had caused to be made; there had he ceataine news how Bajazet marched unto the siege of Constantinople, Bajazet marched unto the siege of Constantinople. having reduced unto his obedience all Bythinia, and Bursia a very noble City, the which he caused to be fortified, and diverse other Cities, using all the cruelties that might be, insomuch as all the adjoining Provinces yielded themselves his tributaries: amongst the rest the noble City of Capha: the City was by the Prince given unto Axalla for to dispose of the same: The government Axalla did chu●e. which he did, going thither to see his kinsfolk, and to take such order there, as he thought was for the preservation of the City, as one not ungrateful unto his Country: he rather placed his hope in this little shore of Mar Maiore, then in the limits of Scythia and China, and for to succeed after his Master unto all his great conquests, for that he had all the Soldiers at his commandment, and great credit amongst all the people over whom his Prince commanded. Bajazet having a very great and mighty Army, neither believed, nor once thought that we would come upon him, to exceeding barbarous was he, that he would not endure any man so much as to speak only unto him of our Army, as despising it, he was so proud: and there he caused all the bordering people publicly to be forbidden, Notable justice amongst the Tartarians. to make any vows and prayers for our prosperity. justice reigned so amongst us, insomuch as if a Soldier had taken but an Apple, he was put to death, and this was severely observed over all, a thing usual, and especially in this journey, the which was the only cause of overthrowing the tyranny of the Ottomans, and of this proud Bajazet. So we arrived at Bachichiche, where the Army refreshed itself for the space of eight days. Unto this place came the Ambassadors of Guines, unto the Emperor, whom the Prince did greatly reverence for his holiness. The Emperor after he had caused general prayers to be published, Tamerlans Army departed from Bachichiche, and they reckoned that there was in our Army, three hundred thousand Horsemen, and five hundred thousand Footmen, of all kinds of Nations. Our Army came unto Garga, where it passed the River Euphrates, the Auantguard at Chinserig; and the general meeting of the Army was appointed to be at Gianich, the which did yield itself: and there had we news that Bajazet his Army was nee●e unto us, within some thirty leagues, which caused ●s to march more close. All the Cities yielded, the Emperor receiving them graciously, and those which refused obedience, were cruelly punished, especially such Inhabitants as were Turks, but the Christians set in full liberty, under the name of the Greek Emperor Emanuel, whom the Emperor would wholly gratify, Axalla having received this commandment from the Prince: so he caused them to swear fidelity unto Emanuel. The causes of Tamerlans war against the Turks. The great Army of Bajazet thought to have surprised our men within Sennas' (which they had taken) but as soon as they drew near, our men set it on fire, and the greatest part retiring, there remained some hundred Horse to perform the same, who retired themselves in very great disorder. Now, the Prince of Ciarcan had divided his men into two troops, A stratagem▪ and given commandment unto the first troop, that as soon as they perceived the Enemies to pursue the hundred Horse, they should receive them, and retire jointly together. Now, he had the rest of his power in a valley near unto a Wood, and having suffered some two thousand of the Enemy's Horse. Turk's Auant-currers to pass by him, he charged them behind, and fought with them, they not fight but fleeing as soon as they did see themselves pressed: many were slain, and many were taken prisoners. This was the first time we fought, and carried away the victory: all the prisoners were sent unto the Prince, amongst the rest the Bassa of Anatolia, who led this troop. The next day Bajazet his Army drew near unto the sight of ours, How Tamerlans Army passed the night before the battle fought against the Turk. the which marched two leagues: and we encamped within a league the one of the other. All the night long you might have heard such noise of Horses, as it seemed the heavens were full of voices, the air did so resound, and every one was desirous to have the night passed, for to come each one unto the trial of his valour. Unto the Scythian Nation, the which is desirous of goods, they propounded the great riches they should get by the victory over the Ottomans. Unto the Parthian Nation ambitious of rule, the honour and glory of the Nation, being Conquerors of them, who only were able to take from them the Empire of Asia. The Christians who made the fourth part thereof, assured themselves to conquer their greatest Enemy. Behold, now every one spoke during the night time, according to his humour. The Prince this night went through his Camp hearing all this, and was very glad to see the hope that every one of his Soldiers did conceive already of the victory; and I being near him, he did me the honour to tell me, that at the time he fought the battle against the Moscovite, he did hear all the night long all kinds of songs, the which resounded in his Camp, seeing in a manner no body sleep: I hoped then (said he) to have some good hap, and I trust to receive the like now. Now after the second watch the Prince returned unto his lodging, and casting himself upon a Carpet he meant to sleep: but the desire of d●y would not suffer him; he than commanded me to give him a book, wherein he did read: therein was contained the lives of his Father and Grandfather, and of other valiant Knights, the which he did ordinarily read: he called me, having light upon (in reading) the discourse of a battle that his Grandfather had lost against the Persians, the which he had thought to have gotten (very undiscreetly) having assaulted his Enemy, many advantages being propounded unto him, whereof he might have made good use, all which he neglected, trusting unto his own valour and that of his Soldiers And having ended his speech, he commanded me to read the same before him, and said unto me, I always read this before I begin a battle, Tamerlan his custom before a battle. to the end I should not so much trust unto the Lion's skin, wherein I wrap my arm, that I should not serve myself with the Foxes, to wrap therewith my head: for thus (said he) my Grandfather was in a place of advantage, and he went out of it to seek his Enemy, who was lodged strongly, and whatsoever his men said to him, he went on headlong, shutting his ears against all the counsel and advise of his servants. Seeing the Turkish Footmen march, whom they do call janissaries, The manner of the march of the Turkish Footmen. the which were placed in the midst, and upon the two fronts, two great squadrons of Horsemen, the which seemed to be thirty thousand Horse, and another which advanced and covered the battalion of the janissaries: He thought this order to be very good, and hard to break, and turning himself unto Axalla, who was near unto him, he said, I had thought to have fought on foot, but it behooveth me this day to fight on horseback, for to give courage unto my Soldiers to open the great battalion: and my will is, that they come forward unto me as soon as they may: The order of Tamerlan his battle. for I will advance forward an hundred thousand Footmen, fifty thousand upon each of my two wings, and in the midst of them forty thousand of my best Horse. My pleasure is, that after they have tried the force of those men, that they come unto my Auantguard, of whom I will dispose (and fifty thousand Horse more) in three bodies, whom thou shalt command, the which I will assist with fourscore thousand Horse, wherein shall be mine own person, having an hundred thousand Footmen behind me, who shall march in two troops; and for my Arere-ward forty thousand Horse, and fifty thousand Footmen, who shall not march but unto my aid. I will make choice of ten thousand of the best Horse, whom I will send into every part where I shall think needful within my Army, for to impart my commandments. Over the first forty thousand the Prince Ciarcian commanded: over the foremost footmen was the Lord Synopes, a Genuois, kinsman unto Axalla, and he which was his Lieutenant over the footmen, a Captain of great estimation. That over which the Prince Axalla commanded, consisted of five squadrons of horsemen. Bajazet his Army seemed fair and great, which was advanced continually forward towards us, who stirred not one whit from the place of the battle. There were many light horsemen, as well Scythians, Parthians, as Moscovites, who left their ranks, and shot Arrows, and broke Lances between the two Armies. There was a Spy who brought word that Bajazet was on foot in the midst of his janissaries, where he meant to fight, that he did not forget to mount on horseback, giving order over all for the wants of his Army: but purposed to fight in the midst of those janissaries, who are a number of trusty men, brought up in exercises from their youth to all manner of warfare, What the Turks janissaries be. and chosen out of all Nations, the fairest and strongest men, so as they are invincible. By this bringing up the which they have had together, they do fight with a great force and courage for their Prince and Lord, who being in the midst of them, they are as in a half circle within the Army. Now, they were thirty thousand men in this order, wherein Bajazet put his principal hope: he had many other footmen, but gathered together of all sorts. His battle of horse was very fair, amounting unto the number of an hundred and forty thousand horse, well exercised in all manner of fights. The Sultan of Egypt having aided him with thirty thousand Mammolues, Mamalukes. very good horsemen, and with thirty thousand footmen. Their Army in that order seemed almost as great as ours: for they were not so knit together as we were, our forces being directly one after the other, and theirs all in a front. So the Enemy's Army advanced forward continually with an infinite number of cries, and ours was in great silence. After that common prayer was ended, the Emperor himself advanced continually forward, beholding the first charge given, and caused Axalla to set forward after he returned into his order, continually exhorting his men before he left them. There could not be seen a more furious charge given, then was performed by the Ottomans upon the Prince of Ciarcian, who had commandment not to fight before they came unto him: there could not have been chosen a fairer Plain, and where the skilful choice of the place was of less advantage for the one then for the other, but that we had the River on our left hand, the which was some advantage for the Emperor, having given commandment, that in any case they should not lose the same, and that the Enemies, whatsoever came thereof, should not win it: this he did for to have the advantage of the hand in fight. The Emperor, who above all Maxims of war, Tamerlan his principal maxim of war. did use to deal in such manner, that the Enemy might be the first Assaulter; he had straightly commanded them which were appointed for the first charge, to suffer the Enemy for to give the onset. Now (as I have already declared) this young Prince of Ciarcian with his forty thousand horse was almost wholly overthrown, The battle between Tamerlan and Bajazet. having fought as much as he could, but he entered even into the midst of the janissaries, where the person of Bajazet was, putting them in disorder, where he was slain. About this time Axalla set upon them with the avantguard, where as he was not in any such danger; for having surprised one of the enemy's wings, he cut it all in pieces, and his footmen coming to join with him, as they had been commanded, he faced the Battalion of the janissaries. The Prince seeing the charge Axalla had upon his arm, sent ten thousand horse from his battle for to succour him, and knit together the main battle of Axalla, and to give once again a charge upon another Battalion of footmen, the which did show itself, and came to join with and strengthen that of the janissaries, who behaved themselves valiantly for the safety of their Prince. This fight continued one hour, and yet you could not have seen any scattered, fight resolutely the one against the other. You might have seen the Mountains of horses rush one against another, the men die, cry, lament, and threaten at one very time. The Prince had patience to see this fight ended, and when he did perceive that his men did give place, he sent ten thousand of his Horse to join again with the ten thousand appointed for the Arierward, and commanded them to assist him, at such time as he should have need thereof. At this very time the Emperor chargeth, and made them give him room, causing the footmen to assault, over whom the Prince of Thanais commanded; who gave a furious onset upon the Battalion of the janissaries, wherein was yet the person of Bajazet, who had sustained a great burden. But the multitude, and not valour, did prevail; for as much as might be done in fight, Tamerlan his notable victory obtained against Bajazet wherein he was taken prisoner. Tamerlan his wisdom the cause of the victory, and wherein performed. was by the janissaries performed, for to preserve the person of their Prince. But in the end the Horsemen, wherein was the Emperor's person, gave a new charge, and his avantguard was wholly knit again unto him, he renewed another forcing, and was fully victorious. Bajazet having retired on horseback out of the troop of janissaries wounded, fell alive into the hands of Axalla, unto whom he yielded himself, supposing it had been Tamerlan: then Axalla seeing him so followed (being for a time not known but for some great Lord of the Ottomans) twenty thousand horse did not fight at all, but only in pursuing the victory, and they made a great slaughter. The Prince had his horse slain under him with the blow of a Lance, but he was soon remounted again on horseback. This day the wisdom of the Emperor gave the victory unto his Soldiers: for the judgement which he had in tiring of the strong forces of the Ottomans, was the safeguard of his. For if all had gone unto the battle in one front, surely, the multitude had put itself into a confusion: but this manner of aiding his men made every one profitable. The Emperor judging (like a great Captain) of the need that every one of his soldiers had, so that this manner of proceeding was the getting of the victory. They accounted threescore thousand men slain of the Ottomans, and twenty thousand of ours. The Prince of Tirzis was slain, as I have said: the head of the Georgians slain, Calibes was very sorry he had so easy a reckoning in his Arierward, being very courageous, and a gentle Knight: the Despote of Servia was taken prisoner, who did accompany Bajazet, and was a Christian: they gave him this day of battle much reputation. The Emperor gave unto him very good entertainment, reprooving him, for that he did accompany Bajazet against him, who did come in favour of his Emperor. He answered him, that it was not according to his duty, but the prosperity of Bajazet, unto whom it seemed, that all the world did bend for to subject itself unto him, and that his safety had caused him to set forward. The Emperor presently thereupon gave him leave to depart at his pleasure. He took care to get into his hands Bajazet his children: he gave commandment that Bajazet should be cured, and after brought before him: who at such time as he was there never made any show of humility. The Emperor saying unto him, Bajazet brought before Tamarlan, with his pride. that it lay in him to cause him to lose his life, he answered: Do it, that loss shall be my happiness. And demanding of him what made him so rash, for to enterprise to bring into subjection so noble a Prince as was the Emperor of the greeks. He answered him, the desire of glory and rule, Wherefore dost thou (said the Emperor unto him) use so great cruelty towards men, so far forth that neither thou nor thine do pardon either sex or age? This do I (answered he) to give the greater terror to my enemies. Then said the Emperor, so shalt thou receive the like reward: and causing him to be conveyed again out of his presence, he turned unto his followers, and said, behold a proud and fierce countenance, he deserveth to be punished with cruelty, and it is necessary that he be made an exemplary punishment to all the cruel of the world, of the just wrath of God against them. I acknowledge that God hath this day delivered into my hands a great enemy, we must give thanks unto God for the same: the which was performed, being yet day: for the battle was won at four of the clock, and there was as yet five hours of daylight. The children of Bajazet were brought before him: he caused them to be used courteously, and as the children of an Emperor. The next day he commanded the dead to be buried: they found the Prince of Tirzis' dead in the midst of the janissaries, where he remained enclosed. The Emperor did greatly lament this young Prince, who was his kinsman, and would have been one day worthy for to do him great service. In that battle there died many Captains, & almost the chief Ottomans. Tamerlan his saying of Bajazet. This was a great Battle, the which was fought from seven unto four of the clock, in such sort that they knew not unto whom the victory did incline. Our Army stayed until the next day, every one causing his friends to be buried. The Prince of Tirzis was emblamed, and conveyed with two thousand horse unto Samarcand until the Emperor returned. All the other dead bodies were buried at Sanas with all the honour that might be. Axalla was much grieved for his kinsman, because he was very well beloved of the Prince: his charge was given unto one of his brethren who was very famous; in fight this same day, we might judge the events of the matters of the world, Behold this Emperor Bajazet, who was, as he thought, superior to fortune, which in an instant found himself and his estate by one battle only overthrown even unto the lowest place, and at such time as he thought lest thereof. He used to say, that he was justly punished, for despising the multitude we had, for the assurance that he had in the valour of his horsemen, and especially of his janissaries. The despairs of Bajazet after he was taken prisoner. He was three days (as they report) before he could be pacified, as a desperate man, seeking after death, and calling for it. The Empeour did not use him at all courteously, but caused small account to be made of him: and for to manifest that he knew how to punish the proud; upon festival days, when as he mounted on horseback, they brought this proud man unto him, and he served him in stead of a footstool: Bajazet Tamarlans footstool to mount on horseback. this: did he for to manifest the folly and arrogancy of men, and how justly God had humbled him. The next day the Prince marched directly towards Bursia, whither all the remainder of Bajazet his Army was retired, with the Bassa Mustapha. All the country yielded unto us, and the Prince caused all the holds and fortresses to be overthrown and destroyed, and punished all those which were so evil advised as to stay until they were besieged. I had forgotten to declare, how he caused the Prince of Tirzis' body to be accompanied with diverse prisoners chained and tied together, whom he did send unto Samarcand, the which the Prince had determined to make great, for a perpetual memory of his greatness. Tamarlan his policy for ●o increase his City Samarcand. Even so had he greatly peopled with people of China, which had been taken in the Battles, and of those likewise which were taken out of the two great Cities, Paguinfou, and Quantoufou. Now this batta●le did bring great astonishment unto all the countries possessed by Bajazet, and no body resisted us, even unto Bursia, whither this Army was fled, and therein were also two sons of Bajazet very young. Axalla being always advanced forward before our Army, with forty thousand Horse, and an hundred thousand Footmen without any carriages, who hindered the Enemies from joining themselves again together: and he made a cruel War upon the Ottomans, delivering the Grecians from the tyranny of Bajazet. He approached near unto Bursia, Axalla cruel against the Ottomans for the delivery of Greece. where the Ottomans did not stay the coming of Axallas Army, but only they which could not run remained behind. Bajazet his two Sons were sent unto the Greekish Emperor for to bring them up, and to have mercy upon them; the rest went unto Gallipoli, for to go unto Andrinopoli, the which they held, having conquered it from the Grecians. Now the Prince (for to return unto my purpose) dispatched towards the Emperor his Uncle, and unto the Empress his Wife, one of his Familiars, called Lieban, Captain of his Chamber, Presents sent by Tamerlan unto the great Cham his uncle. for to carry him news of this Victory, and to join it also unto all the rest. He sent unto him Bajazet his Sword and Bow, and the Caparisons of his Horse, the which was esteemed to be worth above two hundred thousand Ducats. You may easily think that Prince Lieban was well entertained of the old Emperor, and of the young Princess, bringing word unto them, that all the World did bend itself to make our Prince victorious, who surely received these Victories from God without insolency, and at such time as he sent him most glory, than did his men note him to be least puffed up. He was never bold, but in the day of battle, and on the Eeve for to command severely, and with greater Majesty. To tell you what he was in adversity, I did never see him in that estate: but it is to be thought, that they which be not insolent in prosperity, are not faint-hearted in adversity. So our victorious Prince marched directy unto Bursia, loaden with Spoils and Trophies which he daily got, departing from the Cities which did come and yield themselves unto him; therein observing the same manner of proceeding, the which we did in the Conquest of China; they which did yield unto him without fight, were well used, and the obstinate well punished, the Prince knowing that reward and punishment are the Moderators of commonwealth, the one to be used towards the good, and the other towards the evil. In the end we received news by Axalla, that he had received Bursia in the Emperor's name, and how the Inhabitants thereof had punished the Garrisons of Bajazet, having driven them away, and slain many. But I dare not follow our Author any further from Tartary, for whose sake I have entertained him. Leaving therefore his agreement with the Greek Emperor, and secret visiting Constantinople; his coming to jerusalem, and Expedition against the Sultan, With his Exploits in Egypt, Syria, Persia, we will return with him to Samarcand. §. four Increase of Samarcand; Affairs of China: Funerals of the Can; coming to Quinza, and description thereof. His disposition of his estate and death. PErsia, as long as he lived was much affected unto him: which greatly served him for the keeping as well of Syria, as of the Sultan's Empire, leaving continually men there, and drawing out Colonies, the better to settle his Affairs in those places. So the Emperor leaving the Prince of Thanais, with his Army to attend his pleasure, he marched with the rest of his forces into his own Country with all the joys and Triumphs that might be possible, the chiefest Prisoners marching before the Emperor, amongst the which was Bajazet Emperor of the Turks all chained, and was a Spectacle unto all the World of Fortune's inconstancy: he continued notwithstanding in the same fierceness was wont to be in him. So wheresoever the Emperor passed, the people assembled themselves by thousands, Tamerlan his vow unto God praising and singing his Victories. We arrived at the last at Samarcand with all our spoils, in very great magnificence: where after we had been the space of one month or two in Feastings and Manificences, the Emperor with his accustomed Devotion, having in great solemnity vowed a Church and Hospital unto his God, the most magnificent that might be devised. Whereupon to perform the same, he began to search out all sorts of Handicrafts men for to honour this City, the which he had a desire to make one of the stateliest Cities in the World. And in one of the corners thereof he began, and did build there his Temple and Hospital, making an account to increase yet this City, as large again as it was, and to people the same, with so many several kinds of people and Nations as he had brought with him, giving liberty unto them all to frame and build their Houses, causing money to be distributed to do the same, and giving all kinds of Privileges and Freedoms unto the Prisoners, for to give them a greater desire to build and settle themselves there: and having caused the streets and places to be plotted, and having appointed a place for every one to build upon, he took no other pleasure, neither had he any other care then the preserving the good will of his most famous Soldiers, whose name he having caused to be written in a general Muster-book, the which 〈◊〉 commanded to be made, from day to day, they (not thinking thereof) received honours, and good turns of the Prince, in recompense of their so great services. Now he declared the death of the Emperor his Uncle unto his Council (of which he before had received Intelligence, but kept it close) and forgot no Ceremony due unto the honour of the said Emperor outwardly, showing the grief he conceived for his death; where after he had rested some eight days, he determined to go unto Quinzai for to see the Empress, and having left Bajazet in the custody of the Governor of Zachetay, the Emperor set forward with his ordinary Court which was of forty thousand Horse, and threescore thousand Footmen. The Emperor being come unto Cambalu, received news of the Battle Odmar, had won against the King of Chinas', Captain General, and how he pursued his Victory, Articles of a new agreement between Tamerlan and the King of China. having taken three or four great and rich Cities, the which did yield themselves unto him, and that again the Chinois did desire peace. The Emperor sent the Articles he required, which were that before all other things the King of China should pay the Arrearages of the Tribute, the which he had agreed with the Emperor. First, he should come in person to do homage unto his Majesty, and acknowledge himself as Vassal unto his Empire. That the Army should withdraw itself during his Voyage, and he should deliver up unto him all his Cities, saving three such as the Emperor should nominate; and that the things should be restored unto the same estate they were in before the War, when the Emperor made the first peace; that he should pay the Army for six months, and should also satisfy all the expenses of the War, seeing he had begun it, and was Author of the breach of peace. Then the Emperor gratified Odmar, sending unto him for Wife one of his Sisters with all magnificence that might be, for to make him the more affectioned unto him. I will declare how the Emperor was received at Cambalu by his Subjects, with all the magnificence possible, the Emperor for to gratify them having restored their Privileges, the which he had taken from them, for the Rebellion they had committed with Calix: so as the Emperor went over all gratifying his Subjects for this new Succession that was lately fallen unto him, all the Companies coming unto him: for in these Countries they have no certain dwellings, they are always wand'ring in troops wheresoever they go: thither the Empress (having left Prince Axalla to govern at Quinzai) came unto him. The Prince remained there almost two months, having in this place given order for all the Affairs he had. Cambalu was also near unto mount Althay, where they use to bury the Scythian Emperors, whom we do call the great Cham. The Emperor caused the body of the Emperor his Uncle to be brought thither, and himself would conduct it with all pomp, honouring not only his body, but also all that he had loved in the World, and although it was not the custom to cause women for to assist the Funerals, The magnificent Funeral of the great Cham of Tartary. yet would he afford this honour unto the Empress, that she should assist the bringing of the body, going near unto the same. This he did, the more to make appear how much he honoured the memory of the late Emperor in his Wife, being his Daughter, and also to the end that if God did take him away, his children being small, she should have the greater authority, and be the better acknowledged worthy to govern in the minority of his Children; and also for that she had been brought up always in authority, even since she was married. The Prince desiring thereby the more to acknowledge the honour the Emperor his Uncle had done him, by adopting him as his Son, and in having left him so great and large an Empire, as that was, whereof he left unto him the possession. Now the Emperor loved her only, having no other affection in such pleasure, but only the happiness of a fair Offspring, the which he hoped for. Now the body of the late Emperor being come unto Cambalu, he determined to conduct it unto the burial according unto the accustomed Ceremony, Tamerlan his virtuous and chaste love unto his good Wife. and to put the body with the Kings and Emperors his Ancestors. After he had from point to point performed the last Will and Testament of the late Emperor, he returned from thence unto Cambalu, where he spent all Winter in Tilt and Turnying, going a hunting, making his abode there, because he was in a place nearest unto the Kingdom of China, to know how matters passed there, having now brought thither his last Affairs, purposing to go thither in person the next Winter, The young Prince made Covernour of Quinzai and over all the Country; which seemeth to be the North parts of China, and perhaps in these times, Nanquin was the Seat of the K. of China and Quinzai, of the Tartar Can. if Odmar did not make an end of the Wars already begun, and if the King of China did not submit himself wholly under his obedience, having determined not to depart from Cambalu, until this Country were pacified, the mark he shot at, being only to keep that which his valour was able to conquer through his good fortune, being desirous to spend the rest of his life in enjoying the fruits of his travels, and for to publish his praises unto his people, and with Millions to maintain them in peace. He had also a purpose to bring unto an end that which he had determined to do at Samarcand. Now Axalla was at Quinzai, as well unto the contentment of all the men of War, as the Inhabitants, who desired much to see their Prince, and having caused Prince Axalla in their behalf to beseech it, that it would please the Emperor to cause his Son to be brought up amongst them there, the which he did grant unto them in favour of the said Prince Axalla, establishing him for to command in the absence of the Prince his Son, whom he made Governor of Quinzai, from Cambalu even unto the Sea. This Country was replenished with some three hundred Cities, and was in largeness more than four hundred leagues, besides an finite number of Villages. To make short, it was that the Emperor his Uncle governed, where this Prince Axalla was his Lieutenant general, Axalla appointed the young Prince's Governor, and authorised over all the Kingdoms of Tamerlan, as Governor general. The King of China came unto the Emperor Tamerlans Court, and did swear unto him once again obedience. The mean apparel of Tamerlan. under the authority of the young Prince his son, unto whom he delivered him in charge for to be his Governor, authorising him unto the government general of all his Kingdoms: for the great wisdom that was in this Knight, made him beloved in all the Countries under the Emperor's obedience: the services also and great victories the which he had caused the Emperor to obtain by his stout courage, and good conduct, who for these occasions put his principal trust in him, and after himself he thought him only worthy to preserve for his children his Kingdom and Empress. The King of China came to visit him at his Court, according unto the covenants offered unto him, the which he accepted: he did swear once again obedience unto the Emperor, who caused him to see all his greatest Cities, for to make himself the more to be feared of this Barbarian, who kept no more promise then pleased himself. He was astonished to behold so many Soldiers, and the Country so well replenished with people; and above all, that they used so little curiosity of riches in their apparel and garments, wondering that the Emperor was apparelled in mean Cloth of one colour, without any other fashion: but to countervail that, he had about him men which seemed to be Kings. At the same time when the King of China was at the Court, the Emperor received news of the * This battle. for brevity is omitted, as is also the most part of the Book. victory against the Sultan, for the which the Emperor rejoiced, making feasts and turneys in his Court in token of mirth, and this rejoicing continued for the space of eight days. After the Emperor had given order for the double paying of his Army that came into Persia, under the conduct of the great Chamberlain, and Synopes Colonel general in the Imperial Army, the Emperor went unto Quinsay for to see his son, and visit the people of this Country. The Emperor arriving near unto Quinsay, Prince Axalla coming to meet him two days journey off, with all the chief Lords of the Country, together with the principal Citizens, who were preparing for the Emperor the most magnificent receiving that might be, as well by water as by land. The description of the City of Quinzay, with the wonderful situation thereof. Tamerlan received with great magnificence into Quinsay, with rich and rare presents. The order he took for his son's education. As this City is one of the richest in the world, so is it one of the greatest, and of the most wonderful situation, being all wholly divided and overthwarted with channels, upon the which are framed wonderful and stately buildings, accompanied with an infinite number of Bridges, upon the which they pass over channels: this City aboundeth with all kind of spices, and in great quantity, likewise with all manner of merchandises. The Emperor as soon as he was arrived, received presents of the Citizens, the which were esteemed to be worth above two millions of Gold, with a wonderful variety of all rare and singular things, the which they presented unto him, for to testify the love and obedience they did owe unto him. The Emperor was desirous to see his son, whom they brought up with the accustomed greatness of Princes: and having caused the child to be brought before him, being of the age of seven years: he forbade from hence forward they should suffer him to wear any thing upon his head, and himself did hang a Bow about his neck, saying aloud, that they which from their birth were called unto sovereignties, should be used both unto cold and heat, and should be exercised in Arms betimes, and not brought up delicately and easily, reprehending them which had the bringing of him up, demanding of them, if they meant to make a woman of him? Tamerlan his notable saying of succession in his Empire And they answering, that he was tender. If he be not borne (said he) for to be strong in Arms, he will not be worthy to succeed me: for he must not be an effeminate Prince that shall preserve the Parthian Empire. Now he had sent the Empress unto Samarcand to be delivered, where she was honourably received, having never been there since she was married. He received news that she was there delivered of another goodly son, The Empress delivered of an other son at Samarcand in Parthia. a thing which he caused to be published over all, and himself in token of joy, made feasts fifteen days, with all kinds of magnificent turneys: this he did for to show his agility unto this people, to the end, that as he excelled all his Court in virtues, that they should also judge him worthy to govern them above all other men. After he continued there a month, and having visited all the Sea-townes near unto Quinsay, Tamerlan his recreations, and notable saying thereof. hunting all kinds of chaces, neglecting nothing notwithstanding which belonged to his charge, saying often, that the recreations he did take, were helps for to ease him in the pains of his public affairs whereunto God had called him. Having upon his return called together all the people, he published his laws, which were all reverenced of this people, The admiration and exceeding love the people of Quinzay did bear unto their Emperor. The nature of the people of Quinzay toward their Emperor. as though they had proceeded from the Divinity, so much admiration had every one of the greatness of this Prince. The which I will truly declare unto you, that so long as the Emperor was there, this people did almost nothing, being for the most part busied in beholding of him, not finding any greater contentation than that. Some of his Courtiers, and amongst the rest, Prince Axalla said one day unto him, that this was a City fit for his abode. O my friend, it is not so: if they should see me daily, they would make no more account of me. It is a maxim, that the Lord of this great City must not go thither but once in ten years, and when he is there, it behooveth him to temper his actions, as if he were upon a Scaffold ready for to play some Comedy, where gravity and good grace is necessary for to content the beholders: for the people do easily receive an evil impression of their Prince, as they also do a good, if you perform it well unto them. Now I 〈◊〉 forgotten to tell you how the Emperor sent Prince Axalla in his name from Quinsay 〈◊〉 China, Prince Axalla sent into China for to establish a peace there. and his Imperial Majesty did not depart out of the Province before he returned he went thither with great diligence for to establish peace there. Prince Axalla went forward towards Paguin, where he was received of the Governor with all possible honour. An● having assembled all the Emperor's forces, he set forward towards the borders of China, ●●ue an interview at Pochio, where the meeting place was agreed upon. He passed by Quantou: went forward unto Pochio, whither the King came also to meet with him; and he entered full fifty leagues into the Country newly conquered. It seemed unto him a thing too much derogating from the greatness of the Emperor, the majesty of whose person he represented, if he went any further to see this barbarous King, being more fit that he should come forward into the Country conquered lately from him by Odmar, after he had obtained the victory, then to go into his Countries although he had subjected them unto the Emperor, and did pay a very great tribute. So the King of China arrived within a league of Pochio with all his Court: The meeting of Prince Axalla with the King of China at Pochio. he set forward unto a Plain, where he and Prince Axalla did see each other, who was much better accompanied, from whom the King did as much differ as from the Emperors own person. They met three several times together: the King desired to be admitted into a City, which the Emperor had granted unto him by the treaty. Prince Odmar declared that it was of great importance, therefore Prince Axalla was by the Emperor appointed for to be judge of this controversy, In the end they required another further within the Country, the which the King accepted: so he was put into possession of that City, the situation whereof was very pleasant, being compassed about with a Lake. Axalla having discovered that this barbarous King, did earnestly desire it only for his pleasure, and not for any other evil intent, the City which he delivered being seated upon a River further within his Country, and that other within our Country compassed about with our fortresses: but Odmar did not allow of that, and supposed it to be for an evil purpose, as for to contrive some new practices. Odmar being an old man, who knew the King's unfaithfulness, although he had made him know it well enough unto his smart, having (as I have said) won twenty or thirty Cities from him; and above fourscore leagues of Country, at such time as he obtained the last Battle, during the time that the Emperor was in his last Voyage against the Persians. So the interview continued yet between Prince Axalla and the King of China on the Plain, a Tent being pitched, whither Prince Axalla did come unto him, whom he continually honoured as much as the Emperors own person, where after they had long time treated by Interpreters, it was in the end agreed, that the King of China should enter again into Quinanci, not suffering him to put any Garrison into it, nor to fortify the same: but even as a Prisoner and Subject unto the Emperor, he should enjoy it, and it should be his own, enjoying all the revenue thereof, neither should he carry any kingly Ensigns, without the express leave of the Governor for the Emperor: The resolution of the meeting between Axalla and King of China. he should notwithstanding have a guard of three hundred men for his person; and should give knowledge unto the said Governor of his journey, before he entered into the Emperor's Countries, the which he must pass for to go thither. Now the City was situated in the midst of a very great Lake, in the which were many Lands, wherein there were an infinite number of houses of pleasure, and it had been always a very delicate place, where the Kings of China were wont to recreate themselves in all kinds of pleasures that were there to be found: in so much as this barbarous King did not respect the conditions propounded unto him, so as he might make his abode there, as it were in an Hermitage. Having left unto his brother the government of his whole Kingdom, King of China● brother succeeds. through the displeasure he had of his bondage whereunto he was brought; a courage certainly magnanimous, and worthy a Nation made civil with the best learning, and unworthy the name of a Barbarian wherewith we called him. Three times in the week at Samercand, Tamerlan ministered open justice unto the meanest, The justice of Tamerlan. Tamerlan his great liberality. in his Imperial Majesty, a thing which made him beloved of the people over whom he commanded. In the other days he gave secret audience for the affairs of his Estate, and took advice for matters of importance, which were decided daily in his presence. He had such severity in his counsel, that they must needs deal truly before him, and without all passion in discoursing: notwithstanding he always showed himself courteous in his conversation, and made himself both beloved and feared of his people: he never changed his servants, except they committed great faults against him: of all the servants of the late Emperor his Uncle he did not change one of them, but he did withal increase their estates, making them in this change to feel his liberality, which he made strangers for to taste also, unto whom he was accustomed to give, to bind them unto him. He drew great store of money yearly for tribute of the Moscovite: but he distributed it within the same country for to maintain his authority there, winning those for his which might have hurt him, by means of giving unto them. Tamerlan his core of his revenue. He had great care of his revenues, and he had such a readiness, that he did see his estate from three months unto three months within one hour, both the ordinary and extraordinary expenses, they presented it so well digested unto him. But our haste of other voyages permits not our stay here. Only we will add, that after 〈◊〉 things ordered, Sickness arrested and Death conquered this great Conqueror: and this Traveller traveled the way of all flesh into another world. Presently after his death they ran to call his son, who as soon as he was come shut his eyes, The death of the Emperor Tamerlan. Prince Sautochie proclaimed Emperor and signed dispatches. pouring out tears, as also did all his servants. The Prince Sautochio his eldest son, within two hours after was proclaimed Emperor throughout ●ll the whole Army, and dispatches were made from all parts to advertise the Governors of Provinces thereof, the Letters being signed with the hand of the new Emperor, who having assembled all the Army together, he made an Oration unto the Captains and Soldiers, and caused them to make a general muster, gratifying all the ancient Servants of the Emperor his Father: he would not dispose of any thing before he had seen Prince Axalla, and was joined with the Imperial Army. This young Prince, when he came unto this Empire was nineteen years old, Prince Sautochio nineteen years old when he came unto his Empire. he was fair, and had much of the Emperor his Father's natural disposition. They hoped that he would wisely (through the good counsel that was about him) maintain this great Empire: but they feared greatly the young Prince Letrochio his brother (whom his mother loved) would cause divisions, as it happened in the times of their great grandfather between two brethren, who had been occasion of the destruction of their estate, the which was relieved and lifted up again unto his height by the valour of Tamerlan. CHAP. IX. Reports of GHAGGI MEMET a Persian of Tabas in the Province of * or Gilam. Chilan, touching his Travels and Observations in the Country of the Great Can, unto M. G. BAPTISTA RAMUSIO. HE said that he had been at Succuir and Campion, Cities of the Province of Tanguth, Succuir and Campion mentioned by M. Polo. in the entrance of the State of Grand Can, who (said he) was called Daimi● Can, and sent his Officers to the government of the said Cities, which are the first toward the Muslemans', and are Idolaters. He went thither with a Caravan, which went with merchandises out of Persia, and from the places adjoining to the Caspian Sea, for the Regions of Cataio; which Caravan they permit not to pierce further than Succuir and Campion, nor any other Merchant therein, except he go Ambassador to the great Can. No passing into the Country. Succuir described. This City of Succiur is great and populous, with fair houses of hewn stones after our manner; and hath many great Temples with their Idols of stone. It is situate in a Plain where run infinite Rivulets; is abundant in victuals of all sorts, and yields silk there made of the black Mulberries in great quantity: hath no Wine growing, but they make a drink with Honey as it were Ale. Of fruits, by reason the Country is cold, there grow none but Pears, Apples, Apricocks, Rhubarbe described. Peaches, Melons and Cucumbers. He said that Rhubard (of this commodity Memet had brought great store at that time to Venice) grows all over the Country; but the best, in certain high stony Hills near adjoining, where are many Springs and Woods of diverse sorts of high Trees, and the Land is of a red colour, and by reason of many Raynes and Springs almost always miry. He showed out of his bosom a picture of the Plant, brought out of the Country (which Ramusio in his Preface to M. Polo hath also presented with this discourse) the description of which is this. The leaves, he said, are ordinarily two spans long, more or less as the Plant is in bigness; narrow below and broad above, downy with (as it were) small hairs in their circumference; the stalk or trunk is green four fingers high, and sometimes a span from the ground: the green leaves with age grow yellow and spread on the ground. In the midst of the trunk grows a thin branch with flowers fastened within, like the Mamole violets in form, but of the colour of Milk and Azure, and greater than those violets, of a noisome sent. The root within ground is a span or two long, of a tawny colour in the bark, some as big as a man's thigh or leg, The Root and juice and preparing. out of which grow little Roots or Sprigs, which spread in the ground, and are cut away from the great Root; which within is yellow with many veins of fair red, full of red and yellow juice, cleaning to the fingers and making the hand yellow: and being cut in pieces the viscous juice issueth out and the root becomes light; they lay them therefore on boards turning them up and down diverse times a day, that the juice should incorporate therein, lest it lose the goodness; after four or six days hanging them to dry in the wind, where the Sun may not come at them, being in two months dry and perfect. They ordinarily take it out of the ground in the Winter, A cold climate. the virtue being then most united in the Root (the Spring there beginning at the end of May) which at other times is dispersed into the leaves and flowers, that juice also being gone and the root light and hollow. Six Saggi make an ounce. They sell one of their Cart loads of Roots with leaves for sixteen silver Saggi (not much unlike ours) for they have no Coins, but make their gold and silver in small thin rods, and thence cut pieces of a Saggio weight, which in silver is twenty Soldi Venetian, and in gold a Ducat and half. He said that they would not gather it, if foreign Merchants should not come to trade for it, themselves making no reckoning thereof: and that the Merchants of China and India carry away the greatest part; who if they should cut and dress it as before is expressed, after it is brought in Car●s, in four or six days it would corrupt; and seven burdens green (he said) would not yield above one dry. When it is green it is intolerably bitter; and in Cataio they use it not for medicine, but beat and mix it with other odoriferous compositions for perfumes to their Idols. In some places there is such store that they burn it dried in stead of wood; others give it their crazed horses, so little do they esteem it in Cataio. But there they much prise another small Root, which grows in the Mountains of Succuir, where the Rubard grows, and call it Mambroni cini, very dear, used for diseases, those specially of the eyes; Mambroni Cini▪ nor did he think any of it was brought into these parts. He said also, that in all Cataio they much use the leaves of another herb, which they ●all Chiai Catai, which grows in a place of Catai, called Cacianfu. They boil it, whether new or dry, and taking off a Beaker or two of that decoction fasting (as hot as can be borne) takes away the Fever, pain of the Head or Stomach, Back, joints, and other diseases, especially the Gout, and it is good for digestion. They use to carry it with them in their Voyages, and will give a sack of Rhubarb for an ounce of Chiai Catai. And the Cataians' say, that if our Merchants, Persians and Frankes, knew the goodness thereof, they would buy no Ravend Cini, so they call Rubard. I asked him of his Voyage from thence to Constantinople, and he answered me by Mambre our Interpreter, that he returned not that way he went with the Caravan, by reason that the Greenhead Tartars called jescilbas', sent an Ambassador at that time when he was to come away, with a great company, by the way of Tartary Deserta, above the Caspian Sea to the great Turk at Constantinople, to make a league against the Persian their common enemy. The way of the Caravan betwixt Tauris and Campion in Catai. Whereupon he thought good to come with them, and so did to Caffa. I asked of the way he went. He said he should have returned from Campion to Gauta in six days (eight Farsen●s, each of which is three Italian miles, are a day's journey, but on the Hills and Deserts they go not half so much) from Gauta to Succuir in five days, from Succuir to Camul in fifteen, here the Musulmans (or Mahumetans) begin: from Camul to Turfon is thirteen. From Turfon they pass three Cities, Chialis ten days journey thence, after that Cuchia other ten, and after that Acsu in twenty. From Acsu to Cascar are other twenty days all rough Desert, all the former way being thorough places inhabited. From Cascar to Samarcand are five and twenty days. From Samarcand to Bochara in Corassam, five; from Bochara to Eri, twenty; from thence to Veremi in fifteen; from Veremi to Casbin in six; thence to Soltania in four, and thence to Tauris in six days. Now for some particulars of those places, he related that Campion is subject to Daimir Can, Campion described. great Emperor of the Tartars; the City placed in a fertile Plain all cultivated and abundant in provisions. They are apparelled in black Cotton cloth, Apparel. furred in Winter with skins of Wolves and Sheep if they be poor; the richer with Sables and Marterns of great price. They wear black Bonnets sharp like a Sugarloaf; the men rather small then great, Bearded men wearing beards as we do, specially a certain time of the year. Their houses are of stone like ours, Houses. with two or three lofts, slope-roofed, and diversely painted, and they have one street only of painters. The great men for magnificence make a great Loft or Pageant, Pageants. and thereon erect two Tents of silk embroidered with gold, silver, pearls, and jewels, and there stand with their friends. This they cause to be carried by forty or fifty Slaves, and so go thorough the City in solace. The Gentlemen are carried on a simple Pageant, by four or six men without other furniture. There Temples are made like our Churches, Temples and Idols. so great that they may contain four or five thousand persons; and have in them two Statues, of a Man and a Woman, each forty foot long, all of one piece, stretched on the ground, and all gilded. They have excellent stone cutters. They bring quarry stones two or three months journey on shod Carts of forty wheels very high, Huge carriages. drawn by five or six hundred Horses and Mules. There are also small Images with six or seven heads and ten hands, all holding diverse things, one a Serpent, another a Bird, a third a Flower, etc. There are some Monasteries in which live men of holy life, Anchorets'. immured within their houses that they cannot go out whiles they live, and have victuals every day brought them. There are innumerable, like our Friars, which go up and down the City. They have a custom, Friars. White mourners. when one of their kindred dies, to cloth themselves in white many days made of Cotton; their garments are made long to the ground with wide sleeves. They use Printing of their Books, which he thought somewhat like those I showed him at M. Thomas Giuntos printing house. Printing. Their City is fortified with a thick wall, within filled with earth, able to carry faure Carts abrest, ●ortification. with Towers and Artillery as thick as those of the great Turk. The Ditch is wide and dry, but they can make it run with water at their pleasure. They have a kind of very great Oxen with long, thin and with hair. 〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 Oxen. The Cataians' and Idolaters are forbidden to go out of their Countries, to go on merchandise thorough the World. Beyond the Desert above Corassam to Samarcand, and till the Idolatrous Cities▪ the 〈◊〉 rule, The jeselbas' or Green-head Tartars. which are Tartars, Musulmans, wearing green sharp Turbans of felt, so making a difference betwixt them and the Persians, which wear them red: and betwixt them two for diversity of opinions in Religion are continual wars, and disagreement about their Confines. Bocara and Samarcand are two Cities of these Green-heads, each a Signory of itself. They have three particular sciences, Chimia, Simia, Limia. Chimia (in the same sense as here) Limia, to make and cause love, and Simia, to make men see that which is not. The moneys which they have are not Coined, but every Gentleman and Merchant makes thin rods of gold and silver, as is before said of Campion and Succuir. Prating mountebanks and juggling knaves. In the market place of Campion are every day many Mountebanks which have that science of Simia, which compassed with a great multitude present strange sights, as to cause a man to cut off his arm, or thrust himself thorough with a sword, and seem to be all bloody, with other like. CHAP. X. A Treatise of China and the adjoining Regions, written by GASPAR DA CRUZ a Dominican Friar, and dedicated to SEBASTIAN King of Portugal: here abbreviated. §. I. Of Camboia and the Bramenes there; the cause of his going to China: Of China and the neighbouring Regions. I Being in Malaca building an house of my Order, and preaching, was informed that in the Kingdom of Camboia (which is subject to the King of Siam, Camboia. Siam. Champa. and lieth toward the parts of China, and doth confine with Champa, whence cometh the most precious Calambach) was great opportunity to preach the Gospel, and to reap some fruit. Having leave of my Prelate, I took the journey in hand. And after the passing many troubles and hunger in the journey, with dangers and sicknesses, I came a land, and after I had reasonably informed myself by a third person, conversing with the People and with the Fathers, even before I knew it I found all to the contrary of that which they had told, and that all were deceits of the simple Laiety, which of light matters were moved to presume of the people that which was not in them. And besides this, I found many hindrances for the obtaining of my desires and intent; King of Camboia a Bramene. for first, the King is a Bramene, and the Bramenes are his principal men and his favourites, and most familiar, because they are Witches, for they are much given to be pleased with witchcrafts, and they do nothing without consulting the Witches and Bramenes that are in the Kingdom (for by this means they thrive) by the Devil. And so the first thing that the King asked me, was if I were a Witch. Probar missur. The Bramenes do worship among others one God, which they call Probar missur (which they said made the Heavens and the Earth; Pralocussur. and another God, which they call Pralocussar, this also having obtained power of another which they call Praissur, for to give this licence to Probar missur) and I showed them, that not only he had not made the Heaven and the Earth, but that he had been a very wicked man and a great sinner: wherefore these Priests said, that they would worship him no more, having worshipped him thitherto with their God Praput prasar metri: Praput prasar mitri. whereupon the hatred of the Bramenes increased towards me, and from thence forward I had disfavours of the King, which was moved for the zeal of his God, and the God of his Bramenes. There met about these matters, the Priests of the Idols, and all of their troop, which go for Priests, and hold themselves for religious men, and in their conversation and life they are separated from all other people, which to my thinking is the third part of the people of the Land; the King thereof setting an hundred thousand men in the field. This religious people, or that holds itself for such, are exceedingly proud and vain, and alive they are worshipped for gods, Men alive worshipped. in sort that the inferior among them do worship the superior like gods, praying unto them and prostrating themselves before them: and so the common people have a great confidence in them, with a great reverence and worship: in sort that there is no person that dare contradict them in any thing, and their words among them are held for so sacred, that in no wise they will endure to be gainsayed. Insomuch that it happened sometimes whiles I was preaching, many round about me hearing me very well, and satisfying themselves of that which I said unto them; if there came any of these Priests, and said this is good, but ours is better, they would all depart and leave me alone. Further, they being very ignorant presumed to be very wise, and the common people did hold them for such, all their knowledge being ignorances and Heathenish follies. They make seven and twenty Heavens, some where there is meat and drink and fair women whether they say all living things do go, even the Flea and the Louse, for they say, Twenty seven Heavens. that as they have souls, that they must live in the other World. And to these, they say, all do go that are not Religious men as they are. They place others higher, whether they say, their holy Priests do go that live in the Wildernesses, and all the felicity they give them there, is to sit refreshing themselves with the wind. They place others yet higher, the gods of the which, they say, have round bodies like Bowls, those which go to these Heavens, and the honour w●ich they give them is, to give them round bodies as the Gods themselves have. Thirteen Hells. And even as they make many Heavens, so they do many Hells, for they make thirteen, to the which they go according to the grievousness of the sins of every one, either higher or lower. They have a division of their religious men, for some they call Massancraches, Massanchraches. Nassendeches. Mitires. which are as supreme, which sit above the King: others they call Nascendeches, which are as our Bishops here. These sit equal with the King. Others they call Mitires, which are in the common degree of Priests, which do sit under the King: under the which there are yet two degrees, which they call Chaynizes' and Sazes. And all these they ascend in degree, so they do in vanity and pride, and are more reverenced. Besides all this, there is another very great inconvenience, that except the Priests and all those that holds themselves for Religious men, all the rest are slaves of the King, and when the owner of the House dyeth, all that is in it returneth to the King, and let the Wife and Children hide what they can, and begin to seek a new life: the people of the Country is of such a nature, that nothing is done that the King knoweth not: and any body be he never so simple may speak with the King; wherefore every one seeketh news to carry unto him, to have an occasion for to speak with him: whereby without the King's good will nothing can be done, and we have already showed before, that he is unwilling to the matter of Christianity. To these things was joined some disorders of the Portugals, so that by all means I found crosses and inconveniences for to obtain my desires and my pretence: wherefore I having been in the Country about a year, and seeing I could make no fruit beside the passing of grievous sicknesses, I determined to leave this Country, and because they told me many things of China, and the people of it to have a disposition to Christianity, and that they loved reason, I determined, seeing in this Country I did no good, nor baptised more than one Gentile, which I left in the Cave, to go to China in a ship, of China which was then in the Country; in which they carried me with a very good will, giving me the best room in the ship, not taking any interest of me; yea, they dealt very charitably with me. This name China is not the proper name of the people of this Country, nor of the Country itself, neither is there commonly in the Country notice of such a name, only among all the people of India, and among those which dwell in the South parts, as in Malaca, Siam, jaoa, this denomination of Chinas' goeth currant, and also among those Chinas' which do traffic among us. The proper name of the Country is Tame, the e. not well pronounced, but almost drowning it: and the name of the people of the Country is Tamgin, whence this name China doth come, * As this word Tame in English which is currant among the strangers we know not, but it may be conjectured, that the people which in old time did sail to those parts, because they passed by the Coast of a Kingdom, which they call Cauchin-china, and traffic in it, and victual, and take refresh there for the journey of the Country that lieth forward, which is that of China, in the which Kingdom they live after the manner of the Chinas', and is subject to the Chinas', it seems, that omitting Cauchin, from the denomination of this other Kingdom, they called all the Country that lieth along China. China is a great part of Scythia; for as Herodotus saith, Scythia extendeth itself unto India, which may be understood, because the Chinas' did possess many parts of India, and did conquer them of old time, whereof at this day there are some Monuments, as in the Coast of Choromandell, which is towards the Coast of the Kingdom of Narsinga, on that side which we call Saint Thome, because there is a House built by the Apostle, and the Relics of his body. There is at this day a great Temple of Idols, which is a ma●ke for the Navigators to know the Coast which is very low, the which as the men of the Country affirm, was made by the Chinas', of whom there remained among them a perpetual memory, and therefore they call it Pagode, of the Chinas', which is to say, Temple of the Chinas'. And in the Kingdom of Callecut, which is the head of M●lauar, The Tartars rather set forth fleets from China to these Exploits as in Polo you read. there be very ancient fruit-trees which the men of the Country say were planted by the Chinas', and on the shoals of Chilao, which do run from the Island of Ceylan, toward the Coast of Cheromandel, is affirmed, by the men of the Country, a great Army of the Chinas' to be cast away which came for India, which was lost, because the Chinas' were but young in that Navigation. And so the men of the Country say the Chinas' were Lords of all jaoa, and of jautana, which is the Kingdom of Malaca, Siam, and of Chapaa, as it is commonly affirmed in those parts: wherefore some do affirm, many of this people to be like the Chinas', that is, having small eyes, flat noses, and long faces, for the great commixture that the Chinas' had with all of them, especially with them of jaoa, which commonly are more China-like. But the King of China seeing that his Kingdom went to decay, and was in danger by their seeking to conquer other strange Countries, he withdrew himself with his men to his own Kingdom, making a public Edict under pain of death that none of the Country should sail out of the Kingdom of China: the which lasteth to this day. Liquos an Island The Liquos are not continued with main Land, but it is an Island which standeth in the Sea of China, little more or less than thirty leagues from China itself. In this Island live these people, which is a well disposed people, more to the white then brown. It is a cleanly and well attired people; they dress their hair like women; and tie it on the side of their head, fastened with a silver bodkin; their grounds are plentiful of many and good waters; it is a people that sail very seldom being in the midst of the Sea. They wear good shore Swords, they were in times past subject to the Chinas', with whom they had great conversation, therefore are very like the Chinas'. Now this Island remaining to the Sea from China, as we have said, the Coast of China runneth, winding from the Province of Cantano, and from her Coast unto the Coast of the Province of Nanquin, whether to the Portugals have sailed, the Coast making never a point as the Maps do make, the which may be seen well pointed in the Sea-cards and in the Maps made among the Portugals. The Tartars are reckoned among the Scythians, and run so far along China, with the which it hath continual War, that commonly they affirm to have between the Chinas' and the Tartarians, a Wall of an hundred leagues in length. And some will affirm to be more than a hundred leagues: the first Kingdom that doth confine with it on the Seaside of India, is one that is called Cauchin-china, which hath about an hundred leagues little more or less a long the Sea-coast, Cauchin china. Daman an Island. the Sea maketh a great entrance between it and the I'll Daman, which is of fifty leagues in length, and is already of the Chinas': and in the end of this entrance this Kingdom abutteth with the Kingdom of China, and is subject to the King of China. The people of this Kingdom in their Habit, Policy, and Government, do use themselves like the people of China. The Country is much inhabited and of much people, it is also a very plentiful Country. They have the same Writing that the Chinas' have, although their speech be diverse. Beyond this Kingdom of the Cauchin-chinas, Laos, or Siones Maons'. lieth another very great Kingdom, which runneth within the Land along China, which some do call Laos, and others Siones, Maons': this by the otherside towards India, doth confine with the Kingdom of Camboia, and with the great Kingdom of Syam, and with the rich Kingdom of Pegu, with all the which Kingdoms it hath Traffic: in sort that there remaineth to this Kingdom towards the Sea of India, all the Coast of Pegu, unto the ends of the Kingdom of Champaa, which doth confine with Cauchin-china. And so there remain to these Laos toward the ●ide of the Indian Sea, the great Kingdom of Pegu, the Kingdom of Tanaçarin, and that of Quedaa, and that of Malaca, and the Kingdoms of Pa●, of Patane, of Syam, of Camboia, and of Champaa which abutteth upon the Cauchin-chinas. This Kingdom of the Laos, 1559. or Sions Maons', was subdued by the Bramas (of the which we will speak presently) in the year of fifty six, and among some which they brought captive to Pegu▪ they brought some Chinas' which the Laos held Captives, as one George melo affirmed unto me, which went for Captain of the Voyage to Pegu. And though commonly there be no Wars between these Laos and the Chinas', because of the great Mountains that are between them, on the which the Chinas' have good forces on that side in the Province of Camsi, which doth confine with these and with the Bramas: and in the forces they have continually men in Garrison for the defence of those parts: there be notwithstanding, continually assaults on the one side and of the other: whereby the Laos might have some Chinas' captive. Before that these Laos were subdued by the Bramas, they carried to Zion, to Camboia, and to Pegu some very good Musk and Gold, whereof is affirmed to be great store in that Country, and these people having Musk, makes a conjecture the great store of Musk which the Chinas' have, they get it from the many beasts tha● are in the Confines of this Kingdom in the Province of Camsi, from whence they bring it. The Musk is the flesh and blood of certain beasts, which they say, to be as big as Foxes, the which beaten with strokes and killed, Musk what it is. they tie the skin with the flesh together in lumps, the which they cut after the flesh is rotten, and so they sell it, which the Portugals do call Musk Cod. And when it cometh fresh, presently it appeareth to be rotten flesh and blood: the rest they sell loose, holding these Cod for the finer Musk. Returning to the Laos, whereof we were speaking, these be the Wares which they brought to the abovesaid Kingdoms, carrying in return Cotton-clothes and other things they had need of. This people is not very brown, they wear their hair all cut round underneath, and all the rest above ruffled, raising it many times upward with their hands, that it remaineth to them like a Cap, and serveth in stead of one, for they wear nothing on their heads; they go naked from the middle upward, and from the hips downward, they wear certain Cotton-clothes girt about them all white: the women go covered from the breasts to the half leg: they have their faces somewhat like the Chinas', they have the same Heathenish Ceremonies that the Pegus and Siones, and the Camboias': The Priests of their Idols do wear yellow clothes girt about as the rest of the people, and a certain manner of yellow Copes, with certain folds and seams in which they hold their Superstitions. Of this people I saw many in Camboia, which remained there the year before by the way of Traffic, and that year that I was there, they came not because of the Wars, wherein (as I said) they said they were subdued by the Bramas. These Laos came to Camboia, down a River many day's journey, which they say, to have his beginning in China, as many others which run into the Sea of India: it hath eight, fifteen, and twenty fathom water, as myself saw by experience in a great part of it: it passeth through many unknown and desert Countries of great Woods and Forests, where there are innumerable Elephants, and many Buffs, of which I saw many wild in that Country, and Merus, which is like a good Mule, and certain beasts which in that Country they call Badas: River of the Laos. Merus are a kind of wild Asses. Badas are the Rhinocerores: by the forehead understand the face; for the horn is lower than the forehead. Chudurmuch. of the which the Male have a pointless and blunt Horn in their forehead, and some of the Horns are spotted with singular colours, and others all black, others of a wax colour, but they have no virtue, but only for the Hemorroides, or Piles: and after the Elephant there is no other greater beast; the hair of it is brown and footed like an Elephant, the head like a Cow, and it hath a great lump of flesh that falleth upon his head, whereof I did eat travelling in those parts. There are also many other wild Beasts. There be some Thorny Trees, like Lemons and Oranges, and many wild Grapes through the Woods. When these Laos do return to their Country, going against the stream, they go in three months. This River causeth a wonder in the Land of Camboia, worthy of reciting. Coming near to a place which they call Chudurmuch, which is twelve leagues from the principal City of Camboia, it maketh a passage to another River which cometh from a great Lake, that is in the uttermost parts of Camboia, and hath Siam, on the other side: in the midst of the which his bigness being great, Loe●h. ye can see no Land on neither-side, and this River passeth by Loech, which is the principal City of Camboia, unto Chudurmuch: the waters of this River, which is also very great, the most of them do pass to the River that cometh from the Laos, near to Chudurmuch, and the rest do run down the River directly to the Sea, when the great Winter floods do come, which happen when it raines not in the Countries of Camboia. Sistor. The many waters which do come by the River that cometh from the Laos, which there they call Sistor, do make a passage right against Chudurmuch, to the River that passeth through Loech, with so great fury, Strange overuer-flow, a fresh River running up without Sea-force. that where the waters of Loech did run downward, by multitude of the other that entereth into it, they are turned back and run upward with a great current: in sort that it overfloweth all the Country of Camboia, whereby all the Country is not traveled in the time of these floods, but in Boats, and they make their Houses all with high lofts, and underneath they are all overflown, and sometimes these floods are so high, that they are forced to make higher Rooms with Canes to keep their householdstuff in, and to lodge themselves. This River runneth upward from july to September, and with the passing from the River that cometh from the Laos, (or from the River Sistor, which is his proper name) of so many waters to the River of Loech, it doth not leave his running to the Sea, making below very great arms, and goeth very high overflowing many Countries downward, but not so much as above. The Portugals did show me in Loech a field, a great hill of Earth, over the which they affirmed that in the time of the floods a great ship that was made in the Country did pass without touching, which ship might well have sailed from India to Portugal. Beyond these Laos, follow the Brames, which is a great people, The Brames. and very rich of Gold and Precious stones, chiefly of Rubies. It is a proud Nation and valiant, these are now Lords of Pegu, which subdued it by force of Arms some years before they subdued the Laos, they are men of good complexion, and well made, they are brown. They have Pegu and part of Bengala toward the Sea of India. It is a Country very scarce of victuals, they apparel themselves as we said of the Laos, but that their clothes are fine, and many do wear them painted or wrought: they are also somewhat like the Chinas' in the faces, they have very rich and gallant shippings garnished with Gold, in the which they sail in the Rivers: they use Vessels of Gold and of Silver, their Houses are of Timber very well wrought, the Kingdom is very great, they have not commonly war with the Chinas', because of the great Mountains that are between the one and the other, and because the Chinas' are well fortified on that side: notwithstanding this, sometimes there are Robbers on the one side, and the other that do make assaults, whereby the Chinas' have some Bramas Captives, as some Portugals which were Captives in those parts, which saw them did affirm, and did speak with them in the great City of Camsi: and these slaves told them, that from thence it was not very far to Brama, and that in Pegu, they had seen Portugals. There followeth along the China beyond the Bramas, the Kingdom of the Patanes, The Patanes. which now are Lords of Bengala, and after them the Mogores. Beyond these Mogores there runneth along the China, the Tartarians, which do extend themselves from Mogor to the Lake Meotis and the River Thanais, which is a very great Kingdom and of much and innumerable people. This people are commonly red and not white, they go naked from the waste upward, they eat raw flesh, and anoint themselves with the blood of it: whereby commonly they are stinking and have an ill sent. An old man of China did affirm unto me, that sometimes when they came against the Countries of China, if the wind stood on that side where they came, they were discerned by their smell: and when they go to war they carry the flesh raw under them for to eat, they eat it in this manner, and anoint themselves with the blood to make themselves the more sturdy and strong, and to provoke themselves to cruelty in the War: these also fight on Horseback with Bows and Arrows, and use short Swords. With these is the continual War of the Chinas', and as I have said the Chinas' have an hundred leagues (others saying there are more) of a Wall between them and the other, Wall of China. where are continually Garrisons of men for the defence of the entries of the Tartarians. It may be believed that this Wall is not continued, but that some Mountains or Hills are intermixed between; for a Lord of Persia affirmed to me, that the like Works were in some parts of Persia, with intermixing some Hills and Mountains. It was affirmed to the Portugals which were Captives, and in Prison in their Dungeons, in the year 1550. that some years there is Truce between the Chinas' and the Tartarians: and in the same year the Tartarians made a great entry in China, Tartarian roads into China. in the which they took a very principal City from them: but a great number of people of the Chinas' coming and besieging the City, and not being able to enter it by force of Arms, by the Council of a man of low degree, they had a means whereby they killed them and their Horses, and remained Lords again of the City. The same Portugals which afterward were set at liberty, affirmed, that all the Prisoners made great Feasts, and made a great stir when the Tartarians made this entry, with the hope of being set at liberty by the means of the Tartarians, if they did possess China. In the City of Cantan I saw many Tartarians Captives, which have no other captivity then to serve for men at Arms in other places far from Tartary, and they wear for a difference red Caps, in all the rest they are like the Chinas' with whom they live: they have for their maintenance a certain stipend of the King, See Pinto. which they have paid them without fail. The Chinas' call them Tatoes, for they cannot pronounce the Letter r. Above the Lake where Thanais hath his beginning, they do confront with the skirts of high Almaigne, although on the side of Europe, and between them and Almaigne are Hills that do divide them: and of these people of the skirts of the Mountains, the Chinas' say that the King of China hath many men of War in pay, that do keep the weak passages and the Walls on the side of the Tartarians: and say, they are great men with great Beards, and wear cut Hose, and Caps, and blunt Swords, and a Portugal that was carried captive the Land inward, told me that he heard the Chinas' say, that they called these * Here followed the division of the Country into shires or Kingdoms, with their Cities, etc. which we refer to later and better Intelligence. Alimenes. §. II. Cantan described; the public and private buildings and Government. The shipping and Husbandry of China; their contempt of the idle, and provision for impotent poor. BEing to entreat of the City of Cantan, I give first a warning to the Readers, that among many Noble Cities, Cantan is one less Noble than many of China; and far inferior in building then many other: although it be more populous than many; this is said by all them that saw it, and traveled within the Land, where they saw many other. This advice presupposed, it is to be noted, that Cantan in his compass, is of very strong Walls, very well made, and of a good height, and to the sight they seem almost new, being eighteen hundred years since they were made, The walls of Cantan. as the Chinas' did affirm: they are very clean without any cleft, hole, or rift, or any thing threatening ruin. They are of free stone about a man's height, and from thence upward of bricks made of a clay like unto that of the Porcelain Dishes, whence it causeth them to be so strong, that I building a Chapel in Malaca, one of these (which was brought from China) could scarcely be broken with a good Pickax. jointly with this there is in this City and in all the rest an Officer of the King which only hath care to oversee the Walls, for the which he hath a good stipend. And every year when the Governor of the Borders cometh to visit the Province, he doth visit this as well as the other Officers, to know if he doth well his Office, and finding him in any fault, or negligence, he is put from his Office, and punished. And if he standeth in need of any expense for the mending of the Walls, the Overseer of the Rents is bound to give him that which is necessary, under pain, that if the mending remaineth undone, he shall be well punished. For this cause the Walls of all the Cities are continually kept sound and in good reparation. These Walls are within the City little more than the walk of the same City in their height, which is the cause of being much more cooler. The Walls have in compass 12350. paces, and it hath eighty three Bulwarks. This City (and so all the rest) hath on the one side the River, along the which, as well this as the rest are built almost in a Valley; The River and Town-ditch. and on the other side they have a Ditch full of water of a good breadth, between the which and the wall remaineth a good distance where there may run together a good troop of people, and the Earth that was taken out of the Ditch, was cast between it and the wall, whereby the foot of the wall remaineth a great deal higher than the other ground. Besides the ditch, notwithstanding, this wall hath a great blemish, for it hath on the contrary side to the River without the walls, and the ditch a little, Hillock that discovereth all the City within the walls. This wall hath seven gates: the entries of the which are sumptuous and high, The Gates. strong and well made, with Pinnacles above, not square but made like steps. The other places of the walls have no Pinnacles: the wall at the entering of the gates is twelve paces thick: the gates are all over plated with Iron, and all of them have their draw-bridges very strong, Draw-bridges. which are always up, and are never let down, but are ready against they be needful: all the gates at the enterings have Courts, and the Courts that are toward the side of the Suburbs, which lieth along the River have every one three gates, one in the front and two on the sides, Gate-courts▪ which remain for the service of streets that lie along the wall, the walls of the Courts are almost of the height of them within: the gate which is in the front in the Court, is like unto that of the walls within: it hath also a drawbridge; the gates which are in the side of the Courts are small. The Courts that are on the other-side of the field where no Suburb is, have no more but one gate, and this not right against that of the walls, but stand on the one side: the streets of the City are all drawn by a Line very strait without any manner of making a nook or winding: all the cross ways are as strait as the streets: Straight streets and paved. in sort that there is neither street nor traverse that maketh any turning. All the streets and traverses are very well paved, the pavements going along the Houses, and lower in the midst for the course of water: the principal streets have triumphant Arches which do cross them, high and very well made, which make the streets very beautiful, and ennoble the City: the principal streets have along the Houses close Portals, in the which and under the Arches many things are sold. The Houses of them which rule the Country, are at the enterings very sumptuous, Houses of Magistrates. with high Portals, great and well wrought of Mason's work: they have in the forefront very great gates like the gates of a City, with two Giants painted with Clubs in their hands: I saw four in one Pagode, (which is a Temple of Idols) drawn naturally from some, which they say, the King hath to keep his weakest passages from Tartary. They are of great members, of about twelve or thirteen spans high. On the street side it hath right against the principal Porch a * Or little Court. receit not very great. It hath built along the street a good wall of a good height right against the gate, that when the gate is open they that are within may not be gazed on by them that go by the street: this gate serveth not, neither is it opened but for dispatching of matters of justice, and the principal of the House go in and out at them, and others that are as honourable or more than they: at the one side of this principal gate is another very great gate, but not so big as the principal, which is for the service of the House, and of the Prisoners when the principal gate is shut: and when this principal gate is shut, they set a glued Paper cross over both the leaves, on which is written the name or firm of the principal of the House, and for to open it again, an Officer of the House bringeth the same firm or mark on a playstered board to the Porter, that he may open it, without the which token he may not open it under a great punishment. Entering by this gate, there is a great Court and almost square, which is almost a Horse-race, and it hath a Gallery little less than the length of the gate, which leadeth strait from the gate to a very great Table that stands at the end of the Court, the which is all paved with square stones with leaning as high as a man's waste, and it is high in the entry of the gate, Sanctity of Courts, and reverence of high Magistrates. and there remaineth only one step in the end of it to the Table, and the course in the sides of the Gallery is low, that they go down to it by steps: this Gallery of the midst is of such respect among them, that in no wise it is lawful for any one to pass through it, but only some of the chiefest of the House, or others as great or greater than they: and those that go to negotiate with the Officer of the House when they enter in at the gate, they must go presently to one side, going down to the Court which hath very great Trees for shadow, and they go up again by steps unto the Table abovesaid, which is at the end of the Court, which is very great. In the end of this Table in all his length there is a step, and within the step a very great walk, all paved with square stones as the Table without it, and very high and all wrought with Mason's work: in the midst of it leaning to the wall of the front are two Chairs, with two Tables before them, a little distant the one from the other, one of them, which stands on the left hand, serveth for the Governor of that house, and that of the right hand is void, for if there should come another of a higher dignity than he, to sit him down. To every one of the sides there are two spaces which run behind this Governor, and are of a good breadth, having placed along the sides of these two spaces in every one five Chairs with five Tables before them, and as the distance from them to the principal Governor is good, they remain though behind, in sight of the principal Governor. These serve for ten Assistants which are with the principal at the dispatching of weighty matters. From these Galleries inward are great Lodgings, as well for the Governor of the House▪ as for the Assistants, and for all the other Ministers and Officers of the House, which are many, as we will show in their place. Great Prisons. On every side of the Court are very great Prisons and great Lodgings, as well for the jailors (which also are of great authority) as for the Watches that watch by night and by day, but neither these Prisons nor the Chambers of the Ministers of the●, nor the Lodgings of the chief of the House are seen outward, for they are served of all things, the doors shut and have continually their Porters. There are in Cantan four of these Houses for four principal Officers, and in every Province in the City, that is, the Head of the Province there are five of these Houses: in Cantan there are but four; for as the Governor of Cantan is also Governor of Cansi, he is not resident in Cantan, but in a City that is in the Borders of one of the Provinces, that the recourse in the Affairs of both the Provinces may be the easier. Besides, these principal Houses of the chief Governors, there are many other in Cantan, the which though they be not of so great Majesty as they, they are notwithstanding very great, of other inferior Officers, and chiefly those of the chief jailor which are very great. There is on the walls of Cantan, on the contrary side of the River a high Tower all close behind, that they which are in it may not be seen, nor gazed on from the Hillock or Mount aforesaid, that was without the walls, and it is built in length along the wall, so that it is longer than broad, and it is all made in Galleries very sumptuous, from whence they discover all the City, and the Marshes and Fields beyond the River, which serveth for the recreation of them that rule. In the other Cities are such buildings which serve for recreation, many and very sumptuous, and of singular building. The Houses of the common people in the outward show, are not commonly very fair, but within are much to be admired; Private houses. for commonly they are white as Milk, that they seem like sleeked Paper, they are paved with square stones: along the ground, of a span little more or less, they are died with Vermilion, or almost black; the Timber is all very smooth and even, and finely wrought and placed, that it seemeth to be all polished, or died, or in white, and some there is in white so fair and pleasant to the sight, waved Damaske-like, as it were Gold, and so bright that they should do it injury in painting it. I confess, in truth, that I never saw so fine Timber as that. It hath after the House that is at the entry, a Court with solaces of small Trees; and Bowers with a fair little Fountain: and then at the entering of the House where the women do withdraw themselves, it hath a certain manner of a Gallery open before towards the Court, where they have very great Cubboards finely wrought, which takes the one square of the House, in the which they have their Oratories, and Gods made of Wood, or of Clay: these Oratories are more or less curious according to the ability of every one: all the Houses are tiled with very good Tiles, better, and of more continuance than ours: for besides, they being well made, they are of very good Clay: those which receive the water are broad and short, and the uppermost that close, the other are narrower, and at the ends toward the street side, they are garnished with fine Works made of Lime: for many years they have no need to be tiled again, for as the Clay is very good, they are not so mouldering as ours, or so rough, but they are very smooth and warm, and being so well set they breed no filthiness. There be many Houses fair within, and very few with Lofts, the most are low Houses. Temple and Mesquit. Suburbs. They have in the midst of the City a Temple of Idols with high Towers, the walls of the which we will speak of hereafter: they have their Mesquit with Alcoran very high with his Pinnacle on the top. The Suburbs without are very great and of many Houses, in such sort that some Portugals would have compared them in bigness with them of Lisbon, but to me and to others they seemed less, though they be bigger and of more Houses than the City within the walls. It is very populous, and the people is so much, that at the entering of the gates on the River side ye can scarce get through. Store of people. Commonly the people that goeth out and in, do cry and make a great noise to give place to them that carry burdens. And the Rulers of the City commanding to inquire what victuals were spent every day, Victuals. it was found to spend only five or six thousand Porkes, and ten or eleven thousand Ducks; besides which, they eat great store of Beefs and Buffs, and many Hens, and an infinite deal of fish, whereof the Markets and streets are full, and many Frogs and Shellfish, great store of Fruits and all other Pulse. Hereby little more or less may be seen what people are in Cantan, and whether it may be compared with Lisbon. Suburbs. The Houses of the Suburbs are like those of the walls within; the streets are so well and leveled by Line as those within, and all for the most part paved also, and some of them are very broad, and have triumphant Arches, but very few. Some streets, as well without as within the walls, on the one side and the other along the Houses, have Trees for to make shadows. In all the streets of the Suburbs at the ends of them are gates with special Porters, Suburb-gates. whose Office is to lock them every night under pain of sore punishment, and every street hath a Constable and a jail. He stands bound, either to yield the Malefactor which by night doth any harm in the street, are to pay for it; wherefore all the streets have every night a watch, the Neighbours dividing themselves in quarters: and they make every night six quarters or watches, and for a sign that they are awake, in every street they found a Drum, Watche●. where they have all the night a Lantern with a light. The gates of the City are shut as soon as it is night, and on the two leaves is set a paper, with the chief Captains mark on every one of them, and they are opened with the Sun, with a token from the same Captain to them all, with his mark written on a white board. Every gate hath a Captain, a very honest man, Here followed much of other Cities: but because the Author saw them not, but received his intelligence from Perera I, refer you to him. Other China Cities. Highways. and every one hath certain Soldiers, which continually do watch every one of the Gates by day and by night. In some Cities the water runneth almost thorough every street, and on the one side and the other of the street are Tables made of stone, for the common service of the people: and thorough all the streets are very good and well wrought Bridges to pass from one side to another: and thorough the midst of the streets is great traffic by water that go from one place to another. In those places whereby the water entereth into the City, they have made in the walls very good gates, which have very strong Iron grates for to shut by night: and the most of the streets to the land inward are very well paved with stone, and (where is no stone) with small tile. In all the Mountains and Hills where there are ways, they are very well made, cut with the Pickax, and paved where they are needful. This is one of the good works of China, and it is very general in every place of it. Many Hills on the side of the Bramas, and of the Laos, are cut in steps, very well made; and in the height of the Hill is made a low place, very well cut; in the which is a very high Tower, which above doth equal with the highest of the Mountain, which is very strong, the wall of one of the Towers was measured at the entering of the gates, and it was six fathom thick and an half. There are on this side many of these works, and so there may be in other places. I heard of a Gentleman of credit, called Galiote Perera, Galiote Perera. Brother to the chief justice of Arrayolos, which abode in Cansi, being Captive, that (with the houses of these kinsmen of the King, being so many and so great) the City was so big that it seemed they occupied very little of it, and make a very little show in it: and so he had it written in a Rudder of his, whence I took a great deal * Which is therefore here omitted. of that which is here spoken of: in such sort that the greatness of the City did hide in itself the multitude and greatness of these houses. As in the Country there is great store of Timber and very cheap, and much Iron and cheap, and it is very good, there are infinite number of ships and shippings; Store of shipping. for through the Country are infinite Groves of Fir trees, and other trees, whereby it is easy for any one though of a little substance, to make a ship and have shippings, and this causeth the great profit and gain that is of them with the necessity the Country hath of them: for it hath not only a great number of Lands alongst the coast, but also a very great coast where they Navigate: and besides this, all China within is navigated, and run through Rivers which do cut and water it all, which are many and very great. So that ye may sail to the ends of the Land, and go in shippings. Any Captain along the coast may in a little sp●ce join two hundred, three hundred, even to a thousand ships, if he stand in need for to fight. And there is no small Town along the River that is not plentiful in small and great ships. Along the City of Cantan, more than half a league off the River, is so great a multitude of shipping, that it is a wonderful thing to see them, and that which is most to wonder, is that, that this multitude never decreaseth nor faileth almost all the year: for if thirty, forty, or an hundred go forth one day, as many do come in again the next: I say, the multitude never to diminish nor fail, for though sometime there be more, some less, always there remaineth a marvelous multitude: and that which is more, all those that go forth, go laden; and all that come in, come laden; carrying goods, and bringing goods: and that which showeth much the nobleness of the Country, the plenty and riches thereof is, that all these ships bringing great store of merchandise of Clothes, Silks, provisions and other goods, some do go into the Land, others come from within the Land, and nothing cometh form without China, neither goeth out of it: Riches of China in itself. and that which the Portugals do carry, and some that they of Syam do carry, is so little in comparison of the great traffic of the Country, that it almost remaineth as nothing, and unperceived; seeing that out of China there goeth no more but that which the Portugals, and they of Syam do carry; which is as much as though they brought nothing out of China, five or six ships coming laden with Silk and Porcelain: the great plenty and riches of the Country doth this, that it can sustain itself alone: Pepper and ivory which is the principal that the Portugals do carry, a man may well live without it, and the traffic of merchandise that is in this Country, is in all the Cities within the Land, which as we have said, are almost all built along the Rivers. The Chinas' have a common speech for to show the nobleness of their Kingdom, Proverb. that the King of China can make a Bridge of ships from China unto Malaca, which are near five hundred leagues, the which though it seemeth it cannot be, yet by Metaphor it signifieth the greatness of China, and the multitude of ships that of itself it can make. The great ships they call junks; besides which there are ships for war, made like great ships, junkes for war and for trade▪ Ship-fights, No Ordnance. to the which they make great Fore-castles and high, and likewise abafte, to fight from them: in such manner that they overmaster their adversaries, and because they use no Ordnance, all their use is to come many together, and compassing the adversary's ship, they board it: and at the first onset they cast a great deal of Lime to blind the adversaries, and as well from the Castles as from the tops they cast many sharp pikes burned at the end, Sudibusve praeustis. which serve for Topdarts, of a very stiff wood; they use also great store of stone, and the chiefest they labour for, is to break with their ships the dead works of their adversaries, that they may be masters over them, having them under them, and being destitute of any thing to shelter them: and as soon as they can enter, they come to the Pike or handy-blowes, for the which they have long Pikes, and broad-pointed Swords hanging at their sides. There be other junkes for lading of goods, They use Oars. but they are not so high as those of war, though there be some very great. All these ships as well of war as of burden use two Oars a-head: they are very great, and four or five men do row every one of them, laying them along the ship they move them with such a sleight, that they make the ship go forward, and they help very much for to go out and in at a bar, and setting upon the enemies for to board them: they call these Oars, Lioslios: in all manner of their shippings they use the Lioslios, neither do they use any other manner of Oars in any kind of shipping. Small ships. There be other lesser shippings than junkes, somewhat long, called Bancones, they bear three Oars on a side, and row very well, and load a great deal of goods: there be other less, called Lanteas, which have six or seven oars on a side, which do row very swift, and bear a good burden also: and these two sorts of ships, viz. Bancones and Lanteas, because they are swift, the thieves do commonly use. The rowing of these Oars is standing, two men at every Oar, every one of his side, setting one foot forward, another backward. In the junkes go four, five, or six men at an Oar. A kind of Galleys. They use also certain shippings very long, like unto Galleys, without Oars or beakhead, which do lad great store of goods: and they make them so long, because lading bringing a great burden they may sail the better by the Rivers, which sometimes are not rough. They have many other shippings of burden, which is superfluous to tell of every one. There be many small boats of poor people, in which are husband and wife, and children, and they have no other dwelling but in their boat in a middle deck, for defence of the Sun, and of the rain: as also have the Bancones, and Lanteas, and others which we said were like Galleys, and these decks are in such sort, that under them are very good lodgings and chambers in the great ships, in these of the poor, they are much inferior: there they breed their Pigs, their Hens, and there they have also their poor little Garden, and there they have all their poor state and harbouring. Dwelling in ships. The men go to seek work about the City to help to maintain their little house; the women go in the boats, and with a long cane that reacheth well to the bottom of the River (at the end of the which is a little basket made of rods, wherewith they get shellfish) with their industry, and passing of people from one side to another, they help to sustain their household. These poor people notwithstanding do not live so poorly and beggarly in their apparel, as those which live poorly in Portugal. There are other great shippings, wherein is the stock of them both * The husband's merchandise, and the wife's husw●●●ry. , which have great lodging where they may bestow a great deal of stuff: these have a great stock; they have certain Cages made all the length of the ship with canes, in which they keep two or three thousand Ducks, more or less as the vessel is: some of these belong to Lordships, and their servants go in them: they feed these Ducks, as followeth. After it is broad day, they give them a little sodden Rice not till they have enough, when they have given ●t them, they open a door to the River where is a Bridge made of canes, and the noise they make at their going forth is wonderful to see them go tumbling one over another, for the great abundance of them, and the time they take in going out; they feed all the day until night among the fields of Rice, Duck-weeders those which are owners of the shipping do receive a fee of them that owe the fields, for letting them feed in them, for they do cleanse them, eating the grass that groweth among them. When night cometh they call with a little Taber; and though they be in sundry Barks, every one knows their own by the sound of the Taber, and go unto it; and because always in time some remain without that come not in, there are every where many flocks of wild Ducks, and likewise of Geese. When I saw such a multitude of Ducks in every one of these Barks, and all of one bigness, and thinking they could not be hatched by Ducks or Hens, for if it were so, some would have been bigger than some, seeing so many could not be hatched in one, two, or fifteen days, I was willing to know how they hatched them; and they told me, it was in one of two sorts. In Summer, laying two or three thousand Eggs in the dung, Artificial broods. and with the heat of the weather and the dung, the Eggs are hatched. In the Winter, they make a Hurdle of canes very great, upon the which they lay this great number of Eggs, under the which they make a slack fire, continuing it of one sort a few days till the Eggs be hatched. And because they are hatched in this sort, there are so many of one bigness, and all along the River are many of these Barks, whereby the Countries are well provided of this food. See an example in Pan●oia, o● this magnificence. There are some ships wherein the Rulers do sail, which have very high lodgings, and within houses very well made, gilt, rich, and very sumptuous: and on the one side, and the other they have great windows with their Nets woven of Silk, and very fine small rods set before them, that they within seeing all them without, may not be seen of them. Toward the side of the Laos and the Bramaes, are continually watches and wards in the Rivers in many ships, even a whole months journey in length unto the City of Cansi: these ships are in the places where the Rivers make any arms, Ships for guard. because of the many thieves which commonly are in these parts, being the uttermost of the Kingdom: and because the Rivers have many arms, many ships are placed in those parts: in every place where these shippings are, there be two small ships, which continually do go night and day from one watch to another, because they are very swift, and those of the great ships do divide themselves into watches at their quarters, for to watch as well in the small as in the great ones. Fleets. The ships of passage go always a great number together, that they may defend themselves, one another, while the ships of war, and the watches do come to them, and at the watch where they make night, there they stay till the morning, and by the small boats they are delivered safe to the next watch forward, and so from watch to watch they are accompanied of the small vessels till they be set in safety. From the City of Doncheo, that is, where the Governor of Consi and Cantan is resident, unto the bounds of the Province of Cansi, which are places more dangerous, are continually Armadas of forty or fifty ships. All these watches are paid of the common Rents of the Kingdom. China is almost all a well husbanded Country: for as the Country is well inhabited, and people in abundance, and the men spenders, Industry cause of plenty. and using themselves very deliciously in eating and drinking, and apparel, and in the other services of their houses, especially that they are great eaters, every one laboureth to get a living, and every one seeketh ways to earn their food, and how to maintain their great expenses. Idleness hated. A great help to this is the idle people to be much abhorred in this Country, and are very odious unto the rest, and that laboureth not shall not eat, for commonly there is none that do give alms to the Poor; wherefore, if any poor did ask alms of a Portugal and he did give it him, the Chinas' did laugh at them, and in mockage said: why givest thou alms to thi● which is a Knave, let him go and earn it: Alms derided. only some jesters have some reward, going to some high place gather the people, and telleth them some fables to get something. The Fathers and Priests of their Idols are commonly abhorred and not esteemed, because they hold them for idle people, and the Rulers for any light fault do not spare them, but give them many stripes. Wherefore, Idle Idoll-Priests punished with unjust justice of profane busy Rulers, which made their souls the least and worst part of themselves, and a God of their goods. a Ruler whipping once before a Portugal a Priest of theirs; and he ask him wherefore he did use their Priests so ill, and held them in so little esteem, answered him: these are idle and wretched Knaves. One day, I, and certain Portugals entering into the house of the Overseer of the goods, about the delivery of certain Portugals that were in prison, because the matter belonged to him, for the great profit that came thereof to the King, much people came in with us to see us, among the which there was a Priest: as soon as the Ruler said, Set them down, all of them ran away in great haste, the Priest running as all the rest, for fear of the whip. Every one laboureth to seek a living; for that which he earneth he enjoyeth freely, and spends it as he will, and that which is left him at his death remains to his children and grandchildren, paying only duties Royal, aswell of the fruits that they gather, as of the goods they deal in, which are not heavy. The greatest Tribute they have, is every married man, or that hath house by himself, p●yeth for every person in his house two Mazes, which are sixty Reys. that is 9d. Tyranny grows poor by seeking to grow rich. From Champaa, which as we said, doth confine with Cauchinchina unto India, are many unprofitable grounds, and made Wildernesses and Woods, and the men are generally little curious to get or gather together, for they never gain or get so much but it is tyrannised from them, that which they have is only theirs as long as the King listeth, and no more. In such sort that as soon as the King knoweth that any of their officers hath much money, he commandeth him to be pu● in prison, and they use him so hardly, that they make him cast all that he hath gotten: wherefore there are many in those parts, that if they get any thing or money one day or one week, they will not labour till they consume all that they have earned in eating and drinking, and they do it because if any tyranny should chance to come, they may find nothing to take from them. From hence it cometh, as I say, that they have in India many grounds in diverse places unprofitable; which is not so in China, for every one enjoyeth the fruits of his labour. Hence it cometh that all the ground that in China can yield any kind of fruit receiving seed, is husbanded. The high places which are not so good for Corn, Thrifty husbandry. have very fair Groves of Pine Trees, sowing also between them some Pulse where it may be: in the dry Lands and stiff they sow Wheat and Pulse: in the Marshes which are overflowed, which are many and very long, they sow Rice: and some of these Marshes do yield two or three Crops a year. Only the Mountains that are high and beaten with the weather, and are not fit to plant any thing, remain unprofitable. There is nothing lost in the Country be it never so v●le: for the bones, as well of Dogs as of other Beasts, they do use, making toys, Nothing lost. and with works in stead of ivory, they set them in Tables, Beds, and otherfaire things: they lose not a Rag of any quality, for as well of the fine as of the course, that are not of Wool●, they make fine and course Paper, and they make Paper of barks of Trees, and of Canes, and of silken Rags, Paper of diverse matters. and in the Paper made of silk they write: the rest serveth for to roll between the pieces of silk: even the dung or men yields profit, and is bought for money or in change of herbs, and they carry it from the houses: in sort that they give money or money worth, to suffer them to cleanse their houses of office, Neat filth. though it smelleth evil through the City: when they carry it on their backs, they carry it in Tubs very clean without, and although they go uncovered, notwithstanding it showeth the cleanliness of the Country and Cities. In some Cities these Tubs use to go covered not to annoy. They use in all things more slight than force, whereby they plough with one Ox, making the Plough in such fashion that it cutteth well the Earth, though the furrows are not so big as among us. A ship be it never so big, and have it never so great a leak, the Pomp's are made by such a slight, Pomps which go by the feet. that one man alone sitting moving his feet as one that goeth up a pair of stairs, in a very little space he pomps it out: these pomps are of many pieces as a water wheel, laid along the side of the ship between rib and rib, every piece having a piece of wood of half a yard little more or less, one quarter well wrought: in the midst of this piece of wood is a square little board, almost of a hand breadth, and they join one piece into another in such manner as it may double well, the joints which are all very close, whereby this manner of pomp doth run, is within of the breadth of the little boards of every one of the pieces, for they are all equal: and this manner of pomp bringeth so much water as may contain between the two little boards. Puppet plays. The Chinas' use also Puppets, with the which they make representations. They bring up Nightingales in Cages which sing all the year, and are used to Puppet representations also. Provision for impotent persons. See of th●se things Pinto. It is a thing worth the noting, that the blind have a labour appointed them for to get their food, which is to serve in a Horsemill like Horses grinding Corn: and commonly where is a horsemill there are two, because two going together, they may recreate themselves in talking one with another, as I saw them going about with Fans in their hands cooling themselves, and talking very friendly. The blind Women are the common Women, and they have Nurses that do dress them and paint them with Vermilion and Ceruse, and receive the wages of their evil use. The lame and the cripple which either have no kindred within a certain degree, or if they have them and they do not provide for them that which is necessary, or are not able to help them, they make their Petition to the Overseer of the goods of the King, and his kindred being examined by his Officers, if among them are any that can maintain them, they do bind the nearest to take them to them their charge and maintain them, and if their kindred be not able to maintained them, or if they have no kindred in the Country, the Overseer of the goods commandeth they be received into the King's Hospital: for the King hath in all the Cities great Hospitals which have many lodgings within a great enclosure. And the Officers of the Hospitals are bound to administer to those that are bedrid all things necessary, for the which there are sufficient Rents appointed out of the King's Exchequer. The lame that keep not their bed, have every month a certain quantity of Rice, with the which, and with some Hens or a Pig, which they bring up in the Hospital, they have sufficient to maintain themselves, and a●l these things are very well paid without fail: and because commonly those which are received into these Hospitals are incurable, they receive them for life: and all those which are received by commandment of the Overseer, are enroled, and every year the Officers of the Hospital do yield account of the expenses, and of the provision of the poor sick, and if any fault or negligence be found in them of that which they are bound to do, without remission they are well punished for it. §. III. Of their mechanical Trades, Merchandises and Monies: their provisions of Flesh and Fish; the persons and attire of Men and Women: their Feasts. THere are in this Country many workmen of all Trades, and great abundance of all things necessary for the common use, and so it is requisite, for the people is infinite. And because shoes are the thing that most is spent, there are more workmen of Shoemakers then of any other Trade. Shoemakers. In Cantan are two particular streets of Shoemakers very long, one where they sell rich shoes, and of silk, another where they sell common shoes of leather: and besides these two streets, there are many workmen scattered about the City. The rich Boots and Shoes, are covered with coloured silk, embroidered over with twist, of very fine works, and there be Boots from ten Crowns, to one Crown price, and shoes of two Crowns and thence downward, and in some places are shoes of three pence. So that the rich and the very poor may wear shoes: and the rich as they list: the shoes of three pence, or of a Rial, are of straw, and I say of three pence, for there is money that answereth our three pence. There be many rich husbandmen, that let men by the ways with many of these strawen shoes for the poor Travellers (and it is no wonder to have this charity among these Infidels, Alms not alms the fruit of v●in glory not of mercy. for in the parts of the India are many rich Gentiles which have very great houses, wherein they spend continually much Rice, giving food to all the poor of what quality soever, that will come thither 〈◊〉: and by the ways they have men set to give drink to the poor Travellers. There be also many Carpenters, and very good workmen of all manner of work. They have continually many boxes made of many sorts, some varnished with a very fai●e varnish, others painted, othe●●●yned with leather, and likewise of other sorts. They have continually a great number of 〈◊〉 made, some of very fair white wood, and other fairly gilt and silvered, very finely wrought. They have also C●●ites wherein the Rulers are carried on men's backs through the City, Chairs. which are very rich, of a great price and very fair: they have another manner of Chairs, which are high, very rich and pleasant all close, with a little window on each side very fair with a net made of ivory, or of Bone, or of Wood, through the which they that go within do see on the one side, and on the other of the street without being seen: these serve for to carry the Women about the City when they go abroad. The fear is of the height of one of our Chairs, where they go sitting with their leg● at length. There be many of these Chairs very rich, and of a great price: and there are some plain, and have Pinnacles on the top● very fair: there are also many bedsteads very pleasant and very rich, all close round about, of wood finely wrought. I being in Cantan there was a rich one made wrought with ivory, and of a sweet wood, which they call Cayolaque, and of Sandalam, that was prized at four hundred Crowns, and of little Boxes gilded, and Maundes, and Baskets, Desks, and Tables, all as well gi●t as with Silver is without number: Goldsmiths, Siluer-smithes, Copper smiths, Iron-smiths, and of all other Trades there be many and perfect Workmen▪ and great abundance of things of every Trade, and very perfect. They use infinite Vessels of Latin: and from China they furnish all Ia●a and Siam, with these Vessels, which in India they call Bategarin, and they are in every kind very perfect. They use Skillets, and Chasing-dishes, and other Vessels of cast Iron, and not only they do cast these Vessels of Iron, but after they are broken they buy them again for to re-cast them. There are many Merchants of pieces and Clothes of Silk, because they spend many in the same Country, and in Siam, and there are pieces of Damask and Taffeta among themselves so rich, that they bring them not to us, because they give them not for them what they are worth within the Land: they sell also great store of fine and course Serge of sundry colours. Silks. There are many Merchants of white and died Linen cloth, for it is that which is most spent in the Country. They gave me a piece of Linen cloth of about ten cubits, which was valued at ten Crowns, there is both fine and course as every one will have it. And howsoever the Porcelain which is used in all the Country of China, Porcelain. and in all India is of common Clay; notwithstanding, there is very much course Porcelain, and other very fine, and there is some that is lawful to be sold commonly, for the Rulers only use it because it is red and green, and gilt, and yellow: some of this is sold but very little, and that secretly. And because there are many opinions among the Portugals which have not been in China, about where this Porcelain is made, and touching the substance whereof it is made, some saying, that of Oysters snels, others of dung rotten of a long time, because they were not informed of the truth, I thought it convenient to tell here the substance whereof it is made, according to the truth of them that saw it. The substance of the Porcelain is a white and soft stone, and some is red, Fables of it. which is not so fine, or in better speaking, it is a hard clay, the which after well beating and grinding it and laying in Cisterns of water (which they have very well made of freestone and some playstered, and they are very clean) and after it is stirred in the water, How it is made of the Cream that remaineth on the top they make the very fine Porcelain: and so the lower the courser, and of the dregss they make the coursest and base, which the poor people of China do use. They make them first as the potters do any other vessel; after they are made, they dry them in the Sun, and then paint them as they list with Azure, which is so fine as we see: after these Pictures are dry, they lay on the Glass, and then harden them. The principal streets of the Merchants, are the most principal streets, which have coverts on the one side and on the other: notwithstanding, the chiefest sale of the Porcelain is in the Gates of the Cities, Merchant's Tables. Rhubarbe. King's Customs. and every Merchant hath at his door written in a Table all that is sold within his shop: those which sell simples for medicines, have at their doors tied and hanging in a string, a piece of every thing. There is in China great store of Rhubarb, but it is not brought to Cantan, but sodden, there is none found raw. As the goods of China are very great and many, so the rents which the King of China hath in every part of his Kingdom are very great. Some China Merchants did affirm that Cantan did yield every year to the King three thousand Picos of Silver, and every three Picos make one Baar, every Baar hath four Kintals, every Kintall hath four x Or Quarters. Arrobas: so that one Baar is sixteen Quarters, and three thousand Picos, making one thousand Baars, by consequence, one thousand Baars make y Whi●h amounteth to 400000. pound weight of Silver. sixteen thousand Quarters; and we speak of weight, for in China is no money of Gold or Silver, but only of Brass, the Gold and Silver goeth by weight. But these as they are popular people, though occupied in the traffic of the Country, it seems they know not well the truth of this, and that the sum is greater which is collected of the rents Royal, for the Country is very great, and the merchandise many and very substantial. I was informed by means of the Rulers, which is a more certain information, because the rents do pass thorough their hands, that the rent of the Salt in Cantan did yield alone to the King 300. Picos of Silver, which do make 100▪ Baars, which are 400. Kintals, that are 1600. * Which is 40000. pound weight of Silver. quarters of Silver. Every one hath a pair of scales and weights in his house, which all are exceedingly perfect. The weights that they commonly have, are from ten crowns to one, and from ten Tangas to one, one Tanga is nine pence. By the name of their Country▪ the lesser great weight is of one Tael, one Tael is six Mazes, one Maez is the same that a Tanga: of the small weights, the smallest is one Conderin, ten Conderins make one Tanga, or one Maez: one Conderin hath ten Caxos; and because the common that goeth in stead of money is Silver by weight, every one hath weights of his own, as abovesaid: for one laboureth by all the means he can to deceive the other, none do trust the scales and weights of the other, and every one that goeth to buy in the Market, carrieth a weight and balance, and broken Silver, and the balance is a little beam of ivory with a weight hanging at the one end with a string, and on the other end a little scale, and the string of the weight runneth along by the beams, which hath his marks from one Conderin to ten, or of one Maez unto ten. These scales serve for to buy by retale, for to buy by gross they have perfect scales very curious and fine, with very perfect weights. They carry the Silver commonly full of mixture, and because they increase it with the mixture, from hence it cometh that he which will make good markets in the Country of China, and that it may be cheap, carrieth Silver rather then goods, for by the increase which the Chinas' make of the Silver with the mixture, they give the merchandise good and cheap for the Silver. The Merchants are commonly false and liars. Very Merchants. Victuals. There is great abundance of Rice in all the Country, for there are many marshes, which yield two or three crops every year. There is also much and very good Wheat, whereof they make very good Bread, which they learned to make of the Portugals; their use before were Cakes of the same Wheat. There be many French Beans, and other Pulse: there is great store of Beef, and Buffs flesh, which is like Beef: there are many Hens, Geese, and innumerable Ducks: Pork store. there are infinite Swine, which is the flesh they most love: they make of the Hogs many singular flitches, whereof the Portugals carry an infinite number to the India, when they go thither by way of traffic. The Chinas' do esteem the Pork so much, that they give it to the sick. Frogs. They eat Frogs also, which are sold in great Tubs full of water at the gates, and they that sell them are bound to flay them. All flesh is sold by weight alive, except Beef, and Buffs flesh, and Pork, which commonly is sold by the pound, except if they do buy it whole, for than they are to weigh it whole: and that it may weigh the more, they fill it first wi●h meat and drink: the Hens to make them weigh the more, they fill them likewise with water, and their crops full of sand and other things. The pound of the Hen, Goose, Duck, and Frogs, is all at one price; the Pork, Beef, and Buffs flesh is worth less, and all at one price. The fish is exceeding much, and all very good, and it never wanteth in the markets: there be many Crabs, and Oysters, and other shellfish, and all is very good: and of all these things the markets are full. Markets. The Markets are commonly at the gates of the Cities, and under the triumphant Arches which are in the large and principal streets, as we said before, and along the Portals of the same streets: but not to sell here flesh or fish, for there be particular streets, excepting quick flesh, which is sold every where. Herbs. There are many Garden-herbes, sc. Turnips, Radish, Cabage, and all smelling Herbs, Garleeke, Fruits. Onions, and other herbs in great abundance. There are also many fruits, scil. Peaches, Damsons, and another manner of Plums which we have not, with long, round, and sharp stones at both ends, and of these they make Prunes: There are many Nuts, and very good, and many Chestnuts both small and great. There is a kind of Apples that in the colour and rind are like grey Pears, but in smell and taste better than they. There is a fruit whereof there are many Orchards, it groweth on great and large boughed trees, it is a fruit as big as a Plum round and a little bigger, they cast the husk, and it is very singular and rare fruit, none can have his fill of it, for always it leaveth a desire of more, though they eat never so much, and doth no hurt. Of this fruit there is another kind smaller, but the biggest is the best, they are called Lechias. Lechias. There are Oranges, Figs, and many other fruits, which were to long to recite. And though there be particular streets of Victualling houses, yet there is through all the City almost in every street of these houses. Victualling houses. In these Victualling houses is great store of meat dressed. Many Geese, Hens, and Ducks roasted and sod, and store of other flesh and fish dressed: I saw at one door hanging, a whole Hog roasted, and let one ask where he will, for all is very cleanly dressed: the show of all the meat that is dressed is at the door, almost inciting them that pass. Encere●●do. At the door is a vessel full of Rice, well coloured and dressed, and because the matters of justice are commonly almost from ten of the clock forward, and many have their houses far because the City is very great, or because they which come from out of Town with business, as well Inhabitants as Strangers do eat in these houses. When any man meeteth any acquaintance of his that cometh from abroad, or that he hath not seen him a long time, saluting one another, he asketh him presently if he hath dined, and if he answereth no, he carrieth him to one of these houses, and there they eat and drink privily, for there is great store of Wine, and better then in any place of India, which they make of confections: if he answereth that he hath dined already, he carrieth him where they have only Wine and Shellfish, wherewith they drink, of which houses there are also many, and there he doth feast him. There is also in Cantan along the wall on the outside, a street of Victualling houses, in the which they sell Dogs cut in quarters, roasted, boiled, and raw, with the heads pulled, and their ears; for they scald them all like Pigs, it is a meat which the base people do eat, Dog's flesh. and they sell them alive about the City in Cages: through every street they sell flesh, fish, herbs, fruit, and all things necessary, crying that which they sell. In the end of February, in March, and part of April, when the great flow are, there cometh great store of fish from the Sea to spawn, in the mouths of the Rivers along the Sea, whereby there breedeth infinite small fish of many sorts in the pools of the Rivers. Of these spawns in these times all the Fishers along the Sea coast do meet in their boats, and there meet so many that they cover the Sea, and lie near the pools. And these Fishers do take great quantity of this small fish, and cast it in Cisterns which they have made with stakes, and a very thick Net made of wire, where they do feed them, to the end of the fishing time: and at this time there are wont to come a great number of Barks from all places of China within the Land (for I said already that all China is sailed by Rivers, for it is all cut and watered with great Rivers) and these Barks do bring a great many baskets within and without, which are all lined with oiled paper, that it may hold water, and every one of these Barks do buy the fish they have need of. Then they carry this fish in these baskets through all the Country inward, changing every day the water, and all men of any possibility, within their grounds and enclosures have great store of fish in ponds, for the which they buy the baskets they have need, they feed this fish in the ponds in a very short time with Cow dung and Buffs dung, wherewith it groweth very fast. In all the ditches of the Cities likewise they breed great store of fish in the same sort, of which the Rulers are served. In all the Cities which I said already, are built along the Rivers. The King hath many Sea Crows in Coops, in which they breed, with the which they make Royal fishings many times: all the Barks that are bound to go a fishing with these Cormorants, do meet and set round in the River, those that have charge of the birds, do tie them about the crops, Fishing with Cormorants. that they cannot swallow them, and they cast them to fish in the River. They fish till they fill their crops of middle fish, and if it be great, they bring it in the beak, and come to the Bark, where they cast all the fish they have fished, forcing them to cast it: and in this manner they fish the quantity they will, till they have to their contentment: after they have fished for the Bark they untie them, and let them go fish for themselves: after they be full, they come to the Boats, and are put in the Coops: these birds do fish very much. The King doth give for a favour to the Rulers one or two of these Barks, according as the person is of quality for the maintaining of his house with fresh fish. Though that the Chinas' commonly are ill-favoured, having their faces and noses flat, Their persons. and are beardless, with some few hairs in the points of the chin: some notwithstanding there are which have very good faces, and well proportioned, with great eyes, their beards well set, and their noses well shapen: but these are few, and it may be they are of other Nations. They wear long Coats commonly with plaites after our good ancient use: The Attire of the men. with a flap over the breast to tie on the side, and all in general have very long sleeves to their coats, they wear commonly black Coats of Linen, or of very fine Serge or course of diverse colours, some wear them of Silk, many do use them on the Feast days of Silk: the Rulers wear commonly fine Serge, and on their Feasts they use very fine Silks, chiefly crimson, which none in the Country may wear but they: the poor people wear commonly Coats of white Linen, because it costs but little: on their head they wear a high Cap made of very fine twigs, and it is round interwoven with black Silk, and very well made, they use their Stockings whole footed, which are very well made and stiched, and they wear Boots or Shoes, as the curiosity or ability of every one is, either of Silk or of Leather: in Winter they wear Stockings of Felt, either fine or course, but the cloth is made of Felt: they use also in Winter their garments lined with Martin's, chiefly about the neck: they use quilted jackets, and some do use them of Felt in Winter under their Coats. They use long hair like women, which they wear finely combed, Long hair. and they comb it many times a day, they wear it tied on the crown of the head, and through the knot thrust through with a long small Silver pin: those which are not married, to wit, the young Bachelors do wear for a device a fillet or ribbon dress very well made, their Cap remaining above it, that it may be seen: they have a superstition in their hair, therefore they wear it so long, holding that by it they shall be carried to Heaven. The common Priests do keep their hair, but are shaved, for they say they need no help to carry them to Heaven. Yet among them are some Priests of the Temple of the Idols, which among the Chinas' are more reverenced than the rest; these do wear hair on the top of the head fastened with a stick, very curiously wrought like a close hand, varnished with a very fine varnish, which they call Acharan: and these Priests do wear black coats, the other wearing a white coat. Courtesy. The Chinaes' are very courteous men; the common courtesy is, the left hand close, they enclose it within the right hand, and they bring them very oft to their breast, showing they have one another enclosed in their heart▪ and to this motion of the hands, they join words of courtesy, though the words of the common sort is to say one to another, Chifan mesan, which is to say, Have ye eaten or no, for all their good in this world is resolved in eating. The particular courtesies between men of sort which have not seen one another a long while, are the arms bowed and the fingers clasped one within another, they stoop and speak with words of great courtesy, every one labouring to give the hand to the other to make him rise: and the more honourable they are the longer they stand in these courtesies. The honourable and noble People do use also many courtesies at the Table, the one giving drink to the other, and every one laboureth to give the hand to the other in their drinking, for at the table there is no other service but that of drinking. If there come any Guest newly to his friend's house, or his kinsman, if the Master of the house be not apparelled in holy day clothes, when the Guest cometh in, he maketh no account of him nor any mention, till he commandeth to bring his festival apparel, and after he is so apparelled he goeth to the Guest, and receiveth him with many compliments and courtesies. For they hold it not convenient, that a new-come Guest and of reverence be received with common apparel, but clothed in feast-like apparel, for in this he showeth him that his entering into his house is a feast day to him. Whatsoever person or persons come to any man's house of quality, he hath a custom to offer him in a fine basket one Porcelain, or as many as the persons are, with a kind of drink which they call Cha, Cha drink. which is somewhat bitter, red, and medicinal, which they are wont to make of a certain concoction of herbs somewhat bitter: with this they welcome commonly all manner of persons that they do respect, be they strangers or be they not; to me they offered it many times. The Chinaes' are great eaters, and they use many dainties, they eat at one table Fish and Flesh, Great eaters. and the base people dress it sometime all together. The dainties which are to be eaten at one table, are set all together on the board, that every one may eat where he liketh best. It is a cleanly and neat people. The common people hath some gross things. Certain noble Portugals went to show me on a day in Cantan a banquet, which a rich Merchant made, which was worth the sight. The house where it was made, was with a loft, and very fair, with many fair windows and casements, and all of it was a mirror: the Tables were set in three places of the house, for every Guest invited a Table and a Chair very fair and gilt, or with silver, and every Table had before it a cloth of Damask down to the ground. On the Tables was neither cloth nor napkins, as well because the Tables were very fine, as because they eat so cleanly that they need none of these things: the fruit was set along the edges of every Table, all set in order, which was, roasted Chestnuts and peeled, and Nuts cracked and shalled, and sugar Canes clean and cut in slices, and the fruit we spoke of before, called Lichias, great and small, but they were dried. All the fruit was set in small heaps like Turrets very well made, crossed between with certain small sticks very neat: whereby all the Tables round about with these little Turrets were very fairly adorned. Presently after the fruit, were all the services placed in fine Porcelan dishes, all very well dressed and neatly carved, and every thing set in good order, and although the dishes were set one over another, all were so finely set, in such sort that he which sat at the Table might eat what he would, without any need of stirring or removing any of them: and presently there were two small sticks very fine and gilt for to eat with, holding them between the fingers: they use them in stead of a pair of Pincers, so that they touch nothing of that which is on the board with their hand; yea, though they eat a dish of Rice, they do it with those sticks, without any grain of the Rice falling: and because they eat so cleanly, not touching with the hand their meat, they have no need of cloth or napkins: all comes carved and well ordered to the Table. They have also a very small Porcelan cup gilt, which holdeth a mouth full of wine, and only for this there is a Waighter at the Table: they drink so little that at every bit they must have the cup, and therefore it is so small. There are some Chinaes' that wear very long nails, of half a quarter, and a quarter long, which they keep very clean, and these nails do serve them in stead of the sticks for to eat withal. Feasts. The Chinaes' do use on their birth days to make great feasts, continuing yet in them the custom of the old Gentiles. In these Feasts are wont to meet all the Kinsmen and Friends, and all do help him to bear the charges of the Feasts, with sending him Presents, that when they do celebrate their birth days they may pay them in the same sort: Birthday's. and because they have these helps, they make great expense and solemnity. The feast lasteth all night long, for all the Gentiles as they walk in darkness living without the knowledge of God, so all their feasts through all places of India and in China, are made by night. Night feasts In these feasts is great abundance of meat and great store of wine, all the night they spend in ea●ing and drinking, and music playing on diverse instruments. Their Priests offer their sacrifices to their Gods, apparelled very richly. They apparel themselves in diverse sorts of garments, and the Priests do sing their songs in a very tuneable voice: among these sacrifices, playing and singing, the Tables are always furnished with sundry meats, every one taking what he liketh best. The Priests when they have sung as all the rest, do make at their door triumphant Arches very well made of Paper, and Scaffolds with diverse representations of Figures and Statues, and certain high Trees and hanging on the broken Boughs, very well wrought and painted, many lights, and in every place many Lanterns very fair and well made all with lights. In the general Feasts of all the Town and People, chiefly on the first day of the year, New years day. all the streets and doors are very richly dressed, and chiefly they do endeavour and labour to deck the triumphal Arches, covering them with many clothes of Damask and of other silk, with many Lanterns. There is much playing of sundry Instruments, and singing, and jointly with this great store of meat of sundry kinds, and great abundance of Wine. They use many times representations by Actors, which do represent very well and to the life, the Actors having very good apparel and well ordered, Comedies. and fitting as is requisite for the person he representeth; and they that represent a Woman's part, besides the apparel that is requisite for the part he representeth, they are painted with Stibium and Ceruse. Those which understands them not what they represent, are sometimes wearied, but they that understand them do delight very much to hear them: and one whole night, and two, and some time three, they are continually busied in representations one after another. While these representations do last, there must be a Table set with great store of meat and drink. They have in these Actions two great inconveniences or blemishes, the one is, that if one be to represent two parts, and is to change his attire, he doth it before all the Beholders: the other is, that the Representer as well as he that speaketh alone, do speak in a very high voice almost singing. Sometime they go to the ships to play, that the Portugals may give them money. The Instruments they use for to play on, are certain Bandoraes' like ours, though not so well made, with their Pins to tune them, Instruments▪ and there be some like Gitternes which are smaller, and other like a Vial de gamba, which are less: they use also Dulcimeres and Rebecks, and of a certain kind of Hob●yse, resembling our use. They use a certain manner of Instrument that hath many wire strings; they play on them with their nails, which for that purpose they wear; they have a great sound and make a good harmony: they play many Instruments together sometimes, consorted in four voices which make a very good consonancy. It happened one night by Moonshine, that I and certain Portugals sitting at the door of our lodging, a few young men passing the time came along the River, playing on diverse Instruments; and we being glad to hear the music, sent for them to come near where we were, and that we would invite them, they as gallant youths came near with the Boat and began to tune their Instruments, in such sort that we were glad to see them fit themselves that they might make no discord: and beginning to sound, they began not altogether, but the one tarried for to enter with the other, making many divisions in the process of the music, some staying, others playing: and the most times they played all together in four parts. The parts were two small Bandoraes' for the Tenor, a great one for counter-Tenor, and an Instrument called Crano followed the rest, and sometime a Rebecke, sometime a Dulcimere for a Treble. And they used a good policy, that we might remain the more desirous, they played but two strains. It is not lawful for any man in all the Country to carry any manner of weapon, Arms and quarrels. no not a knife, therefore when one quarrels with another they go to buffets and pulling by the hair: only the Soldiers and Ministers of the Captains of war do wear swords on their hangers. When any man dyeth that hath House, Kindred, and Children, after he hath given up the ghost, they wash the Coarse and put on his best apparel, and his Cap on his head, Funeral rites▪ and set him on a Chair, and then cometh his Wife and kneeleth down before him, and with many tears and lamentable words she taketh her leave of him: and after the Wife comes the Children in their order doing the like, and after the Children the rest of the Kindred, and all the rest of the House, and his Friends. The ceremonies ended, they put him in a Coffin made for him of Camfiere wood, which is preservative for dead bodies, and smelleth well, they close it and pitch it well that no smell may come out of it; they set it upon two little forms, and cast over it a cloth to cover the Coffin down to the ground, whereon the picture of the man deceased is pictured. They make a little house before the Coffin of white raw cloth, with a Portall right against the Coarse, where a Table is set with candle-sticks and candles lighted, and set thereon bread and all the fruits of the Country. And all this they do of superstition for a ceremony, and there they keep the Coarse eight or fifteen days, in the which their Priests of their Gods come continually by night to offer their Sacrifices, and to pray their Heathenish inventions. There they bring many Pictures of men and women, and burn them with many ceremonies. Finally they hang some Pictures of men and women in paper hanging on coards, and with great praying and moving these pictures by the coards, with great crying and shouting, they say, to send the dead man to Heaven. All day and all night while they are in these ceremonies, there is a Table set with great store of meat and drink. These ceremonies ended, they take the Coffin and set it in a Field where the dead are, and there it consumes with time. Mourning. Their mourning which they use is the sharpest that ever I saw, for they wear Coats after the common sort, of very course wool next the flesh, and girt with great coards, and on their head a Cap of the same cloth, made like the Caps that are used in the Country, saving that these have certain flappes that fall over their eyes. Notwithstanding, that as they are nearest in kindred so they wear the rougher mourning weed. The rest wear raw cloth, and not so course. For Father or Mother, they mourn three years: and if he be Louthia, as soon as he heareth the news presently he leaveth the office he serveth, and goeth to mourn to his own house for three years, which being ended he goeth to the Court to demand his office. China women's customs and clothes. I have many China Pictures which represent the women either with their feet wrapped up, or else very small; their eyes also and no●es little, etc. of the rest, as in the Map is seen. The Women commonly, excepting those of the Sea coast, and the mountaineers, are very white and fine women, some having their noses and eyes well proportioned. From their childhood they wrap their feet in clothes, that they may remain small, and they do it for the China's do hold them for finer women that have small Noses and Feet. This is used yet among the noble people, and not among the basest. They wear their hair very well combed, close and tied to the crown of the head, and bound from the roots to the tops with a long lace very well placed. And the lace is garnished with jewels and pieces of Gold round about. They use long Coats like the Portugal women, which have the waste in the same manner that they have. They wear upper-bodies with long sleeves, they spend commonly more Silk in their garments then their husbands: but in their common apparel they are clothed in white Linen-cloth. They make courtesies as our women do, but they make three together and very hastily. They use painting their faces with Vermilion and white Ceruse very well set. They commonly keep themselves close, so that through all the City of Cantan there appeareth not a woman, but some light huswives, and base women. And when they go abroad they are not seen, women's retiredness. for they go in close Chairs, (whereof we spoke before) neither when any body cometh into the house doth he see them, except for curiosity they chance under the doore-cloath, to look on them that come in when they are strange people. Commonly the men have one Wife, which they buy for their money more or less, according as they are, Marriage. of their Fathers and Mothers. Yet may every one have as many wives as he is able to maintain: but one is the principal with whom they live, and the other he lodgeth in sundry houses And if he hath dealings in diverse Countries he hath in every one a wife and house with entertainment. Adultery. If the wife committeth adultery, and the husband accuseth her and the adulterer, both suffer death. And if the husband do suffer the wife to play the adulteress, Witaldrie. he is grievously punished. I being in Cantan, saw a Merchant of China go from justice to justice, very sharply handled for suffering his wife to play the adulteress. The common women are in no wise permitted to dwell within the walls. Harlots. And in the Suburbs without they have their proper streets where they dwell, out of the which they may not live: All the common women are slaves, they bring them up for that purpose from their childhood, they buy them of their mothers, and teach them to play on an Instrument of music, and to sing. And those that can best do this, because they gain most, are worth more. And those which cannot do that, are worth less. The masters either carry them unto the men, or sell them to them: and when they are to beset in the street of the common women, they are written by an Officer of the King in a Book, and the Master is bound to come every year with a certain fee to this Officer, they are bound to answer their Master so much every month. When they are old, with Painting they make them seem young. And after they are not for that trade, they are altogether free, without any obligation either to Master or any body, and then they feed upon that which they have gotten. I spoke so particularly of this matter, for to come to say that in this Country of China is no greater captivity than this of these Wenches. And let no man say, or affirm any other thing, for about the examining of it I laboured somewhat in Cantan, because some Portugals would affirm it otherwise. The bondage or slavery of some in China. The captivity in this Country is in manner following. If any woman by the death of her husband remaineth a widow, and hath nothing to maintain herself with, neither the children that are left her are such as are able to get their living, neither hath she any thing to give her children; this Woman in this necessity, cometh to a rich man, and agreeth with him for six or seven Crowns, for a Son or a Daughter, and the price received she delivereth it; if it be a Daughter, she serveth as abovesaid for a common Woman, and is brought up for that purpose: if it be a Son, he serveth his Master some time. And when he is of age to marry, the Master giveth him a Wife, and all the Children that are borne to him remain free, and without any Obligation: notwithstanding, this Servant is bound to give his Master so much by the year, having a house by himself: for when he marrieth they give him a house and he laboureth, either at some Trade, or by his industry for to earn his living. And no man may sell any of these Slaves to the Portugals, having great penalties for it. The Women, as by being common, they look for great profit of them, in no wise they will sell them, besides the running into great penalties also. And all those which commonly are sold to the Portugals are stolen, they carry them deceived, and secretly to the Portugals, and so they sell them: and if they were perceived or taken in these stealths, they would be condemned in the utmost punishment. The Laws of China give authority to the Women for to sell their Children, and not to the Men, for as the Men are bound to get a living for himself and for his Children, if he want the remedy, they hold that he is in the fault of that. And that Man may the better labour for their living and their children's. So far is China from having Slaves that altogether should be captives, that neither those which they take in war are slaves: only they are bound to the King, and are placed for Soldiers in places far from their Countries where they were taken, eating of the wages they have of the King. These do wear for a device a red cap, as I saw the Tartarians wear in Cantan, which had been taken in the wars. §. four Of their Louthias, Mandarines or Magistrates, their creation, privileges, maintenance; Of Prisons and Tortures; of the King and of Ambassadors. EVery one that in China hath any office, command or dignity by the King, is called Louthia, which is to say with us Senor. How this Title is given him, we will in his place make mention of it. Sir, Master, or Lord. There are in every Province of China one thousand Louthias, or according to others three thousand, besides those that are resident in the Court, by whom are ordained all matters of the Kingdom, and to whom come all the weighty matters of all the Realm. And because they are to dispatch with the King; and converse with him within doors, and it is not lawful for other to converse with them, Louthias of the Court Eunuches. neither do other see them, and they have entrance where the Wives of the King are, which are many, they are commonly Eunuches. In every Province are five, which among the rest are most principal, which have a very great authority and majesty in their persons, and are greatly reverenced and honoured, not only of the common people, but also of all the other Lothyas. The principal of the five is the Governor, which in their language is called Tutom, to this come all matters both great and small of all the Province, The Tutom; Lieutenant, deputy or Viceroy. and for the authority and majesty of his person he is not resident where the other Lothyas, that he may not be frequented of them, and so he may be more esteemed and feared. To these come all the Rents of the Provinces except the ordinary expenses, and by him as well the businesses as the Rents that are gathered, and all that happeneth in the Provinces are referred and sent to the Court. The second dignity of the Provinces, is the Overseers of the goods, which in their language is called Ponchassi: The Ponchassis or Treasurer. this hath the care to send to recover through all the Province the Rents thereof, for the which he hath many Lothyas under his jurisdiction, which are particular Officers for the businesses and recoveries of the goods. This provideth all the ordinary charges of the Province, and with that which remaineth he resorteth to the Tutom, that he may send it to the Court, this may intermeddle in grave matters of the other Officers inferior, and hath authority over them. Likewise, all the matters and affairs of the Province resort unto him, to be referred by him to the Tutom. Another chief dignity under this is the chief justice, which in their language is called Anchasi, The Anchasi or chief justice. and though there be many other Officers of justice, this is above all, and by him are the dispatches distributed to the rest, and all matters of justice resort unto him, as one that hath authority of the other inferior. Another dignity under this is the chief Captain, who in their tongue is called Aitao. To this Aitao pertaineth to command to prepare the men of war, and all that is necessary of shipping, and victuals, The Aitao or chief Captain. and all other provision against Enemies and against thieves: to this belong also the businesses of strangers in cases which belong not to the goods. The fifth and last of the great dignities, is of the chief Captain which putteth in execution the matters of war, and is resident in the Armies which the Aitao, being a land, doth ordain: when it is necessary besides the putting matters in execution and order, if the matter require his presence, he goeth in person: and so important may the matter be that the Aitao will go. His Lieutenant, the Luthissi. Each have ten Assistants. This is called in the Country language Inthissi. In the house of every one of these, except the Luthissi, which is the inferior of the five, are other ten which are as Assistants, and are also of great authority, five of these do sit at the right hand of the Principal in five chairs, recited before when we spoke of the buildings, and five do sit on the left hand: these in matters of importance are at the dispatching with the principal of the house, and the Principal dying or by any other means wanting, one of these according to his antiquity remaineth in his stead: and if it be necessary to go through the Province about some matter of importance, that appertaineth to the dignity in whose house they assist, one of these do go with all the authority of the Principal. The five that sit on the right hand, Ensigns of dignity, girdle and canopy. have a greater degree and dignity than the five on the left hand. And as the dignity consisteth in their Girdles and Canopies, those of the right hand wear Girdles of gold and Canopies of yellow, and those of the left hand wear Girdles of silver and Canopies of blue, or of changeable colour. The Girdles are little less than three fingers broad, and an inch thick, and all about of gold or of silver very well wrought made of pieces. The Canopies are very large and fair, which an Officer doth bear upon a staff a fathom long, of a Clove tree very fair, and they are lined with silk. Besides these Assistants and the five Principal, there is among the inferior one of greater dignity, The Taissu or Sheriff. which is the chief jailor, whom they call Taissu, which have very great house's of great receipts, where they have great prisons, but neither this nor any that are under may wear girdle of gold nor silver, nor a yellow Canopy, except he be an Officer or Captain of men of war, that for favour of a Gentleman may have a yellow Canopy: the rest wear girdles of Tartaruga, or of other matter made like them of gold or silver, and their Canopies are of changeable stuff or blue, and all these Inferior do speak to the Superior, when they are before them on their knees, and do kneel as long as they are with them, except the Taissu, who when he cometh in kneeleth and riseth up presently, and is always standing. Every one of the great ones have many inferior Officers under his jurisdiction, for the matters and businesses necessary to the Office of every one, all which as they are the King's officers have the Title of Lothias and their badges or signs. The five Principal with their Assistants do wear for a Badge the King's Arms on their breasts, and on their backs, which are certain Serpents woven with gold thread. The Chaen or judge of the Circuit, or Visitor. Every year there is one sent to every Province as a justice, which is called Chaen, which cometh to take account of all the Lothias, great and small, and examineth all the Students and chooseth Louthias, and visiteth the Prisons, and all that is necessary to be seen and provided for in all the Province. He useth all means to spy out their bribery and injustice, and hath power to displace or prefer. When this entereth newly into this City, it is not lawful for any to work, they shut their doors and no body walketh through the street, and to preserve his worship and authority they will not boldly communicate in sight of the people, and many Officers with Banners displayed of crimson silk, and all the Louthias both great and small are bound to go and meet him. The same entertainment is used to every one of the five, when he cometh newly to the Province where he is to administer his office. There be other dignities above all these, which are called Quinchais, which is to say, a Plate or Seal of gold: which are not sent but about very serious matters and of great importance, The Quinchais, Commissioners extraordinary. for the Kingdom, or the King. Every Lothia of what quality soever he be, high or low, hath for a sign or badge, besides the abovesaid, a high Cap and round with certain ears across, made of small twigs woven with twist. All the Offices are given from three to three years, and none is given for longer time, and all given to men that are not borne in that part of the Land, because they may not be moved by affection in matters of justice that belong to their offices, and also because they may not become mighty, thereby to prevent insurrections. The offices are distributed by the King with the counsel of the Eunuches. And because the Eunuches are those with whose counsel the offices are distributed, they are many times mightily bribed. The Chaens which the King doth send every three years, commonly are sound men, and bring commonly more authority than the rest. And these (besides the yearly Chaen) are sent the third year, when every Officer endeth his office. After that the Chaens have taken the accounts of the Lothyas, The third years Visitor. they visit the Prisons and give audience to the Prisoners. After this he with the other principal Lothias do visit the Scholars, and all those that he findeth to have studied well, he favoureth and giveth them good hopes, and those which have not studied well, if he see they have ability for it, he commandeth them to be whipped. And if already they have been whipped and have not amended, he commands them to be put some days in prison, besides the whipping of them, that with these punishments from thence forward they may have a better care. If he findeth that they neither learn, nor have ability, he thrusts them out of the Schools. This do only the Louthias which come every three years, after they have dispatched the businesses of the Province, he busieth himself in making Louthias: which he maketh in form following. He commandeth to come to the principal City of the Province, all the Students that have well studied, from all the Cities of the Province, and from all the great Towns, where the King hath Schoolmasters of free Schools, maintained at his charge (for the Students did learn the Laws of the Realm, maintained at their father's charge.) And all the principal Louthias of the Province assembled with Chaen, there examine very well every one of the Students, demanding of him many things concerning their Laws: and if he answereth to all well, they command him to be put apart, and if he be not yet well instructed, either they send him to learn more, and if it be through his default, either they whip him, or being whipped they send him to Prison, as the Portugals saw many in Prison for that fault, where they were in Prison also. After the Examination ended, the Chaen riseth up, and all the Louthias with great Ceremonies, Feasts, Musics, and Playing, Commencement or Act. Of this see more in the following Relations of the jesuits. they give the degree to every one of them they found sufficient, which is to give him the Title of Louthi●. And after the passing many days in Feasts, and Banquets, they send them to the Court to receive the Badges of Louthias, which are Caps with ears, broad Girdles and Canopies, and there they stay the distribution of Offices. So that in this manner they make the Louthias, which in the Country are to administer justice. The Louthias for war are made by Chivalries and famous Deeds which they did in war. So that in these Country's men are much honoured by their Learning, or by their Chivalry, and yet more for their Learning, because of the Learned do commonly come the five principal Louthias and the Assistants. Notwithstanding, there are many Louthias, which are made for simple favours, Other sorts of Louthias. either for doing some particular service to the King, or to the Realm, or in some Town, or having some particular favour or quality. As they did to a young man of China, because the Portugals being in Prison, he served for an Interpreter, whereby the Louthias gave him the title and badges of Louthia, because he could speak Portugal. But these and such other do not commonly serve Offices of the King, but enjoy only the Liberties of Louthias: as the Gentlemen Portugals have their Liberties which some enjoy by favour of the King. And these Louthias have great Liberties in the Country: for none can do him any injury without punishment, neither can they be imprisoned but for heinous faults, and they may imprison any that do wrong them, Their Privileges. and many other Liberties. And though there were some Portugals that reported without any certainty that the Chinaes' did study natural Philosophy, the truth is that there is no other Studies nor Universities in it nor particular, but only the Schools Royal of the Laws of the Kingdom. The truth is that some are found that have knowledge of the courses of Heaven, whereby they know the Eclipses of the Sun and of the Moon. But these if they know it by any Writings that are found among them, they teach it to some person, or persons in particular, but of this there are no Schools. The Chinas' have no certain Letters in their Writing, for all that they write is by Characters. Their lines are not overthwart as in the Writings of all other Nations, but are written up and down. When the Louthias are dispatched at the Court with Offices for the Provinces, where they go to govern, Public Officers wholly maintained of the public. they depart carrying nothing of their own more than the Apparel they are to wear, and some few Servants to serve him, even when they have no Offices, neither need they carry any provision for the journey, nor carriage or shipping at their own charge: for through all the ways where he goeth are provisions, aswell of shipping as of necessary carriage, and necessary food for all the King's Officers, which are provided of the Royal Rents. Houses for Officers. In all the Cities and great Towns, the King hath many good and Noble Houses for the Louthias both great and small to lodge in, and all those which by any means are the Kings, have sufficient Rents for the maintenance of every person that shall dwell in the House according to his degree. And that which is to be given to every one for his Expenses is already limited. Wherefore he that may lodge there being come, the Officer of the House cometh to him, and asketh him if he will have his ordinary in money, or in things necessary for provision, and that which he doth demand, as far as the money doth extend, he is to give him, very well and cleanly dressed, either Flesh, Fish, Ducks, or Hens, or what he will. And any Louthia that doth lodge there, may command the Host of the House to be whipped, if he serve him not to his will. And if any Louthia will go to lodge at the House of any acquaintance of his, he taketh the Money, which the inferior Louthias do also sometimes, either to spare some Money, or to be merry at their wills more freely. And in the provisions of these Houses there is no want any ways, for the Ponchasis have the charge to give them sufficient provision that it do not want. And at the years end account is taken of the Officers of the House of the Expenses he made. By the ways at every League, and at every two leagues are Houses which only have Beds, and Chairs for the Travellers to rest and ease themselves. Public Inns. And some of those that have care of these Houses, have provision for to give Wine to the guests: others give nothing but Chua. After the Louthias come to the City where they are to be resident and execute his Office, they find the Houses, where they are to lodge according to the Offices they have great or small, greater or smaller. In these Houses they find all the Servants necessary, Scriveners, Porters, Inferior Officers. and all other Ministers necessary for their Offices. For these are continually in the houses, for to minister at all times all the Offices of the Houses where they serve. And every Officer according to his House and person hath his provision necessary for his meat, drink, and his apparel (limited so that it sufficeth him well) which is paid to him without fail, every month. When the Louthias are old and wearied in the charges and Offices of the Kingdom, they are lodged in their own Countries or where they will, Rest in age with dignity. and the King alloweth them every month so much according to their quality for their maintenance till they die. And because the Ordinaries of the Louthias are commonly sufficient, and with some abundance, they may always spare some thing to leave their Wives and Children. Before the inferior Ministers these Officers do all things of their Offices and matters of justice, for they are present at all things, to prevent Bribes and partiality. Whiles the Louthia is sitting in the chair to hear the parties and dispatching of matters, the Porters, Scriveners, Sergeants and other Ministers are at the door: and when any person cometh with any matter, one of the Porters with a high voice that he may be heard where the Louthias sitteth (for it is far off) telleth who and wherefore he cometh. And none speaketh to the Louthias but upon both their knees on the ground, and commonly they speak a pretty space distant from him. Reverence. And from thence with a high voice well understood, he propoundeth his case, or showeth him his Petition written in Paper, and lifting up the hand desireth him to receive it, and to show him justice; to whom a Minister runneth, the Louthia making a sign to him, and presenteth it unto him. After the Louthia readeth it, he either dispatcheth him of that which he asketh, writing at the foot of the Petition with red Ink, or remitteth the party to an inferior Officer to be dispatched. So I saw it done to a Petition which a woman presented to the Ponchasi. The promptness and readiness wherewith the Louthias are served, and how feared they are, cannot be written with the Pen, nor expressed with the Tongue, but it must be seen with the eye for to know what it is. All do their messages running and with great speed, not only the Scriveners and Sergeants, and other Ministers, but also the Inferior Louthias to the Superior. And if any faileth never so little of his diligence and accustomed speed, or committeth the less negligence in the World before the Louthia, he hath not any remission, but immediately they put a little flag in his hand, and he must hold it in his hand kneeling until the parties be dispatched: and then the Louthia commandeth to give him the stripes that he think good: and the stripes are such as hereafter we will speak of. Whereby all the Ministers in the Houses of the Louthias are plastered or marked with the stripes, so that already among themselves they hold it a disgrace not to be marked with the stripes, Nimia severitas parit contentum. because it is a thing generally common among them. And when the Louthia waxeth angry or is moved at any thing, it is a wonder to see the trouble and fear that is in all the standers by. I being in the House of the Ponchasi with certain Portugals, entreating for the deliverance of certain Portugals that were Captives, and imprisoned in the jail, for the which we carried him eight Ounces of Ambar (which at that time was much esteemed of them, and now by carrying so much it is not so much esteemed) we not being willing to give him the Ambar, without giving us both the Portugals, he took an occasion for to terrify us, to wax angry against the youth, servant of a Portugal which was in our company and was our Interpreter. Wherefore he rose out of the Chair and became red as blood, and his eyes were inflamed, and set one foot forward, putting his thumbs under his Girdle, looking to the standers by with a terrible countenance: stepping forward, lift up his foot and stamped on the ground with it, and said with a terrible voice. Taa. Taa, which is to say, Whip. It was a wonderful thing to see in how little space they took the youth, tied his hands behind with a Cord, and laid him on his belly with his thighs bare, and two Beadles placed themselves on each side one, with one foot forward, and their Whip ready for to give him the stripes that they should be commanded to give him. Certainly it was all done in a moment. The Merchants that came in our favour were troubled, and stood aside shaking with fear. At this time one of the Prisoners said, Sirs, be not afraid, for he cannot whip that youth. And in truth we knew it was so, for according to their Laws there was no fault, whereby he might command him to be whipped, and there was a penalty if he did it. The Louthia hearing the voice of the Prisoner, commanded to carry him with speed to the jail again. And the Louthia did this for nothing else but to make us afraid, that we should give him the Ambar for one of the Prisoners, for he could not give us the other, because he was already adjudged to dye, and the sentence confirmed by the King, which was irrevocable, and he was willing to have the Ambar, for he hoped to have of the King a greater Reward then to be Ponchasi for the Ambar. For he did eat it for to sustain life, and many days were past since they had demanded it of the Portugals, but as they knew not the name we used for it, they never understood one another till that the year after they had for the Aitao of Cantan a little for the delivery of a Portugal: whereby he was advanced to Ponchasi. And this would also have for the same effect the Ambar at our hands for to be advanced. Notwithstanding, we seeing ourselves tied and without an Interpreter by whom to speak, and the youth in disposition of whipping, we gave him the Ambar. There came presently a Chasing-dish for to prove it, and the Prisoner cast a little in the fire, and seeing the smoke ascend right up, he was contented, and scattering the smoke he set his Nose over it and said, Haoa, which is to say, it is very good. And commanded presently to deliver us the Prisoner free. It was wonderful to see with what speed it was weighed, and the pieces told and put in a Paper, and noted by the Scrivener before them all the number of the pieces, and the weight that was there. And after that Paper another, all glued presently. And after that another. Manner of their pomp● in the street. And in the third, the Panchasi set his Mark with Red Letters, and what was contained within. And at the same instant came a little Box, and being put in it was presently stopped, and upon the cover a Paper glued, and upon it the Mark of the Ponchasi: and presently came an inferior Louthia Captain of the Army with his Soldiers, and all afar off kneeled down, and said at every word Quoo, which is to say, Yes, inclining their heads and hands to the ground. And receiving his message, presently as he came running, so he returned running with the Box to take shipping for to carry the Ambar to the Tutaen, to be sent from him to the King. All this that I have spoken was done in a trice before we stirred from the place where we were. This was also desirous to have the Ambar of us before the Louthia of that seat did come, which was looked for every day to come a new: for this was only a Lieutenant. When any Louthia that is not of the five, neither the Chaen, neither very inferior, but as they say of the meaner sort, goeth abroad into the City, he hath before him a good space two Ministers with two Maces that seem to be of silver, upon long staffs, made almost after our fashion, and the one goeth on the one side the street, the other on the other-side. After these a little distant, go other two, each with a strait Cane, or Pole in his hand. After these go other two in the same distance with two Canes trailing along the Pavements, which are the Instruments of justice wherewith they do whip. After these go other two with two Tables like two Targets bowed and plastered, whereon is written the Title of the Officer that passeth. The foremost signify in their Maces, that he which passeth is in his Office in the King's place. And the two strait Rods, the right of justice which he ought to do. Those which carry the Instruments of whipping, do carry for a sign certain long Red Laces, with two great round Tassels at the ends. And all do carry very gallant Plumes very well made of the points of a Peacock's tail. And those that go before do now and then say with a loud voice Huuph, which is to say, Give place, or beware. While these do pass it is not lawful in any wise for any one to cross, or go in the middle of the street, under pain of being whipped without any remission. It chanced two Portugals went through the midst of a street in Cantan walking, and behind them came an inferior Louthia, which had but four Ministers, which came crying according to their custom they should give place. The Portugals either gave no heed or made no regard of those that came: wherefore a Minister coming, gave a great thrust to the one of them, and the Portugal answered him with a box on the ear; and being bound with his hands behind him, was to go to Prison. It was necessary for the Portugal to come to the Louthia, and pacify him with fair words, and he made an end of pacifying him with fourteen Crowns that he gave him. After the Ministers cometh the Louthia in a rich Chair gilded and very fair, on four men's backs. These Chairs are great and sumptuous, and the Louthia goeth compassed with all the Scriveners and other his Ministers. And all of them while he goeth by the street, go always running. And the Louthia weareth a long black Coat of fine Serge with long sleeves, which is the common wearing: he carrieth the arms a cross like a Friar, and his eyes low without looking to any side: for even with their eyes they will not communicate with the common people, for to preserve their authority the more with them, that may be more feared. When any of the four Louthias goeth abroad, except the Tutan, or the yearly Chaen, they go accompanied with many Ministers, and six Officers do carry them on their backs, and they lead a spare Horse with a fair Saddle, and a cloth of Silk over it; the Chair wherein they go is more sumptuous and richer, they carry before four, five, or six Maces, and two or three Instruments and more Ministers. When the Chaen that cometh every three years cometh into the City, Pomp of the greater Officers. or for form important affairs goeth abroad, or some Quinchay, they shut up all the doors in the streets where he passeth, and none doth work, nor is any seen in the street when he passeth. The shops are shut up, and every thing of sale is out of sight. The Officers with coards along the street, do make three lanes, where the triumphing Arches are made in three Arches: and through the midst passeth the Louthia only, and the Officers on the two sides. And it is not lawful for any to pass through the middle: Chaen and Quinchays splendour. they are accompanied of many inferior Louthias that go on foot. And on the one side of the street, and the other are many armed men and others with Banners of red Silk advanced, all standing in good order. In the Court of the house where he is to go in, are many Kettledrums set upon high stakes to be well played upon, which are covered down to the ground with clothes of Silk quartered. After these are many placed in order, with Flags of Silk on high. After these in the same order, are many with Trumpets, and all are in great silence. As soon as the Louthia appeareth they all sound their Instruments in order: Noise and silence. the sound of the Instruments ended, they remain all in so great a silence, as if there were no body in the Court, being a great multitude of people. The people as they come in, do place themselves on the sides, the midst between the Instruments remaining void, whereby the Louthia passeth. Before these Louthias go commonly many inferior Louthias, of those that carry Maces when they go abroad. There are also in this Court many men at Arms with long gilt Lances, and with very fair Armours. This is all in the first Court. In the second, along the Gallery (whereof we spoke above, when we treated of the houses of the great men, that only the Louthias pass through them) on the one side and the other are many inferior Louthias with Headpieces on their heads, some gilt, some with Silver, and with Swords hanging at their belts, and with Coats and Cassocks made in fashion of Frockes with studs of Gold and Silver, that it seemeth set upon plates, but it is a very fine work made upon very single Silk, which serveth only for bravery and ornament. Some use on their heads white Headpieces garnished with Gold, but are of a very fine leaf and thin, that seeming an Armour, are not. In this manner also are the Louthias inferiors, which do environ the superior Louthia. The Chairs where these do go are very rich and of great price, and very sumptuous. The Tables whereon is written the titles of dignity of these Great men are written with letters of Silver. And when any of these doth enter newly in any City with these feasts and enternaynments, all the Louthias, great and small, receive him at a house (where he landeth very rich and noble) and from thence they accompany him unto his lodging, and being lodged, all do take their leave with many courtesies. In these receiving they use no sumptuous apparel. The great men (when most) wear Coats of red Silk. In their own feasts in their houses, and secretly one with another, and in banquets they use crimson Silk, and all the bravery in their apparel, and in rich attires. Whensoever by way of inquiry or examination any Witnesses are demanded, the Louthias do it in public before the Officers and ministers of his Office, Manner of inquisition. and before all the rest that by any means chance to be there present, and this because no falsehood may be used, nor any sleight in the manner of enquiring: and by consequence in writing. And first they examine the Witnesses severally, and if they do agree, they join them, and examine the one before the other, till they bring them to altercations and quarrelling by words, that by the words the one speaketh to the other they may come to the knowledge of the truth. And if by this means they do not comprehend the truth, they give them many stripes and tortures that by one means or other they may know the truth of the matter they inquire or examine: No Oaths. they use no Oath, for they esteem nothing of their Gods. They have notwithstanding a respect in the witnessing the persons of quality, and of whom is presumed that they will not easily lie. When they examine any matter of great weight, or a grave person, than they write themselves, the process of the examination. It chanceth sometimes that some of the Louthias for a great bribe, or for great friendship let some Prisoner loose, Bribe-trickes. and put another in his place, for there never wanteth one naughtipacke that will put himself in danger of stripes, or death for interest, or they bring him in by deceit, deceiving him with words, and making the matter light unto him, and giving him some interest, they name him as the Prisoner they will let loose, that the faults and punishments of the guilty may fall upon the innocent. And when sometime in this sort they cannot let the guilty person lose, they labour to bribe all the Officers to give him for dead among those that die in the prisons. But these inventions are not used but where the bribes are great, Cane-whipping. Much is here written of Prisons, and Executions, which I have omitted. or the adherents very great and mighty. And for to eschew the inconveniences which sometime fall out, when any are imprisoned for weighty matters, or the Prisoners have great adversaries, they set down all the marks of the Prisoners, and cause them to be set at the foot of the writing, that so they may not use any of the malices abovesaid. With how much piety and leisure they kill, with so much cruelty and speed they whip, for in this case they forgive none. The stripes are such that with reason it might be a sufficient punishment for to amend, for the canes wherewith they whip are plaited below about four fingers broad, and go straightening upward unto the end, where the Beadles hold them: and they are almost a finger thick (for in those parts are canes as big as a man's leg. And because in Portugal are many witnesses of knowledge of the same, I dare simply affirm it, and they are of eighty * Huge Reeds, or Canes. or ninety spans long.) And their whips are made of these canes of the height of a middle statured man to the breasts. They give the stripes on the hams of the man's legs, being laid on his breast, and his legs laid along, and his hands tied behind. And the Beadles butchering, as they are commanded, the Louthias are altogether void of compassion, talking one with another, eating and drinking, and picking their teeth. The cruelty is such, that the Court is full of blood: and when they have made an end of whipping them, they carry them not, but like Butchers with much cruelty they draw them by one leg to the Prison. Miserable evasion of misery. And when the Beadles are whipping, they tell with a loud voice the stripes. If the miserable Prisoners which are in the Prson for grievous faults at the time that this correction is to be done can get a piece of a cord, wherewith they may hang themselves, they go to buffets who shall hang himself first, that that the butchery of the stripes be not executed on them. And the Portugals affirmed, which were in Prison, that in one day forty Prisoners did hang themselves in the Prison where they were, to escape the stripes they were rather willing to lose their lives. And they affirmed, that the cord was very short, that scarcely there was so much as to come about the neck to tie it, and on a stick which they stuck in the wall, and because the stick was very low, they pulled one another till they were choked, going to buffets who should hang himself first. When any doth kill himself, or dieth in the Prison, it is the order in China to cast him in the house of office, and there to be three days, where the Rats do eat him up. And sometimes the Chinaes' Prisoners do eat of them with hunger. Every City that is the Head of the Province, hath thirteen Dungeons, Store of free-people, and therefore store of bond, by abused liberty and store. and in six of them are the men condemned to death: there are in Cantan upward of fifteen thousand Prisoners. There are in every Dungeon only for the condemned to death, one hundred and twenty men that serve for watches, and have a Louthia over them as their Captain, or Gentleman of the round. There be two sorts of tortures, one for the hands, another for the feet, which are nipped by certain sticks to the bruising or breaking of the fingers or toes with cruel pains. The King hath as many wives as he listeth: The King his wives, children and servants. and within doors all the service is almost of women: whereof he hath a great multitude: and likewise great store of eunuchs, and there is no other people within the house. The first son that is borne unto him of any of his wives succeedeth in the Kingdom. The rest he marrieth, and at such time as he marrieth them they are lodged in some of the Cities that he best liketh; where they are well provided of all things necessary for their maintenance, as sons to the King. But they never see the King's face any more after they are married. All the Ambassadors that come to China, with Embassages from Kings or Princss, receive of the King great rewards and favours, and they give him Cap and signs of Lothia, whereby he hath great privileges in the Country. They may whip and punish the Chinaes' themselves, Ambassador's privileges. so that they touch not any Louthia small or great: for to meddle with these would breed great inconveniences. This was the cause that Fernando * Lopo Soarez was sent Viceroy, An. 1515. and sent this Perez with a fleet to China, and therein Thomas Perez Ambassador, who were well entertained there. But some Portugals usurping Tamus, a China-Iland, and exercising all outrages, caused T. Perez after 4. months travel from Cantan to the Court to be taken for a Spy, and sent back to Cantan, where he died in Prison among malefactors. See Maffaeus l. 5 & 6 who seemeth to disagree: or else his people's act was ascribed unto him. For he had left 6. ships there, when he went to Canton. Perez of Adrade going for Ambassador to China, that the Chinaes' did rise against him, and he escaped with his hands on his head, losing some ships: because having done unaccustomed justice in China, and upon the Chinaes', and they forbearing him, he would stretch his hand to the Louthias. The goods of the Ambassador, and of his is free from customs, and to him and to his they give lodgings to dwell in, and all things necessary while they are in the Country. No man, no not a Louthia may disturb him in any thing, nor any thing of his. One Lothia would have whipped one of Siam, for having carried a message to the Prison to certain Portugals that were in Prison. One of the Officers said unto him that was present, that he was of Siam of the Embassage, wherefore being satisfied therewith he let him go in peace, desiring him he would not do so again. With the Chinaes' being so great as at the beginning we said and declared, the King hath such means and industry in the government thereof, that every month he knoweth all that passeth through all the Realm, and he knoweth it in this manner. All matters of justice and of War, and all annuities with all that is worth the knowing in every one of the Provinces is referred by the Louthias, and by other persons to the Ponchasi, and the Ponchasi maketh a relation of all by writing to the Tutan. The Tutan is bound to send a Post every month to the Court, which carrieth the information in writing to the King of all things that passed in that month. They count their months by the Moons, and they are to be dispatched in such sort, that at the beginning of every Moon the Posts from all the Provinces are to be at the Court, that the first day of the Moon it may be presented to the King, as relations of all things happened in every Province. And although some Provinces are far distant from the Court, that the Posts cannot come within a month to the Court: notwithstanding in such manner they agree that every Moon the King is to have the relation of every Province, though the one be of more time than another, because of the one Province being far and the other near. The manner of the Posts is as among us, they carry a Horn which they wind when they come near to any Town, that they may have a Horse ready in every Town within a certain distance. They are bound when they hear the Horn to have a Horse ready for him, which is done with such diligence as all the other services of the Officers. And where he is to pass a Ford, as soon as he windeth his Horn with great speed they carry him a Boat, as I saw once going to the City of Cantan, in a Town that was in the way, called Caaman. Sometimes it happeneth by the malice of some Louthias, when they have any interest in it, to keep some things concealed that the King knoweth not: but woe to them if the King come to know it, for they are grievously punished, as we shall see in a case hereafter following. Being in India, and also in China, I was informed that sometimes the King of China doth send some men of great confidence disguised through diverse parts of China, that they might see how his Officers did serve him. Disguised Intelligencers. And if there were any novelties or changes whereof they made him not privy, or some things that were necessary to provide. § V. Of the Portugal commerce with the Chinois; of the severe justice executed upon certain Magistrates, for wrongs done to the Portugals. BEcause we spoke many times before of Portugals, captives in China, it will be a convenient thing that the causes of their Captivity be known, where many notable things will be showed. Ye are to know, that from the year 1554. hitherto, the businesses in China are done very quietly and without danger: and since that time till this day, there hath not one ship been lost but by some mischance: having lost in times past many. Because as the Portugals and the Chinaes' were almost at wars, when the Armies came upon them, they weighed anchor and put for the Sea, and lay in places unsheltered from tempests, whereby the storms coming, many were lost upon the coast, or upon some shelves. But from the year 1554. hitherto, Lionel of Sosa, borne in Algarue, being chief Captain, and married in Chaull, made a covenant with the Chinaes' that they would pay their duties, and that they should suffer them to do their businesses in their Ports. And since that time they do them in Cantan, which is the first part of China: and thither the Chinaes' do resort with their Silks and Musk, which are the principal goods the Portugal's do buy in China. There they have sure Havens, where they are quiet without danger, or any one disquieting them, and so the Chinaes' do now make their merchandise well: and now both great and small are glad with the traffic of the Portugals, and the fame of them runneth through all China. Whereby some of the principal of the Court came to Cantan only to see them having heard the fame of them. Before the time aforesaid, and after the rising which Fernando Perez of Andrade did cause, the businesses were done with great trouble, they suffered not a Portugal in the Country, and for great hatred and loathing called them Facui, that is to say, Men of the Devil. Portugal's called Fancui, and hated. Name-policy. Now they hold not commerce with them under the name of Portugals, neither went this name to the Court when they agreed to pay customs: but under the name of Fangin, which is to say, People of another Coast. Note also, that the law in China is that no man of China do sail out of the Realm in pain of death. Only it is lawful for him to sail along the coast of the same China. And yet along the coast, nor from one place to another in China itself it is lawful to go without a certificate of the Louthias of the Country whence they depart: in which is set down, whither they go, and wherefore, and the marks of his person, and his age. Laws of Navigation. If he carrieth not this certificate he is banished to the Frontiers. The Merchant that carrieth goods carrieth a certificate of the goods he carrieth, and how he paid duties for them. In every Customhouse that is in every Province he payeth certain duties, and not paying them he loseth the goods, and is banished to the frontier parts. Notwithstanding the abovesaid laws some Chinaes' do not leave going out of China to traffic, Covetise lawless. but these never return again to China. Of these some live in Mallaca, others in Siam, others in Patane, and so in diverse places of the South some of these that go out without licence are scattered. Whereby some of these which live already out of China do return again in their ships unto China, under the protection of some Portugal: and when they are to dispatch the duties of their ships they take some Portugal their friend to whom they give some bribe, that he may dispatch it in his name and pay the duties. Some Chinaes' desiring to get their living, do go very secretly in these ships of the Chinaes' to traffic abroad, and return very secretly, that it be not known, no not to his kindred, that it be not spread abroad, and they incur the penalty that the like do incur. This law was made because the King of China found that the much communication of the strangers might be the cause of some risings. And because many Chinaes' with an excuse of sailing abroad became thieves and robbed the Countries along the Sea coast, and yet for all this diligence there are many Chinaes' robbers along the Sea coast. These Chinaes' that live out of China, and do go thither with the Portugals, since the offence of Fernando Perez of Andrada did direct the Portugals to begin to go to traffic to Liampo; China Pirates. for in those parts are no walled Cities nor Villages, Liampo. but many and great Towns along the coast, of poor people, which were very glad of the Portugals, and sold them their provision whereof they made their gain. In these Towns were these Merchants of China which came with the Portugals, and because they were acquainted, for their sake the Portugals were better entertained. And as these Chinaes' which were among the Portugals and the Country Merchants in their buy and sellings, they reaped a great profit thereby. The inferior Louthias of the Sea coast received also great profit of this traffic, for they received great bribes of the one and of the other, to give them leave to traffic, to carry and recarry their goods. So that this traffic was among them a long while concealed from the King, and from the superior Louthias of the Province. After these matters had for some space been done secretly in Liampoo, Chincheo. the Portugals went by little and little forward, and began to go and make their merchandise to Chincheo, Namqui, or Nanquin. and to the Lands of Cantan. And other Louthias permitted them already in every place for the bribes sake, whereby some Portugals came to traffic beyond Namqui, which is very far from Cantan, without the King being witting, or having knowledge of this traffic. The matters fell out in such sort, that the Portugals wintered in the Lands of Liampoo. Some Chinaes' that were among the Portugals, and some Portugals with them, Disorders of outrageous Chinois, and insolent Portugals. came to disorder themselves in such manner that they made great stealths and robberies and killed some of the people. These evils increased so much that the clamour of the injured was so great, that it came not only to the superior Louthias of the Province, but also to the King. Who commanded presently to make a very great Armada in the Province of Fuquen, to drive the thieves from all the coast, especially those that were about Liampoo, and all the Merchants as well Portugal's as Chinaes' were reputed in this number of thieves. Being ready they went forth along the coast of the Sea. And because the winds served them not for to go for Liampoo, they went to the coast of Chincheo, where finding some sh●p● of Portugals, they began to fight with them, and in no wise did they permit any wares to come to the Portugals; who stayed many days there (fight sometimes) to see if they could have any remedy for to dispatch their businesses. But seeing they had no remedy, they determined to go without it. The Captains of the Army knowing this, sent a message to them very secretly by night, that if they would that any goods should come to them, that they should send them something. The Portugals very glad with this message, prepared a great and sumptuous present, Bribery. and sent it them by night because they were so advised. From thenceforward came many goods unto them, the Louthias making as though they took no heed thereof, dissembling with the Merchants. And so were the businesses ended that year, which was the year 1548. The year following, which was 1549. there was a straighter watch upon the Coast by the Captains of the Armada, and greater vigilancy in the Ports and entrances of China, in such sort that neither goods nor victuals came to the Portugals: but for all the vigilancy and watching there was, (as the Lands along the Coast are many, for they all run in a rue along the China) the Armies could not have so much vigilancy, that some wares were not brought secretly to the Portugals. But they were not so many that they could make up the ships ladings, and the uttering those goods which they had brought to China. Wherefore leaving the goods which they had not uttered in two ships of China, of such Chinaes as were already dismembered from China, and Traffic abroad under the shadow of the Portugals, (in the which they left thirty Portugals in charge with the ships and with the goods) that they might defend the ships, and in some Port of China where best they could they should sell the goods that remained in change for some Wares of China, and having ordained this they departed for India. As the people of the Army of the Chinaes' saw the two ships remain alone, the other ships being gone, they came upon them, being induced by some Merchants of the Country, which discovered to them the great store of goods that remained in those Vessels, and the few Portugals that remained to keep them. Then they laid an ambush for them, dressing some Chinaes' ashore, which being in arms made as though they would set upon the ships to fight with them, because they were close to the Land, that the Portugals being provoked, should come out of the ships to fight with them, & so the ships might remain without defence to them of the Armada, which lay watching in an ambush, & did accordingly set upon the two Vessels with great fury & celerity, and slaying some Portugals that were in the ships, and wounding others they took the ships. The chief Captain which is the Luthissi, remained so glorious, that he used great cruelty on some Chinaes' that he took with the Portugals. Mountain Mouse-birth. He laboured to persuade four Portugals which had more appearance in their persons then the rest, that they should say, they were Kings of Malaca, he persuaded them in the end, because he promised to use them better than the rest, and therewith he provoked them. And finding among the clothes that he took a Gown and a Cap, and ask of one of those Chinaes', that were taken with the Portugals what habit that was, they put in his head, that it was the habit of the Kings of Malaca, Spectatum admiss risum teneatis amici? wherefore he commanded presently to make three Gowns by that pattern, and three Caps, and so he apparelled them all four in one sort, to make his feigning true, and his victory more glorious. To this was joined the covetousness of the Luthissi to see if he could detain the many goods that he had taken in ships. And to do this more safely, not to be taken in a lie, he did great executions upon the Chinaes' which he took with the Portugals, and killing some of them determined to kill the rest. These things coming to the ears of the Aitao, which was his superior, he disliked greatly that which he had done, and sent to him presently that he should kill no more of those which remained, but that he should come to him presently bringing with him all the prize as well of the men that were yet alive, as of the goods. The Luthissi ordering his journey for to go to the Aitao, as he was commanded, he commanded four Chairs to be given to them, to whom he had given title of Kings, to be carried in them with more honour. And the other Portugals were carried in Coops with their heads out fast by the necks between the boards that they could not pull them in, but having some wounds in their heads, Pillory Coops. they went bare headed to the Sun and to the Dew, and were carried on men's shoulders. The Luthissi went with this Prize through the Country with great Majesty, he carried before him four Banners displayed, on the which were written the names of the four Kings of Malaca. And when he entered into the Towns, he entered with great noise and Majesty, with sound of Trumpets, and with Criers which went crying the great victory, the Luthisi (naming him) had gotten of the four great Kings of Malaca. And all the great men of the Towns went to receive him with great Feasts and Honours, all the Towns running to see the new Victory. When the Luthisi came with all his pomp and glory where the Aitao was, after the giving him particular account of all things passed and of his victory, he manifested to him his pretence and agreed with him to divide the goods between them both, and that he should continue the feigning of the Kings of Malaca, that both might receive of the King Honours and Rewards. This being set down they both agreed that to keep this in secret, the Luthisi should go forward in that which he had begun, Damnable vanity. to wit, he should slay all 〈◊〉 Chinas', that came there captive. And presently they commanded presently to put it in effect, and so they slew ninety and odd Chinas', among whom were some young youths slain. They left notwithstanding three or four youths and one man, that by them (bringing them to their own hand) they might certify the King all that they would, that was to make of the Portugals thieves, and conceal the goods which they took: certifying also by these that those four were Kings of Malaca. And the Portugal's not having the Language of the Country, neither had any person to entreat for or favour them would perish: and they being mighty would make their own Tale good, following the end by them intended. And for this cause they slew not the Portugals, but left them alive, for the greater triumph of the victory. These Lothias could not do this so secretly, but many of those which they slew had kindred in the Country, which did grieve at the death of theirs. Whereby, as well by these, as by some Louthias that were zealous of justice, and would not give consent in so great evils and fraudulent dealings, this matter came to the King's ears, and he was informed how the Portugals were Merchants which came to traffic with their Merchandise to China, and they were no thieves, and how they had falsely given the Title of Kings to four of them, to the end the King should show great favours, and do them great honours; and how they had usurped great store of goods: and that for to conceal these evils, they killed men and children without fault. The Kings justice. As soon as the King was informed of all above said, he dispatched present from the Court a Quinchay, (of whom we spoke before, that is to say plate of Gold) And with him he sent other two men of great authority also, of the which the one had been Panchasi, the other Anchasi, these two as Inquisitors and Examiner's of this matter: Commanding and commending to the Chaen which that year went to visit the Province of Fuquen, and to the Panchasi and Anchasi, of the same Province, their aid and assistance to the Quinchay, and the two Inquisitors in all things necessary for them in these businesses. The two that came with the Quinchay, as Inquisitors, went presently to certain great Houses which had in the midst a great Court, and on the one side of the Court were certain great and fair Lodgings, and on the other side others in the same sort. Each of the Inquisitors entered in one of these Houses aforesaid. The Prisoners were presently brought, and were presented to the one of them, who for courtesy remitted them to the other, that he should examine them first, with many words of courtesy. The other sent them again with great thankfulness. So they were sundry times carried from one to another, each of them willing to give the hand to the other of beginning first, till that one of them yielded and began. And as the matter was of great import and much commended to them, all that the guilty and the accusers did speak these Officers did write with their own hands. The Portugals had for a great Enemy a China man and Pilot of one of the ships that were taken, and a China youth which was a Christian, which from a child was brought up among the Portugals: for they were both made of the part of the contrary Louthias, moved by gifts and promises: the Louthias being already deposed of their Offices, and held for guilty, for the which they were accused before the King. But though they were thus handled, they were so mighty and so favoured, that they could take from the Portugals a China youth that served them for an Interpreter, which upon their Petition was again delivered them. Manner of examination. They examined them in this order, the accused were first brought and examined by one of these Officers, and they carried them to the other to be examined again. And while the other was re-examining the accused, the accusers were brought to him that examined first. And as well the accused as the Accusers were all examined by both the Officers, that afterward they both seeing the confessions of the one and the other, they might see if they did agree. And first they examined every one by himself. Afterward they examined them altogeter, for to see if the one did contrary the other, or did contend and reprehend one another, that so by little and little they might gather the truth of the case. In these Examinations the two were contrary, to wit, the Pilot, and the Christian China youth, and had many stripes, because they agreed in some things. The Louthias did always show themselves glad to hear the Portugals in their defence, who alleged in their defence, that if they would know who they were, and how they were Merchants and not thieves, they should send to inquire of them along the Coast of Chincheo, that there they should know the truth▪ which they might know of the Merchants of the Country, with whom a great many years ago they had dealt, and that they might know that they were no Kings, for Kings do not abase themselves so much as to come with so few men to play the Merchants, and if before they said the contrary, it was by the deceit of the Luthisi, and to receive better usage of him in their persons. Having this information of the Portugals, presently with the opinion of the Quinchay and the other Officers, they went to Chincheo both of them, to inquire of the truth of that which the Portugals had told them; and discovering there the truth of the Portugals matter, and the lies of the Luthissi, and of the Aitao, they dispatched presently a Post; wherein they commanded to put the Luthissi and the Aitao in Prison, and in good safeguard. Wherefore from thence forward all men began to favour them very much. If notwithstanding this examination had been made in Liampoo, as it was in Chincheo, the Portugals could not have chosen but have past it ill, according to the greatness of the evils they had done there. After the Louthias returned from Chincheo, they commanded to bring the Portugals before them, and comforted them very much, showing them great goodwill, and saying to them, that they knew already they were no thieves, but were honest men: and they examined again as well they as their adversaries, to see if they contradicted themselves in any thing of that which before they had spoken. When thieves fall out— In these later re-examinations the Pilot of China, which before had showed himself against the Portugals, and had been on the Louthias side, seeing that the Louthias were already in Prison, and that now they could do them no good, and that the Portugals were already favoured, and that the truth was already known, he gainsaid himself of all that he had said, and said that it was true that the Portugals were no thieves nor Kings, but Merchants, and very good men, and discovered the goods which the Luthissi had taken when he surprised the Portugals. And that till than he had said to the contrary, was for the great promises which the Louthias promised him, and for the great threats they used to him if he did it not. But seeing they were already in Prison, and he knew they could do him no hurt, he would now speak the truth. They then commanded to torment him, and whip him very sore, to see if he would gainsay himself, but he still continued in the same confession. All the examinations and diligences necessary in this business ended, The Quinchays magnificent ostentation. the Quinchay willing to depart for the Court with his company, would first see the Portugals, and give a sight of himself to the City. The sight was of great Majesty in the manner he went abroad in the City, for he went accompanied with all the great men of it, and with many men in Arms and many Ancients displayed and very fair, and with many Trumpets and Kettledrums, and many other things which in such pomps are used. And accompanied in this manner, he went to certain noble and gallant houses. And all the great men taking their leave of him, he commanded the Portugals to come near him, and after a few words he dismissed them: for this was not but only to see them. Before these Louthias departed they commanded the Louthias of the Country, and the jailors, that all of them should favour the Portugals, and give them good entertainment, and should command to give them all things necessary for their persons. And commanded every one to set his name in a piece of Paper, because that while they were at the Court, and their matters were dispatching, they should not craftily make some missing. And they commanded to keep the Luthissi in good safety, and the Aitao, and that they should not let them communicate with any person. Being gone from the City, they lodged in a small Town, where they set in order all the Papers, and engrossing only that which was necessary. And because the Papers were many, and were much to write, they helped themselves with three men. And having engrossed all that they were to carry to the Court, they burned all the rest. And because these three men which they took for helpers should not spread abroad any thing of that which they had seen, or heard, or written, Cautelous industry. they left them shut up with great vigilancy, that none should speak with them, commanding to give them all things necessary very abundantly until the King's Sentence came from Court, and were declared. The Papers being presented in Court, and all seen by the King and by his Officers, he pronounced the Sentence in * It is here abridged. The King's Sentence. manner and form following. Pimpu by commandment of the King. Because Chaipuu, Huchin Tutan without my commandment, or making me privy thereto, after the taking of so much people, commanded them to be slain: I being willing to provide therein with justice, sent first to know the truth by Quinsituam, my Quinchei, who taking with him the Louthias which I sent to examine the truth of the Portugals, and also of the Aitao and Luthissi, which had informed me, that the Portugals were thieves, and that they came to all the coast of my Dominion to rob and to murder. And the truth of all being known, they are come from doing that which I commanded them. And the Papers being seen by my Pimpu, and by the great Louthias of my Court, and well examined by them, they came to give me account of all. And likewise I commanded them to be perused by Ahimpu, and Altu Chaen, and by Athaylissi Chuquin, whom I commanded to oversee those Papers very well, because the matters were of great weight; wherein I would provide with justice. Which thus being seen and perused by them all, it was manifest that the Portugals came many years before to the coast of Chincheo to do their affairs, which was not convenient they should do in the manner they did it, but in my Markets, as was always the custom in all my Ports. These men of whom hitherto I knew not: I know now that the people of Chincheo went to their ships about their affairs, whereby I know already that they are Merchants and not thieves, as they had written to me they were. And I do not blame Merchants to help Merchants, but I put great fault in my Louthias of Chincheo: because that when any ship came to my Ports, they should have known if they were Merchants, and if they would pay their duties, and if they would pay them, to write presently unto me. If they had done so▪ so much evil had not been done. Or when they were taken, if they had let me know it, I had commanded to set them at liberty. And although it be a custom in my Ports the ships that come unto them to be measured * In China and Siam they pay Custom by measuring the ship f●om poop to prow how many cubits it is o●. by cubits for to pay their duties: these being very far off, it was not necessary but to let them do their businesses, and go for their Countries. Besides this my Pontoos * Pontoos are Sea-watches. which knew these men to be Merchants did not tell it me, but concealed it from me, whereby they were the cause of many people being taken and slain. And those that remained alive as they could not speak, did look toward Heaven, and demanded from their heart's justice of Heaven (they know no other God supreme out the Heaven.) Besides these things I know that the Aitao, and the Luthissi did so much evil for covetousness of the many goods which they took from the Portugals, having no regard whether those which they took, and took the goods from, were good or evil men. Likewise the Louthias along the Sea coast knew these men to be Merchants, and certified me not. And all of them, as disloyal, were the cause of so much evil. I knew more by my Quinchey, that the Aitao, and the Luthissi had Letters, by the which they knew that the Portugals were no thieves but Merchants, and knowing this they were not contented with the taking of them, but they wrote many lies unto me, and were not contented with killing of the men, Butcherly insolence. but killed children also, cutting off the feet of some, of others the hands, and at last the heads of them all: writing unto me they had taken and slain Kings of Mallaca. Which case I believing to be true, grieve in my heart. And because hitherto so many cruelties have been used without my commandment, from hence forward I command they be not done. Besides this the Portugals resisted my Army, being better to have let themselves been taken, then to kill my people. Moreover, it is long since they came to the coast of our Dominion about their affairs in manner of thieves, and not as Merchants: wherefore if they had been natural as they are strangers they had incurred pain of death & loss of goods, wherefore they are not without fault. The Tutan by whose commandment those men were slayne, said * Said in his heart, or con●ceited himself. that by this deed I should make him greater; and the people that he commanded to be slain after they had no heads, their hearts, (that is their souls and their blood) required justice of Heaven. I seeing so great evils to be done, my eyes could not endure the sight of the Papers without tears, and great grief of my heart. I know not, my Louthias seeing they took this people, wherefore they let it not go, that I might not come to know so many cruelties and so great. Senfu and others rewarded. Wherefore seeing all these things, I do create Senfuu chief Louthia, because he did his duty in his charge, and told me truth. I create also chief Louthia Quinchio, because he wrote the truth to me of the Pontoos which went to do their merchandise in secret with the Portugals to the Sea. Those which are evil I will make them base than they which sow Rice. Likewise because Pachou did traffic with the Portugals, and for bribes did permit the Merchants of the Country to traffic with the Portugals, and yet doing these things, wrote unto me that the Portugals were thieves and that they came to my Dominions only to steal. And the same he said also to my Louthias (which presently answered, that he lied, for they knew already the contrary.) And therefore such a one, and such a one, (he nameth ten Louthias.) It is nothing that all you be banished to red Caps x Red Caps are the ensign of men condemned to 〈◊〉 the King in his frontiers against the Enemy. , to the which I condemn you: but you deserve to be made base as I do make you. Chaen for taking these men thou sayedst thou shouldest be greater, and being in the doing of so much evil thou sayedst thou didst not fear me: such a one, and such a one (he nameth nine) for the taking of these men ye say, I would make you great, and without any fear of me ye all lied, such a one, and such a one (he nameth many.) I know also ye took bribes. But because you did so, I make you base, (he depriveth them of the dignity of Lothias.) Such a one, and such a one (he nameth many. If the Aitao and the Luthissi would kill so many people, wherefore did you suffer it? But seeing that in consenting you were accessary with them in their death, all are in the same fault. Chifuu, and Chanchifuu, were also agreeing to the will of the Aitao and the Luthissi, and were with them in the slaughter, as well those that were as those that were not in fault. Wherefore I condemn you all to red Caps. Lupuu let him have a good heart, because the Tutan being willing to kill this people, he said that he should let me first know it. To him I will do no harm, but good, as he deserveth, and I command that he remain Louthia. Sanchi I make my Anchassis of the City of Cansi. The Antexio I command to be deposed of his honour. Assaon seeing he can speak with the Portugals, let him have honour and ordinary, and he shall be carried to Chaquean, where he was borne. (This is the youth with whom the Portugals did defend themselves, serving them for Interpreter, they gave him title of Louthia, and maintenance.) Chinque Head of the Merchants that went to the Sea to traffic with the Portugals, and deceived them, bringing great store of goods a land, it shall be demanded of him, and set in good safeguard for the maintenance and expenses of the Portugals, and I condemn him and his four Companions to red Caps, and they shall be banished whither my Louthias shall think good. To the rest guilty and imprisoned for this matter, I command my Louthias to give to every one the punishment he deserveth. I command the Chaen to bring me hither the Tutan that his faults being perused by the great men of my Court, I may command to do justice on him as I shall think good. The Tutan by hanging himself prevents the Hangman, or proved the Hangman rather. (This Tutan was also a consenter in the wickedness of the Aitao and the Luthissi: for the Luthissi, and the Aitao made him partaker, and gave him part of the booties which they took from the Portugals, that as the head he should hold for good that which they did: for in truth they durst not have done that which they did if he had not given consent, and agreed with their opinion. This hearing what was judged against him, hung himself, saying, that seeing the Heaven had made him whole, that no man should take away his head. The Pontoos which yet are in Prison, shall be examined again, and shall presently be dispatched. Chuichum shall presently be deprived from being a Louthia, without being heard any more. Chibee, head of six and twenty, I command that he and his be all set at liberty, for I find but little fault in them. Those which owe any money it shall be recovered of them presently. Famichin, and Tomicher shall dye, if my Louthias do think it expedient; if not let them do as they think best. Alfonso of Paiva, and Peter of Cea (these were Portugal's) Antony and Francisco (these were slaves) finding them to be guilty of killing some men of my Army, shall with the Luthissi and Aitao be put in Prison, where according to the custom of my Kingdom, they all shall dye at leisure. The other Portugals that are alive with all their Servants which are in all fifty one, I command them to be carried to my City of Cansi, where I command they be well entreated, seeing my heart is so good towards them that for their sake I punish in this sort the people of my Country, and deal so well with them; for it is my custom to do justice to all men. The Louthias of the Armada, finding they are in little fault, I command they be set free (I deal in this sort with all men, that my Louthias may see that all that which I do, I do it with a good zeal.) All these things I command to be done with speed. Hitherto the sentence of the King. The Portugals that were freed by the sentence, What became of the Portugals. when they carried them whither the King commanded, found by the way all things necessary in great abundance, in the Houses abovesaid, that the King had in every Town for the Louthias when they travel. They carried them in seats of Chairs made of Canes on men's backs, and they were in charge of inferior Louthias, which caused them to have all things necessary through all places where they came, till they were delivered to the Louthias of the City of Cansi. From that time they had no more of the King every month but one Soon of Rice (which is a measure as much as a man can bear on his back) the rest they had need of, every one did seek by his own industry. Afterward they dispersed them again by two and two, and three and three through diverse places, to prevent that in time they should not become mighty joining themselves with others. Those that were condemned to death, were presently put in Prison of the condemned. And Alfonso of Paiva had a means to give the Portugals to understand that were free, that for his welcome they had given him presently forty stripes and entreated him very evil, showing himself comforted in the Lord. Those which were at liberty, now some and then some, came to the ships of the Portugals, by the industry of some Chinas', which brought them very secretly for the great gifts they received of the Merchants of Portugal, which made their Merchandise in the City of Cantan. §. VI Of the Religion in China; difficulty of bringing in Christianity. Terrible Earthquakes and Tempests in China. IN the City of Cantan in the midst of the River which is of fresh water and very broad, is a little I'll, in the which is a manner of a Monastery of their Priests; and within this Monastery I saw an Oratory high from the ground very well made, with certain gilt steps before it, made of carved work; in which was a woman very well made with a child about her neck, and it had a Lamp burning before it. I suspecting that to be some show of Christianity, demanded of some Laymen, and some of the Idol Priests which were there, what that woman signified, and none could tell it me, nor give me any reason of it. It might well be the Image of our Lady, made by the ancient Christians, that Saint Thomas left there, or by their occasion made, but the conclusion is, that all is forgotten: it imght also be some Gentiles Image. The greatest God they have is the Heaven, the letter that signifieth it, is the principal and the first of all the Letters. They worship the Sun, the Moon, and the Stars, and all the Images they make without any respect. They have, notwithstanding, Images of Louthias, which they worship for having been famous in some one thing or other. Heaven first both God and Character. And likewise Statues and Images of some Priests, of the Idols, and some of other men for some respects particular to them. And not only worship they these Images, but whatsoever stone they erect on the Altars in their Temples. They call commonly these Gods Omittoffois, they offer them Incense, Benjamin, Civet, and another Wood which they call Cayo, Omittoffois and their offerings. * A Perfume so called. Laque, and other smelling things. They offer them likewise Ocha, whereof is mention made afore. Every one hath a place to pray, and at the entries behind the doors of the Houses, in the which they have their carved Idols: to the which every day in the Morning and at Evening they offer Incense and other perfumes. They have in many places (as well in the Towns as out of them) Temples of Idols. In all the ships they sail in, they make presently a place for to worship in, where they carry their Idols. Lots. In all things they are to enterprise either journeys by Sea or by land, they use Lots & cast them before their Gods. The Lots are two sticks made like half a Nutshell, flat on the one side, and round on the other: and as big again as an half Nut, and joined with a string. And when they will cast Lots, they speak first with their God, persuading him with words, and promising him some Offering if he give him a good Lot, & in it show him his good Voyage or good success of his business. And after many words they cast the Lots. And if both the flats sides fall upward, or one up another down, they hold it for an evil Lot, and turn them toward their Gods very melancholy, they call them Dogs, with many other reproaches. After they are weary of rating them, they sooth them again with fair mild words, and ask pardon, saying, that the Melancholy of not giving them a good Lot, caused them to do them injury, and speak injurious words unto him: but that they will pardon them and give them a good Lot; and they promise to offer him more such a thing (because the promises are the better for them that promise them, they make many and great promises and offerings) and so they cast Lots so many times till they fall both on the flat sides which they hold for a good Lot, then remaining well contented, they offer to their Gods that which they promised. Cruel men to their foolish Gods. It happeneth many times when they cast Lots about any weighty matter, if the Lot fall not out good, or launching a ship to the Sea it goeth not well, and some evil came to it, they run to their Gods and cast them in the water, and put them in the flame of the fire sometimes, and let them scorch a little, and spurning them often, and tread them under foot, and give them railing words, till their business be ended, and then they carry them with playing and feasts, and give them their Offerings. Offerings. They hold for a great Offering a Hogs head boiled: they offer Hens, Geese, Ducks and Rice all dressed, and a great pot of Wine. After they present it all to the Gods, they set his portion apart, which is, to put in a Dish, the small points of the Hog's ear, the bills, and the points of the claws of the Hens, Geese, and Ducks, a few corns of Rice very few, and put in with great heed, three or four drops of Wine very heedfully, that there fall not many drops from the Pot. These things so set in a Basin that they set them on the Altar to their Gods for to eat, and they set themselves there before the Gods to eat all that which they bring. The Devil worshipped. They worship the Devil also, which they paint after our fashion: and say that they worship him because he maketh those which are good, Devils; and the evil, he maketh Buffs, or Kine, or other beasts. And they say that the Devil hath a Master that teacheth him his Knaveries: these things say the base people: the better sort say they worship him because he shall do them no hurt. When they will launch any new ship to the Sea, their Priests being called by them come into the ships to do their Sacrifices with long side Garments of Silk. They set about the ship many flags of Silk, they paint in the prow of the ship the Devil, to the which they make many reverences and Offerings, and say they do it because the Devil shall do no hurt to the ship. They offer to the God's Papers with diverse Images painted, Paper Offerings. and other of sundry kind of cuttings, and they burn them all before the Idols with certain Ceremonies and well tuned Songs, and while their singing doth last, they ring certain small Bells, and among all they use great store of eating and drinking. In this Country are two manner of Priests, the one that have their head all shaved, these wear on their heads certain course Caps like unto Canopy cloth, Two sorts of Priest's. Monks. they are high, and flat behind (higher before then behind a hand breadth) made like a Mitre with Pinnacles: their wearing is white Coats after the laymen's fashion. These live in Monasteries, they have dining places, and Cells, and many pleasures within their walls. There be others whom commonly the people do use for their Burials and Sacrifices, these wear their hair, and black silk Coats, or of Serge or Linen, Seculars. and long like the Laymen, having for a token their hair made fast in the Crown of the head with a stick very well made like a closed hand, varnished black. None of these Priests have Wives, but they live wickedly and filthily. Feasts. The first day of the year, which is in the new Moon of March, they make through all the Land great Feasts, they visit one another, the chief principally do make great Banquets. How much these people are curious in the rule and government of the Country, and in their common Traffic, so much they are beastly in their Gentilities, in the usage of their Gods and Idolatries. Traditional Fables. For besides that which is said, they have many Gentilicall Lies, of men that were turned into Dogs, and afterward into men, and of Snakes that were converted into men, and many other ignorances. I entered one day into a Temple and came to an Altar▪ where were certain stones set up which they worshipped, and trusting in the little estimation they held their Gods in, and in being men that would be satisfied with reason, I threw the stones down to the ground, whereat some ran very fiercely at me and angry, ask me wherefore I had done that, I went mildly to them, and smiling, said to them, because they were so inconsiderate that they worshipped those stones. They asked me wherefore should they not adore them? and I showed them how they were better than they, seeing they had the use of reason, feet, hands, and eyes, wherewith they did diverse things that the stones could not do, and that seeing they were better they should not abase and esteem so little of themselves as to worship things so vile they being so noble. They answered me that I had reason, and went out with me in company, leaving the stones on the ground: so that there is likelihood and show of their becoming Christians. And it maketh also much to this purpose, their not making any difference of meat, as all the people of India doth. And seeing that among all the meats they esteem the Pork most, it is almost impossible for them to become Turks. Notwithstanding, there are two very great inconveniences to make any Christians in this Country. The one is, that in no wise they will permit any novelty in the Country, as in some sort it may be seen in the matter of the Moors. No novelty. So that whatsoever novelty that is in the Country, the Louthias take order presently how to repress it, and it goeth no further. Whence it happened in Cantan, because they saw a Portugal measure the entries of the Gates, they set presently Watches that none should come in without licence, nor go upon the Walls. The second is, that no strange person may enter into China without leave of the Louthias, nor be in Cantan, which do give him a certain time to be in Cantan. The time of the licence ended, Provisions against stay of Strangers. presently they labour to have them depart. Wherefore because I and those which were with me were one month longer in Cantan, they set up written boards that none should keep nor harbour us in their houses, under pain of so much, till we held it our best cheap to go to the Ships. To the abovesaid is joined the common people to be greatly in fear of the Louthias, wherefore none of them durst become a Christian without their licence, or at the least many would not do it. Therefore as a man cannot be seeled in the Country, he cannot continue Preaching, and by consequence he cannot fructify and preserve the fruit. There was notwithstanding one way how to Preach freely, and fruit might be made in the Country, without any dog barking at the Preacher, nor any Louthia do him hurt any way: which is, if he have a licence for it of the King: Notes And it might be obtained of a solemn Embassage were sent with a solemn present to the King of China, in the name of the King of Portugal, religious men going with the Ambassador to obtain the licence to go about the Country, showing themselves to be men without Arms. And how our Law is no prejudice to his Dominion and Government, but a great help that all might obey him and keep his Laws. This only remedy there is in China, to reap any fruit, and not any other (speaking humanely.) And without this it is impossible for any Religious men to Preach or fructify, and because I had not this remedy, having the abovesaid inconveniences, I came away from China, and therefore neither I, nor they of the company of JESUS which enterprised already this business sundry times, could fructify in China. This people hath besides the ignorances abovesaid, that filthy abomination, Chinois Sodomites. that they refrain no sex among them. Notwithstanding, I Preaching sometimes, as well public as privately against this vice, they were glad to hear me, saying, that I had reason in that which I said, but but that they never had had any that told them that was a sin, nor any thing evil done. It seemeth that because this sin is common among them, God was willing to send them a grievous punishment in some places of the earth, the which was common in all China. Plagues happening in China I being in the City of Cantan, and being willing to know of a rich China Merchant the evils that had happened in the Country, and he not able to tell it me by word of mouth, gave me a Letter which they had written unto him of what had happened: saying to me, that I should translate it and give it him again: but not trusting me he translated it presently, and remaining with the copy gave me the principal, which I translated into Portugal with the help of one that could speak our language and theirs, the tenor of the Letter is this. The principal Louthias of Sanxi and of Saviton, wrote unto the King, saying, that in those Provinces the earth did shake terribly, and the days waxed dark like night (he saith not how long) a Soothsayer told them all that should happen. In the year before in the month of September, the earth opened in many places, and under it were heard great noises like the sound of Bells, there followed a great wind with much rain, and the wind ran about all the Compass. This wind is called in China, Tufaune, and many years it bloweth but once a year, Tuson a terrible tempest. and it is so raging, that it driveth a Ship under sail on the Land a great space, and the men cannot keep their feet, not leaving and holding one by another, and it doth things worthy admiration and incredible. In the year that I was in China, in the part where the Portugals were, they showed the Boat of a Ship of a good bigness, and the place where it was a land (that this wind ca●rayed it, might be a great stones cast from the water) and many did affirm it to me, that the wind had such force, that it carried it tumbling till it blew it into the Sea. And all the houses the Portugals had made of timber, and covered with straw, which were many and were built upon great stakes, and not very high, it threw them all down breaking the stakes. And one house being fastened with four Cables, where many Portugals retired themselves, at the last fell also, and only one that was sheltered with a high place escaped that it fell not. To blow down these houses was nothing, for it doth many other things incredible. This wind is almost every year in China, the which within twenty four hours that it reigneth, it runneth about all the points of the Compass. With this wind, and the Lands being shaken with the Earthquakes, many Cities fell and were made desolate, in the which died innumerable people. In a City called Vinyanfuu, in this day was a great Earthquake. And on the west side a great Fire burst out, Vinyanfu, swallowed up. that swallowed up all the City, in the which, innumerable people perished, escaping in one place two, in another three, and so some of the Mogores escaped. In another City near to this, Another City qui●e perished. Leuchimen. Hien. there happened the same, but in this none escaped. In a City called Leuchimen, the River increased in such sort, that it over-flowed the City, where infinite people were drowned. In a City called Hien, was an Earthquake, with the which many houses fell, Puchio. which slew near eight thousand souls. In Puchio, the house of the King's kinsman fell and slew all that were in the house, except a Child of seven or eight years old his son, (which was carried to the King) and day and night was a noise heard under the earth, like the sound of Bells. Cochue. In a Country called Cochue, with fire from Heaven and with many waters of a Flood, many perished, and the land remained unable to be cultivated again. In a Country called Enchinoen, Enchinoen. at midnight the houses fell, and the City remained desolate and ruined, where perished near one hundred thousand souls. In a City called Inchumen, in one day and a night, Inchumen. the River did flow and ebb ten times, and with the great flood many people perished. Hitherto the translation of the Letter: that which followeth, was heard by word of mouth of the Portugals that were in the Port of Cantan in the month of May, and I received the Letter in September. In a City called Sanxi, from midnight till five of the clock in the morning, the earth shook three times, Sanxi. the eighteenth of januarie, 1556. and the next day after, from midnight till noon, happened the same: the next day following, the twenty of the said month, the earth shook mightily after midnight with great Thunder and Lightnings, and all the Province was burnt, and all the people thereof, and all the Suburbs, Towns, and Cities: they say it is from bound to bond, fifty or sixty leagues, that there was not one saved but a Child, son to a kinsman of the King, which was carried to the King. And the third of February in the same year, in the City of Panquin where the King is, Bloody shower. fell a shower of rain like blood. These news brought one of China that came to Cantan, from a City near to Sanxi, to give news to a Louthia that he should resort to his own house, and said, that the City where he was a dweller was overflown, and that he knew not whether it would perish with the rest. That which ought to be held for truth, is, that in three Provinces which commonly are said to be destroyed, there was no more destruction then of those places whereof the Letter maketh mention, or little more. The agreeing in the Child, showeth that the Town whereof the Letter maketh mention with the child, was in the Province of Sanxi. This hath more appearance of truth, because the Letter was written from the Court, then to say that all the three Provinces perished. After the happening of the things abovesaid: the same year in the Province of Cantan, a woman which went to the Panchasi, told him that the Province of Cansi would be destroyed with power from Heaven, the which after she was well whipped, was imprisoned: but in the month of May of the same year, there fell great store of rain very hot, with the which the earth seemed to burn, and many people perished with the great heat: but the Province perished not altogether: wherefore this woman was carried to the King, which was in prison in the place where the Portugals were, which told this. Reader, forasmuch as this Author hath often mentioned, and related also the story of certain Portugals, Prisoners in China (one of which he nameth Galotte Perera) from whom he received great part of his China intelligence: I have thought good to add hither Pereras relations, translated long since out of Italian, and published by R. wiles; having abbreviated some things in the Friar, that you might rather have them at the first hand from this Gentleman which saw them: but abbreviated to prevent tediousness. CHAP. XI. The relation of GALEOTTO PERERA, a Gentleman of good credit, that lay Prisoner in China. THis Land of China is parted into thirteen * You shall have a more full description of the Country by later Authors: who yet could not so well as this, tell their judicial proceedings, severity, prisons, executions, etc. these 13. are to be understood besides the two royal Provinces. Pachin Pochang, or Paquin, or Pequim. Shires, which sometimes were each one a Kingdom by itself, but these many years they have been all subject unto one King. The King maketh always his abode in the great City Pachin, as much to say in our language (as by the name thereof I am advertised,) the * Cambalu signifieth the same, and so the Mogolls call this City. Post Horses. Their months. Excellent walls and an admirable bridge. Town of the Kingdom. This Kingdom is so large, that under five months you are not able to travel from the Towns by the Sea side, to the Court and back again, no not under three months in Post at your urgent business. The Post-horses in this Country are little of body, but swift of foot. Many do travel the greater part of this journey by water in certain light Barks, for the multitude of Rivers, commodious for passage from one City to another. The King, notwithstanding the hugeness of his Kingdom, hath such a care thereof, that every Moon (by the Moons they reckon their months) he is advertised fully of whatsoever thing happeneth therein. Before that we do come to Cinceo, we have to pass through many places, and some of great importance. For this Country is so well inhabited near the Sea side, that you cannot go one mile but you shall see some Town, Borough, or Hostrie, the which are so abundantly provided of all things, that in the Cities and Towns they live civilly. Nevertheless, such as dwell abroad are very poor, for the multitude of them every where so great, that out of a Tree you shall see many times swarm a number of Children, where a man would not have thought to have found any one at all. From these places in number infinite, you shall come unto two Cities very populous, and being compared with Cinceo, not possibly to be discerned which is the greater of them. These Cities are as well walled as any Cities in all the world. As you come into either of them, standeth so great and mighty a Bridge, that the like thereof I have never seen in Portugal, nor else where. I heard one of my fellows say, that he told in one Bridge forty Arches. The occasion wherefore these Bridges are made so great, is for that the Country is toward the Sea very plain and low, and overwhelmed ever as the Sea-water increaseth. The breadth of the Bridges, although it be well proportioned unto the length thereof, yet are they equally built, no higher in the middle than at either end, in such wise that you may directly see from the one end to the other, the sides are wonderfully well engraved after the manner of Rome works. Magnificent stones. But that we did most marvel at, was therewithal the hugeness of the stones, the like whereof, as we came into the City, we did see many set up in places dishabited by the way, to no small charges of theirs, howbeit to little purpose, whereas no body seeth them but such as do come by. The Arches are not made after our fashion, vaulted with sundry stones set together: but paved, as it were, whole stones reaching from one Pillar to another, in such wise that they lie both for the Arches heads, & gallantly serve also for the highway. I have been astonished to behold the hugeness of these aforesaid stones, some of them are twelve paces long and upward, the least eleven good paces long, and an half. The ways each where are gallantly paved with foure-square Stone, except it be where for want of Stone they use to lay Brick: in this voyage we traveled over certain Hills, Ways paved, bricked, or pitched. where the ways were pitched, and in many places no worse paved than in the plain ground. The Country is so well inhabited, that no one foot of ground is left untilled: Culture and husbandry. small store of cattle have we seen this way, we saw only certain Oxen wherewithal the countrymen do plough their ground. One Ox draweth the Plough alone, not only in this Shire, but in other places also, wherein is greater store of cattle. These countrymen by art do that in tillage, which we are constrained to do by force. Here be sold the voydings of Closestools, although there wanteth not the dung of beasts: and the excrements of man are good merchandise throughout all China. The Dung-fermers seek in every street by exchange to buy their dirty ware for Herbs and wood. The custom is very good for keeping the City clean. There is great abundance of Hens, Geese, Ducks, Swine, and Goats, Weathers have they none: the Hens are sold by weight, and so are all other things. Two pound of Hen's flesh, Goose, or Duck, is worth two Foi of their money, that is, three half pence. Swine's flesh is sold at a penny the pound. Beef beareth the same price, for the scarcity thereof, howbeit Northward from Fuquico, and further from the Sea coast, there is Beef more plenty, and sold better cheap, Beef only excepted, great abundance of all these Viands we have had in all the Cities we passed through. And if this Country were like unto India, the Inhabitants whereof eat neither Hen, Beef, nor Pork, but keep that only for the Portugals and Moors, they would be sold here for nothing. But it so falling out that the Chineans are the greatest eaters in all the world, they do feed upon all things, specially upon Pork, the fatter that is unto them, the less loathsome. The highest price of these things aforesaid, I have set down, better cheap shall you sometimes buy them for the great plenty thereof in this Country. Frogs are sold at the same price that is made of Hens, and are good meat amongst them, as also Dogs, Cats, Rats, Snakes, and all other unclean meats. Building of the Cities. The Cities be very gallant, specially near unto the Gates, the which are marvellously great, and covered with Iron. The Gatehouses built on high with Towers, the lower part thereof is made of Brick and Stone, proportionally with the walls, from the walls upward, the building is of Timber, and many stories in it one above the other. The strength of their Towns is in the mighty Walls and Ditches; No Artillery. Large streets. Artillery have they none. The streets in Cinceo, and in all the rest of the Cities we have seen are very fair, so large and so strait that it is wonderful to behold. Their houses are built with Timber, the foundations only excepted, the which are laid with Stone, in each side of the streets are painteses, 〈◊〉 continual Porches for the Merchants to walk under: the breadth of the street is nevertheless such, that in them fifteen men may ride commodiously side by side. As they ride they must needs pass under many high Arches of triumph, Archers. that cross over the streets made of Timber, and carved diversely, covered with Tile of fine Clay: under these arches the Mercers do utter their smaller wares, and such as lift to stand there are defenced from rain, and the heat of the Sun. The greater Gentlemen have these Arches at their doors: although some of them be not so mightily built as the rest. I shall have occasion to speak of a certain order of Gentlemen, that are called Loutea, I will first therefore expound what this word signifieth. Loutea. Loutea, is as much to say in our language as Sir, and when any of them calleth his name, he answereth, Sir. The manner how Gentlemen are created Louteas, & do come to that honour and title, is by giving a broad Girdle not like to the rest, and a Cap, at the commandment of the King. The name Loutea is more general and common unto more, than equality of honour thereby signified, agreeth withal. Such Louteas that do serve their Prince in weighty matters for justice, are created after trial made of their learning: but the other which serve in smaller affairs, as Captains, Constables, Sergeants by Land and Sea, Receivers, and such like, whereof there be in every City, as also in this, very many are made for favour: the chief Louteas are served kneeling. The whole Province China is divided, as I have said, into thirteen Shires, in every Shire at the least is one Governor, Chian, al. Chaen. called there Tutan, in some Shires there be two. Chief in office next unto them be certain other named Chians, that is, high Commissioners, as you would say, or Visiters, with full authority in such wise, that they do call unto an account the Tutanes themselves, but their authority lasteth not in any Shire longer than one year. Nevertheless, in every Shire, being at the least seven Cities, yea, in some of them fifteen or sixteen, besides other Boroughs and Towns, not well to be numbered, these Visiters where they come, are so honoured and feared, as though they were some great Princes. At the years end their circuit done, they come unto that City which is chief of others in the Shire, to do justice there: finally, busying themselves in the searching out of such as are to receive the order of Louteas, whereof more shall be said in another place. Over and besides these officers in the chief City of each one of these aforesaid thirteen Provinces, is resident one Ponchiassi, Ponchiassi. Captain thereof, and Treasurer of all the King's revenues. This Magistrate maketh his abode in one of the four greatest houses that be in all these head Cities. In the second great house dwelleth another Magistrate, Anchiassi. al. Hexasi. Tuzi. called Anchiassi, a great officer also, for he hath dealings in all matters of justice. Tuzi, another officer so called, lieth in the third house, a Magistrate of importance, specially in things belonging unto warfare, for thereof hath he charge. There is resident in the fourth house a fourth Officer, Taissu. bearing name Taissu. In this house is the principal prison of all the City. Each one of these Magistrates aforesaid may both lay evil doers in prison, Prisons and sentencing offenders. and deliver them out again, except the fact be heinous and of importance: in such a case they can do nothing, except they do meet altogether. And if the deed deserve death, all they together cannot determine thereof, without recourse made unto the Chian wheresoever he be, or to the Tutan: and eftsoons it falleth out, that the case be referred unto higher power. In all Cities, not only chief in each Shire, but in the rest also are means found to make Louteas. Louteas Commencement or Act. Many of them do study at the Prince his charges, wherefore at the years end they resort unto the head Cities, whither the Chians do come, as it hath been erst said, as well to give these degrees, as to sit in judgement over the prisoners. The Chians go in circuit every year, but such as are to be chosen to the greatest offices, meet not but from three years to three years, and that in certain large halls appointed for them to be examined in. Many things are asked them, whereunto if they do answer accordingly, and be found sufficient to take their degree, the Chian by and by granteth it them: but the Cap and Girdle whereby they are known to the Louteas, they wear not before that they be confirmed by the King. Their examination done, and trial made of them, such as have taken their degree wont to be given them with all Ceremonies, use to banquet and feast many days together (as the Chineans fashion is to end all their pleasures with eating and drinking) and so remain chosen to do the King service in matters of learning. The other examinates found insufficient to proceed, are sent back to their study again. Whose ignorance is perceived to come of negligence and default, such a one is whipped, and sometimes sent to prison, where we lying that year when this kind of Act was, we found many thus punished, and demanding the cause thereof, they said it was for that they knew not how to answer unto certain things asked them. It is a world to see how these Louteas are served and feared, in such wise, Their Majesty. that in public assemblies at one shrike they give, all the servitors belonging unto justice, tremble thereat. At their being in these places, when they lift to move, be it but even to the gate, these Servitors do take them up, and carry them in seats of beaten Gold. After this sort are they borne when they go in the City, either for their own business abroad, or to see each other at home. For the dignity they have, and office they do bear, they be all accompanied: the very meanest of them all that goeth in these seats is ushered by two men at the least, that cry unto the people to give place, howbeit they need it not, for that reverence the common people hath unto them. They have also in their company certain Sergeants, with their Maces, either silvered, or altogether Silver, some two, some four, other six, other eight, conveniently for each one his degree. The more principal and chief Louteas have going orderly before these Sergeants, many other with Staffs, and a great many Catchpoles with Rods of Indian Canes dragged to the ground, so that the streets being paved, you may here a far off, as well the noise of the Rods, as the voice of the criers. These fellows serve also to apprehend others, and the better to be known, they wear liverie-red Girdles, and in their Caps Peacocks Feathers. Behind these Louteas come such as do bear certain Tables hanged at staff's ends, wherein is written in Silver letters the name, degree, and office of that Loutea, whom they follow. In like manner they have borne after them Hats agreeable unto their titles: if the Loutea be mean, then hath be brought after him but one Hat, and that may not be yellow: but if he be of better sort, then may he have two, three, or four: the principal and chief Louteas, may have all their Hats yellow, the which among them is accounted great honour. The Loutea for wars, although he be but mean, may notwithstanding have yellow Hats. The Tutanes and Chians, when they go abroad, have besides all this before them led three or four Horses, with their Guard in Armour. Furthermore, the Louteas, yea, and all the people in China, are wont to eat their meat sitting on Stools at high Tables as we do, and that very cleanly, Manner of eating. although they use neither Table-clothes nor Napkins. Whatsoever is set down upon the board is first carved, before that it be brought in: they feed with two Sticks, refraining from touching their meat with their hands, even as we do with Forks, for the which respect, they less do need any Table-clothes. Neither is the Nation only civil at meat, We, that is, the Italians and Spaniards. but also in conversation and in courtesy they seem to exceed all other. Likewise in their dealings, after their manner they are so ready, that they far pass all other Gentiles and Moors: the greater States are so vain, that they line their clothes with the best silk that may be found. The Louteas are an idle generation, without all manner of exercises and pastimes, except it be eating and drinking. Sometimes they walk abroad in the fields, to make the Soldiers shoot at Pricks with their Bows, but their eating passeth: they will stand eating even when the other do draw to shoot. The Prick is a great Blanket spread on certain long Poles, he that striketh it, Shooting. hath of the best man there standing a piece of Crimson Taffeta, the which is knit about his head: in this sort the winner is honoured, and the Louteas with their bellies full, return home again. The Inhabitants of China, be very Idolaters, all generally do worship the heavens: and as we are wont to say, God knoweth it: so say they at every word, Tien Tautee, that is to say, Idolatry. The Heavens do know it. Some do worship the Sun, and some the Moon, as they think good, for none are bound more to one then to another. In their Temples, the which they do call Meani, they have a great Altar in the same place as we have, true it is, that one may go round about it. There set they up the Image of a certain Loutea of that Country, whom they have in great reverence for certain notable things he did. At the right hand standeth the Devil, much more ugly painted then we do use to set him out, whereunto great homage is done by such as come into the Temple to ask counsel, or to draw lots: this opinion they have of him, that he is malicious and able to do evil. If you ask them what they do think of the souls departed, they will answer, that they be immortal, and that as soon as any one departeth out of this life, he becometh a devil, if he have lived well in this world, if otherwise, that the same devil changeth him into a Bufle, Ox, or Dog. Wherefore to this Devil do they much honour, to him do they sacrifice, praying him that he will make them like unto himself, and not like other beasts. They have moreover another sort of Temples, wherein both upon the Altars, and also on the walls do stand many Idols well proportioned, but bare headed: These bear name Omithofon, accounted of them spirits, but such as in heaven do neither good nor evil, thought to be such men and women, as have chastely lived in this world in abstinence from Fish and Flesh, Devil mos● respected. fed only with Rice and Salates. Of that Devil they make some account, for these spirits they care little or nothing at all. Again, they hold opinion, that if a man do well in this life, the heavens will give him many temporal blessings, but if he do evil, then shall he have infirmities, diseases, troubles, and penury, and all this without any knowledge of God. Finally, this people knoweth no other thing then to live and die, yet because they be reasonable creatures, all seemed good unto them we spoke in our language, though it were not very sufficient. Our manner of praying so well liked them, that in prison importunately they besought us to write for them somewhat as concerning heaven, the which we did to their contentation, with such reasons as we knew, So did the Roman Auguries. Sodomy frequent. New and full Moons. howbeit not very cunningly. As they do their Idolatry they laugh at themselves. The greatest fault we do find in them is Sodomy, a vice very common in the meaner sort, and nothing strange amongst the best. Furthermore the Louteas, withal the people of China, are wont to solemnize the days of the new and full Moons in visiting one each other, and making great banquets, for to that end, as I have said, do tend all their pastimes and spending their days in pleasure. Birthday's. They are wont also to solemnize each one his birth day, whereunto their kindred and friends do resort of custom, with presents of jewels or Money, receiving again for their reward good cheer. They keep in like manner a general Feast, with great Banquets that day their King was borne. New years day. But their most principal and greatest Feast of all, and best cheer, is the first day of their new year, namely, the first day of the New Moon of February, so that their first month is March, and they reckon the times accordingly, respect being had unto the reign of their Princes: as when any deed is written, they date it thus; Made such a day of such a Moon, and such a year of the reign of such a King. Iusti●e. Now will I speak of the manner the which the Chineans do observe in doing justice. Because the Chinish King maketh his abode continually in the City Pachin, his Kingdom so great, the shires so many, as before it hath been said: in it therefore the Governors and Rulers, much like unto our Sheriffs be so appointed suddenly, and speedily discharged again, that they have no time to grow nought. Furthermore, to keep the State in more security, the Louteas that govern one shire, are chosen out of some other shire distant far off, where they must leave their Wives, Children, and Goods, carrying nothing with them but themselves. True it is, that at their coming thither they do find in a readiness all things necessary, their House, Furniture, Servants, and all other things in such perfection and plenty, that they want nothing. Thus King is well served without all fear of Treason. In the principal Cities of the shires be four chief Louteas, before whom are brought all matters of the inferior Towns, throughout the whole Realm. diverse other Louteas have the managing of justice, and receiving of Rents, bound to yield an account thereof unto the greater Officers. Other do see that there be no evil rule kept in the City: each one as it behoveth him. Generally all these do imprison Malefactors, cause them to be whipped and racked, hoisting them up and down by the arms with a cord, a thing very usual there, and accounted no shame. These Louteas do use great diligence in the apprehending of the thieves, so that it is a wonder to see a Thief escape away in any Town, The Italians call it the strappado. Hard Prisons. Beating with Canes. City, or Village. Upon the Sea near unto the shore many are taken, and look even as they are taken, so be they first whipped, and afterward laid in Prison, where shortly after they all dye for hunger and cold. At that time, when we were in Prison, there died of them above threescore and ten. Their whips be certain pieces of Canes, cleft in the middle, in such sort that they seem rather plain then sharp. He that is to be whipped lieth grovelling on the ground. Upon his thighs the Hangman layeth on blows mightily with these Canes, that the standers by tremble at their cruelty. Ten stripes draw a great deal of blood, twenty or thirty spoil the flesh altogether, fifty or threescore will require long time to be healed, and if they come to the number of one hundred, then are they incurable. The Louteas observe moreover this: when any man is brought before them to be examined, they ask him openly in the hearing of as many as be present, Examinations. be the offence never so great. Thus did they also behave themselves with us. For this cause amongst them can there be no false witness as daily amongst us it falleth out. This good cometh thereof that many being always about the judge to hear the Evidence, and bear witness, the Process cannot be falsified, as it happeneth sometimes with us. The Moors, Gentiles, and jews, have all their sundry Oaths, the Moors do swear by their Mossafos, Oaths. the brahmin's by their Fili, the rest likewise by the things they do worship. The Chineans, though they be wont to swear by Heaven, by the Moon, by the Sun, and by all their Idols, in judgement nevertheless they swear not at all. If for some offence an Oath be used of any one, by and by with the least evidence he is tormented; so be the Witnesses he bringeth, if they tell not the truth, or do in any point disagree, except they be men of worship and credit, who are believed without any farther matter: the rest are made to confess the truth by force of Torments and Whips. Besides this order observed of them in Examinations, they do fear so much their King, and he where he maketh his abode keepeth them so low, that they dare not once stir. Again, these Louteas as great as they be, notwithstanding the multitude of Notaries they have, not trusting any others, do write all great Processes and matters of importance themselves. Patient hearing. Moreover, one virtue they have worthy of great praise, and that is, being men so well regarded and accounted of as though they were Princes, they be patient above measure in giving audience. We poor strangers brought before them might say what we would, as all to be Lies and Falaces that they did write, nor did we stand before them with the usual Ceremonies of that Country, yet did they bear with us so patiently, that they caused us to wonder, knowing specially how little any Advocate or judge is wont in our Country to bear with us. For wheresoever in any Town of Christendom should be accused unknown men as we were, I know not what end the very Innocents cause would have: but we in a Heathen Country, having our great Enemies two of the chiefest men in a whole Town, wanting an Interpreter, ignorant of that Country Language, Severe justice▪ did in the end see our great Adversaries cast into Prison for our sake, and deprived of their Offices and Honour for not doing justice; yea, not to escape death, for as the rumour goeth, they shall be beheaded. Somewhat is now to be said of the Laws that I have been able to know in this Country, Laws. and first, no Theft or Murder, is at any time pardoned: Adulterers are put in Prison, and the fact once proved, condemned to dye, the woman's Husband must accuse them: this order is kept with men and women found in that fault, but thieves and Murderers are imprisoned as I have said, where they shortly dye for hunger and cold. If any one haply escape by bribing the jailor to give him meat, his Process goeth farther, and cometh to the Court where he is condemned to dye. Sentence being given, A Pillory board. the Prisoner is brought in public with a terrible band of men that lay him in Irons hand and foot, with a board at his neck one handful broad, in length reaching down to his knees, cleft in two parts, and with a hole one handful downward in the Table fit for his neck, the which they enclose up therein, nailing the board fast together, one handful of the board standeth up behind in the neck: the sentence and cause wherefore the felon was condemned to dye, is written in that part of the Table that standeth before. This Ceremony ended, he is laid in a great Prison in the company of some other condemned persons, the which are found by the King as long as they do live. The board aforesaid so made tormenteth the Prisoners very much, keeping them both from the rest, and eke letting them to eat commodiously, their hands being manacled in Irons under that board, so that in fine there is no remedy but death. In the chief Cities of every shire, as we have beforesaid, there be four principal Houses, in each of them a Prisoner: but in one of them where the Taissu maketh his abode, there a greater and a more principal Prison then in any of the rest: and although in every City there be many, nevertheless in three of them remain only such as be condemned to dye. Their death is much prolonged, for that ordinarily there is no execution done but once a year, though many dye for hunger and cold, as we have seen in this Prison. Execution▪ Execution is done in this manner The Chian, to wit the high Commissioner or Lord Chief justice, at the years end goeth to the head City, where he heareth again the causes of such as be condemned. Many times he delivereth some of them, declaring that board to have been wrongfully put about their necks: the visitation ended, he chooseth out seven or eight, not many more or less, of the greatest Malefactors, the which, to fear and keep in awe the people, are brought into a great Market place, where all the great Louteas meet together, and after many Ceremonies and Superstitions, as the use of the Country is, are beheaded. This is done once a year: who so escapeth that day, may be sure that he shall not be put to death all that year following, and so remaineth at the King's charges in the greater Prison. In that Prison where we lay were always one hundred and moe of these condemned persons, besides them that lay in other Prisons. These Prisons wherein the condemned captives do remain are so strong, that it hath not been heard, that any Prisoner in all China hath escaped out of Prison, for, indeed, Strength of the Prisons. it is a thing impossible. The Prisons are thus builded. First, all the place is mightily walled about, the walls be very strong and high, the gate of no less force: within it three other gates, before you come where the Prisoners do lie, there many great Lodgings are to be seen of the Louteas, Notaries, Parthions, that is, such as do there keep watch and ward day and night, the Court large and paved, on the one side whereof standeth a Prison, with two mighty gates, wherein are kept such Prisoners as have committed enormous offences. This Prison is so great, that in it are streets and Market places wherein all things necessary are sold. Yea, some Prisoners live by that kind of Trade, buying and selling, and letting out beds to hire: some are daily sent to Prison, some daily delivered, Store of Prisoners. wherefore this place is never void of seven or eight hundred men that go at liberty. Into one other Prison of condemned persons shall you go at three Iron gates, the Court paved and vaulted round about, and open above as it were a Cloister. In this Cloister be eight Rooms with I●on Doores, and in each of them a large Gallery, wherein every night the Prisoners do lie at length, their feet in the stocks, their bodies hampered in huge wooden grates that keep them from sitting so that they lie as it were in a Cage, sleep if they can: in the morning they are loosed again that they may go into the Court. Notwithstanding the strength of this Prison, it is kept with a Garrison of men, part whereof watch within the House, part of them in the Court, some keep about the Prison with Lanterns, and Watch-bels, answering one another five times every night, and giving warning so loud, that the Loutea resting in a Chamber not near thereunto may hear them. In these Prisons of condemned persons remain some fifteen, other twenty years imprisoned, not executed, for the love of their honourable Friends that seek to prolong their lives. Many of these Prisoners be Shoemakers, and have from the King a certain allowance of Rice: some of them work for the Keeper, who suffereth them to go at liberty without fetters and boards, the better to work. Howbeit when the Loutea calleth his Check Roll, and with the Keeper vieweth them, they all wear their Liveries, that is, boards at their necks, Ironed hand and foot. When any of these Prisoners dyeth, he is to be seen of the Loutea and Notaries, brought out at a gate so narrow, that there can but one be drawn out there at once. The Prisoner being brought forth, one of the aforesaid Parthians, striketh him thrice on the head with an Iron fledge, that done, he is delivered unto his friends, if he have any, otherwise the King hireth men to carry him to his burial in the fields. Thus Adulterers and thieves are used. Such as be imprisoned for Debt once known, lie there until it be paid. Course for Debtors. The Taissu or Loutea calleth them many times before him by the virtue of his Office, who understanding the cause wherefore they do not pay their Debts, appointeth them a certain time to do it, within the compass whereof if they discharge not their Debts being Debtors indeed, than they be whipped and condemned to perpetual Imprisonment: if the Creditors be many, and one is to be paid before another, they do, contrary to our manner, pay him first, of whom they last borrowed, and so ordinarily the rest, in such sort that the first Lender be the last Receiver. The same order is kept in paying Legacies: the last named, receiveth his portion first. When I said that such as be committed to Prison for Theft, and Murder, were judged by the Court, I meant not them that were apprehended in the deed doing, for they need no trial, but are brought immediately before the Tutan, who out of hand giveth sentence. Other not taken so openly, and do need trial, are the Malefactors put to execution once a year in the chief Cities, to keep in awe the people: or condemned, do remain in Prison, looking for their day. thieves being taken, are carried to Prison from one place to another in a Chest upon men's shoulders, hired therefore by the King, the Chest is six handfuls high, the Prisoner sitteth therein upon a bench, the cover of the Chest is two boards; amidst them both a Pillory-like hole, for the Prisoner his neck, there sitteth he with his head without the Chest, and the rest of his body within, not able to move or turn his head this way or that way, nor to pluck it in: the necessities of nature he voideth at a hole in the bottom of the Chest, the meat he eateth is put into his mouth by others. There abideth he day and night during his whole journey: if happily his Porters stumble, or the Chest do jog, or be set down carelessly, it turneth to his great pains that sitteth therein, all such motions being unto him hanging as it were. Thus were our companions carried from Cinceo, seven days journey, never taking any rest as afterward they told us, and their greatest grief was to stay by the way: as soon as they came being taken out of the Chests, they were not able to stand on their feet, and two of them died shortly after. Fuquico. When we lay in prison at Fuquico, we came many times abroad, and were brought to the Palaces of Noble men, to be seen of them and their wives, for that they had never seen any Portugal before. Many things they asked us of our Country, and our fashions, and did write every thing, for they be curious in novelties above measure. The Gentlemen show great courtesy unto strangers, and so did we find at their hands, and because that many times we were brought abroad into the City, somewhat will I say of such things as I did see therein, being a gallant City, and chief in one of the thirteen shires aforesaid. The City Fuquico, is very great and mightly walled with square stone both within and without, and as it may seem by the breadth thereof, filled up in the middle with Earth, laid over with Brick, and covered with Tyle, and after the manner of Porches or Galleries, that one might dwell therein. The stairs they use, are so easily made, that one may go them up and down a Horseback, as eftsoons they do: the streets are paved, as already it hath been said: there be a great number of Merchants, every one hath written in a great Table at his door such things as he hath to sell. In like manner every Artisan painteth out his craft: the Market places be large, great abundance of all things there be to be sold. The City standeth upon water, many streams run through it, the banks pitched, and so broad that they serve for streets to the City's use. Over the streams are sundry Bridges both of Timber and Stone, that being made level with the streets, hinder not the passage of the Barges to and fro, the Channels are so deep. Where the streams come in and go out of the City, Parai. be certain Arches in the Wall, there go in and out their Parai, that is a kind of Barges they have, and this only in the day time: at night these Arches are closed up with gates, Another Venice. so do they shut up all the gates of the City. These streams and Barges do embellish much the City, and make it as it were to seem another Venice. The buildings are even, well made, high not lofted, except it be some wherein Merchandise is laid. It is a World to see how great these Cities are, and the cause is, for that the houses are built even, as I have said, and do take a great deal of room. One thing we saw in this City that made us all to wonder, and is worthy to be noted: Namely, over a Porch at the coming into one of the aforesaid four Houses, the which the King hath in every share for his Governors as I have before said, standeth a Tower built upon forty Pillars, each one whereof is but one stone, each one forty handfuls or spans long: in breadth or compass twelve, as many of us did measure them. Tower standing on ●or●ie Pill●rs, each of one stone. Besides this, their greatness such in one piece, that it might seem impossible to work them: they be moreover covered, and in colour, length, and breath so like, that the one nothing differeth from the other. We are wont to call this Country China, and the people Chineans, Name of China but as long as we were Prisoners, not hearing amongst them at any time that name, I determined to learn how they were called: and asked sometimes by them thereof, for that they understood us not when we called them Chineans, I answered them, that all the Inhabitants of India named them Chineans, wherefore I prayed them that they would tell me, for what occasion they are so called, whither peradventure any City of theirs bore that name. Hereunto they always answered me, to have no such name, nor ever to have had. Then did I ask them what name the whole Country beareth, and what they would answer being asked of other Nations what Countrymen they were? It was told me, that of ancient time in this Country had been many Kings, and though presently it were all under one, each Kingdom nevertheless enjoyed that name it first had, these Kingdoms are the Provinces I spoke of before. In conclusion, they said, that the whole Country is called Tamen, and the Inhabitants Tamegines, so that this name China or Chineans, Tamen the proper name of China Ta signifies Great, Magines is near Polos name of Mangi; Great Mangines. is not heard of in that Country. I do think that the nearness of another Province thereabout called Cochinchina, and the inhabitants thereof Cochinesses, first discovered before that China was, lying not far from Malacca, did give occasion both to the one Nation and to the other of that name Chineans, as also the whole Country to be named China. But their proper name is that aforesaid. I have heard moreover, that in the City Nanquim, remaineth a Table of gold, and in it written a King's name, as a memory of that residence the Kings were wont to keep there. This table standeth in a great Palace, covered always, except it be in some of their festival days, Tables reverenced. at what time they are wont to let it be seen: covered nevertheless as it is, all the Nobility of the City goeth of duty to do it every day reverence. The like is done in the head Cities of all the other Shires, in the Palaces of the Ponchiassini, wherein these aforesaid tables do stand with the King's name written in them, although no reverence be done thereunto but in solemn Feasts. I have likewise understood that the City Pachin, where the King maketh his abode, is so great, that to go from one side to the other, besides the Suburbs, (which are greater than the City itself) it requireth one whole day a horseback, going hackney pace. In the Suburbs be many wealthy Merchants of all sorts. They told me furthermore, that it was Moted about, and in the Motes great store of Fish, whereof the King maketh great gains. It was also told me that the King of China had no King to wage battle withal, besides the Tartars, Their enemies with whom he had concluded a peace more than fourscore years ago. There be Hospitals in all their Cities, always full of people, we never saw any poor body beg. We therefore asked the cause of this: answered it was, that in every City there is a great circuit, wherein be many houses for poor people, for Blind, Lame, Old folk, not able to travel for age, nor having any other means to live. These folk have in the aforesaid houses, ever plenty of Rice during their lives, but nothing else. Such as be received into these houses, come in after this manner. When one is sick, blind, or lame, he maketh a supplication to the Ponchiassis, and proving that to be true he writeth, he remaineth in the aforesaid great lodging as long as he liveth: besides this, they keep in these places Swine and Hens, whereby the poor be relieved without going a begging. I said before that China was full of Rivers, but now I mind to confirm the same anew: for the farther we went into the Country, the greater we found the rivers. Store of rivers Sometimes we were so far off from the Sea, that where we came no Sea-fish had been seen, and Salt was there very dear, of freshwater Fish yet was there great abundance, and that fish very good: they keep it good after this manner. Where the Rivers do meet, and so pass into the Sea, there lieth great store of Boats, specially where no salt-water cometh, and that in March and April. These Boats are so many that it seemeth wonderful, neither serve they for other then to take small fish. By the river's sides they make leyres of fine and strong Nets, Plenty of fish; and their keeping of them. that lie three handfuls under water, and one above, to keep and nourish their Fish in, until such time as other fishers do come with Boats, bringing for that purpose certain great Chests lined with paper, able to hold water, wherein they carry their fish up and down the river, every day renewing the chest with freshwater, and selling their fish in every City, Town, and Village, where they pass, unto the people as they need it: most of them have Net-leyres to keep Fish in always for their provision. Where the greater Boats cannot pass any farther forward, they take lesser, and because the whole Country is very well watered, there is so great plenty of diverse sorts of Fish, that it is wonderful to see: assuredly, we were amazed to behold the manner of their provision. Their Fish is chiefly nourished with the dung of Bufles and Oxen, that greatly fatteth it. Although I said their fishing to be in March and April, at what time we saw them do it, nevertheless they told us that they fished at all times, for that usually they do feed on Fish, wherefore it behooveth them to make their provision continually. He speaketh of Fuqien-shire. Quianci where Porcelain is made. When we had passed Fuquien, we went into Quicen-shire, where the fine Clay vessel is made, as I said before: and we came to a City, the one side whereof is built upon the foot of a hill, whereby passeth a River navigable: there we took Boat, and went by water toward the Sea: on each side of the River we found many Cities, Towns, and Villages, wherein we saw great store of Merchandise, but specially of fine clay: there did we land by the way to buy victuals and other necessaries. Going down this river Southward, we were glad that we drew near unto a warmer Country, from whence we had been far distant: this Country we passed through in eight days, for our journey lay down the stream. Before that I do say any thing of that Shire we came into, I will first speak of the great City of Quicin, wherein always remaineth a Tutan, that is a Governor, as you have seen, though some Tutans do govern two or three Shires. That Tutan that was condemned for our cause, of whom I spoke before, was borne in this Country, but he governed Fuquien-Shire: nothing it availed him to be so great an Officer. This Country is so great, that in many places where we went, there had been as yet no talk of his death, aliis Chenchi. Great River and store of Boates. although he were executed a whole year before. At the City Quanche whither we came, the river was so great that it seemed a sea, though it were so little where we took water, that we needed small Boates. One day about nine of the clock, beginning to row near the walls with the stream, we came at noon to a bridge made of many Barges, over-linked all together with two mighty chains. There stayed we until it was late, but we saw not one go either up thereon or down, except two Louthia's that about the going down of the Sun, came and set them down there, the one in one side, the other on the other side. Then was the bridge opened in many places, and Barges both great and small to the number of six hundred began to pass: those that went up the stream, at one place, such as came down, at an other. When all had thus shot the Bridge, than was it shut up again. We heard say that every day they take this order in all principal places of Merchandise, for paying of the custom unto the King, specially for Salt, whereof the greatest revenues are made that the King hath in this Country. The passages of the bridge where it is opened, be so near the shore, that nothing can pass without touching the same. To stay the Barges at their pleasure, that they go no farther forward, Bridge ●f 112. Barges. are used certain iron instruments. The Bridge consisteth of one hundred and twelve Barges, there stayed we until the Eevening that they were opened, loathsomely oppressed by the multitude of people that came to see us, so many in number, that we were enforced to go aside from the bank until such time as the bridge was opened: howbeit, we were nevertheless thronged about with many Boats full of people. And though in other Cities and places where we went, the people came so importunate upon us, that it was needful to withdraw ourselves: yet were we here much more molested for the number of people, and this bridge, the principal way out of the City unto another place so well inhabited, that were it walled about, it might be compared to the City. When we had shot the bridge, we kept along the City until that it was night, then met we with another river that joined with this, we rowed up that by the walls, 3000. Barges. until we came to another bridge gallantly made of Barges, but lesser a great deal then that other bridge over the greater stream: here stayed we that night, and other two days with more quiet, being out of the press of the people. These rivers do meet without at one corner-point of the City. In either of them were so many Barges great and small, that we all thought them at the least to be above three thousand: the greater number thereof was in the lesser river, where we were. Amongst the rest, here lay certain greater vessels, called in their language Parai, Parai, Barges with fair rooms. that serve for the Tutan, when he taketh his voyage by other rivers that join with this, towards Pachin, where the King maketh his abode. Desirous to see those Parai we got into some of them, where we found some chambers set forth with gilded Beds very richly, other furnished with tables and seats, and all other things so neat and in perfection, that it was wonderful. Quiacim-Shire, as far as I can perceive, lieth upon the South. On that side we kept at our first entry thereinto, travelling not far from the high mountains we saw there. Ask what people dwelleth beyond those mountains, it was told me that they be thieves, and men of a strange language. And because that unto sundry places near this River, the mountains do approach, whence the people issuing down, do many times great harm, this order is taken at the entry into Quiacim-Shire. To guard this River whereon continually go to and fro Parai great and small fraught with Salt, Fish powdered with pepper, and other necessaries for that Country: they do lay in diverse places certain Parai, and great Barges armed, wherein watch and ward is kept day and night in both sides of the River, for the safety of the passage, and security of such Parai as do remain there, though the travellers never go but many in company. In every road there be at the least thirty, in some two hundred men, as the passage requireth. This guard is kept usually, until you come to the City Onchio, where continually the Tutan of this Shire, and eke of Cantan, maketh his abode. From that City upward, where the river waxeth more narrow, and the passage more dangerous, there be always armed one hundred and fifty Parai, to accompany other vessels fraught with merchandise, and all this at the King's charges. This seemed unto me one of the strangest things I did see in this Country. When we lay at Fuquien, we did see certain Moors, who knew so little of their sect, that they could say nothing else, but that Mahomet was a Moor, my father was a Moor, Moors. and I am a Moor, with some other words of their Alcoran, wherewithal, in abstinence from Swine's flesh, they live until the Devil take them all. This when I saw, and being sure, that in many Chinish Cities the relics of Mahomet are kept, as soon as we came to the City where these fellows be, I informed myself of them, and learned the truth. These Moors, as they told me, in times past came in great Ships fraught with merchandise from Pachin ward, to a Port granted unto them by the King, as he is wont to all them that traffic into this Country, where they being arrived at a little Town standing in the havens mouth, in time converted unto their Sect the greatest Loutea there. When that Loutea with all his family was become Moorish, the rest began likewise to do the same. In this part of China the people be at liberty, every one to worship and follow what him liketh best. Wherefore no body took heed thereto, until such time as the Moors perceiving that many followed them in superstition, and that the Loutea favoured them, they began to forbid wholly the eating of Swines-flesh. But all this Country men and women, choosing rather to forsake Father and Mother, then to leave off eating of Pork, by no means would yield to that proclamation. For besides the great desire they all have to eat that kind of meat, many of them do hue thereby: and therefore the people complained unto the Magistrates, accusing the Moors of a conspiracy pretended betwixt them and the Loutea, against their King. In this Country, as no suspicion, no not one traitorous word is long borne withal: so was the King speedily advertised thereof, who gave commandment out of hand that the aforesaid Loutea should be put to death, and with him the Moors of most importance: the other to be laid first in Prison, and afterward to be sent abroad into certain Cities, where they remained perpetual slaves unto the King. To this City came by hap men and women threescore and odd, who at this day are brought to five men and four women, for it is now twenty years ago this happened. Their offspring passeth the number of two hundred, and they in this City, as the rest in other Cities, whither they were sent, have their Moscheas, That is their Temples. whereunto they all resort every Friday to keep their Holiday. But, as I think, that will no longer endure, then whiles they do live, that came from thence, for their posterity is so confused, that they have nothing of a Moor in them, but abstinence from Swines-flesh, and yet many of them do eat thereof privily. They tell me that their native Country hath name Camarian, a firm land, wherein be many Kings, and the Indish Country well known unto them. It may so be: for as soon as they did see our servants (our servants were Preuzaretes) they judged them to be Indians: many of their words sounded upon the Persicke tongue, but none of us could understand them. I asked them, whither they converted any of the Chinish Nation unto their Sect: they answered me, that with much ado, they converted the women with whom they do marry, yielding me no other cause thereof, but the difficulty they find in them to be brought from eating Swines-flesh, and drinking of Wine. I have learned moreover, that the Sea whereby these Moors that came to China were wont to travel, is a very great gulf, It seemeth they came up the river from the Caspian sea▪ that falleth into this Country out from Tartary and Persia, leaving on the other side all the Country of China, and land of the Mogorites, drawing always toward the South: and of all likelihood it is even so, because that these Moors, the which we have seen, be rather brown then white, whereby they show themselves to come from some warmer Country than China is, near to Pachin, where the Rivers are frozen in the winter for cold, and many of them so vehemently, that Carts may pass o●er them. We did see in this City many Tartars, Mogorites, Bremes, and Laoynes, Ali. Auoin● Tartars. both men and women. The Tartars are men very white, good Horsemen, and Archers, confining with China on that side where Pachin standeth, separated from thence by great Mountains that are betwixt these Kingdoms. Over them be certain ways to pass, and for both sides, Monte Vsont. Castles continually kept with Soldiers: in time past, the Tartars were wont always to have wars with the Chineans, but these fourscore years passed they were quiet, until the second year of our Imprisonment. The Mogores be in like manner white, Mogor●●▪ and Heathen we are advertised that of one side they border upon these Tartars, and confine with the Persicke Tartars on the other side, whereof we saw in them some tokens, as their manner of clothes, and that kind of Hat the Saracens do wear. The Moores●ffirmed ●ffirmed, that where the King lieth, there be many Tartars and Mogorites, ●hat brought into China certain Blewes of great value. As for the Bremes, we have seen ●n this City Chenchi certain men and women, Bremes. amongst whom, there was one that came not long since, having as yet her hair tied up after the Pegues fashion: this woman, and other more with whom a black Moor damosel in our company had conference, and did understand them well enough, had dwelled in Peghu. This new come woman, imagining that we meant to make our abode in that City, bid us to be of good comfort, for that her Country was not distant from thence above five days journey, and that out of her Country, there lay a high way for us home into our own. Being asked the way, she answered that the first three days the way lieth over certain great mountains and wilderness, afterward people to be met withal again. Thence two days journey more to the Bremes Country. Southward from Chenchi to the Sea. Wherefore I do conclude, that Chenchi is one of the confines of this Kingdom, separated by certain huge Mountains, as it hath been already said, that lie out towards the South. In the residue of these mountains standeth the Province Sian, the Laoyns Country, Anoins. Cambaia, Chinapa, and Cochinchina. This City, chief of other sixteen, is situated in a pleasant Plain, abounding in things necessary, Chenchi. Sea-fish only excepted, for it standeth far from the Sea: of fresh Fish so much store, that the Market-places are never empty. The walls of this City are very strong and high: one day did I see the Louteas thereof go upon the walls, to take the view thereof, borne in their seats I spoke of before, accompanied with a troop of Horsemen, that went two and two: It was told me they might have gone three and three. We have seen moreover, that within this aforesaid City the King hath more than a thousand of his kindred lodged in great Palaces, in diverse parts of the City: their gates be red, and the entry into their houses, that they may be known, for that is the King's colour. These Gentlemen, according to their nearness in blood unto the King, as soon as they be married, receive their place in Honour: this place neither increaseth nor diminisheth in any respect, as long as the King liveth, the King appointeth them their Wives and Family, allowing them by the month all things necessary abundantly, as he doth to his Governors of Shires and Cities, howbeit, not one of these hath as long as he liveth, any charge or government at all. They give themselves to eating and drinking, and be for the most part burley men of body, insomuch that espying any one of them, whom we had not seen before, we might know him to be the King's Cousin. They be nevertheless very pleasant, courteous, and fair conditioned: neither did we find, all the time we were in that City, so much honour and good entertainment any where, as at their hands. They bid us to their houses, to eat and drink, and when they found us not, or we were not willing to go with them, they bid our servants, and slaves, causing them to sit down with the first. Notwithstanding the good lodging these Gentlemen have so commodious that they want nothing, yet are they in this bondage, that during life they never go abroad. The cause, as I did understand, wherefore the King so useth his Cousins, is that none of them at any time may rebel against him: and thus be shutteth them up in three or four other Cities. Most of them can play on the Lute: and to make that kind of pastime peculiar unto them only, all other in the Cities where they do live, be forbidden that Instrument, the Courtesans and blind folk only excepted, who be Musicians, and can play. This King furthermore, for the greater security of his Realm, and the avoiding of tumults, letteth not one in all his Country to be called Lord, No Lords but of the blood royal. except he be of his blood. Many great Estates and Governors there be, that during their office are lodged Lordlike, and do bear the port of mighty Princes: but they be so many times displaced, and other placed anew, that they have not the while to become corrupt. True it is, that during their Office they be well provided for, as afterward, also lodged at the King's charges, and in pension as long as they live, paid them monthly in the Cities where they dwell, by certain officers appointed for that purpose. The King than is a Lord only, not one besides him as you have seen, except it be such as be of his blood. A Nephew likewise of the King, the King's Sisters son, lieth continually within the walls of the City, in a strong Palace built Castle-wise, even as his others Cousins do, remaining always within doors, served by eunuchs, never dealing with any matters. Their festival days, new Moons, and full Moons, the Magistrates make great banquets, and so do such as be of the King's blood. The King his Nephew, hath name Vanfuli, his Palace is walled about, the wall is not high, but four square, and in circuit nothing inferior to the walls of Goa, the outside is painted red, in every square a Gate, and over each gate a Tower, made of timber excellently well wrought: before the principal Gate of the four, that openeth into the high-street, no Loutea, be he never so great, may pass on horseback, or carried in his seat. Amidst this quadrangle, standeth the Palace where that Gentleman lieth, doubtless, worth the sight, although we came not in to see it. By report the roofs of the towers and house, are glazed green, the greater part of the Quadrangle set with savage Trees, as Oaks, Chestnuts, Cypress, Pine-apples, Cedars, and other such like that we do want, after the manner of a Wood, wherein are kept Stags, Oxen, and other beasts, for that Lord his recreation never going abroad, as I have said. One pre-eminence this City hath above the rest where we have been, and it of right as we do think, that besides the multitude of Market-places, wherein all things are to be sold, through every street continually are cried all things necessary, as Flesh of all sorts, fresh-Fish, Herbs, Oil, Vinegar, Meal, Rice, In summa, all things so plentifully, that many houses need no servants, every thing being brought to their doors. Most part of the Merchants remain in the Suburbs, for that the Cities are shut up every night, as I have said. The Merchants therefore, the better to attend their business, do choose rather to make their abode without in the Suburbs, then within the City. Fishing with Cormorants, they tie their gorges, that they swallow not their prey. One hath practised this in London. I have seen in this River a pretty kind of Fishing, not to be omitted in my opinion, and therefore will I set it down. The King hath in many river's good store of Barges full of Sea-crowes, that breed, are fed, and do dye therein, in certain Cages, allowed monthly a certain provision of Rice. These Barges the King bestoweth upon his greatest Magistrates, giving to some two, to some three of them, as he thinketh good, to Fish therewithal after this manner. At the hour appointed to Fish, all the Barges are brought together in a circle, where the River is shallow, and the Crows tied together under the wings, are let leap down into the water, some under, some above, worth the looking upon: each one as he hath filled his bag, goeth to his own Barge and emptieth it, which done, he returneth to fish again. Thus having taken good store of Fish, they set the Crows at liberty, and do suffer them to fish for their own pleasure. There were in that City, where I was, twenty Barges at the least, of these aforesaid Crows. I went almost every day to see them, yet could I never be throughly satisfied to see so strange a kind of Fishing. (⸪) PEREGRINATIONS, VOYAGES, DISCOVERIES, OF CHINA, TARTARY, RUSSIA, AND OTHER THE NORTH AND EAST PARTS OF THE WORLD, By Englishmen, and others. THE SECOND BOOK. CHAP. I. The beginning of English Discoveries towards the North, and North-east, by Sir HUGH WILLOUGHBY, RICHARD CHANCELLOR, and others; of the Muscovie Trade, as also Voyages by Russia, over the Caspian Sea, and thorough diverse Regions of Tartary. §. I. The first Voyage for Discovery with three ships, set forth under the charge of Sir HUGH WILLOUGHBY Knight, in which he died; and Moscovia was discovered by Captain CHANCELLOR. IN the year of our Lord 1553. the seventh of the Reign of King Edward the sixth of famous memory, Sebastian Cabota was Governor of the Mystery and Company of the Merchant's Adventurers for the discovery of Regions, Dominions, Seb. Cabota. Lands, and places unknown. Certain instructions were agreed on by him and the said Company, See the particulars in Master Hackluyts printed Voyages, Tom. 1. subscribed by Master Cabota, the ninth of May; the King's Letters also procured unto remote Princes in diverse languages, and a fleet of three Ships set forth at that time under the command of Sir Hugh Willoughby Knight, Captain general▪ which went in the Bona Esperanza Admiral, a ship of an hundred and twenty tons, having with her a Pinnace and a Boat: William Gefferson was Master of the said ship. The Edward Bonaventure was of an hundred and sixty tons, and had with her a Pinnace and a Boat, in which went Richard Chancellor, Captain and Pilot Maior of the fleet, and Stephen Burrough Master. The Bona Confidentia of ninety tons, had with her a Pinnace and a Boat, of which Cornelius Durfoorth was Master. The Captains and Masters were sworn to do their true intent, and the ships provided of necessaries set forth on the tenth of May, The first Voyage. 1553. for the discovery of Cathay, and diverse other Regions, Dominions, Lands, and places unknown. The fourteenth of july they discovered Land Eastward, and went on shore with their Pinnace, and found thirty little houses, the Inhabitants fled. The Land was full of little Lands, called as they after learned, Aegeland * This discourse was found written in the Speranza which wintered a Arzina, where all the Company were frozen to death. Roast Lands. and Halgeland, in 66. degrees. The distance between Orfordnesse and Aegeland two hundred and fifty leagues. Then we sailed from thence twelve leagues Northwest, and found many other Lands, and there came to anchor the nineteenth day, and manned our Pinnace, and went on shore to the Lands, and found people mowing and making of Hay, which came to the shore and welcomed us. In which place were an innumerable sort of Lands, which were called the Isles of Rost, being under the Dominion of the King of Denmark: which place was in latitude 66. degrees and 30. minutes. The wind being contrary, we remained there three days, and there was an innumerable sort of Fowls of diverse kinds, of which we took very many. The two and twentieth day, the wind coming fair, we departed from Rost, sailing North North-east, keeping the Sea until the seven and twentieth day, and then we drew near unto the Land, which was still East off us: then went forth our Pinnace to seek harbour, and found many good harbours, of the which we entered into one with our ships, which was called Stanfew, Stanfew harbour. Lofoot. and the Land being Lands, were called, Lewfoot, or Lofoot, which were plentifully inhabited, and very gentle people, being also under the King of Denmark: but we could not learn how far it was from the main Land: and we remained there until the thirtieth day, being in latitude 68 degrees, and from the foresaid Rost about thirty leagues North North-east. The thirtieth day of july about noon, we weighed our anchors, and went into the Seas, and sailed along these Land's North North-east, keeping the Land still in sight until the second of August: August. then hailing in close aboard the Land, to the intent to know what Land it was, there came a Skiffe of the Island aboard of us, of whom we asked many questions, who showed unto us, Seynam in 70. degrees. that the Island was called Seynam, which is the latitude of seventy degrees, and from Stanfew thirty leagues, being also under the King of Denmark, & that there was no merchandise there, but only dried fish, and Trane-oile. Then we being purposed to go unto Finmarke, enquired of him, if we might have a Pilot to bring us to Finmarke, and he said, that if we could bear in, we should have a good Harbour, and on the next day a Pilot to bring us to Finmarke, unto the Wardhouse, which is the strongest Hold in Finmark, & most resorted to by report. But when he would have entered into an Harbour, the Land being very high on every side, there came such flaws of wind and terrible whirlwinds, that we were not able to bear in, but by violence were constrained to take the sea again, our Pinnace being unshipt: we sailed North and by East, the wind increasing so sore, that we were not able to bear any sail, but took them in, and lay adrift, to the end to let the storm overpass. And that night by violence of wind, and thickness of mists, we were not able to keep together within sight, and then about midnight we lost our Pinnace, The Edward lost, or rather the●e two lost; and the Edward found and entered the Bay of Saint Nicolas. which was a discomfort unto us. As soon as it was day, and the fog overpassed, we looked about, and at the last we descried one of our ships to lee-ward off us: then we spread an hullocke of our foresail, and bare room with her, which was the Confidence, but the Edward we could not see. Then the flaw something abating, we and the Confidence hoist up our sails the fourth day, sailing North-east and by North, to the end to fall with the Ward-house, as we did consult to do before, in case we should part company. Thus running North-east and by North, and North-east fifty leagues, than we founded, and had one hundred and sixty fathoms, whereby we thought to be far from Land, and perceived that the Land lay not as the Globe made mention. Wherefore we changed our course the sixth day, and sailed Southeast and by South, eight and forty leagues, thinking thereby to find the Ward-house. The eighth day much wind rising at the West Northwest, we not knowing how the coast lay, struck our sails, and lay adrift, where sounded and found one hundred and sixty fathoms as before. The ninth day, the wind bearing to the South Southeast, we sailed North-east five and twenty leagues. The tenth day we sounded, and could get no ground, neither yet could see any Land, whereat we wondered: then the wind coming at the North-east, we ran Southeast about eight and forty leagues. The eleventh day the wind being at South, we sounded and found forty fathoms, and fair sand. The twelfth day, the wind being at South and by East, we lay with our sail East, and East and by North thirty leagues. The fourteenth day early in the morning we descried Land, which Land we bore withal, hoisting out our Boat to discover what land it might be: but the Boat could not come to Land, the water was so shallow, where was very much Ice also, but there was no similitude of habitation, Willoughby his Land, in 72. degrees. and this Land lieth from Seynam East and by North, one hundred and sixty leagues, being in latitude 72. degrees. Then we plied to the Northward, the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth days. The eighteenth day, the wind coming at the North-east, and the Confidence being troubled with bilge water, and stocked, we thought it good to seek harbour for her redress: then we bare room the eighteenth day South Southeast, about seventy leagues. The one and twentieth day we sounded, and found ten fathoms, after that we sounded again, and found but seven fathoms, so shallower and shallower water, and yet could see no Land, whereat we marvelled greatly: to avoid this danger, we bare roomer into the Sea all that night Northwest and by West. The next day we sounded, and had twenty fathoms, then shaped our course, and ran West South-west until the three and twentieth day: then we descried low Land, unto which we bore as nigh as we could, and it appeared unto us unhabitable. Then we plied Westward along by that Land, which lieth West South-west, and East North-east, and much wind blowing at the West, we haled into the Sea North and by East thirty leagues. Then the wind coming about at the North-east, we sailed West Northwest: after that, the wind bearing to the Northwest, we lay with our sails West South-west, about fourteen leagues, and then descried Land, and bare in with it, being the eight and twentieth day, finding shallow water, and bare in till we came to three fathom, then perceiving it to be shallow water, and also seeing dry sands, we haled out again North-east along that Land, until we came to the point thereof. That Land turning to the Westward, we ran along sixteen leagues Northwest: then coming into a fair Bay, we went on Land with our Boat, which place was uninhabited, but yet it appeared unto us that the people had been there, by crosses, and other signs: from thence we went all along the coast Westward. The fourth day of September we lost sight of Land, by reason of contrary winds, September. and the eighth day we descried Land again. Within two days after we lost the sight of it: then running West and by South about thirty leagues, we got the sight of Land again, and bare in with it until night: then perceiving it to be a lee shore, we got us into the Sea, to the end to have Sea room. The twelfth of September we haled to shoareward again, having then indifferent wind and weather: then being near unto the shore, and the tide almost spent, we came to an anchor in thirty fathoms water. The thirteenth day we came along the coast, which lay Northwest and by West, and Southeast and by East. The fourteenth day we came to an anchor within two leagues off the shore, having sixty fathoms. There we went ashore with our Boat, and found two or three good Harbours, the Land being rocky, and high, but as for people could we see none. The fifteenth day we ran still along the coast until the seventeenth day: then the wind being contrary unto us, we thought it best to return unto the Harbour which we had found before, and so we bare roomer with the same, howbeit we could not accomplish our desire that day. The next day being the eighteenth, we entered into the Haven, and there came to an anchor at six fathoms. This Haven runneth into the Main, about two leagues, In this Haven they died. and is in breadth half a league, wherein were very many Seale-fish, and other great fishes, and upon the Main we saw Bears, great Deer, Foxes, and diverse strange beasts, as * Or, Ellons. Guloines, and such other which were to us unknown, and also wonderful. Thus remaining in this Haven the space of a week, seeing the year far spent, and also very evil weather, as Frost, Snow, and Hail, as though it had been the deep of Winter, we thought best to winter there. Wherefore we sent out three men South South-west, to search if they could find people, who went three days journey, but could find none: after that, we sent other three Westward four days journey, which also returned without finding any people. here endeth Sir Hugh Willoughby his note, which was written with his own hand. Then sent we three men Southeast three days journey, who in like sort returned without finding of people, or any similitude of habitation. The River or Haven wherein Sir Hugh Willoughby with the company of his two ships perished for cold, is called Arzina in Lapland, near unto Kegor. But it appeareth by a Will found in a ship that Sir Hugh Willoughby, and most of the company were alive in january, 1554. A Letter of RICHARD CHANCELLOR, written to his Uncle Master CHRISTOPHER FROTHINGAM, touching his discovery of Moscovia. FOrasmuch as it is meet and necessary for all those that mind to take in hand the travel into strange Countries, to endeavour themselves not only to understand the orders, commodities, and fruitfulness thereof, but also to apply them to the setting forth of the same, whereby it may encourage others to the like travel: therefore have I now thought good to make a brief rehearsal of the orders of this my travel in Russia, and Muscovia, and other Countries thereunto adjoining; because it was my chance to fall with the North parts of Russia, before I came towards Moscovia, I will partly declare my knowledge therein. Russia is very plentiful both of Land and People, and also wealthy for such commodities as they have. They be very great fishers for Salmon and small Cod: they have much Oil which we call Trane Oil, the most whereof is made by a River called D●ina. They make it in other places, but not so much as there. They have also a great trade in seething of salt water. Duina. To the North part of that Country are the places where they have their Furs, as Sables, Marterns, greesse Bevers, Foxes white, black, and red, Minx, Ermines, Miniver, and Hearts. There are also a fishes teeth, which fish is called a Morsse. The takers thereof dwell in a place called Postesora, which bring them upon Hearts to Lampas to sell, Note. and from Lampas carry them to a place called Colmogro, where the high Market is holden on Saint Nicolas day. To the West of Colmogro there is a place called Gratanove, in our language Novogorode, where much fine Flax and Hemp groweth, and also much Wax and Honey. The Dutch Merchants have a Staple-house there. There is also great store of Hides, and at a place called Plesco: and thereabout is great store of Flax, Hemp, Wax, Honey; and that Town is from Colmogro one hundred and twenty miles. Vologda. There is a place called Vologda; the commodities whereof are Tallow, Wax, and Flax: but not so great plenty as is in Gratanove. From Vologda to Colmogro there runneth a River called Duina, and from thence it falleth into the Sea. Colmogro serveth Gratanove, Vologda, and the Moscow, with all the Country thereabout with Salt and salt Fish. jeraslave. From Vologda to jereslave is two hundred miles: which Town is very great. The commodities thereof are Hides, and Tallow, and Corn in great plenty, and some Wax, but not so plentiful as in other places. The Moscow is from jeraslave two hundred miles. The Country betwixt them is very well replenished with small Villages, which are so well filled with people, that it is wonder to see them: the ground is well stored with Corn, which they carry to the City of Moscow in such abundance that it is wonder to see it. You shall meet in a morning seven or eight hundred Sleds coming or going thither, that carry Corn, and some carry fish. You shall have some that carry Corn to the Moscow, and some that fetch Corn from thence, that at the least dwell a thousand miles off: and all their carriage is on Sleds. Those which come so far dwell in the North parts of the Duke's Dominions, where the cold will suffer no Corn to grow, it is so extreme. They bring thither Fishes, Furs, and Beasts skins. In those parts they have but small store of cattle. Moscow. The Moscow itself is great: I take the whole Town to be greater than London with the Suburbs: but it is very rude, and standeth without all order. Their houses are all of timber very dangerous for fire. There is a fair Castle, the walls whereof are of brick, and very high: they say they are eighteen foot thick, but I do not believe it, it doth not so seem; notwithstanding, I do not certainly know it: for no stranger may come to view it. The one side is ditched, and on the other side runneth a River, called Mos●ua, which runneth into Tartary, and so into the Sea, called Mare Caspium: and on the North side there is a base Town, the which hath also a Brick wall about it, and so it joineth with the Castle wall. The Castle. The Emperor lieth in the Castle, wherein are nine fair Churches, and therein are Religious men. Also there is a Metropolitan with diverse Bishops, I will not stand in description of their buildings, nor of the strength thereof, because we have better in all points in England. They be well furnished with Ordnance of all sorts. The Emperors or Duke's house neither in building nor in the outward show, nor yet within the house is so sumptuous as I have seen. It is very low built in eight square, much like the old building of England, with small windows, and so in other points. Now to declare my coming before his Majesty: After I had remained twelve days, the Secretary which hath the hearing of strangers did send for me, advertising me that the Duke's pleasure was to have me to come before his Majesty, with the King my Master's Letters: whereof I was right glad, and so I gave mine attendance. He cometh before the Duke. And when the Duke was in his place appointed, the Interpreter came for me into the outer Chamber, where sat one hundred or more Gentlemen, all in cloth of Gold very sumptuous, and from thence I came into the Counsel-chamber, where sat the Duke himself, with his Nobles, which were a fair company: they sat round about the Chamber on high, yet so that he himself sat much higher than any of his Nobles, in a Chair gilt, and in a long garment of beaten Gold, with an Imperial Crown upon his head, and a Staff of Crystal and Gold in his right hand, and his other hand half le●ning on his Chair. The Chancellor stood up with the Secretary before the Duke. After my duty done, and my Letter delivered, he bade me welcome, and enquired of me the health of the King my Master, and I answered, that he was in good health at my departure from his Court, and that my trust was, that he was now in the same. Upon the which he bade me to dinner. The Chancellor presented my Present unto his Grace bareheaded (for before they were all covered) and when his Grace had received my Letter, I was required to depart: for I had charge not to speak to the Duke, but when he spoke to me. So I departed unto the Secretary's Chamber, where I remained two hours, and then I was sent for again unto another Palace, which is called, The golden Palace, but I saw no cause why it should be so called; for I have seen many fairer than it in all points: and so I came into the Hall, which was small and not great as is the King's Majesties of England, and the Table was covered with a Tablecloth; and the Marshal sat at the end of the Table with a little white rod in his hand, which Board was full of vessel of Gold: and on the other side of the Hall did stand a fair Cupboard of Plate. Dineth with the Duke. From thence I came into the dining Chamber, where the Duke himself sat at his Table without Cloth of estate, in a Gown of Silver, with a Crown Imperial upon his head, he sat in a Chair somewhat high: there sat none near him by a great way. There were long tables set round about the chamber, which were full set with such as the Duke had at dinner: they were all in white. Also the places where the tables stood were higher by two steps then the rest of the house. In the midst of the chamber stood a Table or Cupboard to set Plate on: which stood full of Cups of Gold: and amongst all the rest there stood four marvelous great Pots or Crudences as they call them, of Gold and Silver: I think they were a good yard and a half high. By the Cupboard stood two Gentlemen with Napkins on their shoulders, Golden Vessel. and in their hands each of them had a Cup of Gold set with Pearls and Precious Stones, which were the Dukes own drinking Cups: when he was disposed, he drunk them off at a draught. And for his service at meat it came in without order, yet it was very rich service: for all were served in Gold; not only be himself, but also all the rest of us, and it was very massy: the Cups also were of Gold and very massy. The number that dined there that day was two hundred persons, Shiver of Bread. and all were served in Golden Vessel. The Gentlemen that waited were all in Cloth of Gold, and they served him with their Caps on their heads. Before the service came in, the Duke sent to every man a great shiver of Bread, and the Bearer called the party so sent to by his name aloud, and said, john Basilivich Emperor of Russia, and great Duke of Moscovia, doth reward thee with Bread: then must all men stand up, and do at all times when those words are spoken. And then last of all he giveth the marshal Bread, whereof he eateth before the Duke's Grace, and so doth reverence and departeth. Then cometh the Duke's service of the Swans all in pieces, and every one in a several dish: the which the Duke sendeth as he did the Bread, and the Bearer saith the same words as he said before. And as I said before, the service of his meat is in no order, but cometh in Dish by Dish: and then after that the Duke sendeth drink, with the like saying as before is told. Crown changed. Also before Dinner he changed his Crown, and in Dinner time two Crowns; so that I saw three several Crowns upon his head in one day. And thus when his service was all come in, he gave to every one of his Gentlemen Waiters meat with his own hand, and so likewise drink. His intent thereby is, as I have heard, that every man shall know perfectly his servants. Thus when Dinner is done he calleth his Nobles before him name by name, that it is wonder to hear how he could name them, having so many as he hath. Thus when Dinner was done I departed to my Lodging, which was an hour within night. I will leave this, and speak no more of him nor his Household: but I will somewhat declare of his Land and people, with their nature and power in the Wars. Duke's forces. This Duke is Lord and Emperor of many Countries, and his power is marvelous great. For he is able to bring into the field two or three hundred thousand men: he never goeth into the field himself with under two hundred thousand men: And when he goeth himself, he furnisheth his Borders all with men of War, which are no small number. He leaveth on the Borders of Liefland forty thousand men, and upon the borders of Letto, sixty thousand men, and toward the Nagayan Tartar's sixty thousand, which is wonder to hear of: yet doth he never take to his Wars neither Husbandman nor Merchant. All his men are Horsemen: he useth no Footmen, but such as go with the Ordnance and Labourers, which are thirty thousand. The Horsemen are all Archers, with such Bows as the Turks have, and they ride short as do the Turks. Armour and rich attire. Their Armour is a Coat of Plate, with a skull on their heads. Some of their Coats are covered with Velvet or Cloth of God: their desire is to be sumptuous in the field, and especially the Nobles and Gentlemen: as I have heard their trimming is very costly, and partly I have seen it, or else I would scarcely have believed it: but the Duke himself is richly attired above all measure: his Pavilion is covered either with Cloth of Gold or Silver, and so set with stones that it is wonderful to see it. I have seen the King's Majesties of England and the French Kings Pavilions, which are fair, yet not like unto his. And when they be sent into far or strange Countries, or that strangers come to them, they be very gorgeous. Else the Duke himself goeth but meanly in apparel: and when he goeth betwixt one place and another he is but reasonably apparelled over other times. In the while that I was in Moscow, the Duke sent two Ambassadors to the King of P●leland, which had at the left five hundred Horses; their sumptuousness was above measure, not only in themselves, but also in their Horses, as Velvet, Cloth of Gold, and Cloth of Silver set with Pearls, and not scant. What shall I further say? I never heard of nor saw men so sumptuous: but it is no daily guise, for when they have not occasion, as I said before, Extremes. all their doing is but mean. And now to the effect of their Wars: Vndisciplined Soldiers. They are men without all order in the field. For they run hurling on heaps, and for the most part they never give battle to their Enemies: but that which they do, they do it all by stealth. But I believe they be such men for hard living as are not under the Sun: for no cold will hurt them. Yea, and though they lie in the field two months, Hardiness. at such time as it shall freeze more than a yard thick, the common Soldier hath neither Tent nor any thing else over his head: the most defence they have against the weather is a Felt, which is set against the wind and weather, and when Snow cometh he doth cast it off, and maketh him a fire, and layeth him down thereby. Thus do the most of all his men except they be Gentlemen which have other provision of their own. Their lying in the field is not so strange as is their hardness: for every man must carry and make provision for himself, and his Horse for a month or two, which is very wonderful. For he himself shall live upon water and Oatmeal mingled together cold, and drink water thereto: his Horse shall eat green wood, and such like baggage, and shall stand open in the cold field without covert▪ and yet will he labour and serve him right well. I pray you amongst all our boasting Warriors how many should we find to endure the field with them but one month. I know no such Region about us that beareth that name for man and beast. Now what might be made of these men if they were trained and broken to order and knowledge of Civil Wars: if this Prince had within his Countries such men as could make them to understand the things aforesaid, I do believe that two of the best or greatest Princes in Christendom were not well able to match with him, considering the greatness of his power and the hardness of his people, and strait living both of people and Horse, and the small charges which his Wars stand him in: for he giveth no wages, except to strangers. They have a yearly stipend and not much. As for his own Countrymen, every one serveth of his own proper costs and charges, saving that he giveth to his Harquebusiers certain allowance for Powder and shot: or else no man in all his Country hath one penny wages. Knights Fee. But if any man hath done very good service, he giveth him a Farm, or a piece of Land: for the which he is bound at all times to be ready with so many men as the Duke shall appoint: who considereth in his mind, what that Land or Farm is well able to find: and so many shall he be bound to furnish at all and every such time as Wars are holden in any of the Duke's Dominions. For there is no man of living, but he is bound likewise, whether the Duke call for either Soldier or Labourer, to furnish them with all such necessaries as to them belong. Duke heir General. Also, if any Gentleman or man of living do dye without Issue Male, immediately after his death the Duke entereth his Land, notwithstanding he have never so many Daughters, and peradventure giveth it forthwith to another man, except a small portion that he spareth to marry the Daughters withal. Also, if there be a Rich man, a farmer, or man of Living, which is stricken in age or by chance is maimed, and be not able to do the Duke service, some other Gentleman that is not able to live and more able to do service, will come to the Duke and complain, saying, your Grace hath such an one, which is unmeet to do service to your Highness, who hath great abundance of wealth, and likewise your Grace hath many Gentlemen which are poor and lack living, and we that lack are well able to do good service, your Grace might do well to look upon him, and make him to help those that want. Immediately the Duke sendeth forth to inquire of his wealth: and if it be so proved, he shall be called before the Duke, and it shall be said unto him, Friend, you have too much living, and are unserviceable to your Prince, less will serve you, and the rest will serve other men that are more able to serve. Whereupon immediately his living shall be taken away from him, saving a little to find himself and his Wife on, and he may not once repine thereat: but for answer he will say, that he hath nothing, but it is Gods and the Duke's Graces, and cannot say, as we the common people in England say, if we have any thing; that it is Gods and our own. Men may say, that these men are in wonderful great awe, and obedience, that thus one must give and grant his goods which he hath been scraping and scratching for all his life to be at his Prince's pleasure and commandment. Oh, that our sturdy Rebels were had in the like subjection to know their duty toward their Princes. They may not say as some Snudges in England say, I would find the Queen a man to serve in my place, or make his Friends tarry at home if many have the upper hand. No, no it is not so in this Country: for he shall make humble suit to serve the Duke. And whom he sendeth most to the Wars he thinketh he is most in his favour: and yet as I before have said, he giveth no wages. No wages. If they knew their strength, no man were able to make match with them: for they that dwell near them should have any rest of them. But I think it is not Gods will: For I may compare them to a young Horse that knoweth not his strength, whom a little Child ruleth and guideth with a bridle, for all his great strength: for if he did, neither Child nor man could rule him. Their Wars are holden against the Crimme Tartarians, and the Nagayans. I will stand no longer in the rehearsal of their power and Wars. For it were to tedious to the Reader. Centlemen. But I will in part declare their Laws, and Punishments, and the execution of justice. And first I will begin with the Commons of the Country, which the Gentlemen have rule on: And that is, that every Gentleman hath Rule and justice upon his own Tenants. And if it so fall out that two gentlemen's Servants or Tenants do disagree, the two Gentlemen examine the matter, and have the parties before them, Suits & trials. and so give the Sentence. And yet cannot they make the end betwixt them of the Controversy, but e●ther of the Gentlemen must bring his Servant or Tenant before the high judge or justice of that Country, and there present them, and declare the matter and case. The Plaintiff saith, I require the Law; which is granted: then cometh an Officer and arresteth the party Defendant, and useth him contrary to the Laws of England. For when they attach any man, they heat him about the legs, until such time as he findeth Sureties to answer the matter: And if not, his hands and neck are bound together, and he is led about the Town, and beaten about the legs, with other extreme punishments till he come to his Answer: And the justice demandeth if it be for Debt, and saith: Owest thou this man any such Debt? He will, perhaps, say nay. Then saith the judge: Art thou able to deny it? Let us hear how? By Oath, saith the Defendant. Then he commandeth to leave beating him till further trial be had. No Lawyer. Their order in one point is commendable. They have no man of Law to plead their Causes in any Court: but every man pleadeth his own Cause, and giveth Bill and Answer in writing: contrary to the order in England. The Complaint is in manner of a Supplication, and made to the Duke's Grace, and delivered him into his own hand, requiring to have justice as in his Complaint is alleged. The Duke giveth sentence himself upon all matters in the Law. Which is very commendable, that such a Prince will take pains to see ministration of justice. Yet notwithstanding it is wonderfully abused: and thereby the Duke is much deceived. But if it fall out that the Officers be espied in cloaking the truth, they have most condign punishment. And if the Plaintiff can nothing prove, than the Defendant must take his Oath upon the Crucifix, whether he be in the right or no. Then is demanded, if the Plaintiff be any thing able further to make proof: if he be not; then sometimes he will say, I am able to prove it by my body and hands, Combat-triall. or by my Champion's body, so requiring the Campe. After the other hath his Oath, it is granted as well to the one as to the other. So when they go to the field, they swear upon the Crucifix, that they be both in the right, and that the one shall make the other to confess the truth before they depart forth of the field: and so they go both to the battle armed with such weapons as they use in that Country: they fight all on foot, and seldom the parties themselves do fight, except they be Gentlemen, for they stand much upon their reputation, for they will not fight, but with such as are come of as good an house as themselves. So that if either party require the combat, it is granted unto them, and no Champion is to serve in their room; wherein is no deceit; but otherwise by champions there is. For although they take great oaths upon them to do the battle truly, yet is the contrary often seen: because the common Champions have no other living. And as soon as the one party hath gotten the victory, he demandeth the debt, and the other is carried to Prison, and there is shamefully used till he take order. There is also another order in the Law, that the plaintiff may swear in some causes of debt. And if the party defendant be poor, he shall be set under the Crucifix, and the party plaintiff must swear over his head, and when he hath taken his oath, the Duke taketh the party defendant home to his house, and useth him as his bondman, and putteth him to labour, Bondage. or letteth him for hire to any such as need him, until such time as his friends make provision for his redemption: or else he remaineth in bondage all the days of his life. Again, there are many that will sell themselves to Gentlemen or Merchants, to be their bond men, to have during their life, meat, drink and cloth, Punishments for Crimes. and at their coming to have a piece of money; yea, and some will sell their wives and children to be bawds and drudges to the buyer. Also they have a Law for Felons and pickers contrary to the Laws of England. For by their Law they can hang no man for his first offence; but may keep him long in Prison, and oftentimes beat him with whips and other punishment: and there he shall remain until his friends be able to bail him. If he be a picker or a cutpurse, as there be very many, the second time he is taken, he hath a piece of his Nose cut off, and is burned in the forehead, and kept in prison till he find sureties for his good behaviour. And if he be taken the third time, he is hanged. And at the first time he is extremely punished and not released, except he have very good friends, or that some Gentleman require to have him to the wars: And in so doing, he shall enter into great bonds for him: by which means the Country is brought into good quietness. But they be naturally given to great deceit, except extreme beating did bridle them. Beating. They be naturally given to hard living as well in fare as in lodging. I heard a Russian say, that it was a great deal merrier living in Prison then forth, but for the great beating. For they have meat and drink without any labour, and get the charity of well disposed people: But being at liberty they get nothing. The poor is very innumerable, Miserable poor. and live most miserably: for I have seen them eat the pickle of Herring and other stinking Fish: nor the Fish cannot be so stinking nor rotten, but they will eat it and praise it to be more wholesome than other fish or fresh meat. In mine opinion there be no such people under the Sun for their hardness of living. Well, I will leave them in this point, and will in part declare their Religion. They do observe the Law of the greeks with such excess of superstition, Superstition. as the like hath not been heard of. They have no graven Images in their Churches, but all painted, to the intent they will not break the Commandment: but to their painted Images they use such Idolatry, that the like was never heard of in England. Images and Pictures. They will neither worship nor honour any Image that is made forth of their own Country. For their own Images (say they) have Pictures to declare what they be, and how they be of God, and so be not ours: They say, look how the Painter or Carver hath made them, so we do worship them, and they worship none before they be Christened. They say we be but half Christians: because we observe not part of the old Law with the Turks. Therefore they call themselves more holy than us. They have none other learning but their mother tongue, Mother tongue nor will suffer no other in their Country among them. All their service in Churches is in their mother tongue. They have the old and new Testament, which are daily read among them: and yet their superstition is no less. Service. For when the Priests do read, they have such tricks in their reading, that no man can understand them, nor no man giveth ear to them. For all the while the Priest readeth, the people sit down and one talk with another. But when the Priest is at service no man sitteth, but gaggle and duck like so many Geese. And as for their prayers they have but little skill, but use to say, As body pomele: As much to say, Prayers. Lord have mercy upon me. For the tenth man within the Land cannot say the Pater noster. And as for the Creed, no man may be so bold as to meddle therewith but in the Church: Creed. for they say it should not be spoken of, but in the Churches. Speak to them of the Commandments, and they will say they were given to Moses in the Law, which Christ hath now abrogated by his precious Death and Passion: Commandments. therefore, (say they) we observe little or none thereof. And I do believe them. For if they were examined of their Law and Commandments together, they should agree but in few points. They have the Sacrament of the Lords Supper in both kinds, and more ceremonies than we have. Sacraments. They present them in a dish in both kinds together, and carry them round about the Church upon the Priest's head, and so do minister at all such times as any shall require. They be great offerers of Candles, and sometimes of money, which we call in England, Soul pence, with more ceremonies than I am able to declare. Candles. They have four Lents in the year, whereof our Lent is the greatest. Look as we do begin on the Wednesday, so they do on the Monday before: And the week before that they call the Butter-weeke: Four Lents. And in that week they eat nothing but Butter and Milk. Howbeit I believe there be in no other Country the like people for Drunkenness. The next Lent is called Saint Peter's Lent, and beginneth always the Monday next after Trinity Sunday, and endeth on Saint Peter's Eeven. If they should break that Fast, their belief is, that they should not come in at Heaven gates. And when any of them dye, they have a testimonial with them in the Coffin, that when the soul cometh to Heaven gates it may deliver the same to Saint Peter, which declareth that the party is a true and holy Russian. The third Lent beginneth fifteen days before the later Lady day, and endeth on our Lady Eeven. The fourth Lent beginneth on Saint Martin's day, and endeth on Christmas Eeven: which Lent is fasted for Saint Philip, Saint Peter, Saint Nicholas, and Saint Clement. For they four be the principal and greatest Saints in that Country. Chief Saints. In these Lents they eat neither Butter, Eggs, Milk, nor Cheese; but they are very straightly kept with Fish, Cabbages, and Roots. And out of their Lents, they observe truly the Wednesdays and Fridays throughout the year: and on the Saturday they do eat flesh. Furthermore, they have a great number of Religious men: which are black Monks, and they eat no Flesh throughout the year, but Fish, Milk and Butter. By their order they should eat no fresh-Fish, and in their Lents they eat nothing but Coleworts, Cabbages, salt Cucumbers, with other roots, as Radish and such like. Their drink is like our peni● Al●, and is called Quass. They have Service daily in their Churches; and use to go to service two hours before day, and that is ended by day light. At nine of the clock they go to Mass: that ended, to Dinner: and after that to service again: and then to Supper. You shall understand that at every dinner and supper they have declared the exposition of the Gospel that day: Vices. but how they wrest and twine the Scripture and that together, by report it is wonderful. As for wheredome and Drunkenness there be none such living▪ and for Extortion, they be the most abominable under the Sun. Now judge of their holiness. They have twice as much Land as the Duke himself hath, but yet he is reasonable even with them, as thus: Abbeys. When they take bribes of any of the poor and simple, he hath it by an order. When the Abbot of any of their Houses dyeth, than the Duke hath all his goods movable and unmovable: so that the Successor buyeth all at the Duke's hands: and by this mean they be the best Fermers the Duke hath. Thus with their Religion I make an end, trusting hereafter to know it better. Some additions for better knowledge of this Voyage, taken by CLEMENT adam's, Schoolmaster to the Queen's Henshmen, from the mouth of Captain CHANCELLOR. RIchard Chancellor with his Ship and company being thus left alone, and become very pensive, I have this book of Clement adam's, in Latin, written in a very elegant hand and eloquent stile to King Philip; (as I think) the very original. heavy, and sorrowful, by this dispersion of the Fleet, he (according to the order before taken,) shapeth his course for Ward-house in Norway, there to expect and abide the arrival of the rest of the Ships. And being come thither, and having stayed there the space of seven days, and looked in vain for their coming, he determined at length to proceed alone in the purposed voyage. And as he was preparing himself to depart, it happened that he fell in company and speech with certain Scottish-men: who having understanding of his intention, and wishing well to his actions, began earnestly to dissuade him from the further prosecution of the discovery, by amplifying the dangers which he was to fall into, and omitted no reason that might serve to that purpose. But he holding nothing so ignominious and reproachful, as inconstancy and levity of mind, and persuading himself that a man of valour could not commit a more dishonourable part, then for fear of danger to avoid and shun great attempts, was nothing at all changed or discouraged with the speeches and words of the Scots, remaining steadfast and immutable in his first resolution: determining either to bring that to pass which was intended, or else to dye the death. And as for them which were with Master Chancellor in his Ship, although they had great cause of discomfort by the loss of their company (whom the foresaid tempest had separated from them,) and were not a little troubled with cogitations and perturbations of mind, in respect of their doubtful course: yet notwithstanding, they were of such consent and agreement of mind with Master Chancellor, that they were resolute, and prepared under his direction and government, to make proof and trial of all adventures, without all fear or mistrust of future dangers. Which constancy of mind in all the company did exceedingly increase their Captain's carefulness: for he being swallowed up with like good will and love towards them, feared left through any error of his, the safety of the company should be endangered. To conclude, when they saw their desire and hope of the arrival of the rest of the Ships to be every day more and more frustrated, they provided to Sea again, and Master Chancellor held on his course towards that unknown part of the world, and sailed so far, that he came at last to the place where he found no night at all, but a continual light and brightness of the Sun shining clearly upon the huge and mighty Sea. They arrive in the Bay of Saint Nicholas. And having the benefit of this perpetual light for certain days, at the length it pleased God to bring them into a certain great Bay, which was of one hundreth miles or there about over. Whereinto they entered, and somewhat far within it cast anchor, and looking every way about them, it happened that they espied a far off a certain Fisher-boate, which Master Chancellor, accompanied with a few of his men, went towards to common with the Fishermen that were in it, and to know of them what Country it was, and what people, and of what manner of living they were: but they being amazed with the strange greatness of his ship, (for in those parts before that time, they had never seen the like) began presently to avoid and to flee: but he still following them, at last overtook them, and being come to them, they (being in great fear, as men half dead) prostrated themselves before him, offering to kiss his feet: but he (according to his great and singular courtesy,) looked pleasantly upon them, comforting them by signs and gestures, refusing those duties and reverences of theirs, and taking them up in all loving sort from the ground. And it is strange to consider how much favour afterwards in that place, this humanity of his did purchase to himself. For they being dismissed, spread by and by a report abroad of the arrival of a strange Nation, of a singular gentleness and courtesy: whereupon the common people came together, offering to these new-come guests victuals freely, and not refusing to traffic with them, except they had been bound by a certain religious use and custom, not to buy any foreign commodities, without the knowledge and consent of the King. By this time our men had learned, that this Country was called Russia, or Muscovie, and that juan Vasiliwich (which was at that time their King's name) ruled and governed far and wide in those places. And the barbarous Russes asked likewise of our men whence they were, The Discovery of Russia. and what they came for: whereunto answer was made, that they were Englishmen scent into those coasts, from the most excellent King Edward the sixth, having from him in commandment certain things to deliver to their King, and seeking nothing else but his amity and friendship, and traffic with his people, whereby they doubted not, but that great commodity and profit would grow to the subjects of both Kingdoms. The Barbarians heard these things very gladly, and promised their aid and furtherance to acquaint their King out of hand, with so honest and a reasonable a request. In the mean time Master Chancellor entreated victuals for his money, of the Governor of that place (who together with others came aboard him) and required hostages of them likewise, for the more assurance of safety to himself and his company. To whom the Governors answered, that they knew not in that case the will of their King, but yet were willing in such things as they might lawfully do, to pleasure him: which was as then to afford him the benefit of victuals. Now, while these things were a doing, they secretly sent a messenger unto the Emperor, to certify him of the arrival of a strange Nation, Messenger sent to the Emperor. and withal to know his pleasure concerning them. Which message was very welcome unto him, insomuch that voluntarily he invited them to come to his Court. But if by reason of the tediousness of so long a journey, they thought it not best so to do, than he granted liberty to his Subjects to bargain, and to traffic with them: and further promised, that if it would please them to come to him, he himself would bear the whole charges of post Horses. In the mean time the Governors of the place, differred the matter from day to day, pretending diverse excuses, and saying one while, that the consent of all the Governors, and another while, that the great and weighty affairs of the Kingdom compelled them to differ their answer: and this they did of purpose, so long to protract the time, until the messenger (sent before to the King) did return with relation of his will and pleasure. But Master Chancellor, (seeing himself held in this suspense with long and vain expectation, and thinking that of intention to delude him, they posted the matter off so often,) was very instant with them to perform their promise: Which if they would not do, he told them that he would depart and proceed in his voyage. So that the Muscovites (although as yet they knew not the mind of their King) yet fearing the departure indeed of our men, who had such wares and commodities as they greatly desired, they at last resolved to furnish our people with all things necessary, and to conduct them by land to the presence of their King. And so Master Chancellor began his journey, which was very long and most troublesome, wherein he had the use of certain sleds, which in that Country are very common, for they are carried themselves upon sleds, and all their carriages are in the same sort, the people almost not knowing any other manner of carriage, the cause whereof is, the exceeding hardness of the ground congealed in the Winter time by the force of the cold, which in those places is very extreme and horrible, whereof hereafter we will say something. But now they having passed the greater part of their journey, met at last with the Sledman (of whom I spoke before) sent to the King secretly from the justices or Governors, who by some ill hap had lost his way, and had gone to the Seaside, which is near to the Country of the Tartars, thinking there to have found our ship. But having long erred and wandered out of his way, at the last in his direct return, he met (as he was coming) our Captain on the way. To whom he by and by delivered the Emperor's letters, which were written to him with all courtesy and in the most loving manner that could be: The Emperor● courteous letters to Master Chancellor. wherein express commandment was given, that post Horses should be gotten for him and the rest of his company without any money. Which thing was of all the Russes, in the rest of their journey so willingly done, that they began to quarrel, yea, and to fight also in striving and contending which of them should put their post horses to the Sled: so that after much ado, and great pains taken in this long and weary journey, (for they had traveled very near fifteen hundred miles) Master Chancellor came at last to Moscow, the chief City of the Kingdom, and the seat of the King. HONDIUS his Map of Russia. Russia cum Confinijs map of Russia Riphean hills, a tale of Antiquity. Touching the Riphean Mountains, whereupon the Snow lieth continually, and where hence in times past it was thought that Tanais the river did spring, and that the rest of the wonders of nature, which the Grecians feigned and invented of old, were there to be seen: our men which lately came from thence, neither saw them, nor yet have brought home any perfect relation of them, although they remained there for the space of three months, and had gotten in that time some intelligence of the language of Moscovie. The whole Country is plain and champion, and few hills in it: and towards the North, it hath very large and spacious Woods, wherein is great store of Fir trees, a wood very necessary, and fit for the building of houses: there are also wild beasts bred in those woods, as Buffs, Bears, and black Wolves, and another kind of beast unknown to us, Rossomakka, a strange beast. but called by them Rossomakka: and the nature of the same is very rare and wonderful: for when it is great with young, and ready to bring forth, it seeketh out some narrow place between two stakes, and so going through them, presseth itself, and by that means is eased of her burden, which otherwise could not be done. They hunt their Buffs for the most part a horseback, but their Bears a foot, with wooden forks. The North parts of the Country are reported to be so cold, that the very Ice or water which distilleth out of the moist wood which they lay upon the fire, is presently congealed and frozen: the diversity growing suddenly to be so great, that in one and the selfsame firebrand, a man shall see both fire and Ice. When the winter doth once begin there, it doth still more and more increase by a perpetuity of cold: The sharpness of the winter in Moscovie. neither doth that cold slake, until the force of the Sun beams doth dissolve the cold, and make glad the earth, returning to it again. Our Mariners which we left in the ship in the mean time to keep it, in their going up only from their cabins to the hatches, had their breath oftentimes so suddenly taken away, that they eftsoons fell down as men very near dead, so great is the sharpness of that cold Climate: but for the South parts of the Country, they are somewhat more * The rest of M▪ adam's containing a description of the Country, etc. is here omitted. temperate. The Copy of the Duke of Moscovie and Emperor of Russia his Letters, sent to King EDWARD the six, by the hands of RICHARD CHANCELLOR. THe Almighty power of God, and the incomprehensible holy Trinity, rightful Christian Belief, juan Vasilivich, that is to say, john the Son of Bosilius. etc. We great Duke juan Vasilivich, by the Grace of God great Lord and Emperor of all Russia, great Duke of Volodemer, Moscow, and Novograd, King of Kazan, King of Astracan, Lord of Plesko, and great Duke of Smolensko, of Twerria, joughoria, Permia, Vadska, Bulghoria, and others, Lord and great Duke of Novograd in the Low Country, of Chernigo, Rezan, Polotskoy, Rostove, Yaruslaveley, Bealozera, Liefland, Oudoria, Obdoria, and Condensa, Commander of all Siberia, and of the North parts, and Lord of many other Countries, greeting. Before all, right, great and worthy of honour Edward King of England, etc. according to our most hearty and good zeal, with good intent and friendly desire, and according to our holy Christian Faith, and great Governance, and being in the light of great understanding, our Answer by this our Honourable Writing unto your Kingly Governance, at the request of your faithful Servant Richard Chancellor, with his company, as they shall let you wisely know is this. In the strength of the twentieth year of our Governance, be it known, that at our Seacoasts arrived a ship, with one Richard, and his company, and said, that he was desirous to come into our Dominions, and according to his request, hath seen our Majesty, and d That is, come into our presence. our eyes: and hath declared unto us your Majesty's desire, as that we should grant unto your Subjects, to go and come, and in our Dominions, and among our Subjects, to frequent free Marts, with all sorts of Merchandizes, and upon the same to have warre● for their return. And they have also delivered us your Letters which declare the same request. And hereupon we have given order, that wheresoever your faithful Servant Hugh Willoughby, land or touch in our Dominions, to be well entertained, who as yet is not arrived as your Servant Richard can declare. And we with Christian belief and faithfulness, and according to your Honourable request, and my Honourable commandment will not leave it undone: and are furthermore willing that you send unto us your ships and Vessels, when and as often as they may have passage, with good assurance on our part to see them harmless. And if you send one of your Majesty's counsel to treat with us whereby your Country Merchants may with all kinds of Wares, and where they will make their Market in our Dominions, they shall have their free Mart with all free Liberties through my whole Dominions, with all kind of Wares, to come and go at their pleasure, without any let, damage, or impediment, according to this our Letter, our Word and our Seal which we have commanded to be under sealed. Written in our Dominion, in our City and our Palace in the Castle of Moscow, in the year 7060. the second Month of February. This Letter was written in the Moscovian Tongue, in Letters much like to the Greek Letters, very fair written in Paper, with a broad Seal hanging at the same, sealed in Paper upon Wax. This Seal was much like the Broad Seal of England, having on the one side the Image of a man on Horseback in complete Harness fight with a Dragon. Under this Letter was another Paper written in the Dutch Tongue, which was the Interpretation of the other written in the Moscovian Letters. These Letters were sent the next year after the date of King Edward's Letters, 1554. After this, intercourse of Letters and Embassages passed betwixt King Philip and Queen Marie, and the Moscovite: and the Moscovie Company was instituted and received Privileges both from their own and that Foreign Prince, a second Voyage being set forth in May, 1555. and Master George Killingworth was made their first Agent: the particulars whereof are found at large in Master Hakluyts first Tome of Voyages, as also other things touching that Trade then settled: which here I omit, and come to Master jenkinsons Voyage to Moscow, and thence to Tartary. §. II. The first * He made three others after, one as Ambassador from Queen Elizabeth to the Muscovite. Voyage made by Master ANTHONY JENKINSON, from the City of London, toward the Land of Russia, begun the twelfth of May, in the year 1557. FIrst, by the grace of God, the day and year above mentioned, I departed from the said City, and the same day at Gravesend, embarked myself in a good ship, named the Primrose, being appointed, although unworthy, chief Captain of the same, and also of the other three good ships, to say, the john Evangelist, the Anne, and the Trinity, having also the conduct of the Emperor of Russia, his Ambassador named Osep Nopea Gregoriwich, who passed with his company in the said Primrose. And thus our four tall ships being well appointed, as well for men, as victuals, as other necessary furniture, the said twelfth day of the month of May, we weighed our Anchors, and departed from the said Gravesend, in the afternoon, and plying down the Thames, the wind being Easterly, and fair weather, the thirteenth day we came a ground with the Primrose, upon a sand called the black tail, where we sat fast until the fourteenth day in the morning, and then God be praised, she came off: and that day we plied down as far as our Lady of Holland, and there came to an Anchor, the wind being Easterly, and there remained until the twentieth day: then we weighed and went out at Goldmore gate, and from thence in at Balsey slade, and so into Orwell wands, where we came to an Anchor: but as we came out at the said Goldemore gate, the Trinity came on ground on certain Rocks, that lie to the Northward of the said gate, and was like to be bilged and lost. But by the aid of God, at the last she came off again, being very leak: and the one and twentieth day the Primrose remaining at an Anchor in the wands, the other three ships bare into Orwell Haven, where I caused the said Trinity to be grounded, searched, and repaired. So we remained in the said Haven, until the eight and twentieth day: and then the wind being Westerly, the three ships that were in the Haven, weighed and came forth, and in coming forth the john Evangelist came on ground upon a Sand, called the Andros, where she remained one tide, and the next full Sea she came off again without any great hurt, God be praised. The nine and twentieth day in the morning all four ships weighed in the Wands, and that tide went as far as Orfordnesse, where we came to an Anchor, because the wind was Northerly: And about six of the clock at night, the wind vered to the South-west, and we weighed Anchor, and bare clear of the Nesse, and then set our course North-east and by North until midnight, being then clear of Yarmouth sands. Then we wound North and by West, and North Northwest, until the first of june at noon, than it waxed calm, and continued so until the second day at noon: june. then the wind came at Northwest, with a tempest, and much rain, and we lay close by, and caped North North-east, and North-east and by North, as the wind shifted, and so continued until the third day at noon: then the wind vered Westerly again, and we went North our right course, and so continued our way until the fourth day at three of the clock in the afternoon, at which time the wind vered to the Northwest again and blew a fresh gale, and so continued until the seventh day in the morning, we lying with all our ships close by, and caping to the Northwards: and then the wind vering more Northerly, we were forced to put roomer with the Coast of England again, and fell overthwart Newcastle, but went not into the Haven, and so plied upon the Coast the eight day and the ninth. The tenth day the wind came to the North Northwest, and we were forced to bear roomer with Flamborow head, where we came to an Anchor, and there remained until the seventeenth day. Then the wind came fair, and we weighed, & set our course North and by East, time and so continued the same with a merry wind until the one and twentieth at noon, at which we took the Sun, and had the latitude in sixty degrees. Then we shifted our course, and went North North-east, & North-east and by North, until the five and twentieth day. Then we discovered certain Lands, Heilick Lands in 66. degrees 40. minutes. Roast Lands. called Heilick Lands, lying from us North-east, being in the latitude of sixty six degrees, forty minutes. Then we went North and by West, because we would not come too nigh the Land, and running that course four hours, we discovered, and had sight of Roast Lands, joining to the main Land of Finmarke. Thus continuing our course along the Coast of Norway and Finmarke, the seven and twentieth day we took the Sun, being as far shot as Lofoot, and had the latitude in sixty nine degrees. And the same day in the afternoon appeared over our heads a Rainbow, like a Semicircle, with both ends upward. Note, that there is between the said Roast Lands and Lofoot, Malestrand a strange whirl pool. a Whirlpool called Malestrand, which from half ebb until half flo●d, maketh such a terrible noise, that it shaketh the Rings in the doors of the Inhabitants Houses of the said Lands ten miles off. Also if there cometh any Whale within the current of the same, they make a pitiful cry. Moreover, if great Trees be carried into it by force of streams, and after with the ebb be cast out again, the ends and boughs of them have been so beaten, that they are like the stalks of Hemp that is bruised. Note, that all the Coast of Finmarke is high Mountains and Hills, being covered all the year with Snow. And hard aboard the shore of this Coast, there is one hundred, or one hundred and fifty fathoms of water in depth. Thus proceeding and sailing forward, we fell with an Island called Zenam, Zenam Island. being in the latitude of seventy degrees. About this Island we saw many Whales, very monstrous, about our ships, some by estimation of sixty foot long: and being the engendering time they roared and cried terribly. From thence we fell with an Island, called Kettlewicke. Kettlewike Island This Coast from Rost unto Lofoot lieth North and South, and from Lofoot to Zenam North-east and South-west, and from Zenam to Kettelwicke, East North-east and West South-west. From the said Kettelwicke we sailed East and by North ten leagues, and fell with a Land called Inger sound, where we fished, being becalmed, and took great plenty of Cod. Inger sound. The North Cape. Thus plying along the Coast, we fell with a Cape, called the North Cape, which is the Northermost Land that we pass in our Voyage to Saint Nicholas, and is in the latitude of seventy one degrees and ten minutes, and is from Inger sound East, and to the North-wards fifteen leagues. And being at this North Cape the second day of july, we had the Sun at North four degrees above the Horizon. The third day we came to Wardhouse, having such mists that we could not see the Land. Ward-hous●. This Wardhouse is a Castle standing in an Island two miles from the main of Finland, subject to the King of Denmark, and the Eastermost Land that he hath. There are two other Lands near adjoining unto that, whereon the Castle of Wardhouse standeth. The Inhabitants of those three Lands live only by fishing, and make much Stockfish, which they dry with Frost: their most feeding is fish; bread and drink they have none, but such as is brought them from other places. They have small store of Cattle, which are also fed with fish. cattle fed with fish. From Wardhouse we sailed South Southeast ten leagues, and fell with a Cape of Land called Kegor, the Northermost part of the Land of Lappia. And between Wardhouse, and the said Cape is a great Bay, called Dommes haff, The Monastery of Pechinchow. in the South part whereof is a Monastery of Monks of the Russes Religion, called Pechinchow. Thus proceeding forward and sailing along the Coast of the said Land of Lappia, winding Southeast, the fourth day through great mists and darkness we lost the company of the other three ships, and met not with them again, until the seventh day, when we fell with a Cape or head-land called Swetinoz, which is the entering into the Bay of Saint Nicholas. At this Cape lieth a great s●one, to the which the Barks that passed thereby, were wont to make Offerings of Butter, Meal, and other Victuals, thinking that unless they did so, their Barks or Vessels should there perish, as it hath been oftentimes seen: and there it is very dark and misty. Note, that the sixth day we passed by the place where Sir Hugh Willoughby with all his company perished, which is called Arzina reca, that is to say, Arzina reca the River where Sir Hugh Willoughby was frozen. the River Arzina. The Land of Lappia is an high Land, having snow lying on it commonly all the year. The people of the Country are half Gentiles: they live in the Summer time near the Sea side, and use to take fish, of the which they make bread, and in the Winter they remove up into the Country into the Woods, where they use hunting, and kill Dear, Bears, Wolves, Foxes, and other beasts, with whose flesh they be nourished, and with their skins apparelled in such strange fashion, that there is nothing seen of them bare but their eyes. The Lappian● covered all saving their eyes. They have none other habitation, but only in Tents, removing from place to place, according to the season of the year. They know no art nor faculty, but only shooting, which they exercise daily, as well men as women, and kill such beasts as serve them for their food. Thus proceeding along the coast from Swetinoz aforesaid, the ninth day of july we came to Cape Grace, being in the latitude of 66. degrees and 45. minutes, and is at the entering in of the Bay of Saint Nicolas. Aboard this Land there is twenty or thirty fathoms water, and sundry grounds good to anchor in. The current at this Cape runneth South-west and North-east. The current at Cape G●ace. From this Cape we proceeded along until we came to Cross Island, which is seven leagues from the said Cape South-west: and from this Island, we set over to the other side of the Bay, and went South-west, and fell with an Head-land, called Foxenose, which is from the said Island five and twenty leagues. The entering of the Bay of Saint Nicolas i● seven leagues broad at the least. The entering of this Bay from Cross Island to the nearest Land on the other side is seven leagues over. From Foxenose proceeding forward the twelfth day of the said month of july, all our four ships arrived in safety at the Road of Saint Nicolas, in the Land of Russia, where we anchored, and had sailed from London unto the said Road seven hundred and fifty leagues. The Russian Ambassador and his company with great joy got to shore, and our ships here forthwith discharged themselves: and being laden again, and having a fair wind, departed toward England the first of August. August. The third of the said month I with other of my company came unto the City of Colmogro, being an hundred verstes from the Bay of Saint Nicolas, and in the latitude of 64. degrees 25. minutes. I tarried at the said Colmogro until the fifteenth day: and then I departed in a l●ttle Boat up the River of Duina, which runneth very swiftly, and the self same day passed by the mouth of a River called Pinego, leaving it on our left hand fifteen verstes from Colmogro. Pinego River▪ On both sides of the mouth of this River Pinego is high Land, great Rocks of Alabaster, great Woods, and Pineapple trees lying along within the ground, which by report have lain there since No●s flood. And thus proceeding forward the nineteenth day in the morning, I came into a Town called Yemps, an hundred verstes from Colmogro. All this way along they make much Tar, The Town of Yemps. Vstiug. Pitch, and ashes of Aspen trees. From thence I came to a place called Vstiug, an ancient City, the last day of August. At this City meet two Rivers: the one called jug, and the other Sucana, both which fall into the aforesaid River of Duina. The River jug hath his spring in the Land of the Tartars, called Cheremizzi, joining to the Country of Permia: and Sucana hath his head from a Lake not far from the City of Vologda. Thus departing from Vstiug, and passing by the River Sucana, we came to a Town called Totma. About this place the water is very shallow, and stony, and troublesome for Barks and Boats of that Country, which they call Nassades, The description of their Nassades. and Dosneckes, to pass that way: wherein merchandise are transported from the aforesaid Colmogro to the City of Vologda. These vessels called Nassades, are very long builded, broad made, and close above, flat bottomed, and draw not above four foot water, and will carry two hundred tons: they have no Iron appertaining to them but all of Timber, and when the wind serveth, they are made to sail. Otherwise they have many men, some to hale and draw by the necks with long small ropes made fast to the said Boats, and some set with long poles. There are many of these Barks upon the River of Duina: And the most part of them belongeth unto the City of Vologda: for there dwell many Merchants, and they occupy the said Boats with carrying of Salt from the Sea side unto the said Vologda. The twentieth of September I came unto Vologda, which is a great City, and the River passeth through the midst of the same. The houses are builded with wood of Fir trees, joined one with another, and round without: the houses are four square without any Iron or stone work, covered with Birch barks, and wood over the same: Their Churches are all of wood, two for every Parish, one to be heated for Winter, and the other for Summer. On the tops of their houses they lay much earth, for fear of burning: for they are sore plagued with fire. This Vologda is in 59 degrees 11. minutes, and is from Colmogro, one thousand verstes. All the way I never came in house, but lodged in the Wilderness, by the River's side, and carried provision for the way. Good counsel for Travellers. December. And he that will travel those ways, must carry with him an Hatchet, a Tinder box, and a Kettle, to make fire and seethe meat, when he hath it: for there is small succour in those parts, unless it be in Towns. The first day of December, I departed from Vologda in post in a Sled, as the manner is in Winter. And the way to Moscua is as followeth. From Vologda to Commelski, seven and twenty verstes; so to Olmor five and twenty verstes, so to Teloytske twenty verstes, so to Vre thirty verstes, so to Voshansk● thirty verstes, then to Yeraslave thirty verstes, which standeth upon the great River Volga, so to Rostove fifty verstes, then to Rogarin thirty verstes, so to Peraslave ten verstes, which is a great Town, standing hard by a fair Lake. From thence to Dowbnay thirty verstes, so to Godoroke thirty verstes, so to Owchay thirty verstes, and last to the Moscow five and twenty verstes, Emperor of Casan. where I arrived the sixth day of December. There are fourteen Posts called Yannes, between Vologda and Moscow, which are accounted five hundred verstes asunder. The tenth day of December, I was sent for to the Emperor's Castle by the said Emperor, and delivered my Letters unto the Secretary, who talked with me of diverse matters, by the commandment of the Emperor. And after that my Letters were translated, I was answered that I was welcome, and that the Emperor would give me that I desired. The five and twentieth day, being the day of the Nativity, I came into the Emperor's presence, and kissed his hand, who sat aloft in a goodly Chair of estate, having on his head a Crown most richly decked, and a staff of Gold in his hand, all apparelled with Gold, and garnished with Precious stones. There sat distant from him about two yards his Brother, and next unto him a Boy of twelve years of age, who was Inheritor to the Emperor of Casan, conquered by this Emperor eight years past. Then sat his Nobility round about him, richly apparelled with Gold and stone. And after I had done obeisance to the Emperor, he with his own mouth calling me by my name, bade me to dinner, and so I departed to my lodging till dinner time, which at six of the clock, by Candle light. Multitude of Guests. The Emperor dined in a fair great Hall, in the midst whereof was a Pillar four square, very artificially made, about which were diverse Tables set, and at the uppermost part of the Hall sat the Emperor himself, and at his Table sat his Brother, his Uncle's son, the Metropolitan, the young Emperor of Casan, and diverse of his Noblemen, all of one side. There were diverse Ambassadors, and other strangers, as well Christians as Heathens, diversely apparelled, to the number of six hundred men, which dined in the said Hall, besides two thousand Tartars, men of war, which were newly come to render themselves to the Emperor, and were appointed to serve him in his wars against the Lief-landers, but they dined in other Halls. I was set at a little Table, having no stranger with me, directly before the Emperor's face. Being thus set and placed, the Emperor sent me diverse bowls of Wine, and Meade, and many dishes of Meat from his own hand, which were brought me by a Duke, and my Table served all in Gold and Silver, and so likewise on other Tables, there were set bowls of Gold, set with Stone, worth by estimation 400. pounds sterling one cup, besides the Plate which served the tables. There was also a Cupboard of Plate, most sumptuous and rich, which was not used: among the which, was a piece of Gold of two yards long, wrought in the top with Towers, Rich service. and Dragon's heads, also diverse barrels of Gold and Silver, with Castles on the bungs, richly and artificially made. The Emperor, and all the Hall throughout was served with Dukes: and when dinner was ended, the Emperor called me by name, and gave me drink with his own hand, and so I departed to my lodging. Note, that when the Emperor drinketh, all the company stand up, and at every time he drinketh, or tasteth of a dish of meat he blesseth himself. Many other things I saw that day, not here noted. The fourth of januarie, which was Twelf-tide with them, the Emperor, Twelf-tide, with his brother and all his Nobles, all most richly apparelled with Gold, Pearls, Precious stones, and costly Furs, with a Crown upon his head, of the Tartarian fashion, went to the Church in Procession, with the Metropolitan, and diverse Bishops and Priests. That day I was before the Emperor again in Russee apparel, and the Emperor asked if that were not I, and his Chancellor answered, yea. Then he bade me to dinner: then came he out of the Church, and went with the Procession upon the River, being all frozen, and there standing bareheaded, with all his Nobles, there was a hole made in the Ice, Moscow River hallowed. and the Metropolitan hallowed the water with great solemnity and service, and did cast of the said water upon the Emperor's son, and the Nobility. That done, the people with great thronging filled pots of the said water to carry home to their houses, and diverse children were thrown in, and sick people, and plucked out quickly again, and diverse Tartars christened: all which the Emperor beheld. Also there were brought the Emperor's best Horses, to drink at the said hallowed water. All this being ended, River of holy water for horse and man. he returned to his Palace again, and went to dinner by Candle light, and sat in a wooden house, very fairly gilded. There dined in the place, above three hundred strangers, and I sat alone as I did before, directly before the Emperor, and had my Meat, Bread, and Drink sent me from the Emperor. The City of Moscow is great, the houses for the most part of wood, and some of stone, City of Moscow. with windows of Iron, which serve for Summer time. There are many fair Churches of stone, but more of wood, which are made hot in the Winter time. The Emperor's lodging is in a fair and large Castle, walled four square of Brick, high, and thick, situated upon an Hill, two miles about, and the River on the South-west side of it, and it hath sixteen gates in the walls, and as many Bulwarks. His Palace is separated from the rest of the Castle, by a long wall going North and South, to the River side. In his Palace are Churches, some of stone, and some of wood, with round Towers fairly gilded. In the Church doors, and within the Churches are Images of Gold: the chief Markets for all things are▪ within the said Castle, and for sundry things sundry Markets, and every science by itself. And in the Winter there is a great Market without the Castle, upon the River being frozen, and there is sold Corn, earthen Pots, Tubs, Sleds, etc. The Castle is in circuit two thousand and nine hundred paces. The Country is full of marish ground, and Plain, in Woods and Rivers abundant, The Country. but it bringeth forth good plenty of Corne. This Emperor is of great power: for he hath conquered much, as well of the Lieflanders, Poles, Lettoes, and Swethens, as also of the Tartars, and Gentiles, called Samoeds, having thereby much inlarg●d his Dominions. He keepeth his people in great subjection: all matters pass his judgement, be they never so small. The Law is sharp for all offenders. The Metropolitan dealeth in matters of Religion, as himself listeth, The Metropolitan. whom the Emperor greatly honoureth. They use the Ceremonies and Orders of the Greek Church. They worship many Images painted on Tables, and specially the Image of Saint Nicholas. Their Priests be married, but their wives being dead, they may not marry the second time, and so become Monks, whereof there are a great number in the Land. They have four Lents in the year, and the week before Shrovetide, they call the Butter week, etc. They have many sorts of meats and drinks, Meats and drinks. when they banquet and delight in eating of gross meats, and stinking fish. Before they drink they use to blow in the Cup: their greatest friendship is in drinking: they are great Talkers and Liars, without any faith or trust in their words, Flatterers and Dissemblers. The Women be there very obedient to their Husbands, and are kept straightly from going abroad, but at some seasons. At my being there, I heard men and women that drunk away their children, and all their goods at the Emperor's Tavern, and not being able to pay, having impawned himself, Drunkenness. the Taverner bringeth him out to the high way, and beats him upon the legs: then they that pass by, knowing the cause, and having peradventure compassion upon him, give the money, and so he is ransomed. In every good Town there is a drunken Tavern, called a Cursemay, which the Emperor sometime letteth out to farm, and sometimes bestoweth for a year or two on some Duke or Gentleman, in recompense of his service: and for that time he is Lord of all the Town, robbing and spoiling, and doing what pleaseth him: and then he being grown rich, is taken by the Emperor, and sent to the wars again: where he shall spend all that which he hath gotten by ill means: so that the Emperor in his wars is lttle charged, but all the burden lieth upon the poor people. They use saddles made of wood and sinews, with the tree gilded with damask work, Saddlers. and the seat covered with cloth, sometimes of gold, and the rest Saphian leather, well stitched. They use little drums at their saddle bows, by the sound whereof their horses use to run more swiftly. Russee apparel. The Ruff is apparelled in this manner: his upper garment is of cloth of gold, silk, or cloth, long, down to the foot, and buttoned with great buttons of silver, or else lace's of silk, set on with Brooches, the sleeves thereof very long, which he weareth on his arm, ruffed up. Under that he hath another long garment, buttoned with silk buttons, with a high collar standing up of some colour, and that garment is made strait. Then his shirt is very fine, and wrought with red silk, or some gold, with a collar of pearl. Under his shirt he hath linen breeches, upon his legs, a pair of hose without feet, and his boots of red or yellow leather. On his head he weareth a white Colepeck, with buttons or silver, gold, pearl, or stone, and under it a black Fox cap, turned up very broad. When he rideth on horseback to the wars, or any journey, he hath a sword of the Turkish fashion, and his Bow and Arrows of the same manner. In the Town he weareth no weapon, but only two or three pair of knives, having the hafts of the tooth of a Fish, called the Morse. In the Winter time, the people travel with Sleds, in Town and Country, the way being hard, and smooth with snow: the waters and Rivers are all frozen, and one horse with a Sled, will draw a man upon it four hundred miles in three days: but in the Summer time, the way is deep with mire, and travelling is very ill. The Ruff, if he be a man of any ability, never goeth out of his house in the winter, but upon his Sled, and in summer upon his Horse: and in his Sled he sits upon a Carpet, or a white Bear's skin: the Sled is drawn with a Horse well decked, with many Foxes and Wolves tails at his neck, and is conducted by a little boy upon his back: his servants stand upon the tail of the Sled, etc. §. III. Notes taken out of another man's Relation of the same Voyage, touching the Russian Rites. ON Christmas day we were all willed to dine with the Emperor's Majesty, where for bread, meat, and drink, we were served as at other times before: but for goodly and rich Plate, we never saw the like or so much before. There dined that day in the Emperor's presence above five hundred strangers, and two hundred Russes, and all they were served in vessels of Gold, and that as much as could stand one by another upon the Tables. Besides this, there were four Cup-boards garnished with goodly Plate both of gold and silver. Among the which there were twelve barrels of silver, containing above twelve gallons a piece, and at each end of every Barrel were six hoops of fine gold: this dinner continued about six hours. The hallowing of the River of Moscow. Every year upon the twelfth day, they use to bless or sanctify the River Moscua, which runneth through the City of Moscow, after this manner. First, they make a square hole in the Ice about three fathoms large every way, which is trimmed about the sides and edges with white boards. Then about nine of the clock they come out of the Church with procession towards the River in this wise. First and foremost there go certain young men with wax Tapers burning, and one carrying a great Lantern: then follow certain Banners, than the Cross, than the Images of our Lady, of Saint Nicholas, and of other Saints, which Images men carry upon their shoulders: after the Images follow certain Priests to the number of one hundred or more: after them the Metropolitan who is led between two Priests, and after the Metropolitan came the Emperor with his Crown upon his head, and after his Majesty all his Noble men orderly. Thus they followed the Procession unto the water, and when they came unto the hole that was made, the Priests set themselves in order round about it. And at one side of the same Pool there was a Scaffold of boards made, upon which stood a fair Chair in which the Metropolitan was set, but the Emperor's Majesty stood upon the Ice. After this the Priests began to sing, to bless and to sense, and did their service, and so by that time that they had done, the water was holy, which being sanctified, the Metropolitan took a little thereof in his hands, and cast it on the Emperor, likewise upon certain of the Dukes, and then they returned again to the Church with the Priests that sat about the water: but that press that there was about the water when the Emperor was gone, was wonderful to behold, for there came above five thousand Pots to be filled of that water: for that Moscovite which hath no part of that water, thinks himself unhappy. And very many went naked into the water, both Men and Women and Children: after the press was a little gone, the Emperor's gennets and Horses were brought to drink of the same water, and likewise many other men brought their Horses thither to drink, and by that means they make their Horses as holy as themselves. All these ceremonies being ended, we went to the Emperor to dinner, where we were served in vessels of silver, and in all other points as we had been beforetime. The Russes begin their Lent always eight weeks before Easter: the first week they eat Eggs, The Russes Lent. Milk, Cheese and Butter, and make great cheer with Pancakes, and such other things, one friend visiting another, and from the same Sunday until our Shrove-sunday, there are but few Russes sober, but they are drunk day by day, and it is accounted for no reproach or shame among them. The next week being our first week in Lent, or our cleansing week, beginning our Shrove-sunday, they make and keep a great Fast. It is reported, and the people do verily believe that the Metropolitan neither eateth nor drinketh any manner of thing for the space of seven days, and they say that there are many Religious men which do the like. The Emperor's Majesty eateth but one morsel of bread, and drinketh but one draught of drink once in the day during that week, and all men that are of any reputation come not out of their houses during that time, so that the streets are almost void of company, saving a few poor folks which wander to and fro. The other six weeks they keep as we do ours, but not one of them will eat either Butter, Cheese, Eggs, or Milk. On Palme-sunday they have a very solemn Procession, in this manner following. First, Palme-sunday Procession. they have a Tree of a good bigness which is made fast upon two Sleds, as though it were growing there, and it is hanged with Apples, Raisins, Figs, and Dates, and with many other fruits abundantly. In the midst of the same Tree stand five Boys in white vestures, which sing in the Tree, before the Procession: after this there followed certain young men with Wax Tapers in their hands burning, and a great Lantern that all the light should not go out: after them followed two with long Banners, and six with round plates set upon long staffs: the plates were of Copper very full of holes, and thin: then followed six, carrying painted Images upon their shoulders, after the Images followed certain Priests, to the number of one hundred or more, with goodly vestures, whereof ten or twelve are of white Damask, set and embroidered round about with fair and orient Pearls, as great as Pease, and among them certain Saphires and other stones. After them followed the one half of the Emperor's Noblemen: then cometh the Emperor's Majesty and the Metropolitan, after this manner. First, there is a Horse covered with white linen cloth down to the ground, The Emperor leads the Metropolitans Horse in Procession. his ears being made long with the same cloth, like to an Asses ears. Upon this Horse the Metropolitan sitteth side-long like a woman: in his lap lieth a fair Book, with a Crucifix of Goldsmith's work upon the cover, which he holdeth fast with his left hand, and in his right hand he hath a Cross of Gold, with which Cross he ceaseth not to bless the people as he rideth. There are to the number of thirty men which spread abroad their garments before the Horse, and as soon as the Horse is passed over any of them, they take them up again and run before, and spread them again, so that the Horse doth always go on some of them. They which spread the garments are all Priests sons, and for their labours the Emperor giveth unto them new garments. One of the Emperor's Noblemen leadeth the Horse by the head, but the Emperor himself going on foot, leadeth the Horse by the end of the reign of his Bridle with one of his hands, and in the other of his hands he had a branch of a Palm tree: after this followed the rest of the Emperor's Noblemen and Gentlemen, with a great number of other people. In this order they went from one Church to another within the Castle, about the distance of two flight shot: and so returned again to the Emperor's Church, where they made an end of their service. Which being done, the Emperor's Majesty, and certain of his Noblemen went to the Metropolitan his house to dinner, where of delicate fishes and good drinks there was no lack. The rest of this week until Easter day they kept very solemnly, continuing in their houses for the most part, and upon Monday or Thursday the Emperor doth always use to receive the Sacrament, and so do most of his Nobles. Upon Good-friday they continue all the day in contemplation and prayers, and they use every year on Good-friday to let loose a Prisoner in the stead of Barrabas. The night following they go to the Church, where they sleep until the next morning, and at Easter they have the Resurrection, and after every of the Lents they eat flesh the next week following, Friday, Saturday and all. They have an order at Easter, which they always observe, and that is this: every year against Easter to dye or colour red with Brazell a great number of Eggs, of which every man and woman giveth one unto the Priest of their Parish upon Easter day in the morning. And moreover, the common people use to carry in their hands one of their red Eggs, not only upon Easter day, but also three or four days after, and Gentlemen and Gentlewomen have Eggs gilded which they carry in like manner. They use it, as they say, for a great love, and in token of the Resurrection, whereof they rejoice. For when two friends meet during the Easter holy days, they come and take one another by the hand: the one of them saith, the Lord or Christ is risen, Kissing used in the Greek Church. the other answereth, it is so of a truth, and then they kiss and exchange their Eggs both men and women, continuing in kissing four days together. His Majesty heareth all Complaints himself, and with his own mouth giveth sentence, and judgement of all matters, and that with expedition: but Religious matters he meddleth not withal, but referreth them wholly unto the Metropolitan. His Majesty retaineth and well rewardeth all strangers that come to serve him, and especially men of War. He delighteth not greatly in Hawking, Hunting, or any other pastime, nor in hearing Instruments or Music, but setteth all his whole delight upon two things: First, to serve God, as undoubtedly he is very devout in his Religion, and the second, how to subdue and conquer his enemies. He hath abundance of Gold and Silver in his own hands or Treasury: but the most part of his know not a Crown from a Counter, nor Gold from Copper, they are so much cumbered therewithal, and he that is worth two, three, or four Groats, is a rich man. They have both Monks, Friars, and Nuns, with a great number of great and rich Monasteries: Monasteries and Monks. they keep great Hospitality, and do relieve much poor people day by day. I have been in one of the Monasteries called Troietes, which is walled about with Brick very strongly like a Castle, and much Ordnance of Brass upon the walls of the same. They told me themselves that there are seven hundred Brethren of them which belong unto that House. The most part of the Lands, Towns, and Villages which are within forty miles of it, belong unto the same. They showed me the Church, Images. wherein were as many Images as could hang about, or upon the walls of the Church round about, and even the Roof of the Church was painted full of Images. The chief Image was of our Lady, which was garnished with Gold, Rubies, Saphires, and other rich Stones abundantly. In the midst of the Church stood twelve Wax Tapers of two yards long, and a fathom about in bigness, and there stands a Kettle full of Wax with about one hundred weight, wherein there is always the wick of a Candle burning, as it were a Lamp which goeth not out day nor night. They showed me a Coffin covered with Cloth of Gold, which stood upon one side within their Church, Miracles. in which they told me lay a holy man, who never eat or drank, and yet that he liveth. And they told me (supposing that I had believed them) that he healeth many Diseases, and giveth the blind their sight, with many other Miracles, but I was hard of belief, because I saw him work no miracle whilst I was there. After this they brought me into their Sellers, and made me taste of diverse kinds of Drinks, both Wine and Beer, Meade and Quassie, of sundry colours and kinds. Such abundance of Drink as they have in their Sellers, Drinks and Vessels. I do suppose few Princes have more, or so much at once. Their Barrels or Vessels are of an unmeasurable bigness and size: some of them are three yards long and more, and two yards and more broad in their heads: they contain six or seven tuns a piece: they have none in their Sellers of their own making that are less than a ton. They have nine or ten great vaults which are full of those Barrels which are seldom removed: for they have trunks which come down through the Roof of the vaults in sundry places, through which they pour drink down, having the Cask right under it to receive the same, for it should be a great trouble to bring it all down the stairs. The Hospitality of their Monasteries. They give Bread, Meat, and Drink unto all men that come to them, not only while they are at their Abbey, but also when they depart, to serve them by the way. There are a great number of such Monasteries in the Realm, and the Emperor's Majesty rideth oftentimes from one to another of them, and lieth at them three or four days together. The same Monks are as great Merchants as any in the Land of Russia, and do occupy buying and selling as much as any other men, Monk Merchants. and have Boats which pass to and fro in the Rivers with Merchandise from place to place where any of their Country do traffic. Diet and Apparel. They eat no flesh during their lives as it is reported: but upon Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, it is lawful for them to eat Eggs, Butter, Cheese, and Milk, and at all times to eat fish, and after this sort they lead their lives. They wear all black Garments, and so do none other in all the Land, but at that Abbey only. They have no Preachers, no not one in all the Land to instruct the people, so that there are many, Want of Preachers cause of great ignorance and Idolatry. and the most part of the poor in the Country, who if one ask them how many Gods there be, they will say a great many, meaning that every Image which they have is a God: for all the Country and the Emperor's Majesty himself will bless and bow, and knock their heads before their Images, insomuch that they will cry earnestly unto their Images to help them to the things which they need. All men are bound by their Law to have those Images in their Houses, and over every gate in all their Towns and Cities are Images set up, unto which the people bow and bend, and knock their heads against the ground before them: as often as they come by any Church or Cross they do in like manner. And when they come to any House, they bless themselves three or four times before they will salute any man in the House. They reckon and hold it for great sin to touch or handle any of their Images within the Circle of the board where the painting is, but they keep them very daintily, and rich men deck them over and about with Gold, Silver, and Stones, Sins of Superstition. and hang them over and about with Cloth of Gold. The Priests are married as other men are, and wear all their Garments as other men do, except their Nightcaps, which is cloth of some sad colour, Priests. being round and reacheth unto the ears: their crowns are shaved, but the rest of their hair they let grow, as long as Nature will permit, so that it hangeth beneath their ears upon their shoulders: their Beards they never shave: if his Wife happen to dye, it is not lawful for him to marry again during his life. They minister the Communion with Bread and Wine after our order, Sacraments. but he breaketh the Bread and putteth it into the Cup unto the Wine, and commonly some are partakers with them: and they take the Bread out again with a Spoon together with part of the Wine, and so take it themselves, and give it to others that receive with them after the same manner. They will not permit any Nation but the greeks to be buried in their sacred Burials, or Churchyards. All their Churches are full of Images, unto the which the people when they assemble, do bow and knock their heads, as I have before said, that some will have knobs upon their foreheads with knocking, as great as Eggs. All their service is in the Russie Tongue, and they and the common people have no other Prayers but this, Ghospodi jesus Christos esine voze ponuloi nashe. All their service is in their Mother tongue. That is to say, O Lord jesus Christ, Son of God have mercy upon us: and this is their Prayer, so that the most part of the unlearned know neither Pater Noster, nor the Belief, nor Ten Commandments, nor scarcely understand the one half of their Service which is read in their Churches. When any child is borne, it is not baptised until the next Sunday, and if it chance that it be not baptised then, it must tarry until the second Sunday after the birth, and it is lawful for them to take as many Godfathers and Godmothers as they will, the more the better. When they go to the Church, the Midwife goeth foremost, carrying the Child, Baptism. and the Godfathers and Godmothers follow into the midst of the Church, where there is a small Table ready set, and on it an Earthen Pot full of warm water, about the which the Godfathers and Godmothers, with the Child, settle themselves: then the Clerk giveth unto every of them a small Wax Candle burning, then cometh the Priest, and beginneth to say certain words, which the Godfathers and Godmothers must answer word for word, among which one is, that the Child shall forsake the Devil, and as that name is pronounced, they must all spit at the word as often as it is repeated. Then he blesseth the water which is in the Pot, and doth breathe over it: then he taketh all the Candles which the Gossips have, and holding them all in one hand letteth part of them drop into the water, and then giveth every one his Candle again, and when the water is sanctified, he taketh the Child and holdeth it in a small Tub, and one of the Godfathers taketh the Pot with warm water, and poureth it all upon the Child's head. After this he hath many more Ceremonies, as anointing Ears and Eyes with spital, and making certain Crosses with Oil upon the back, head, and breast of the Child: then taking the Child in his arms, carrieth it to the Images of Saint Nicholas, and our Lady, etc. and speaketh unto the Images, desiring them to take charge of the Child, that he may live, and believe as a Christian man or woman ought to do, with many other words. Then coming back from the Images, he taketh a pair of shears and clippeth the young and tender hairs of the Child's head, in three or four places, and then delivereth the Child, whereunto every of the Godfathers and Godmothers lay a hand: then the Priest chargeth them, that the Child be brought up in the faith and fear of God or Christ, and that it be instructed to clinege, and bow to the Images, and so they make an end: than one of the Godfathers must hang a Cross about the neck of the Child, which he must always wear, for that Ruff which hath not a Cross about his neck they esteem as no Christian man, and thereupon they say that we are no Christians, because we do not wear Crosses as they do. Their Matrimony is nothing solemnised, but rather in most points abominable, and as near as I can learn▪ in this wi●e following. Of their Matrimony. First, when there is love between the parties, the man sendeth unto the woman a small Chest or Box, wherein is a Whip, Needles, Thread, Silk, Linen Cloth, Sheares, and such necessaries as she shall occupy when she is a Wife, and perhaps sendeth therewithal Raisins, Figs, or some such things, giving her to understand, that if she do offend, she must be beaten with the Whip, and by the Needles, Thread, Cloth, etc. that she should apply herself diligently to sew, and do such things as she could best do, and by the Raisins or Fruits he meaneth if she do well, no good thing shall be withdrawn from her, nor be too dear for her: and she sendeth unto him a Shirt, Handkerchief, and some such things of her own making. And now to the effect. When they are agreed, and the day of Marriage appointed, when they shall go towards the Church, the Bride will in no wise consent to go out of the House, but resisteth and striveth with them that would have her out, and feigneth herself to weep, yet in the end, two women get her out, and lead her towards the Church, her face being covered close, because of her dissimulation, that it should not be openly perceived: for she maketh a great noise, as though she were sobbing and weeping, until she come at the Church, and then her face is uncovered. The man cometh after among other of his friends, and they carry with them to Church a great Pot of Wine or Meade: then the Priest coupleth them together much after our order, one promising to love and serve the other during their lives together, etc. which being done, they beginnne to drink, and first the woman drinketh to the man, and when he hath drunk he letteth the cup fall to the ground, hasting immediately to tread upon it, and so doth she, and whether of them tread first upon it, must have the victory and be Master at all times after, which commonly happeneth to the man, for he is readiest to set his foot on it, because he letteth it fall himself, than they go home again, the woman's face being uncovered. The Boys in the streets cry out, and make a noise in the mean time, with very dishonest words. When they come home, the Wife is set at the upper end of the Table, and the Husband next unto her: they fall then to drinking till they be all drunk, they perchance have a Minstrel or two, and two naked men, which led her from the Church, dance naked a long time before all the company. When they are weary of drinking, the Bride and the Bridegroom get them to Bed, for it is in the Evening always when any of them are married: and when they are going to Bed, the Bridegroom putteth certain Money, both Gold and Silver, if he have it, into one of his Boots, and then sitteth down in the Chamber, crossing his legs, than the Bride must pluck off one of his Boots, which she will, and if she happen on the Boot wherein the Money is, she hath not only the Money for her labour, but is also at such choice, as she need not ever from that day forth to pull off his Boots, but if she miss the Boot wherein the Money is, she doth not only lose the Money, but is also bound from that day forwards to pull off his Boots continually. Then they continue in drinking and making good cheer three days following, being accompanied with certain of their friends, and during the same three days, he is called a Duke, and she a Duchess, although they be very poor persons, and this is as much as I have learned of their Matrimony: but one common rule is amongst them, if the woman be not beaten with the Whip once a Week, she will not be good, and therefore they look for it orderly, and the women say, that if their Husbands did not beat them, they should not love them. They use to marry there very young, their Sons at sixteeene and eighteen years old, and the Daughters at twelve or thirteen years or younger: they use to keep their Wives very closely, I mean those that be of any reputation, so that a man shall not see one of them but at a chance, when she goeth to Church at Christmas or at Easter, or else going to visit some of her friends. The most part of the women use to ride a-stride in Saddles with stirrups, as men do, and some of them on Sleds, The women of Russia paint their faces. which in Summer is not commendable. The Husband is bound to find the Wife colours to paint her with all, for they use ordinarily to paint themselves: it is such a common practice among them, that it is counted for no shame: they grease their faces with such colours, that a man may discern them hanging on their faces almost a flight shoot off: I cannot so well liken them as to a Miller's Wife, for they look as though they were beaten about the face with a bag of Meal, but their Eyebrows they colour as black as I eat. The best property that the women have, is that they can sew well, and embroider with Silk and Gold excellently. Of their Burial. When any man or woman dyeth, they stretch him out, and put a new pair of shoes on his feet, because he hath a great journey to go: then do they wind him in a sheet, as we do, but they forget not to put a testimony in his right hand, which the Priest giveth him, to testify unto Saint Nicholas that he died a Christian man or woman. And they put the Corpse always in a Coffin of Wood, although the party be very poor: and when they go towards the Church, the Friends and Kinsmen of the party departed carry in their hands small Wax Candles, and they weep, and howl, and make much lamentation. They that be hanged or beheaded, or such like, have no testimony with them: how they are received into Heaven, it is a wonder, without their Passport. There are a great number of poor people among them which die daily for lack of sustenance, which is a pitiful case to behold: for there hath been buried in a small time, within these two years, above eighty persons young and old, which have died only for lack of sustenance, for if they had had straw and water enough, they would make shift to live: for a great many are forced in the Winter to dry straw and stamp it, and to make bread thereof, or at the least they eat it in stead of bread. Bread made of straw. The unmercifulness of the Russes toward the poor. Stoves or Baths usual with the Moscovites. In the Summer they make good shift with grass, herbs, and roots: barks of Trees are good meat with them at all times. There is no people in the World, as I suppose, that live so miserably as do the poverty in those parts: and the most part of them that have sufficient for themselves, and also to relieve others that need, are so unmerciful that they care not how many they see dye of famine or hunger in the streets. It is a Country full of Diseases, diverse, and evil, and the best remedy is for any of them, as they hold opinion, to go often unto the Hothouses, as in a manner every man hath one of his own, which he heateth commonly twice every week, and all the household sweat, and wash themselves therein. The first and principal Mead is made of the juice or liquor taken from a Berrie, called in Russia, Malieno, which is of a marvelous sweet taste, and of a Carmosant colour, diverse sorts of Russian Drinks, reported by Thomas Bulley. which Berrie I have seen in Paris. The second Mead is called Visnova, because it is made of a Berrie so called, and is like a black Gooseberrie: but it is like in colour and taste to the red Wine of France. The third Mead is called Amarodina or Smorodina, short, of a small Berrie much like to the small Raisin, and groweth in great plenty in Russia. The fourth Mead is called Chereunikyna, which is made of the wild black Cherry. The fifth Mead is made of Honey and Water, with other mixtures. There is also a delicate Drink drawn from the Root of the Birch Tree, called in the Ruff Tongue Berozevites, which drink the Noblemen and others use in April, May, and june, which are the three months of the Springtime: for after those months, the sap of the Tree drieth, and then they cannot have it. I have by me a Letter of Master Christopher Hoddesdon, written the seventeenth of November 1555. wherein he writes, that it seems, there is no great punishment for breaking their Region, some of them adventuring to eat Milk with him on a Fasting day, which yet others refused. Yarost●sly (so he calls the Town where he writ) is fairer than Volga, the River almost a mile broad: he was asked seven Altines for a Sturgeon, he had given at Dansk nine Mark-sprace for a worse: neither had he seen such abundance of Ling in England, as there of Sturgeons, there being in that day's Market, about three thousand. §. four The Voyage of Master ANTHONY JENKINSON, made from the City of Moscow in Russia, to the City of Boghar in Bactria, in the year 1558. written by himself to the Merchants of London, of the Moscovie Company. THe three and twentieth day of April, in the year 1558. (having obtained the Emperor of Russia his Letters, directed unto sundry Kings and Princes, Moscow in 55. de●grees, 10 minutes. by whose Dominions I should pass) departed from Moscow by water, having with me two of your Servants; namely, Richard johnson, and Robert johnson, and a Tartar Tolmach, with diverse parcels of Wares, as by the Inventory appeareth: and the eight and twentieth day we came to a Town, called Collom, distant from the Moscow twenty leagues, and passing one league beyond the said Collom, we came unto a River, called Occa, into the which the River Moscow falleth, and loseth his name: and passing down the said River Occa eight leagues, we came unto a Castle called Terrevettisko, which we left upon our right hand, Occa. and proceeding forward, the second day of May, we came unto another Castle, called Peroslave, distant eight leagues, leaving it also on our right hand. Rezen. The third day we came unto the place where old Rezan was situate, being now most of it ruined and overgrown, and distant from the said Peroslave, six leagues: the fourth day we passed by a Castle, called Terrecovia, from Rezan twelve leagues, and the sixth day we came to another Castle, called Cassim, Cassim. under the government of a Tartar Prince, named Vtzar Zegoline, sometime Emperor of the worthy City of Cazan, and now subject unto the Emperor of Russia. But leaving Cassim on our left hand, Morom. the eight day we came unto a fair Town, called Morom, from Cassim twenty leagues, where we took the Sun, and found the latitude fifty six degrees: and proceeding forward the eleventh day, we came unto another fair Town and Castle, called Nyse Novogrod, situated at the falling of the foresaid River Occa, into the worthy River of Volga, Nyse Novogrod. distant from the said Moron five and twenty leagues, in the latitude of fifty six degrees eighteen minutes. From Rezan to this Nyse Novogrod, on both sides the said River of Occa, is raised the greatest store of Wax and Honey in all the Land of Russia. We tarried at the foresaid Nyse Novogrod until the nineteenth day, Honey and Wax. for the coming of a Captain which was sent by the Emperor to rule at Astracan, who being arrived, and having the number of five hundred great Boats under his conduct, some laden with Victuals, Soldiers, and Munition: and other some with Merchandise, departed altogether the said nineteenth day from the said Nyse Novogrod, and the two and twentieth we came unto a Castle, called Vasiliagorod, distant five and twenty leagues, which we lest upon our right hand. This Town or Castle had his name of this Emperor's Father, who was called Vasilius, and Gorod in the Ruff Tongue is as much to say, as a Castle, so that Vasiliagorod is to say, Vasilius' Castle: Vasiliagorod▪ and it was the furthest pl●ce that the said Emperor conquered from the Tartars. But this present Emperor his Son, called juan Vasiliwich, hath had great good success in his Wars, both against the Christians, and also the Mahometists, and Gentiles, but especially against the Tartars, enlarging his Empire even to the Caspian Sea, having conquered the famous River of Volga, with all the Countries thereabout adjacent. Thus proceeding on our journey, the five and twentieth day of May aforesaid, we came to another Castle called Sabowshare, which we left on our right hand, distant from Vasiliagorod, sixteen leagues. The Country hereabout is called Mordovits, and the Habitants did profess the Law of the Gentiles: but now being conquered by this Emperor of Russia, most of them are christened, but lie in the Woods and Wilderness, without Town or Habitation. Swyasko. The seven and twentieth day we passed by another Castle, called Swyasko, distant from Shabowshare aforesaid, twenty five leagues: we left it on our right hand, and the nine and twentieth came unto an Island one league from the City of Cazan, Cazan stands in 55 degrees 33. minutes. from which falleth down a River called Cazankareca, and entereth into the foresaid Volga. Cazan is a fair Town after the Ruff or Tartar fashion, with a strong Castle situated upon a high Hill, and was walled round about with Timber and Earth, but now the Emperor of Russia hath given order to pluck down the old walls, and to build them again of free stone. It hath been a City of great Wealth and Riches, and being in the hands of the Tartars, it was a Kingdom of itself, and did more vex the Russes in their Wars, than any other Nation: but nine years past, this Emperor of Russia conquered it, and took the King captive, who being but young is now baptised, and brought up in his Court with two other Princes, which were also Kings of the said Cazan, and being each of them in time of their Reigns in danger of their Subjects through civil discord, came and rendered themselves at several times unto the said Emperor, so that at this present there are three Princes in the Court of Russia, which had been Emperors of the said Cazan, whom the Emperor useth with great honour. We remained at Cazan till the thirteenth day of june, and then departed from thence: and the same day passed by an Island called the Island of Merchants, because it was wont to be a place where all Merchants, The Island of Merchant's. as well Russes and Cazanites, as Nagayans and Crimmes, and diverse other Nations did resort to keep Mart for buying and selling, but now it is forsaken, and standeth without any such resort thither, or at Cazan, or at any place about it, from Moscow unto Mare Caspium. Thus proceeding forward, the fourteenth day we passed by a goodly river called Cama, which we left on our left hand. The River of Cama. This River falleth out of the Country of Permia into the River of Volga, and is from Cazan fifteen leagues: and the Country lying betwixt the said Cazan, and the said River Cama on the left hand of Volga is called Vachen, Vachen. and the Inhabitants be Gentiles, and live in the Wilderness without House or Habitation: and the Country on the other side of Volga, over against the said River Cama, is called the Land of Cheremizes, half Gentiles, half Tartars, and all the Land on the left hand of the said Volga, from the said River unto Astracan, and so following the North and North-east side of the Caspian Sea, to a Land of the Tartars called Turkemen, Mangat or Nagay Tartars. is called the Country of Mangat or Nagay, whose Inhabitants are of the Law of Mahomet, and were all destroyed in the year 1558. at my being at Astracan, through Civil Wars among them, accompanied with Famine, Pestilence, and such Plagues, in such sort that in the said year there were consumed of the people, in one sort and another, above one hundred thousand: the like Plague was never seen in those parts, so that the said Country of Nagay, being a Country of great Pasture, remaineth now unreplenished to the great contentation of the Russes, who have had cruel Wars a long time together. The Nagayans when they flourished, lived in this manner: they were divided into diverse companies called Hordes, and every Hord had a Ruler, whom they obeyed as their King, and was called a Murse. Town or House they had none, but lived in the open fields, every Murse or King having his Hordes or people about him, Hordes. with their Wives, Children, and cattle, who having consumed the Pasture in one place, removed unto another: and when they remove they have Houses like Tents set upon Wagons or Carts, which are drawn from place to place with Camels, and therein their Wives, Children, and all their Riches, which is very little, is carried about, and every man hath at the least four or five Wives besides Concubines. Use of money they have none, but do barter their cattle for apparel and other necessaries. They delight in no Art nor Science, except the Wars, wherein they are expert, but for the most part they be pasturing people, and have great store of cattle, which is all their Riches. They eat much flesh, and especially the Horse, and they drink Mare's Milk, wherewith they be oftentimes drunk: they are seditious and inclined to Theft and Murder. Corn they sow not, neither do eat any Bread, mocking the Christians for the same, and disabling our strengths, saying, we live by eating the top of a Weed, and drink a Drink made of the same, allowing their great devouring of flesh, and drinking of Milk to be the increase of their strength. But now to proceed forward to my journey. All the Country upon our right hand the River Volga, from over against the River Cama unto the Town of Astracan, The Crimme Tartars. is the Land of Crimme, whose Inhabitants be also of the Law of Mahomet, and live for the most part according to the fashions of the Nagayes, having continual Wars with the Emperor of Russia, and are valiant in the field, having countenance, and support from the great Turk. The sixteenth day of june we passed by certain fisher-men's Houses, called Petowse, twenty leagues from the River Cama, where is great fishing for Sturgeon, so continuing our way until the two and twentieth day, and passing by another great River called Samar, which falleth out of the aforesaid Country, and runneth through Nagay, and entereth into the said River of Volga. The River o● Samar. The eight and twentieth day we came unto a great Hill, where was in times past a Castle made by the Crimmes, but now it is ruined, being the just midway between the said Cazan and Astrachan, which is two hundred leagues or thereabout, in the latitude of one and fifty degrees, forty seven minutes. Upon all this shore groweth abundance of Licoris, whose Root runneth within the ground like a Vine. Licoris in great plenty. Perovolog. Don or Tanais. Thus going forward, the sixth day of july we came to a place called Perovolog, so named because in times past the Tartars carried their Boats from Volga, unto the River Tanais, otherwise called Don, by Land, when they would rob such as passed down the said Volga to Astracan, and also such as passed down by the River Tanais, to Afou, Caffa, or any other Town situated upon Mare Euxinum, into which Sea Tanais falleth, who hath his Springs in the Country of the Rezan, out of a plain ground. It is at this straight of Perovolog from the one River to the other, two leagues by Land, and is a dangerous place for thieves and Robbers, but now it is not so evil as it hath been by reason of the Emperor of Russia his Conquests. Departing from Perovolog, having the Wilderness on both sides, we saw a great Herd of Nagayans pasturing, as is abovesaid, by estimation above a thousand Camels drawing of Carts with Houses upon them like Tents, of a strange fashion, seeming to be afar off a Town: that Herd was belonging to a great Murse, called Smille, the greatest Prince in all Nagay, who hath slain and driven away all the rest, not sparing his own Brethren and Children, and having peace with this Emperor of Russia, he hath what he needeth, and ruleth alone: so that now the Russes live in peace with the Nagayans, who were wont to have mortal Wars together. The fourteenth day of july passing by an old Castle▪ which was Old Astracan, and leaving it upon our right hand, we arrived at New Astracan, which this Emperor of Russia conquered six years past, in the year 1552. It is from the Moscow unto Astracan six hundred leagues, or thereabout. The Town of Astracan is situated in an Island upon a Hill side, Astracan. having a Castle within the same, walled about with Earth and Timber, neither fair nor strong: The Town is also walled about with Earth: the Buildings and Houses (except it be the Captain's Lodging, and certain other gentlemen's) most base & simple. The Island is most destitute and barren of wood and pasture, and the ground will bear no Corn: the A●re is there most infected, by reason (as I suppose) of much fish, and specially Sturgeon, by which only the Inhabitants live, Store of Sturgeons, & fliest having great scarcity of flesh and bread. They hang up their fish in their streets and Houses to dry for their provision, which causeth such abundance of flies to increase there, as the like was never seen in any Land, to their great Plague. And at my being at the said Astracan, there was a great Famine and Plague among the people, and specially among the Tartars, called Nagayans, who the same time came thither in great numbers to render themselves to the Russes their Enemies, and to seek succour at their hands, their Country being destroyed, as I said before: but they were but ill entertained or relieved, for there died a great number of them for hunger, which lay all the Island through in heaps dead, and like to beasts unburied, very pitiful to behold: many of them were also sold by the Russes, and the rest were banished from the Island. At that time it had been an easy thing to have converted that wicked Nation to the Christian Faith, if the Russes themselves had been good Christians: but how should they show compassion unto other Nations, when they are not merciful unto their own▪ At my being there I could have bought many goodly Tartars Children, if I would have had a thousand, of their own Fathers and Mothers, to say, a Boy or a Wench for a Loaf of bread worth six pence in England, but we had more need of victuals at that time then of any such Merchandise. Miserable Famine. This Astracan is the furthest hold that this Emperor of Russia hath conquered of the Tartars towards the Caspian Sea, which he keepeth very strong, sending thither every year provision of men, and victuals, and Timber to build the Castle. There is a certain Trade of Merchandise there used, but as yet so small and beggarly, that it is not worth the making mention, and yet there come Merchants thither from diverse places. The chiefest Commodities that the Russes bring thither are red Hides, red sheep's skins, wooden Vessels, Bridles, and Saddles, Knives, and other Trifles, with Corn, Bacon, and other Victuals. The Tartars bring thither diverse kinds of Wares made of Cotton Wool, with diverse kinds of wrought Silks: and they that come out of Persia, namely, from Shamacki, do bring sewing Silk, which is the coursest that they use in Russeland, Crasso, diverse kinds of pied Silks for Girdles, Shirts of Male, Bows, Swords▪ and such like things: and some years' Corn, and Wal-nuts, but all such things in such small quantity, the Merchants being so beggarly and poor that bring the same, that it is not worth the writing, neither is there any hope of Trade in all those parts worth the following. This foresaid Island of Astracan is in length twelve leagues, and in breadth three, and ly●th East and West in the latitude of forty seven degrees, nine minutes: we tarried there until th● sixth day of August, and having bought and provided a Boat in company with certain Tartars and Persians, we laded our goods and embarked ourselves, and the same day departed I, with the said two johnsons', having the whole charge of the Navigation down the said River Volga, They enter into the Caspian Sea. being very crooked, and full of flats toward the mouth thereof. We entered into the Caspian Sea the tenth day of August at the Easterly side of the said River, being twenty leagues from Astracan aforesaid, in the latitude of forty six degrees, twenty seven minutes. Volga. Volga hath seventy mouths or falls into the Sea: and we having a large wind, kept the North-east shore, and the eleventh day we sailed seven leagues East North-east, and came unto an Island having an high Hill therein, called Accurgar, a good Mark in the Sea. From thence East ten leagues, we fell with another Island, called Bawhi●ta, much higher than the other. Within these two Lands to the Northwards, The Blue Sea. is a great Bay called the Blue Sea. From thence we sailed East and by North ten leagues, and having a contrary wind, we came to an Anchor in a fathom water, and so rid until the fifteenth day, having a great storm at Southeast, being a most contrary wind, which we rid out. Then the wind came to the North, and we weighed, and set our course Southeast, and that day sailed eight leagues. Thus proceeding forwards, the seventeenth day we lost sight of Land, and the same day sailed thirty leagues, and the eighteenth day twenty leagues winding East, and fell with a Land called Baughleata, Baughle●ta being 74. ●eagues from Volga. being seventy four leagues from the mouth of the said Volga, in the latitude of forty six degrees fifty four minutes, the Coast lying nearest East and by South, and West and by North. At the point of this Island lieth buried a holy Prophet, as the Tartars call him, of their Law, where great devotion is used of all such Mahometists as do pass that way. HONDIUS his Map of Tartary. TARTARY map of Tartary The nineteenth day the wind being West, and we winding East Southeast, we sailed ten leagues, and passed by a great River called jaic, which hath his spring in the Land of Siberia, jaic River. nigh unto the foresaid River Cama, and runneth through the Land of Nagay, falling into this Mare Caspium. And up this River one days journey is a Town called Serachicke, Serachick● subject to the foresaid Tartar Prince, called Murse Smille, which is now in friendship with the Emperor of Russia. here is no trade of merchandise used, for that the people have no use of money, and are all Men of war, and Pasturers of cattle, and given much to theft and murder. Thus being at an anchor against this River jaic, and all our men being on Land, saving I, who lay sore sick, and five Tartars, whereof one was reputed a holy man, because he came from Mecca, there came unto us a Boat with thirty men well armed and appointed, who boarded us, and began to enter into our Bark, and our holy Tartar, called Azy, perceiving that, asked them what they would have, and withal made a prayer: with that these Rovers stayed, declaring that they were Gentlemen, banished from their Country, and out of living, and came to see if there were any Russes, or other Christians (which they call Caphars) in our Bark: To whom this Azi most stoutly answered, that there were none, avowing the same by great oaths of their Law, (which lightly they will not break) whom the Rovers believed, and upon his words departed. And so through the fidelity of that Tartar, I with all my company and goods were saved, and our men being come on board, and the wind fair, we departed from that place, and winding East and Southeast, that day being the twentieth of August failed sixteen leagues. The one and twentieth day we passed over a Bay of six leagues broad, and fell with a Cape of Land, having two Lands at the Southeast part thereof, being a good mark in the Sea: and doubling the Cape the Land trended North-east, and maketh another Bay, into which falleth the greater River Yem, springing out of the Land of Colmack. The two and twentieth, three and twentieth, and four and twentieth days, we were at anchor. The five and twentieth, The Country of Colmack. the wind came fair, and we sailed that day twenty leagues, and passed by an Island of low land, and thereabout are many flats and sands: and to the Northward of this Island there goeth in a great Bay, but we set off from this Island, and wound South to come into deep water, being much troubled with shoalds and flats, and ran that course ten leagues, than East Southeast, twenty leagues, and fell with the main Land, being full of copped Hills, and passing along the coast twenty leagues, the further we sailed, the higher was the Land. The seven and twentieth day we crossed over a Bay, the South shore being the higher Land, and fell with a high point of Land: and being overthwart the Cape, there rose such a storm at the East, that we thought verily we should have perished: this storm continued three days. From this Cape we passed to a Port called Manguslave. The Port of Manguslave▪ The place where we should have arrived at the Southermost part of the Caspian Sea, ●s twelve leagues within a Bay: but we being fore tormented and tossed with this foresaid storm, were driven unto another Land on the other side the Bay, overthwart the said Manguslave being very low Land, and a place as well for the ill commodity of the Haven, as of those brute field people, where never Bark nor Boat had before arrived, not liked of us. But yet there we sent certain of our men to Land to talk with the Governor and People, as well for our good usage at their hands, as also for provision of Camels to carry our goods from the said Sea side to a place called Sellyzure, being from the place of our landing five and twenty days journey. Our Messengers returned with comfortable words and fair promises of all things. Wherefore the third day of September 1558. we discharged our Bark, and I with my company were gently entertained of the Prince, and of his people. They go on land. But before our departure from thence, we found them to be a very bad and brutish people, for they ceased not daily to molest us, either by fight, stealing▪ or begging, raising the price of Horse, and Camels, and Victuals, double that it was wont there to be, and forced us to buy the water that we drink: which caused us to hasten away, and to conclude wi●h them as well for the hire of Camels, as for the price of such as we bought, with other provision, according to their own demand: So that for every Camels lading, being but four hundred weight of ours, we agreed to give three Hides of Russia, and four wooden dishes, and to the Prince or Governor of the said people one ninth, and two sevenths: namely, nine several things, and twice seven several things: for money they use none. And thus being ready, the fourteenth of September we departed from that place, being a Caravan of a thousand Camels. And having traveled five days journey, we came to another Prince's Dominion, and upon the way there came unto us certain Tartars on horseback, being well armed, and servants unto the said Prince called Timor Sultan, Governor of the said Country of Manguslave, where we meant to have arrived and discharged our Bark, The Country or Manguslave▪ It stands in 45. if the great storm aforesaid had not disappointed. These aforesaid Tartars stayed our Caravan in the name of the●r Prince, and opened our Wares, and took s●ch things as they thought best for their said Prince without money, but for such things as they took from me, which was a ninth (after much dissension) I road unto the same Prince, and presented myself before him, requesting his favour, and Passport to travel thorough his Country, and not to be robbed or spoilt of his people: which request he granted me, and entertained me very gently, commanding me to be well feasted with flesh and Mare's milk: for Bread they use none, nor other drink except water: but money he had none to give me for such things as he took of me, which might be of value in Russee money, fifteen Rubbles, but he gave me his Letter, and a Horse worth seven Rubbles. And so I departed from him being glad that I was gone: for he was reported to be a very tyrant, and if I had not gone unto him, I understood his commandment was, that I should have been robbed and destroyed. This Sultan lived in the fields without Castle or Town, and sat, at my being with him, in a little round house made of reeds covered without with Felt, and within with Carpets. There was with him the great Metropolitan of that wild Country, esteemed of the people, as the Bishop of Rome is in most parts of Europe, with diverse other of his chief men. The Sultan with this Metropolitan demanded of me many questions, as well touching our Kingdoms, Laws, and Religion, as also the cause of my coming into those par●s, with my further pretence. To whom I answered concerning all things, as unto me seemed best, which they took in good part. So having leave I departed, and overtook our Caravan, and proceeding on our journey, Twenty days travel in the Wilderness, wi●h scarcity of water. and traveled twenty days in the Wilderness from the Sea side without seeing Town or habitation, carrying provision of victuals with us for the same time, and were driven by necessity to eat one of my Camels and a Horse for our part, as other did the like: and during the said twenty days we found no water, but such as we drew out of old deep Wells, being very brackish and salt, and yet sometimes passed two or three days without the same. And the fifth day of October ensuing, Another Gulf of the Caspian Sea. we came unto a Gulf of the Caspian Sea again, where we found the water very fresh and sweet: at this Gulf the Customers of the King of Turkeman met us, who took custom of every five and twenty one, and seven ninths for the said King and his brethren, which being received they departed, and we remained there a day after to refresh ourselves. Note, that in times passed there did fall into this Gulf the great River Oxus, which hath his springs in the Mountains of Paraponisus in India, and now cometh not so fa●re, but falleth into another River, Will. de Rubricis describeth this River of Ardok, cap. 4. called Ardock, which runneth toward the North, and consumeth himself in the ground, passing under the ground above five hundred miles, and then issueth out again and falleth into the Lake of Kithay. We having refreshed ourselves at the foresaid Gulf, departed thence the fourth day of October, Sellizure, or Shayzure. and the seventh day arrived at a Castle, called Sellizure, where the King, called Azim Can, remained with three other of his brethren, and the ninth day I was commanded to come before his presence, to whom I delivered the Emperor's Letters of Russia: and I also gave him a Present of a ninth, who entertained me very well, and caused me to eat in his presence as his brethren did, feasting me with flesh of a wild Horse, and Mare's milk without Bread. And the next day he sent for me again, and asked of me diverse questions, as well touching the affairs of the Emperor of Russia, as of our Country and Laws, to which I answered as I thought good: Letters of safe conduct. so that at my departure he gave me his Letters of safe conduct. This Castle of Sellizure is situated upon an high H●ll, where the King called the Can lieth, whose Palace is built of earth very ba●ely, and not strong: the people are but poor, and have little trade of merchandise among them. The South part of this Castle is low land, but very fruitful, where grow many good fruits, among which there is one called a Dynie, of a great bigness▪ and full of moisture, which the people do eat after meat in stead of drink. Also there grows another fruit, called a Carbuse, of the bigness of a great Cucumber, yellow, and sweet as Sugar: also a certain Corn, called jegur, whose stalk is much like a Sugar cane, and as high, and the Grain like Rice, which groweth at the top of the cane like a cluster of Grapes; the water that serveth ●ll that Country is drawn by ditches out of the River Oxus, unto the great destruction of the said River, for which cause it falls not into the Caspian Sea, as it hath done in time● past, and in short time all that Land is like to be destroyed, and to become a Wilderness for want of water, when the River of Oxus shall fail. The fourteenth day of the month we departed from this Castle of Sellizure, and the sixteenth of the same we arrived at a City called Urgence, Urgence, in 42. degr. 18. min. where we paid Custom as well for our own heads, as for our Camels and Horses. And having there sojourned one month, attending the time of our further travel, the King of that Country called Aly Sultan, brother to the forenamed Azym Can, returned from a Town called Corasan, within the borders of Persia, which he lately had conquered from the Persians, with whom he and the rest of the Kings of T●rtaria have continual wars. Before this King also I was commanded to come, to whom I likewise presented the Emperor's Letters of Russia▪ and he entertained me well▪ and demanded of me diverse questions▪ and at my departure gave me his Letters of safe conduct. This City or Town of Urgence standeth in a plain ground, with walls of the earth, by estimation four miles about it. The buildings within it are also of earth, but ruined a●d out of good order: it hath one long street that is covered above, which is the place of their Market. It hath been won and lost four times within seven years by civil wars, by means whereof there are but few Merchants in it, and they very poor, and in all that Town I could not fell above four Kerseys. The chiefest commodities there sold are such wares as come from Boghaer, and out of Persia, but in most small quantity not worth the writing. All the Land from the Caspian Sea to this City of Urgence, is called the Land of Turkeman, and is subject to the said Azim Can, and his brethren which be five in number, The Country of Turkeman. and one of them hath the name of the chief King called Can, but he is little obeyed saving in his own Dominion, and where he dwelleth: for every one will be King of his own portion, and one brother seeketh always to destroy another, having no natural love among them, by reason that they are begotten of diverse women, and commonly they are the children of slaves, either Christians or Gentiles, which the father doth keep as Concubines, and every Can or Sultan hath at the least four or five wives, besides young maidens and boys, living most viciously: and when there are wars betwixt these brethren, (as they are seldom without) he that is overcome if he be not slain, fleeth to the field with such company of men as will follow him, and there liveth in the Wilderness, resorting to watering places, and so robbeth and spoileth as many Caravans of Merchants and others, as they be able to overcome, continuing in this sort his wicked life, until such time as he may get power and aid to invade some of his brethren again. From the Caspian Sea unto the Castle of S●llizure aforesaid, and all the Countries about the said Sea, the people live without Town or habitation in the wild fields, removing from one place to another in great companies with their cattle, whereof they have great store, as Camels, Horses, and Sheep both tame and wild. Their sheep are of great stature with great buttocks, weighing sixty or eighty pound in weight. There are many wild Horses which the Tartars do many times kill with their Hawks, and that in this order. The Hawks are lured to seize upon the beasts necks or heads, which with chafing of themselves, and sore beating of the Hawks are tired: then the Hunterr following his game doth slay the Horse with his Arrow or Sword. In all this Land there groweth no grass, but a certain brush or heath, whereon the cattle feeding become very fat. The Tartars never ride without their Bow, Arrows, and Sword, although it be on hawking, or at any other pleasure, and they are good Archers both on horseback, and on foot also. These people have not use of Gold, Silver, or any other coin, but when they lack apparel or other necessaries, they barter their cattle for the same. Bread they have none, for they neither till nor sow: they be great devourers of flesh, which they cut in small pieces, and eat it by handfuls most greedily, and especially the Horse flesh. Their chiefest drink is Mare's milk soured, as I have said before of the Nagayans, and they will be drunk with the same. They have no Rivers nor places of water in this Country, until you come to the foresaid Gulf, distant from the place of our landing twenty day's journey, except it be in Wells, the water whereof is saltish, and yet distant the one from the other two days journey and more. They eat their meat upon the ground, sitting with their legs double under them, and so also when they pray. Art or Science they have none, but live most idly, sitting round in great companies in the fields, devising, and talking most vainly. They six and twentieth day of November, we departed from the Town of Urgence, The River of Ardock falleth into the Lake of Kitay. and having traveled by the River Oxus one hundred miles, we passed over another great River, called Ardocke, where we paid a certain petty custom. This River Ardocke is great, and very swift, falling out of the foresaid Oxus, and passing about one thousand mile to the Northward, it than consumeth itself in the ground, and passing under the same about five hundred miles, issueth out again, and falleth into the Lake of Kitay, as I have before declared. The seventh of December following, we arrived at a Castle called Kait, subject to a Sultan called Saramet Sultan, who meant to have robbed all the Christians in the Caravan, The Castle of Kait. had it not been for fear of his brother the King of Urgence, as we were informed by one of his chiefest Counselors, who willed us to make him a present, which he took, and delivered: besides, we paid at the said Castle for Custom, of every Camel one red hide of Russia, besides petty gifts to his Officers. Thus proceeding in our journey, the tenth day at night being at rest, and our watch set, there came unto us four Horsemen, which we took as Spies, from whom we took their weapons, and bound them, and having well examined them, they confessed that they had seen the tract of many Horsemen, and no footing of Camels, and gave us to understand, that there were Rovers and thieves abroad: for there travel few people that are true and peaceable in that Country, but in company of Caravan, where there be many Camels: and Horse-feeting new without Camels were to be doubted. Whereupon we consulted and determined amongst ourselves, and sent a Post to the said Sultan of Kaite, who immediately came himself with three hundred men, and met these four suspected men which we sent unto him, and examined them so straightly, and threatened them in such sort, that they confessed, there was a banished Prince with forty men three days journey forward, who lay in wait to destroy us, if he could, and that they themselves were of his company. The Sultan therefore understanding, that the thieves were not many, appointed us eighty men well armed with a Captain to go with us, and conduct us in our way. And the Sultan himself returned back again, taking the four thieves with him. These soldiers traveled with us two days, consuming much of our victuals. And the third day in the morning very early they set out before our Caravan, and having ranged the wilderness for the space of four hours, they met us, coming towards us as fast as their horse could run, and declared that they had found the tract of horses not far from us, perceiving well that we should meet with enemies, and therefore willed us to appoint ourselves for them, and asked us what we would give them to conduct us further, or else they would return. To whom we offered as we thought good, but they refused our offer, and would have more, and so we not agreeing they departed from us, and went back to their Sultan, who (as we conjectured) was privy to the conspiracy. But they being gone, certain Tartars of our company called holy men, (because they had been at Mecca) caused the whole Caravan to stay, Divination by sorcery. and would make their prayers, and divine how we should prosper in our journey, and whether we should meet with any ill company or no: To which, our whole Caravan did agree. And they took certain she●pe and killed them, and took the blade bones of the same, and first sod them, and then burned them, and took of the blood of the said sheep, and mingled it with the powder of the said bones, and wrote certain Characters with the said blo●d, using many other ceremonies and words, and by the same divined and found, that we should mee●e with enemies and thieves (to our great trouble) but should overcome them, to which sorcery, I and my company gave no credit, but we found it true: for within three hours after that the soldiers departed from us, which was the fifteenth day of December, in the morning, we escryed far off diverse horsemen which made towards us, and we (perceiving them to be rovers) gathered ourselves together, being forty of us well appointed, and able to fight, and we made our prayers together every one after his Law, professing to live and dye one with another, Fight with thieves. and so prepared ourselves. When the thieves were nigh unto us, we perceived them to be in number thirty seven men well armed, and appointed with bows, arrows, and swords, and the Captain a Prince banished from his Country. They willed us to yield ourselves, or else to be slain, but we defied them, wherewith they shot at us all at once, and we at them very hotly, and so continued our fight from morning until two hours within night, diverse men, horses and camels being wounded and slain on both parts: and had it not been for four hand-guns, Hand-guns very profitable. which I and my company had and used, we had been overcome and destroyed: for the thieves were better armed, and were also better Archers than we; But after we had slain diverse of their men and horses with our Guns, they durst not approach so nigh, which caused them to come to a truce with us until the next morning, which we accepted, and encamped ourselves upon a hill, and made the fashion of a Castle, walling it about with packs of wares, and laid our Horses and Camels within the same, to save them from the shot of arrows: and the thieves also encamped within an arrow shot of us, but they were betwixt us and the water, which was to our great discomfort, because neither we nor our Camels had drunk in two days before. Thus keeping good watch, when half the night was spent, the Prince of the thieves sent a messenger half way unto us, requiring to talk with our Captain, in their tongue, the Caravan Bassa, who answered the messenger, I will not depart from my company to go into the half way to talk with thee: but if that thy Prince with all his company will swear by our Law to keep the truce, then will I send a man to talk with thee, or else not. Which the Prince understanding as well himself as his company, swore so loud that we might all hear. And then we sent one of our company (reputed a holy man) to talk with the same messenger. The message was pronounced aloud in this order. A holy man. Our Prince demandeth of the Caravan Bassa, and of all you that be Bussarmans', (that is to say, Circumcised) not desiring your bloods, that you deliver into his hands as many Caphars, Bussarmans', or Mus●●mans Capha●. that is, unbelievers (meaning us the Christians) as are among you with their goods, and in so doing, he will suffer you to depart with your goods in quietness, and on the contrary, you shall be handled with no less cruelty than the Caphars, if he overcome you, as he doubteth not. To the which our Caravan Bassa answered, that he had no Christians in his company, nor other strangers, but two Turks which were of their Law; and although he had, he would rather dye then deliver them, and that we were not afraid of his threatenings, and that should he know when day appeared. And so passing in talk, the thieves (contrary to their oath) carried our holy man a way to their Prince, crying with a loud voice in token of victory, Ollo, ollo. Wherewith we were much discomforted, fearing that that holy man would betray us: but he being cruelly handled and much examined, Fidelity of an Infidel. would not to death confess any thing which was to us prejudicial, neither touching us, nor yet what men they had slain and wounded of ours the day before. When the night was spent, in the morning we prepared our sel●es to battle again: which the thieves perceiving, required to fall to agreement, and asked much of us: And to be brief, the most part of our company being loath to go to battle again, and having little to lose, and safe conduct to pass, we were compelled to agree, and to give the thieves twenty ninths (that is to say) twenty times nine several things, and a Camel to carry away the same, which being received, the thieves departed into the Wilderness to their old habitation, and we went on our way forward. And that night came to the River Oxus, where we refreshed ourselves, having been three days without water and drink, The river of Oxus. and tarried there all the next day, making merry with our slain Horses and Camels, and then departed from that place, and for fear of meeting with the said thieves again, or such like, we left the high way which went along the said River, and passed through a wilderness of sand, and traveled four days in the same before we came to water: and then came to a Well, A wilderness of land. the water being very brackish, and we then as before were in need of water, and of other victuals, being forced to kill our Horses and Camels to eat. In this wilderness also, we had almost fallen into the hands of thieves: for one night being at rest, there came certain scouts, and carried away certain of our men which lay a little separated from the Caravan where with there was a great shout and cry, and we immediately laded our Camels, and departed being about midnight, and very dark, and drove sore till we came to the river Oxus again, and then we feared nothing being walled with the said river: and whether it was for that we had gotten the water, or for that the same thieves were far from us when the scouts discovered us, we know not, but we escaped that danger. So upon the three & twentieth day of December, Boghar a City of Bactria in 39▪ degrees, 10. minutes. we arrived at the City of Boghar in the land of Bactria. This Boghar is situated in the lowest part of all the Land, walled about with a high wall of earth, with diverse Gates into the same: it is divided into three partitions, whereof two parts are the Kings, and the third part is for Merchants & Markets, and every Science hath their dwelling and market by themselves. The City is very great, and the houses for the most part of Earth, but there are also many Houses, Temples, and Monuments of stone sumptuously builded, and gilt, and specially Bath-stoves so artificially built, that the like thereof is not in the world: the manner whereof is too long to rehearse. There is a little river running through the midst of the said City, but the water thereof is most unwholesome, A strange Worm in men's leg●▪ for it breedeth sometimes in men that drink thereof, and especially in them that be not there borne, a Worm of an ell long, which lieth commonly in the leg, betwixt the flesh and the skin, and is plucked out about the Ankle with great art and cunning, the Surgeons being much practised therein, and if she break in plucking out, the party dyeth, and every day she cometh out about an inch, which is rolled up, and so worketh till she be all out. And yet it is there forbidden to drink any other thing than water, and Mare's milk, and whosoever is found to break that Law, is whipped and beaten most cruelly through the open markets, and there are Officers appointed for the same, who have authority to go into any man's house, to search if he have either Aquavita, Wine, or Brag, and finding the same, do break the vessels, spoil the drink, and punish the masters of the house most cruelly; yea, and many times if they perceive but by the breath of a man that he hath drunk, without further examination he shall not escape their hands. There is a Metropolitan in this Boghar, who causeth this law to be so straightly kept: and he is more obeyed than the King, and will depose the King, and place another at his will and pleasure, as he did by this King that reigned at our being there, and his predecessor, by the means of the said Metropolitan: for he betrayed him, and in the night slew him in his chamber, who was a Prince that loved all Christians well. This Country of Boghar was sometime subject to the Persians, These are of the Iese●as Tartars. and do now speak the Persian tongue, but yet now it is a Kingdom of itself, and hath most cruel wars continually with the said Persians about their Religion, although they be all Mahometists. One occasion of their wars is, for that the Persians will not cut the hair of their upper lips, as the Bogharians and all other Tartars do, which they account great sin, and call them Caphars, that is, unbelievers, as they do the Christians. The King of Boghar hath no great power or riches, his revenues are but small, and he is most maintained by the City: for he taketh the tenth penny of all things that are there sold, as well by the Craftsmen as by the Merchants, to the great impoverishment of the people, whom he keepeth in great subjection, and when he lacketh money, he sendeth his officers to the Shops of the said Merchants, to take their wares to pay his debts, and will have credit of force, as the like he did to pay me certain money that he owed me for nineteen pieces of Kersey. Their money is silver and copper, for gold their is none currant: they have but one piece of silver, The Coin of Boghar▪ and that is worth twelvepences English, and the copper money are called Pools, and one hundred and twenty of them goeth to the value of the said twelvepences, and is more common payment than the silver, which the King causeth to rise and fall to his most advantage every other month, and sometimes twice a month, not caring to oppress his people, for that he looketh not to reign above two or three years, before he be either slain or driven away, to the great destruction of the Country and Merchants. The twenty sixth day of the month, I was commanded to go before the said King, to whom I presented the Emperor of Russia his letters, who entertained us most gently, and caused us to eat in his presence, and deuers times he sent for me, and devised with me familiarly in his secret chamber, as well of the power of the Emperor, and the great Turk, as also of our Countries, Laws, and Religion, and caused us to shoot in hand-guns before him, and did himself practise the use thereof. But after all this great entertainment, before my departure he showed himself a very Tartar: for he went to the wars owing me money, and saw me not paid before his departure. A very Tart●r. And although indeed he gave order for the same, yet wa● I very ill satisfied, and forced to rebate part, and to take wares as payment for the rest contrary to my expectation: but of a beggar better payment I could not have, & glad I was so to be paid and dispatched. But yet I must needs praise and commend this barbarous King, who immediately after my arrival at Boghar, having understood our trouble with the thieves, sent one hundred men well armed, and gave them great charge not to return before they had either slain or taken the said thieves. Who according to their commission ranged the wilderness in such sort, that they met with the said company of thieves, The King's justice. and slew part, and part fled, and four they took and brought unto the King, and two of them were sore wounded in our skirmish with our Guns: And after the King had sent for me to come to see them, he caused them all four to be hanged at his Palace g●te, because they were Gentlemen, to the example of others. And of such goods as were gotten again, I had part restored me; and this good justice I found at his hands. There is yearly great resort of Merchants to this City of Boghar, which travel in great Caravans from the Countries thereabout adjoining, as India, Persia, Balgh, Russia, with diverse others, and in times passed from Cathay, when there was passage: but these Merchants are so beggarly and poor, and bring so little quantity of wares, lying two or three years to sell the same, that there is no hope of any good trade there to be had worthy the following. The chief commodities that are brought thither out of these foresaid Countries, are these following. The Indians do bring fine Whites, which the Tartars do all roll about their heads, and all other kinds of Whites, which serve for apparel made of cotton-wool and Crasca, Merchandise of India. but Gold, Silver, precious Stones, and Spices they bring none. I enquired and perceived that all such trade passeth to the Ocean sea, and the veins where all such things are gotten are in the subjection of the Portugals. The Indians carry from Boghar again wrought Silks, red Hides, Slaves, and Horses, with such like, but of Kerseiss and other cloth, they make little account. I offered to bartar with Merchants of those Countries, which came from the furthest parts of India, even from the Country of Bengala, and the river Ganges, to give them Kerseiss for their commodities, but they would not barter for such commodity as Cloth. Merchandise of Persia. The Persians do bring thither Craska, Woollen-cloth, Linen-cloth, diverse kinds of wrought pied Silks, Argomacks, with such like, and do carry from thence red hides with other Ruff wares, and Slaves, which are of diverse Countries, but cloth they will buy none, for that they bring thither themselves, and is brought unto them as I have inquired from Aleppo in Syria, Merchandise of Russia. and the parts of Turkey. The Russes do carry unto Boghar, red hides, s●eepe skins, woollen cloth of diverse sorts, wooden vessels, bridles, saddles, with such like, and do carry away from thence diverse kinds of wares made of cotton-wool, diverse kinds of silks, Crasca, with other things, but there is but small utterance. From the Countries of Cathay are brought thither in time of peace, and when the way is open, Musk, Rhubarb, Satin, Damask, with diverse others things. At my being at Boghar, there came Caravans out of all these foresaid Countries, Merchandise of Cathay. except from Cathay: and the cause why there came none from thence, was the great wars that had dured three years before my coming thither, and yet dured betwixt two great Countries and Cities of Tartars, Wares. that are directly in the way betwixt the said Boghar and the said Cathay, and certain barbarous field people, as well Gentiles as Mahometists bordering to the said Cities. The Cities are called Taskent and Caskar, and the people that war against Taskent are called Cossacks of the law of Mahomet: and they which war with the said Country of Caskar are called Kings, Taskent and Caskar. Gentiles and Idolaters. These two barbarous Nations are of great force, living in the fields without House or Town, and have almost subdued the foresaid Cities, and so stopped up the way, that it is impossible for any Caravan to pass unspoiled: so that three years before our being there, no Caravan had gone, or used trade betwixt the Countries of Cathay and Boghar, and when the way is clear, it is nine months journey. To speak of the said Country of Cathay, and of such news as I have heard thereof, I have thought it best to reserve it to our meeting. I having made my solace at Boghar, in the winter time, and having learned by much inquisition, the trade thereof, as also of all the other Countries thereto adjoining, and the time of the year being come, for all Caravans to depart, and also the King being gone to the wars, and news come that he was fled, and I advertised by the Metropolitan himself, that I should depart, because the Town was like to be besieged: I thought it good and meet, to take my journey some way, and determined to have gone from thence into Persia, and to have seen the trade of that Country, although I had informed myself sufficiently thereof, as well at Astracan, as at Boghar: and perceived well the trades not to be much unlike the trades of Tartary: but when I should have taken my journey that way, it was let by diverse occasions: the one was, the great wars that did newly begin betwixt the Sophy, and the Kings of Tartary, whereby the ways were destroyed: and there was a Caravan destroyed with rovers and thieves, Caravan destroyed. which came out of India and Persia, by safe conduct: and about ten days journey from Boghar, they were robbed, and a great part slain. Also the Metropolitan of Boghar, who is greater than the King, took the Emperor's letters of Russia from me, without which I should have been taken Slave in every place: also all such wares as I had received in barter for Cloth, and as I took perforce of the King, and other his Nobles, in payment of money due unto me, were not vendible in Persia: for which causes, and diverse others, I was constrained to come back again to Mare Caspium, the same way I went: so that the eight of March, 1559. we departed out of the said City of Boghar, He returneth the eight of March, 1559. being a Caravan of six hundred Camels: and if we had not departed when we did, I and my company had been in danger to have lost life and goods. For ten days after our departure, the King of Samarcand came with an army, and besieged the said City of Boghar, the King being absent, Samarcand. and gone to the wars against another Prince his kinsman, as the like chanceth in those Countries once in two or three years. For it is marvel, if a King reign there above three or four years, to the great destruction of the Country, and Merchants. The five and twentieth of March, we came to the foresaid Town of Urgence, Urgence. and escaped the danger of four hundred rovers, which lay in wait for us back again, being the most of them of kindred to that company of thieves, which we met with going forth, as we perceived by four spies, which were taken. There were in my company, and committed to my charge, two Ambassadors, the one from the King of Boghar, the other from the King of Balk, The King of Balk, or Balgh. and were sent unto the Emperor of Russia. And after having tarried at Urgence, and the Castle of Sellysure, eight days for the assembling, and making ready our Caravan, the second of April we departed from thence, having four more Ambassadors in our company, sent from the King of Urgence, and other Sultan's, his brethren, unto the Emperor of Russia, with answer of such Letters as I brought them: and the same Ambassadors were also committed unto my charge by the said Kings and Princes: to whom I promised most faithfully, and swore by our Law, that they should be well used in Rusland, and suffered to depart from thence again in safety, according as the Emperor had written also in his letters: for they somewhat doubted, because there had none gone out of Tartary into Russia, of long time before. The three and twentieth of April, we arrived at the Mare Caspium again, The Caspian sea. where we found our Bark which we came in, but neither Anchor, Cable, Cock, nor Sail: nevertheless we brought Hemp with us, and spun a Cable ourselves, with the rest of our tackling, and made us a sail of cloth of cotton-wool, and rigged our Bark as well as we could, but boat or anchor we had none. In the mean time being devising to make an anchor of wood of a Cartwheel, there arrived a Bark, which came from Astracan, with Tartars and Russes, Wooden anchor. which had two Anchors, with whom I agreed for the one: and thus being in a readiness, we set sail and departed, I, and the two johnsons', being Master and Mariners ourselves, having in our Bark the said six Ambassadors, and twenty five Russes, which had been Slaves a long time in Tartary, nor ever had before my coming, liberty, or means to get home, and these Slaves served to row when need was. Thus sailing sometimes along the coast, and sometimes out of sight of land. The thirteenth day of May, having a contrary wind, we came to an anchor, being three leagues from the shore, and there arose a sore storm, which continued forty four hours, and our cable being of our own spinning, brake, and lost our anchor, and being off a lee shore, Dangerous tempest, and use of the Compass. and having no boat to help us, we hoist our sail, and bare roomer with the said shore, looking for present death: but as God provided for us, we ran into a creek full of Oze, and so saved ourselves with our Bark, and lived in great discomfort for a time. For although we should have escaped with our lives the danger of the sea, yet if our bark had perished, we knew we should have been either destroyed, or taken slaves by the people of that Country, who live wildly in the field, like beasts, without house or habitation. Thus when the storm was seized, we went out of the creek again: and having set the land with our Compass, and taken certain marks of the same, during the time of the tempest, whilst we rid at our anchor, we went directly to the place where we rid, with our Bark again, and found our anchor which we lost: whereat the Tartars much marvelled, how we did it. While we were in the creek, we made an anchor of wood of Cart wheels, which we had in our Bark, which we threw away, when we had found our Iron anchor again. Within two days after, there arose another great storm, at the North-east, and we lay a try, being driven far into the sea, and had much ado to keep our Bark from sinking, the billow was so great: but at the last, having fair weather, we took the Sun, and knowing how the Land lay from us, we fell with the River Yaik, according to our desire, whereof the Tartars were very glad, fearing that we should have been driven to the coast of Persia, Yaik. whose people were unto them great enemies. Note, that during the time of our Navigation, The English flag in the Caspian sea, the Country 〈…〉 46 deg. we set up the red Cross of Saint George in our flags, for honour of the Christians, which I supposed was never seen in the Caspian sea before. We passed in this voyage diverse fortunes: notwithstanding, the eight and twentieth of May we arrived in safety at Astracan, and there remained till the tenth of june following, as well to prepare us small Boats, to go up against the stream of Volga, with our goods, as also for the company of the Ambassadors of Tartary, committed unto me, to be brought to the presence of the Emperor of Russia. This Caspian sea (to say something of it) is in length about two hundred leagues, and in breadth one hundred and fifty, without any issue to other Seas: to the East part whereof, joineth the great desert Country of the Tartars, called Turkemen: to the West, the Countries of the Chyrcasses, A notable description of the Caspian sea. the Mountains of Caucasus, and the Mare Euxinum, which is from the said Caspian Sea, a hundred leagues. To the North is the river Volga, and the land of Nagay, and to the South part join the Countries of Media and Persia. This Sea is fresh water in many places, and in other places as salt as our great Ocean: It hath many goodly Rivers falling into it, and it avoideth not itself except it be under ground. The notable Rivers that fall into it, are first the great River of Volga, called in the Tartar tongue Edell, which springeth out of a lake in a marish or plain ground, not far from the City of Novogrode in Russia, and it is from the spring to the Sea, above two thousand English miles. It hath diverse other goodly Rivers falling into it, as out of Siberia, Yaic, and Yem: Also out of the mountains of Caucasus, the Rivers of Cyrus and Arash, and diverse others. As touching the trade of Shamakie in Media and Tebris, with other Towns in Persia, I have enquired, and do well understand, that it is even like to the trades of Tartary, that is little utterance, and small profit: and I have been advertised that the chief trade of Persia is into Syria, and so transported into the Levant sea. The few ships upon the Caspian Seas, the want of Mart and port Towns, the poverty of the people, and the Ice, maketh that trade naught. At Astracan there were Merchants of Shamakie, with whom I offered to barter, and to give them Kerseys for their wares, Astracan in 47. deg. 9 minutes. but they would not, saying, they had them as good cheap in their Country, as I offered them, which was six rubbles for a Kersie, that I asked: and while I was at Boghar, there were brought thither out of Persia, Cloth, and diverse commodities of our Countries, which was sold as good cheap, as I might sell ours. The tenth day of june, we departed from Astracan towards the Moscow, having an hundred gunner's in our company at the Emperor's charges, for the safe conduct of the Tartar Ambassadors and me. And the eight and twentieth day of july following, we arrived at the City of Cazan, having been upon the way from Astracan thither, six weeks and more, without any refreshing of victuals: for in all that way there is no habitation. The seventh of August following, we departed from Cazan, and transported our goods by water, Cazan is in 55. deg. 33. min. His arrival at Moscow the second of September. as far as the City of Morum, and then by land: so that the second of September, we arrived at the City of the Moscow, and the fourth day I came before the Emperor's Majesty, kissed his hand, and presented him a white Cow's tail of Cathay, and a Drum of Tartary, which he well accepted. Also I brought before him all the Ambassadors that were committed to my charge, with all the Ruff slaves: and that day I dined in his Majesty's presence, and at dinner, his Grace sent me meat by a Duke, and asked me diverse questions touching the Lands and Countries where I had been. And thus I remained at the Moscow about your affairs, until the seventeenth day of February that your wares were sent down: and then having licence of the Emperor's Majesty to depart, the one and twentieth day I came to your house to Vologhda, and there remained until the breaking up of the year: and then having seen all your goods laden into your Boats, I departed with the same, and arrived withal in safety at Colmogro, the ninth of May 1560. And here I cease for this time, entreating you to bear with this my large discourse, which by reason of the variety of matter, I could make no shorter, and I beseech God to prosper all your attempts. I have certain notes which seem to have been written at Boghar by some of Master jenkinsons company: which contain intelligences there received touching Cathay and the ways thither. But I hope thereof in that which follows to give better intelligence. It is there said that the people of Comoron are very beautiful, and that they use Knives and Forks of gold and silver to eat their meat, not touching it with their hands: that the Musk-beast is as big as a Hound. In Teray they worship the Fire, See more certainty in Goes. which is thirty four days journey from Cathay. At Cascar is resident the Can. From Cascar to Cocheke is four weeks; it is the first Land of the Emperor of Cathay: and then to Camche five days by land, and to Cataio eight weeks. In this last journey is plenty of all things: both Horse to be had, and Women at too easy ra●e, etc. which as news to them I have here touched, rather than related. Memorial of Sir H. Willoughby. I have also by me, the last Will of Gabriel Willoughby, kinsman to that honourable Martyr of English Northern Discoveries Sir Hugh Willoughby, mentioned in the beginning of this Chapter, and subscribed with his Name, the worth whereof hath caused here also this subscription. It was found in the Ship where they were frozen. §. V. Advertisements and reports of the sixth * The other voyages are in Master Hakluy●, this I have for Tartary and the Caspian sea brought hither. Voyage into the parts of Persia and Media, gathered out of sundry Letters written by CHRISTOPHER BURROUGH; and more especially a voyage over the Caspian Sea, and their shipwreck and miseries there endured by the Ice. FIrst it is to be understood, that the ships for the voyage to Saint Nicholas in Russia, in which the Factors and merchandise for the Persian voyage were transported, Saint Nicholas. departed from Gravesend the nineteenth of june, 1579. which arrived at Saint Nicholas in Russia, the two and twentieth of july, where the Factors and Merchants landed, and the merchandise discharged and laden into Doshnikes, that is, barks of the Country, to be carried from thence up by River unto Vologda. And the five and twentieth day of the said july, the Doshnikes departed from Rose Island by Saint Nicholas up the river Dwina Peremene, that is to say in post, by continual sailing, rowing, setting with poles, or drawing of men, which came to Colmogro the seven and twentieth day, Colmog●●▪ and departed thence the nine and twentieth of july up the said river Dwina, and came to Vstyoug (which is at the head of the river Dwina, and mouth of Sughano) the ninth of August, where they stayed but a small time, Vstyo●g. providing some victuals, and shifting certain of their Cossacks or Barkmen, and so departed thence the same day up the Sughano, and came to Totma (which is counted somewhat more than half the way from Vstyoug) the fifteenth day, where they shifted some of their Cossacks, and departed thence the same day, and came to the City Vologda the nineteenth of August, where they landed their goods, and stayed at that place till the thirtieth of the same. Having provided at Vologda, Telegas or Wagons, whereupon they laded their goods, they departed thence with the same by land towards Yeraslave, the said thirtieth of August at eight of the clock in the morning, and came to the East side of the river Volga, over against Yeraslave, with five and twenty Telegas laden with the said goods, the seventh of September at five of the clock afternoon. Yeraslave. Then the three stroogs or barks, provided to transport the said goods to Astracan, (where they should meet the ship that should carry the same from thence into Persia) came over from Yeraslave unto the same side of the river Volga, & there took in the said goods. And having prepared the said Barks ready with all necessary furniture, they departed with them from Yeraslave down the river of Volga, on the fourteenth day of September at nine of the clock in the morning, Niznovogrod. and they arrived at Niznovogrod the seventeenth day at three of the clock afternoon, where they showed the Emperor's letters to pass free without paying any custom, and tarried there about three hours to provide necessaries, and then departing, arrived at Cazan (or near the same Town) on the two and twentieth of September at five of the clock afternoon, where (through contrary winds, Cazan. and for providing new Cossacks in the places of some that there went from them) they remained till the six and twentieth day, at what time they departed thence about two of the clock after noon, and arrived at Tetushagorod, which is on the Crim side of Volga, and in latitude 55. degrees 22. minutes, the eight and twentieth day at ten in the forenoon, where they anchored, and remained about three hours, and departing thence came to Oueak, which is on the Crims' side (on the Western side of Volga) the fifth of October about five of the clock in the morning. This place is accounted half the way between Cazan and Astracan: and here there groweth great store of Liqouris: the soil is very fruitful: they found there Appletrees, Great store of Liquoris. and Cherrie-trees. The latitude of Oueak is 51. degrees 30. minutes. At this place had been a very fair stone Castle called by the name Oueak, and adjoining to the same was a Town called by the Russes, Sodom: this Town and part of the Castle (by report of the Russes) was swallowed into the earth by the justice of God, for the wickedness of the people that inhabited the same. Sodom. Strange judgement. There remaineth at this day to be seen a part of the ruins of the Castle, and certain Tombs, wherein as it seemeth have been laid noble personages: for upon a tomb stone might be perceived the form of a Horse and a man sitting on it with a Bow in his hand, and Arrows girt to his side: there was a piece of a Scutcheon also upon one of the stones, which had characters graven on it, whereof some part had been consumed with the weather, and the rest left unperfect: but by the form of them that remained, we judged them to be characters of Armenia: and other characters were graven also upon another tomb stone. Now they departed from Oueak the said fifth of October at five of the clock after noon, Peravolok. and came to Peravolok the tenth day about eleven or twelve of the clock that night, making no abode at that place, but passed alongst by it. This word Peravolok in the Ruff tongue doth signify a narrow strait or neck of land between two waters, and it is so called by them, because from the river Volga, at that place, to the river Don or Tanais, is counted thirty versts, or as much as a man may well travel on foot in one day. And seven versts beneath, upon an Island called Tsaritsna, Tsaritsna. the Emperor of Russia hath fifty Gunners all Summertime to keep watch, called by the Tartar name Carawool. Between this place and Astracan are five other Carawools or watches. The First is named Kameni Carawool, and is distant from Peravolok one hundred and twenty verstes. The second named Stupino Carowool, distant from the first fifty verstes. The third called Polooy Carowool, is one hundred and twenty verstes distant from the second. The fourth named Keezeyur Carawool, is fifty verstes distant from the third. The fifth named Ichkebre, is thirty verstes distant from the fourth, and from Ichkebre to Astracan is thirty verstes. Ice at Astracan for four month. The sixteenth of October they arrived at Astracan. The ninteenth of November the wind being northerly, there was a great frost, and much Ice in the River: the next day being the twentieth of November, the Ice stood in the River, and so continued until Easter day. The sixth of januarie being Twelve day (which they call Chreshenia) the Russes of Astracan brake a hole in the Ice upon the River Volga, and hallowed the water with great solemnity, according to the manner of their Country, at which time all the Soldiers of the Town shot off their small Pieces upon the Ice, and likewise to gratify the Captain of the Castle, being a Duke, whose name is Pheodor Michalovich Troiocouria, who stood hard by the ship, beholding them as they were on the River, was shot off all the Ordnance of our ship being fifteen Pieces, viz. two Falcons, two Faulconets, four Fowlers, four Fowlers Chambers, and three oother small Pieces made for the Stroogs to shoot Hailstones, and afterwards the great Ordnance of the Castle was shot off. An Eclipse. On the one and thirtieth of januarie there happened a great Eclipse of the Moon, which began about twelve of the clock at night, and continued before she was clear an hour and an half by estimation, which ended the first of February about half an hour past one in the morning: she was wholly darkened by the space of half an hour. The seventeenth of April, the variation of the Compass observed in Astracan, was 13. degrees 40. minutes from North to West. The variation of the Compass in Astracan, was 13. degrees 40. min. This Spring there came news to Astracan, that the Queen of Persia (the King being blind) had been with a great Army against the Turks that were left to possess Media, and had given them a great overthrow: yet notwithstanding Derbent, and the greatest part of Media were still possessed and kept by the Turks. The Factors of the Company consulting upon their affairs, determined to leave at Astracan the one half of their goods with Arthur Edward's, and with the other half, the other three Factors would proceed in the ship on their purposed Voyage to the coast of Media, to see what might be done there: where, if they could not find safe traffic, they determined to proceed to the coast of Gilan, Gilan. which is a Province near the Caspian Sea bordering upon Persia: and thereupon appointed the said goods to be laden aboard the ship, and took into her also some merchandise of Tisiks or Persian Merchants. The second of May they weighed, and plied down the River Volga, toward the Caspian Sea. The seventh of May in the morning, they passed by a Tree that standeth on the left hand of the River as they went down, which is called Mahomet Agatch, or Mahomet's Tree, and about three verstes further, that is to say, to the Southwards of the said Tree, is a place called Vchoog, Vchoog. that is to say, The Ruff Weare: (but Ochoog is the name of a Wear in the Tartar tongue) where are certain Cottages, and the Emperor hath lying at that place certain Gunners to guard his Fishermen that keep the Wear. This Vchoog is counted from Astracan sixty verstes: they proceeded down the said River without staying at the Vchoog. The ninth and tenth days they met with shallow water, Shallow water. and were forced to lighten their ship by the Pavos: The eleventh day they sent back to the Vchoog for an other Pavos: This day by mischance the ship was bilged on the grapnel of the Pavos, whereby the company had sustained great losses, if the chiefest part of their goods had not been laid into the Pavos: for notwithstanding their pumping with three Pumps, heaving cut water with Buckets, and all the best shifts they could make, the ship was half full of water ere the leak could be found and stopped. The twelfth day the Pavos came to them from the Vchoog, whereby they lighted the ship of all the goods. The thirteenth day in the morning there came to them a small Boat, sent by the Captain of Astracan, Flats. to learn whether the ship were at Sea clear off the flats. The fifteenth day by great industry and travel they got their ship clear off the shoals and flats, wherewith they had been troubled from the ninth day until then: they were forced to pass their ship in three foot water or less. Chetera Bougori. The sixteenth day they came to the Chetera Bougori, or Island of four Hillocks, which are counted forty verstes from Vchoog, The Caspian Sea. and are the furthest Land towards the Sea. The seventeenth day they bore off into the Sea, and being about twelve verstes from the Four hillocks, riding in five foot and a half water about eleven of the clock in the forenoon, they took their goods out of the Pavoses into the ship, and filled their ship with all things necessary. The eighteenth day in the morning about seven of the clock, the Pavoses being discharged departed away towards Astracan, the wind then at Southeast, they road still with the ship, and observing the elevation of the Pole at that place, 45. deg. 20. minutes. The first observation in the Caspian Sea. found it to be 45. degrees 20. minutes. The nineteenth day, the wind Southeast, they road still. The twentieth day, the wind at Northwest, they set sail about one of the clock in the morning, and steered thence South by West, and South South-west, about three leagues, and then anchored in six foot and a half water, about nine of the clock before noon, at which time it fell calm: the elevation of the Pole at that place 45. degrees 13. minutes. The one and twentieth, having the wind at Northwest, they set sail, and steered thence South by West, and South until eleven of the clock, and had then nine foot water: and at noon they observed the latitude, and found it to be 44. degrees 47. minutes: then had they three fathoms and a half water, being clear off the flats. It is counted from the Four hillocks to the Sea about fifty verstes. From the said noontide until four of the clock, they sailed South by East five leagues and a half: then had they five fathoms and a half, and brackish water: Brackish water far within the Sea. from that till twelve at night they sailed South by East half a league, East ten leagues: then had they eleven fathoms, and the water salter. From that till the two and twentieth day three of the clock in the morning, they sailed three and fifty leagues, than had they sixteen fathoms water: from thence they sailed until noon South and by West seven leagues and a half, 43. degrees 15. minutes▪ the latitude than observed 43. degrees 15. minutes, the depth than eight and twenty fathoms, and shallow ground: from that until eight of the clock at night, they sailed South by East five leagues and a half, then had they three and forty fathoms shallow ground. From thence till the three and twentieth at four of the clock in the morning, they sailed South South-west three leagues and a half: then could they get no ground in two and fifty fathoms deep. From thence until noon they sailed South nine leagues, than the latitude observed, was 42. degrees 20. minutes. From that till the four and twentieth day at noon, they sailed South by West seventeen leagues and a half, than the latitude observed, was one and forty degrees two and thirty minutes. 41. degrees 32. minutes. From noon till seven of the clock at night, they sailed South South-west four leagues, than had they perfect sight of high Land or Hills, which were almost covered with Snow, and the midst of them were West from the ship, being then about twelve leagues from the nearest Land: they sounded but could find no ground in two hundred fathoms. From thence they sailed South-west until midnight: about three leagues from thence till the five and twentieth day, four of the clock in the morning, they sailed West three leagues, being then little wind, and near the Land, they took in their sails, and lay hulling: at noon the latitude observed, was 40. degrees 54. minutes: 40. degrees 54. minutes. they sounded but could get no ground in two hundred fathoms. At four of the clock in the afternoon, the wind Northwest, they set their sails: and from thence till the six and twentieth day at noon, they sailed East Southeast four leagues. From thence they sailed till eight of the clock at night South-west three leagues, the wind then at North. From thence they sailed until the seven and twentieth day two of the clock in the morning, West South-west eight leagues, the wind blowing at North very much. From the said two till four of the clock, they sailed South by West one league: then being day light, they saw the Land plain, which was not passed three leagues from them, being very high ragged Land. There were certain Rocks that lay far off into the Sea, about five leagues from the same Land, (which are called Barmake Tash) they sailed between those Rocks and the Land, and about five of the clock they passed by the Port Bilbill, where they should have put in but could not: and bearing longest the shore about two of the clock after noon, Bilbill. they came to Bildih in the Country of Media or Sheruan, against which place they anchored in nine foot water. Presently after they were at anchor, there came aboard of them a Boat, wherein were seven or eight persons, two Turks, the rest Persians, the Turks vassals, which bade them welcome, and seemed to be glad of their arrival, who told the Factors that the Turk had conquered all Media, or the Country Sheruan, and how that the Turks Bassa remained in Derbent with a Garrison of Turks, and that Shamaky was wholly spoilt, and had few or no Inhabitants left in it. The Factors then being desirous to come to the speech of the Bassa, sent one of the Tisikes' (or Merchants that went over with them from Astracan, passengers) and one of the Companies servants Robert Golding, with those Soldiers, to the Captain of Bachu, which place standeth hard by the Sea, Bachu Po●●. to certify him of their arrival, and what commodities they had brought, and to desire friendship to have quiet and safe traffic for the same. Bachu is from Bildih, the place where they road, about a day's journey, on foot easily to be traveled, which may be six leagues the next way over Land: it is a walled Town, and strongly fortified. When the said Messenger came to the Captain of Bachu, the said Captain gave him very friendly entertainment. In the morning very early, he sent Horse for the rest of the company which should go to Derbent, sending by them that went, ten Sheep for the ship. Whilst they were at breakfast, Master Turnbull, Master Tailb●yes, and Thomas Hudson the Master of the ship, came thither, and when they had all broken their fasts, they went to Bachu. And from Bachu they proceeded towards Derbent, as it was by the Captain promised, being accompanied on their way for their safe conduct, with a Gentleman, and certain Soldiers, which had the Captain of Bachu his Letters to the Bassa of Derbent, very friendly written in their behalf. In their journey to Derbent they forsook the ordinary ways, being very dangerous, and traveled thorough Woods till they came almost to the Town of Derbent: and then the Gentleman road before with the Captain's Letters to the Bassa, to certify him of the English Merchants coming, who receiving the Letters, and understanding the matter, was very glad of the news, and sent forth to receive them certain Soldiers Gunners, who met them about two miles out of the Town, saluting them with great reverence, The receiving of the English into Derbent. and afterwards road before them: then again met them other Soldiers, somewhat nearer the Castle, which likewise having done their salutations rode before them, and then came forth Noblemen, Captains, and Gentlemen, to receive them into the Castle and Town. As they entered the Castle, there was a shot of twenty Pieces of great Ordnance, and the Bassa sent Master Turnbull a very fair Horse with furniture to mount on, esteemed to be worth an hundred Marks, and so they were conveyed to his presence: who after he had talked with them, sent for a Coat of cloth of Gold, and caused it to be put on Master Turnbuls back, and then willed them all to depart, and take their ease, for that they were weary of their journey, and on the morrow he would talk further with them. The next day when the Factors came again to the presence of the Bassa, according to his appointment, they requested him that he would grant them his privilege, whereby they might traffic safely in any part and place of his Country, offering him, that if it pleased his Majesty to have any of the commodities that they had brought, and to write his mind thereof to the Captain of Bachu, it should be delivered him accordingly. The Bashaes' answer was, that he would willingly give them his privilege: yet for that he regarded their safety, having come so far, and knowing the state of his Country to be troublesome, he would have them to bring their commodity thither, and there to make sale of it, promising he would provide such commodities as they needed, and that he would be a defence unto them, so that they should not be injured by any: whereupon the Factors sent Thomas Hudson back for the ship to bring her to Derbent. The latitude of Bildih by diverse observations is 40. deg. 25. m. the variation of the Compass 10. deg. 40. min. from North to West. The latitude of Bildih 40. deg. 25. min. The variation of the Compass 10. deg. 40. min. They arrived at anchor against Derbent East and by South from the said Castle in four fathom & a half water, the two and twentieth of june at ten of the clock in the morning: then they took up their Ordnance, which before they had stowed in hold for easing the ship in her rolling. In the afternoon the Bassa came down to the water side against the ship, and having the said Ordnance placed, and charged, it was all shot off to gratify him: and presently after his departure back, he permitted the Factors to come aboard the ship. The nine and twentieth day their goods were unladen, and carried to the Bashaes' Garden, where he made choice of such things as he liked, taking for custom of every five and twenty Kerseys, or whatsoever, one, or after the rate of four for the hundred. The Factors after his choice made, determined to send a part of the rest of the goods to Bachu, for the speedier making sale thereof. They departed from Derbent with the said Bark the nineteenth of july, and arrived at Bildih the five and twentieth day. Robert Golding desirous to understand what might be done at Shamaky, which is a day's journey from Bachu, went thither, from whence returning, he was set on by thieves, and was shot into the knee with an Arrow, who had very hardly escaped with his life and goods, but that by good hap he killed one of the thieves Horses with a Caliver, and shot a Turk thorough both cheeks with a Dag. On the sixth day of August, the Factors being advertised at Derbent that their ship was so rotten and weak, that it was doubtful she would not carry them back to Astracan, did thereupon agree and bargain at that place with an Armenian, whose name was jacob, for a Bark called a Buss, being of burden about five and thirty tons, which came that year from Astracan, and was at that instant riding at an Island called Zere, Zere Island. about three or four leagues beyond, or to the Eastward of Bildih, which Bark for their more safety, they meant to have with them in their return to Astracan, and thereupon wrote unto Wincoll and the rest at Bachu, that they should receive the same Buss, and lad in her their goods at Bildih, to be returned to Derbent, and to discharge their first Boat, which was observed by them accordingly. When all their goods were laden aboard the said Buss at Bildih, and being ready to have departed thence for Derbent, there arose a great storm with the wind out of the Sea, The English suffer shipwreck. by force whereof the Cables and Hawsers were broken, and their Vessel put ashore, and broken to pieces against the Rocks: every of them that were in her saved their lives, and part of the goods. But there was a Carobia or Chest, wherein were Dollars, and Gold, which they had received for the commodities of the Company, which they sold at Bachu, which at the taking out of the Buss, fell by the Barks side into the water amongst the Rocks, and so was lost. The packs of Cloth which they could not well take out of the Buss were also lost: other things that were more profitable they saved. The third day of October all things were brought from the shore aboard the ship: and that day the Factors went to the Bassa to take their leave of him, unto whom they recommended those the Companies servants, etc. which they had sent to Bachu, making account to leave them behind in the Country: who caused their names to be written, and promised they should want nothing, nor be injured of any. After this leave taken, the Factors went aboard, purposing presently to have set sail and departed towards Astracan, the wind serving well for that purpose at South Southeast: And as they were ready to set sail, there came against the ship a man, who weved: whereupon the Boat was sent ashore to him, who was an Armenian sent from William Wincoll, with his writing tables, wherein the said Wincoll had written briefly, the mishap of the loss of the Buss, and that they were coming from Bildih towards Derbent, they, and such things as they saved with a small Boat, forced to put ashore in a place by the Sea side called the Armenian Village: Whereupon the Factors caused the ship to stay, hoping that with the Southerly wind that then blue, The Armenian Village. they would come from the place they were at to the ship, but if they could not come with that wind, they meant to sail with the ship, with the next wind that would serve them, against the place where they were, and take them in, if they could: which stay and loss of those Southerly winds, was a cause of great troubles, that they afterwards sustained through Ice, etc. entering the Volga as shall be declared. The latitude of Derbent (by diverse Observations exactly there made, The latitude of Derbent 41. degrees 52. minutes. The variation of the Compass. is forty one degrees fifty two minutes. The variation of the Compass at that place about eleven degre●s from North to West. From Derbent to Bildih by Land forty six leagues. From Derbent to Shamaky by Land, forty five leagues. From Shamaky to Bachu, about ten leagues, which may be thirty miles. From Bachu to Bildih five or six leagues by Land, but by water about twelve leagues. From the Castle Derbent East-wards, there reach two stone walls to the border of the Caspian Sea, which is distant one English mile. Those walls are nine foot thick, and eight and twenty or thirty foot high, and the space between them is one hundred and sixty Geometrical paces, that is, eight hundred foot. There are yet to be perceived of the ruin of those walls, which do now extend into the Sea about half a mile: also from the Castle Westward into the Land, they did perceive the ruins of a stone wall to extend, which wall, as it is reported, did pass from thence to Pontus Euxinus, & was built by Alexand. the great, when the castle Derbent was made. The fifth of October about noon, the wind North North-east they weighed Anchor, and set sail from Derbent, being alongst the Coast to the Southwards to seek their men: but as they had sailed about four leagues the wind scanted Easterly, so that they were forced to Anchor in three fathom water. The seventh day about seven of the clock in the morning, they set sail, the wind South-west. They considered the time of the year was far spent, the ship weak, leak, and rotten, and therefore determining not to tarry any longer for Wincoll and his fellows, but to leave them behind, bent themselves directly towards Astracan: and sailing North North-east until midnight about sixteen leagues, the wind than came to the North Northwest, and blue much, a very storm, which caused them to take in all their Sails, saving the fore Corse, with which they were forced to steer before the Sea, South by West, and South South-west. And on the eight day about two of the clock in the morning, their great Boat sunk at the ships stern, which they were forced to cut from the ship to their great grief and discomfort: for in her they hoped to save their lives if the ship should have miscarried. About ten of the clock before noon, they had sight of the Land about five leagues to the South of Derbent, and bare alongst the Coast to the South-east-wards unto Nezavoo, where they came at Anchor in three fathoms, and black Ozie, good Anchor hold, whereof they were glad, Nezavoo. as also that the wind was shifted to the Northwest, and but a mean gale. Wincoll and the rest of his fellows being in the Armenian Village, which is about eighteen Versts to the Westwards of Nezavoo, the place where against they road at Anchor, saw the ship as she passed by that place, and sent a man in the night following alongst the Coast after her, who came against the ship where she road, and with a firebrand in the top of a Tree made signs, which was perceived by them in the ship, whereupon they boysed out their Skiffe, and sent her ashore to learn what was meant by the fire: which returned a Letter from Wincoll, wherein he wrote that they were with such goods as they had at the Armenian Village, and prayed that there they might with the same goods be taken into the ships. The tenth day they sent their Skiffe to the Armenian Village to fetch those men and the goods they had, with order that if the wind served, The particulars of their return are omitted. A strange accident of provision for their relief▪ that they could not return to fetch the ship, they of the ship promised to come for them, against the said Village. But in their want God sent them two Covies of Partridges, that came from the shore, and lighted in and about their ships, whereby they were comforted, and one that lay sick, of whose life was small hope, recovered his health. Pavoses were sent from Astracan, in which they laded the ships goods, leaving her at Anchor with Russes to keep her. The thirteenth of November they departed also in those Lighters, with the goods towards the Chetera Bougori, leaving the ship at Anchor, and in her two Russes, which with three more that went in the Pavoses to provide victuals for themselves and the rest, and therewith promised to return back to the ship with all speed, had offered to undertake for twenty Rubbles in Money, to carry the ship into some Harbour, where she might safely winter, or else to keep her where she road all Winter, which was promised to be given them if they did it: and the same day when with those Lighters they had gotten sight of the four Lands, being about eight Verstes South-west from them, the wind then at North-east, did frieze the Sea so as they could not row, guide, stir, or remove the said Lighters, but as the wind and Ice did force them. And so they continued driving with the Ice, Southeast into the Sea by the space of forty hours, and then being the sixteenth day, the Ice stood. Whiles they drove with the Ice, the dangers which they incurred were great: for oftentimes, when the Ice with force of wind and Sea did break, pieces of it were tossed and driven one upon another with great force, terrible to behold, and the same happened at sometimes so near unto the Lighters, that they expected it would have overwhelmed them to their utter destruction: but God who had preserved them from many perils before, did also save and deliver them then. Within three or four days after the first standing of the Ice, when it was firm and strong, they took out all their goods, being forty and eight Bales or Packs of Raw Silk, etc. laid it on the Ice, and covered the same with such provisions as they had. Then for want of victuals, etc. they agreed to leave all the goods there upon the Ice, and to go to the shore: and thereupon broke up their Chests and Corobias, Travel upon the Ice. wherewith, and with such other things as they could get, they made Sleds for every of them to draw upon the Ice, whereon they laid their clothes to keep them warm, and such victuals as they had, and such other things as they might conveniently carry, and so they departed from the said goods and Pavoses very early, about one of the clock in the morning, and travelling on the Ice, directed their way North, as near as they could judge, and the same day about two of the clock in the afternoon, they had sight of the Chetera Babbas (four Hillocks of Lands so called) unto the same they directed themselves, Chetera Babbas. and there remained that night. The goods and Pavoses which they left on the Ice, they judged to be from those Chetera Babbas, about twenty Versts. And the next morning departed thence East-wards, and came to the Chetera Bougories (or four Lands before spoken of) before noon (the distance between those places is about fifteen Versts) where they remained all that night, departing thence towards Astracan: the next morning very early they lost their way through the persuasion of the Russes which were with them, taking to much towards the left hand (contrary to the opinion of Master Hudson) whereby wandering upon the Ice four or five days, not knowing whether they were entered into the Crimme Tartar's Land or not, at length it fortuned they met with a way that had been traveled, which crossed backwards towards the Sea: that way they took, and following the same, within two days travel it brought them to a place, called the Crasnoyare (that is to say, in the English Tongue) Red Cliff, which diverse of the company knew. There they remained that night, having nothing to eat but one Loaf of Bread, which they happened to find with the two Russes that were left in the ship, to keep her all the Winter (as is aforesaid) whom they chanced to meet going towards Astracan, about five miles before they came to the said Crasnoyare, who certified them that the ship was cut in pieces with the Ice, and that they had hard scaping with their lives. The English ship cut in pieces with Ice. In the morning they departed early from Grasnoyare towards the Ouchooge, and about nine of the clock before noon, being within ten Versts of the Vchooge, they met Amos rial, with the Carpenter, which he found at Ouchooge, and a Gunner newly come out of England, and also sixty five Horses with so many Cassocks to guide them, and fifty Gunners for guard, which brought provision of victuals, etc. and were sent by the Duke to fetch the goods to Astracan. The meeting of that company was much joy unto them. The Factors sent back with Amos rial, and the said company to fetch the goods, Thomas Hudson the Master, Tobias Paris his Mate, and so they the said Factors and their company marched on to the Vchooge, where they refreshed themselves that day, and the night following. And from thence proceeded on towards Astracan, December. where they arrived the last day of November. These that went for the goods after their departure from the Factors, traveled the same day until they came within ten Versts of the Chetera Babbas, where they rested that night. The next morning by the break of the day they departed thence, and before noon were at the Chetera Babbas, where they stayed all night; but presently departed thence Thomas Hudson with the Carpenter and Gunner to seek where the goods lay: who found the same, and the next day they returned back to their company at the Chetera Babbas, and declared unto them in what sort they had found the said goods. The third day early in the morning, they departed all from the four Babbas towards the said goods, and the same day did lad all the goods they could find upon the said sleds, and withal convenient speed returned back towards Astracan. Assaulted by Tartars. And when they came to the Chetera Bougori, where they rested the night, in the morning very early before the break of day, they were assaulted by a great company of the Nagays Tartar's Horsemen, which came shouting and hallowing with a great noise, but our people were so environed with the sleds, that they durst not enter upon them, but ran by, and shot their Arrows amongst them, and hurt but one man in the head, who was a Ruff, and so departed presently. Yet when it was day, they showed themselves a good distance off from our men, being a very great troop of them, but did not assault them any more. Their return to Astracan. The same day our men with those carriages, departed from thence towards Astracan, where they arrived in safety the fourth of December, about three of the clock in the afternoon, where our people greatly rejoiced of their great good hap to have escaped so many hard events, troubles and miseries, as they did in that Voyage, and had great cause therefore to praise the Almighty, who had so mercifully preserved and delivered them. They remained the Winter at Astracan, where they found great favour and friendship of the Duke, Captain, and other chief Officers of that place: but that Winter there happened no great matter, worth the noting. In the Spring of the year 1581. about the midst of March, the Ice was broken up, and clear gone before Astracan. The breaking up of the Ice. A Letter of Master HENRY LANE to the worshipful Master WILLIAM SANDERSON, containing a brief discourse of that which passed in the North-east discovery, for the space of three and thirty years. MAster Sanderson, as you lately requested me, so have I sought, and though I cannot find some things that heretofore I kept in writing, and lent out to others, yet perusing at London copies of mine old Letters to content one that meaneth to pleasure many, I have briefly and as truly as I may, drawn out as followeth: The rough hewing may be planed at your leisure, or as pleaseth him that shall take the pains. First, the honourable attempt to discover by Sea North-east and Northwest named for Cathay, being chiefly procured by, privilege from King Edward the sixth, and other his Nobility, by and at the cost and suit of Master Sebastian Cabota, than Governor for Discoveries, with Sir Andrew judde, Sir George Barnes, Sir William Garrard, Master Anthony Hussie, and a company of Merchants, was in the last year of his Majesty's reign, 1553. Anno 1553. Master William Burrough was th●n young, and with his brother in this first voyage. Newnox is from the road of S. Nicholas Westward 35. miles. The general charge whereof was committed to one Sir Hugh Willoughby Knight, a goodly Gentleman, accompanied with sufficient number of Pilots, Masters, Merchants, and Mariners, having three Ships well furnished, to wit, The Bona Sperança, the Edward Bonaventure, and the Confidentia. The Edward Bonaventure, Richard Chancellor being Pilot, and Steven Burrough Master, having discovered Ward-house upon the Coast of Finmark, by storm or fog departed from the rest, found the Bay of Saint Nicholas, now the chief Port of Russia, there wintered in safety, and had aid of the people at a Village called Newnox. The other two ships attempting further Northwards (as appeared by Pamphlets found after written by Sir Hugh Willoughby) were in September encountered with such extreme cold, that they put back to seek a wintring place: and missing the said Bay fell upon a desert Coast in Lappia, entering into a River immediately frozen up, since discovered, named Arzina Reca, distant East from a Russian Monastery of Monks called Pechingho, from whence they never returned, but all to the member of seventy persons perished, which was for want of experience to have mad● Caves and Stoves. These were found with the Ships the next Summer, Anno 1554. by Russe-fishermen: Note. and in Anno 1555. the place sent unto by English Merchants, as hereafter appeareth. Anno 1554. the said ship Edward Bonaventure (although robbed homewards by Flemings) returned with her company to London, Anno 1554. showing and setting forth their entertainments and discovery of the Countries, even to the City of Moscow, from whence they brought a privilege written in Russee with the Kings or great Duke's seal, the other two ships looked for and unknown to them where they were. Anno 1555. the said company of Merchants for a discovery upon a new supply, sent thither again with two Ships, to wit, the Edward Bonaventure, Anno 1555. The King and Queen's letters. and another bearing the name of the King and Queen, Philip and Marie, whose Majesties by their Letters to the said Muscovite, recommended sundry their subjects then passing, whereof certain, to wit, Richard Chancellor, George Killingworth, Henry Lane, and Arthur Edward's, after their arrival at the Bay, and passing up Dwina to Nologda, went first up to Moscow, where, upon knowledge of the said Letters, they with their train had special entertainment, with houses and diet appointed, and shortly permitted to the Prince's presence, they were with Gentlemen brought through the City of Moscow, to the Castle and Palace, replenished with numbers of people, and some gunner's. They entered sundry rooms, furnished in show with ancient grave personages, all in long garments of sundry colours, Gold, Tissue, Baldekin, and Violet, as our Vestments and Copes have been in England, suitable with Caps, jewels, and Chains. These were found to be no Courtiers, but ancient Muscovites, Inhabitants, and other their Merchants of credit, as the manner is, furnished thus from the Wardrobe and Treasury, waiting and wearing this apparel for the time, and so to restore it. Then entering into the Presence, being a large room floored with Carpets, were men of more estate, and richer show, in number above one hundred set square: who after the said Englishmen came in, Entertainment by the Duke. doing reverence, they all stood up, the Prince only sitting, and yet rising at any occasion, when our King and Queen's names were read or spoken. Then after speeches by interpretation, our men kissing his hand, and bidden to dinner, were stayed in another room, and at dinner brought through, where might be seen massy silver and gilt Plate, some like and as big as Kilderkins, and Wash-bowles, and entering the Dining place, being the greater room, the Prince was set bareheaded, his Crown and rich Cap standing upon a pinnacle by. Not far distant sat his Metropolitan, with diverse other of his kindred, and chief Tartarian Captains: none sat over against him, or any, at other Tables, their backs towards him: which tables all furnished with guests set, there was for the Englishmen, named by the Russes, Ghosti Carabelski, to wit, Strangers or Merchants by ship, a table in the midst of the room, where they were set direct against the Prince: and then began the service, brought in by a number of his young Lords and Gentlemen, in such rich attire, as is above specified: and still from the Prince's table (notwithstanding their own furniture) they had his whole messes set over all in massy fine Gold, delivered every time from him by name to them, by their several Christian names, as they sat, viz. Richard, George, Henry, Arthur. Likewise Bread and sundry drinks of purified Mead, made of fine white and clarified Honey. At their rising, the Prince called them to his table, to receive each one a Cup from his hand to drink, and took into his hand Master George Killingworths' beard, which reacheth over the table, and pleasantly delivered it the Metropolitan, Master Killingworths' beard of a marvelous length. who seeming to bless it, said in R●sse, This is God's gift. As indeed at that time it was not only thick, broad, and yellow coloured, but in length five foot and two inches of assize. Then taking leave, being night, they were accompanied and followed with a number, carrying pots of drink, and dishes of meat dressed, to our lodging. This year the two Ships, with the dead bodies of Sir Hugh Willoughby, and his people, were sent unto by Master Killingworth, (which remained there in Moscow Agent almost two years) and much of the goods and victuals were recovered and saved. Anno 1556. the disastrous voyage. Anno 1556. The Company sent two Ships for Russia, with extraordinary Masters and Sailors to bring home the two ships, which were frozen in Lappia, in the river of Arzina aforesaid. The two ships sent this year from England sailing from Lapland to the Bay of Saint Nicholas, took in lading with passengers, to wit, a Ruff Ambassador, named joseph Napea, and some of his men shipped with Richard Chancellor in the Edward. But so it fell out that the two which came from Lappia, with all their new Master and Mariners, never were heard of, but in foul weather, and wrought Seas, after their two years wintring in Lapland, became, as is supposed, unstanch, and sunk, wherein were drowned also diverse Russes Merchants, and servants of the Ambassador. A third ship the Edward aforesaid, falling on the North part of Scotland, upon a rock was also lost, and Master Chancellor with diverse other, drowned. The said Russee Ambassador hardly escaping, with other his men, Mariners, and some goods saved, were sent for into Scotland, from the King, Queen, and Merchants, (the messenger being Master Doctor Laurence Hussie, and others:) And then, as in the Chronicles appeareth, honourably entertained and received at London. Serchthrift. This year also the company furnished and sent out a Pinnace, named the Serchthrift, to discover the Harborowes in the North coast from Norway to Wardhouse, and so to the Bay of Saint Nicholas. There was in her Master and Pilot, Stephen Borough, with his brother William, and eight other. Their discovery was beyond the Bay, Stephen Borough toward the Samoeds, people dwelling near the River of Ob, and found a sound or sea with an Island called Vaigats, first by them put into the Card or Map. In that place they threw Snow out of their said Pinnace, with shovels in August, by which extremity, and lack of time, they came back to Russia, and wintered at Golmogro. Anno 1557. Anno 1557. The company with four good Ships, sent back the said Russee Ambassador, and in company with him, sent as an Agent, for further discovery, Master Antony jenkinson, who afterward Anno 1558. with great favour of the Prince of Muscovia, Boghar voyage. and his letters, passed the river Volga to Cazan, and meaning to seek Cathay by Land, was by many troops and companies of uncivil Tartarians encountered, and in danger: but keeping company with Merchants of Bactria, or Boghar, and Vrgeme, travelling with Camels, he with his company, went to Boghar, and no further: whose entertainment of the King is to be had of Master jenkinson, Muscovie trade long unfortunate. which returned Anno 1559. to Muscovie. And in Anno 1560. he, with Henry Lane, came home into England: which year was the first safe return, without loss or shipwreck, 1560. The first trade to the narve. 1560. or dead freight, and burnings. And at this time was the first traffic to the narve in Livonia, which confines with Lituania, and all the Dominions of Russia: and the Markets, Fairs, Commodities, great Towns and Rivers, were sent unto by diverse servants: the reports were taken by Henry Lane, Agent, and delivered to the company, 1561. The trade to Rye, and Revel, of old time hath been long since frequented by our English Nation, but this trade to the Narue was hitherto concealed from us by the Danskers and Lubeckers. Anno 1561. the said Master Antony jenkinson went Agent into Russia, who the next year after, passing all the river of Volga to Astracan, and over the Caspian sea, arrived in Persia, and opened the trade thither. Also between the years of 1568. and 1573. sundry Voyages after Master jenkinsons, were made by Thomas Alcock, Alcock slain in Persia. Banister died in Media. Edward's died at Astracan. Arthur Edwards, Master Thomas Banister, and Master Geffrey Ducket, whose return (if spoil near Volga had not prevented by roving thieves) had altogether salved and recovered the Companies (called the old Companies) great loss, charges, and damages: But the saying is true, By unity small things grow great, and by contention great things become small. This may be understood best by the Company. The frowardness of some few, and evil doing of some unjust Factors, was cause of much of the evil success. Arthur Edward's was sent again 1579. and died in the voyage at Astracan. About which matters, are to be remembered the Voyages of Master Thomas Randolph Esquire, Ambassador Anno 1567. And late of Sir Jerome Bowes, Anno 1583. both tending and treating for further Discoveries, Freedoms, and Privileges, wherewith I meddle not. But in conclusion, for their pains and adventures this way (as diverse do now adays other ways) as worthy Gentlemen sent from Princes, to do their Country good, I put them in your memory, with my hearty farewell. From Saint Margaret's near Dartforth in Kent. To the Reader. I Have had much trouble to give thee this Author, both for his Language, being Portugal (which for this, and some other parts of this work, I was forced to get as I could) and for the rarity of his Relations, seeming both in themselves so stupendious, and not seconded in many things, that I say not contraried, by other Authors. Besides his book came not out, till himself was gone out of the world. I answer, that Ricius the jesuit his Relations came not to us, till himself was likewise gone; and that that might rather plead not only for the Maturity, but the sincerity, by that Cassian rule, Cui bono; for whom should a dead man flatter, or for what should he lie? Yea, he little spares his own company and Nation, but often and eagerly layeth open their vices: and which is more, I find in him little boasting, except of other Nations; none at all of himself, but as if he intended to express God's glory, and man's merit of nothing but misery. And howsoever it seems incredible to remember such infinite particulars as this Book is full of, yet an easy memory holdeth strong impressions of good or bad: Scribunt in marmore laesi, is said of one; and of the other, Omnia quae curant senes meminerunt. Neither is it likely but that the Author wrote Notes, which in his manifold disaduentures were lost otherwise, but by that writing written the firmer in his memory, especially new whetted, filled, forbushed with so many companions of misery, whom in that state, Haec olim meminisse jwabat; their best music in their chains and wanderings being the mutual recounting of things seen, done, suffered. More marvel it is, if a liar, that he should not forget himself, and contradict his own Relations; which sometimes he may seem to do in the numbers of the year of the Lord; yea, and other numbers: but his leaves were left unperfect at his death, and those numbers perhaps added by others after: and besides, mine own experience hath often found figures mistaken from my hand, which being by the Compositor set at large, Note for numbers (if great care be not had) how easily, how dangerously mistaken. have run at large by ten times so much; and girt in otherwhiles as narrow with the tenth place diminished, or one figure set for another. And none but the Author, or he which knows the subject, can easily amend that fault, being so great by so small and easy a lapse. The graduations of places I do confess otherwise then in the Jesuits, and as I suppose not so truly as theirs: for I think that he neither had Art * So it seems by those words of his, fol. 122. Aind a que confesso que me falta o milhor, que be saber & engenho para dare a entender o clima & a Altura d●s graos etc. False graduations a common thing in Maps of East and West Indies. or Instrument to calculate the same, but contented himself in the writing of this Book to look into the common Maps of China, and to follow them in setting down the degrees, and so the blind led the blind into error; no printed Map that I have seen being true. And perhaps the Chronicler to whom the papers were brought unfinished might out of those Maps do it; erring either of ignorance, or (which we have often seen in Cards of remote places East and West) purposely, to conceal from others that which they have found sweet and gainful; the Mariner and Merchant not looking with the generous eyes of the ingenious, ingenuous Scholar. For his repute at home; it was dedicated to King Philip the Third of Spain, which impudence would not have obtruded (if altogether a tale) on such Majesty; licenced by the Holy Office, and printed at Lisbon; translated into the Spanish by the Licentiate, Francisco de Herrera Maldonado, Canon of the Church rial of Arbas, and dedicated to a Clergyman Senerin de Faria, Printed 1620. at Madrid (and small credit it had been to the House of the Farias, that one of them should publish in Portugal, and in Castille to another should be dedicated, a frivolous tale and devised foolery.) I add also the Authors style so religious, and his often protestations: his credit, as Herrera reporteth with King Philip the Second, who spent much time in discourse with him about these things. I might add the Spanish Translators Apology at large, and out of him Fr. Andrada the Portugal Chroniclers testimony. If this move thee not to believe, yet believe thus much, that I have no mind to deceive thee, but give thee what I found, only much contracted, and not going all the way with our Author, whose original Book is above one hundred and fifty sheets of paper in folio, but contented with his China and Tartary Relations: that also too much, if not true. And yet I would not have an Author rejected for fit speeches framed by the Writer, in which many Historians have taken liberty; no, if sometimes he doth mendacia dicere, so as he doth not mentiri; that is, if he be so credulous to believe, or so improvident to proffer to others faith, probable falsehoods related by others (as I will not swear but of himself he might mistake, and by others be misled, the Chinois here might in relating these rarities to him enlarge, and de magnis maiora loqui) so as he still be religious in a just and true delivery of what himself hath seen, and belie not his own eyes: the former is rashness and distasteful, the later is dishonest and detestable. Once, the Sun Rising hath found many worshippers, but the Western Sun is nearer night: and nearer obscurity and meanness are our Western affairs than those China Rays of the East; and we were Backs and Owls not to believe a greater light than ourselves see and use. Valignanus a great jesuit wrote a book with that title. All China Authors how diversified soever in their lines, yet concur in a centre of Admiranda Sinarum, which if others have not so largely related as this, they may thank God they paid not so dear a price to see them; and for me, I will rather believe (where reason evicts not an ●●ectione firma) then seek to see at the Authors rate; and if he hath robbed the Altars of Truth, as he did those of the Calempluy Idols, yet in Pequin equity we will not cut off the thumbs (according to Nanquin rigour) upon bare surmise without any evidence against him, However, cheaper I am sure he is by far to thee then to me, who would have been loath to be so true a labourer in a lying Author, willingly or commonly (in my conceit) falsifying his own sight, though perhaps not seldom deceived in things taken up on China men's trust, or entered into their China Books, such as he here often citeth. Men refuse not Silver for the Oar; gather the Rose notwithstanding the prickles; neglect not Harvest mixed with weeds, Wheat with the chaff, Fruit for the shells, and hate not Honey for the Bees sting; nor will I either in prodigality of faith believe all, or be so penurious as to reject the most of that which here I present. Use thou thy freedom, and him at thy pleasure (I say not me) and if thou wilt not pardon such a brief collection, thou wouldst hardly give Castilian entertainment to all, and more than all, often yielding bravadoes and enlarging flourishes of stile, beyond a translation, as if his Author had not said enough. The variety, if it had been merely devised, presents I know not how many intercourses as interludes of Comic and Tragic events, more worthy the reading then most in this kind, and as fit to recreate: how much more, where verity is (as I suppose) the ground and substance, though perhaps inlaid with other fantasies among. That the Jesuits in some things differ, is their authority against his, who as more learned and judicious, and longer experienced, might find out some truths better than he; as his various fortunes, and that time, might let him see many particularities which they could not, writing sixty years after. In many things they both agree: and Gaspar de Cruz hath many the same things; and that his strange Relation of the Cross in China and the Hungarian of the Mount Sinai, is delivered by Lucena, perhaps learned by some of His company: and these exceptions by me mentioned, are rather praeoccupations of censorious judging my judgement, than my judicial sentence, which the judicious will suspend, and leave to better experience. judicent posteri; veritas Temporis filia. CHAP. II. Observations of China, Tartary, and other Eastern parts of the World, taken out of FERNAM MENDEZ PINTO his Peregrination. §. I. MENDEZ his many miserable adventures, his strange expedition with ANTONIO DE FARIA; diverse coasts visited, Pirates tamed, miseries suffered, glory recovered. FErnam Mendez Pinto, borne at old Montemor in the Kingdom of Portugal, was placed in service at ten or twelve years of age in Lisbon, the thirteenth of December, An. 1521. on the day of breaking the Scutcheons, or public mourning for King Emanuel. A year and half after he fled upon occasion of a sudden accident, and got aboard a Caruile which was taken by a French Pirate, which would have made sale of them at Larache to the Moors. But a fortnight after taking another Portugal ship coming from Saint Thome worth 40000. Ducats, they returned for France, carrying some with them for Sea service, the rest they set on shore by night on the shore of Melides, naked; which came to Santiago de Cacem, where they were relieved. Thence he went to Setwal, and served Francisco de Faria a Gentleman belonging to the Master of Santiago, and after that was Page to the Master himself. But his means being short he left his service. An. 1537. he went for Indiae in a Fleet of five ships; the Admiral was Don Pedro de Sylva, son of Vasco * See of Gama tom. 1. pag. 26. Strait of Mecca or the Red Sea. Portugal Fortress in Socatora before the Arabs Conquest. A Martyr of Mahomet. Martyrem non poena sed causa. da Gama (first Discoverer of the Indies, whose bones he carried with him in the ship at his return, which were received by King john's appointment in greater Funeral pomp, than had been seen done to a Subject.) They arrived at Diu the fifth of September. Thence after seventeen days he went with two Foists for the Strait of Mecca, and came in sight of Curia Muria, and Abedalcuria, almost wracked with foul weather, and coming to Sacotora, watered near the Fortress which Francisco d' Almeida first Viceroy of India, had built, 1507. Having received some refreshing of the Christians there, they departed, and in the height of Masua took a ship, but five men being therein left of eighty; one of which was the Captain, a Renegado of Malorquy, who for love of a Moorish woman had denied his Faith, and refusing to return to Christianity, notwithstanding all persuasions, we bound him hand and foot, and threw him into Sea with a great stone tied about his neck: The ship also sunk, and little was saved. They went to Arquico (then) in the Country of Pressed john; to deliver a letter to Aurique Barbosa, the Factor of Antonio Sylueira, sent three years before by Nuno de Cunha, who with forty others escaped from the rebellion Xael, in which Dom Manoel de Meneses, with one hundred and sixty Portugals were taken, four hundred thousand Ducats, and six Portugal Ships, which were those that Solyman Bassa A. 1538. brought with provision for his Armada to the siege of Diu; the King of Xael having sent them with sixty Portugals for a Cairo present; Xael or Ia●l insurrection. the rest he bestowed as alms on Mahomet's house at Mecca. I with three others, were sent some day's journeys into the Country to Barbosa, then in the Fort of Geleytor in guard of the Queen, mother of the Pressed john, who welcomed them, as the nightly dew to the flowery Garden, and as Helena to jerusalem, so were they (said she) to her eyes. But (to leave those things) he went thence to Ormus, and then to Goa; there offered his service to Pero de Faria Captain of Malaca, which entertained him. The occurrences of Bata, Achem, Aaru in Samatra, Queda in the continent, and his employments in those parts, as also of Siaca, Paon, Patane, I omit. He saith that he was wracked at Sea coming from Aaru; of eight and twenty, five only escaping, two of which the Crocodiles devoured. He was taken and sold to a Moor, which carried him to Malaca. Thence Pero de Faria sent him to Patane in trade: from thence again, employed by Antonio de Faria to Lugor, Coia Acem a Guzarate Pirate set upon them, took, and killed all, Burall and Pinto only escaping, which leaping into the Sea were reserved by a Bark, and sent to Patane. Faria afraid to return to Malaca, where he was so indebted for those goods, vowed to be revenged of the Pirate. And by help of his friends armed a junke with five & fifty Soldiers, of which I and Borall (extremely both indebted and wounded) were. From Patane we set forth in May, 1540 and to a Haven called Bralapisaon, some six leagues off the firm Land, where we found a junke of the Lequios, bound for Siam with an Ambassador of Nautaquim de Lindau, Bralapisaon. Prince of the I'll of Tosa situate in six & thirty degrees, which seeing us come, Tosa. Span Lossa. hasted away with all speed. Faria sent a Chinese Pilot to them with fair offers of love and courtesy, who returned with a present, a rich Sword, and six and twenty Pearls in a Box of Gold, with this answer, That the time would come, when they should communicate with us in the Law of the true God of infinite mercy, who by his death had given life to all men, with a perpetual inheritance in the house of the good: A strange answer. and he believed that this should be after the half of the half of time were passed. Neither could Antony de Faria return any thing in recompense, they being gotten far into the Sea. here we watered, and after coasted to search the River of Pulo Cambim, Pullo Cambim. which divides the Kingdom of Champaa, from the signory of Camboia in the height of nine degrees. Thither we came in the end of May, and the Pilot went up the River three leagues, to a great Town called Catimparù, where we stayed to take in provision twelve days. Faria being curious, desired to know whence that River came, the original thereof (they told him) was a Lake called Pinator, Catimparù. Eastward from that Sea, two hundred and sixty leagues in the Kingdom of Quitirvan; Lake Pinator. Quitiruan. which Lake was compassed with high Hills, at the bottom of which, alongst the water's side, were eight and thirty Towns, thirteen great, the rest small. One of these Great ones was named Xincaleu, where was a great Gold Mine, whence every day was taken a Bar and a half of Gold, Xincaleu. which in our money amounteth by the year to two and twenty millions of Gold. 22. Millions Ducats. Gold mines, & iron minds. Four Lords are sharers, and are still at wars for a singular propriety. They said that one of these called Raiabitau, in the Court of his house in jars, had set up to the neck in earth six hundred Bars of Gold in powder, as good as that of Menancabo in Samatra; and that if three hundred of our men were sent thither, with one hundred Calivers, they would without doubt become masters thereof. They said also that in Buaquirim, another of those Towns, was a Rock of Diamonds, Rock of Diamonds. better than those of Lave, and of Taniampura in the I'll of java. Proceeding along the Coast of Champaa, from Pullo Cambim, we came to a shelf called Saleyiacuu, and the next day to the River Toobasoy, in the mouth whereof a junke passed by, Similau a Pirate taken. to which we offered the courtesy of the Sea, and they in scorn made show of a Negro's Buttocks, with many trumpets and other jollity. Hence grew displeasure: in the night three Barks came to assail us, which we took, with the Captain, two Acheners, a Turk, & the Negro. This Negro confessed himself a Christian, slave to Gasper de melo a Portugal, whom that dog (he pointed to the bound Captain) slew two years since in Liampoo, with six and twenty Portugals besides with him in the Ship. What said Faria, is this Similau? Yea, said he, and he had thought in so small a Bark, there had not been above six or seven, and he would have bound your hands and feet, and impaled you as he served my master. Faria having served him and his with the same sauce, took the junke, in which was thirty six thousand Taeis of japon Silver, which make fifty four thousand Cruzadoes or Ducats, besides much good merchandise. Faria proceeded alongst the Coast of Champaa, and came to the River Tinacoru, Tinacoreu, or Taurlachim, or Varella Truck for gold. by our men called Varella: into which enter the Ships of Siam and the Malaya Coast, which go for China, and Truck for Gold, Calamba and ivory, whereof that Kingdom hath store. Many Paraos or small Barks came aboard us, and wondered to see white men with beards. They told him that if he would go up the River to the City Pilaucacem, Pilaucacem. where the King resides, he might in five days sell his goods: for great Merchants resorted thither from the Lauhos, and Pafuaas, and Gueos. That River they said came from the Hill Moncalor, eighty leagues from that place, and beyond that Hill it is much larger, Bird-wonder. but shallower, in some places making shallow fields, where bred infinite store of Fowls which cover the ground, in such innumerable numbers, that two and forty years before they caused the Kingdom of Chintaleuhos, Cunebetee, or Chiammay. (which is eight days journey) to be dispeopled. Beyond that Country of Birds, is another wild and mountainous, where abide many creatures much worse than those Birds, Elephants, Rhinocerotes, Lions, Wilde-swine, Buffals, and Wilde-kines. In the midst of that Land or Kingdom (so it had been in old time) is a great Lake, which the Natives call Cunebetee, others Chiammay, from which proceeds this river, with other three in great quantity washing that land. That lake, as some write, containeth in circuit sixty jaons' (each of which is three leagues) alongst which are Mines of Silver, Copper, Tin, and Led, carried thence by Merchants in Cafilas, with Elephants and Badas (Rhinocerotes) to the Kingdoms of Sornau, or Siam, Passiloco, Savady, Tangù, Prom, Calaminhan, and other Kingdoms. Being asked of the weapons of those Countries, they answered, That they have none but Poles burned, and short Crises of two spans. They might not go up the River in less than two months, or two and a half, by reason of the force of the water, which way down, they might dispatch in eight or ten days. Pullo Champeiloo. Faria going from thence, came to Pullo Champeiloo, an Island not inhabited in fourteen degrees and twenty minutes, at the entry of the Bay of Cauchin-China: and thence having fitted his Ordnance to Ainam, to seek Coia Acem: and being come to Pullo Capas, a Fleet of forty great junkes, of two or three Decks * Gavias'. a piece was seen in the River by Boralho, whom Faria had sent to discover, and after that another seeming two thousand sail great and small, and a walled Town of some ten thousand houses. At his return he saw also one junke in the Bar of the River at anchor, Quiay Taiam, a Pirate. which seemed of another Coast. Faria supposed this last was of that Pirate Coia Acem, which therefore he assailed and took. One of the company was a Christian of Mount Sinai, Thomas Mastangue his adventures. named Tom Mostangue a Merchant, whose Bark Solyman Bassa had taken A. 1538. in the Port of judaa, with seven others to be victuallers for his Armada of sixty galleys, wherewith he was sent by the Great Turk, to restore Sultan Baadur to his Kingdom of Cambaya, whereof the Mogor had then dispossessed him, and to drive the portugals out of India. And when he demanded of the Turks his freight, which they had promised, they took his wife and his daughter, and openly ravished them before his eyes; his son, which cried at that spectacle, they threw into the Sea bound hand and foot: and laid himself in irons, took away his goods, worth above six thousand Ducats. His wife and daughter died, and he as desperate leapt one night into the Sea, at the Bar of Diu, with a son which there he had▪ and got to Surat, and came thrice to Malacca in a Ship of Garcia de Saa; whence by Stephen Gama he was sent for China, with Christovan Sardinha, Factor of Maluco; whom riding at anchor in Cincapura Quiay Tayiam, Captain of this junke slew with six and twenty Portugals, and saved him alive because he was a Gunner. Faria cried out that he had heard of this Quiay Tayiam, that he had killed above one hundred Portugals, and spoiled them of one hundred thousand Cruzadoes, and that since he killed Sardinha, he caused himself to be called by his name. He asked this Armenian where he was, he showed where he with six or seven others were hidden in the junke. Faria went and opened the scuttle, and Taiam with his company began a new fight, killed two Portugals and seven boys, and wounded twenty; but in the end were slain. Faria hasted away for fear of the junkes in the River, and came to the Coast of Cauchin-China where he rifled this junke, and found in her Spices and other goods, to the value of sixty thousand Cruzadoes, besides Artillery, which the Pirate had taken out of the Ships of Sardinha, Oliveyra, and Matos. Pearle-fishers. The next day he set sail again for Ainam, and by the way lighted on Boats fishing for Pearls, Guamboy, and other Coast Cities of China, Son of the Sun, title of the King of China. to whom they offered contract, who told them that Guamboy, a Port somewhat before, (as in Cantan, Chinch●o, Lamau, Comhay, Sumbor, and Liampoo, and other Coast Cities) was a place of trade for strangers, and counselled him to go thither: for there they had nothing but Pearls, which they fished for the treasure of the Son of the Sun, by the command of the Tutan of Comhay, supreme Governor of all Cauchin-China. And that the law was, that if any Bark besides the appointed entered, it should be burnt with all the people therein. And because he was a stranger, it was best for him to sail away before Buhaquirim the Mandarin, which was but seven leagues thence came; who had forty great junkes, with two thousand Mariners, and five thousand Soldiers; and did abide there the six months of fishing, from March to August both included. They much marvelled at the Portugal fashion, having never seen any such men, and suspected them thieves (they professing themselves Merchants of Siam) with gifts and courtesy they won good estimation of these Fishers. Aynam or Hainam, a great Island S. from China. One of these being asked touching Aynam, answered, That it was once an absolute Kingdom governed by Pr●chau Gamu, who dying without an heir there arose such contentions, that in four years and a half there died sixteen Lacasaas of men, which are so many hundred thousands, whereby the Land was so dispeopled, that the Cauchin King made himself master thereof, with seven thousand Mogores, which the Tartar sent him from Tuymican, than the chief City of his Empire. He set over the same Hoyha Paguarol, who rebelled and made himself tributary to the King of China, paying six hundred thousand Ducats, or four hundred thousand Taeis yearly: and dying without heir, two hundred thirty five years since, he declared the King of China his Successor: and so it hath continued. He counselled him not to go to Aynam; because they were Dissemblers, nor would the Monson suffer him to go to Liampoo▪ but to go to the good river Tanauquir, still sounding as he went for the shoalds; there he should have sure Anchorage, Tanauquir. and in little space he might sell all his goods; where yet it was not safe by reason of reasonless men to adventure his goods on Land. To that River we went, and in the mouth thereof not able to stem the Current, two junks assailed us, and their first Language was six and twenty Pieces of Ordnance: the Issue was, Paria took them both, most of their men being drowned or slain, and found therein seventeen Christians Prisoners, by whom he learned that the Captain was a Rover which bore two names, one of a Christian, Francisco de Saa, the other of a Gentile, Necoda Xicaulem. Five years he had been a Christian at Malaca; Garcia de Saa Captain of the Fortress, Xicaulem another Pirate. in his Baptism imparting his own name to him, who married him to a Gentlewoman of Portugal. But he going, Anno 1534. for Chincheo in a China junke with twenty Portugals and his Wife, slew both her and them at Pulo Ca●an: and the next year took another Portugal junke at Chincheo, which came from Sunda, and slew ten Portugals in her, and thenceforth practised Piracy on Chineses, (●s he thought us to be) and Portugals. A Renegado China Robber. The goods of the two junkes amounted to forty thousand Taeis, and seventeen Brass Pieces. The Captain of this place was in league with him, and shared a third of his Piracies. Faria therefore went to another Port forty leagues Eastward, called Mutipinan, wherein were many Merchants which came in Cafilas from the Land of the Lauhos, and Pàfuaas, and Gucos with great store of silver. The current setting strong against us at the Rock of Tilavinera. We came to Mutipinan, and learned that the River was deep, the best in that Bay; the people peaceable, Mutipinan. that Merchants had come nine days before from the Kingdom of Benan in two Cafilas, each of five hundred Oxen, with store of Silver, ivory, Wax, Benjoin, Camfire, Gold in powder, to buy Pepper, Drugs, and pearls of Aynam; Benan. that they had not any Armada of great ships because the Wars which the Prechau (King) of the Cauchins made whereby land, that he abode at Quangepaaru, a City twelve days journey thence; that his mines yielded him fifteen thousand Pikes of Silver, Quangepaaru. half of which by Divine Law belonged to the people, which had remitted it to him on conditon to pay no other tributes, whereto the ancient Prechaus had sworn to keep it, as long as the Sun should give light to the Earth. There he sold a great part of his goods till news of the Tanauquir Rover made them afraid to come aboard: so that he was forced to set sail. Thus after many days spent in this Bay of Cauchin-china; because Coia Acem and the Pirates which robbed Christians were in league with the Mandarines, and sold that which they had gotten in Ainan, he pursued that purpose again, and came to Anchor in Madel a Haven in that Island where he encountered with Hinimilau, a Chinese Rover which had becomne lately a Moor, and bitter enemy of Christians, of which Religion he had also been. Hinimilau an Ethnike-Christian●Moore Pirate. Five Portugal Captive Boys, which were aboard him, cried out for mercy, whereby Faria moved, sent to know what they were, which answering with stones on their heads that came in the Boat, a cruel fight followed, in which Faria remained Victor, and seized of the Captain with fifteen others left alive. He demanded for the Portugal Boys, who told them they were in the Prow under Hatches; whereupon sending to see, they found them lying on a heap with their heads off, a woman with her two children being also so served. Faria asked why he dealt so with the small Innocents? He answered, it was sufficient that they were children of Portugals. Being asked why he had forsaken the Christian Religion: he said, because the Portugals had respected him being a Gentile, with Cap in hand saluting him Quiay Nicoda, but after he was Christian, made little account of him; whereupon he became a Moor in Bintam, and the King of jantan used him with much honour, his Officers called him Brother, and he swore on a Book to become an Enemy to the Portugal and Christian Name as long as he lived, the King and Priest applauding and promising all happiness to his soul. Seven years he had been in execution of that Oath, and had taken a junke of Lewis de Pavia in the River of Liampoo, with four hundred Bares of Pepper, slew eighteen Portugals, besides slaves: and after that had taken at times four ships, in which he had slain near three hundred persons, seventy of them Portugals, and taken fifteen or sixteen hundred Bares of Pepper and other Commodities, of which the King of Pan had half, to secure him and let him have sale: in the River Choaboque on the Coast of China, he had killed Ruy Lobo, his old acquaintance, with seventeen Portugals, escaping a wrack, and taken into his junke on condition to pay him two thousand Cruzadoes, to set him on shore at Patane; which notwithstanding, he slew him and the rest by the Moors counsel one night as they were asleep. Faria would hear no further, but caused him to be slain and cast into the Sea. In Silk and other goods he found in the junke to the value of forty thousand Taeis: the junke he burned, having none to man her. The other Necodas or Captains of the junkes, seeing what Faria had done, consulted together, and seeing he might also do as much to them, sent two chief men to him, desiring him as King of the Sea, to give them security to pass, in dispatch of their businesses before the Monson were ended, and that as his Tributaries, they would give him twenty thousand Taeis of Silver: to which he swore, and that no Thief should rob them: and with a Present received the Money brought him within an hour after. A Boy which writ their Passes, gained in thirteen days above four thousand Taeis (besides gifts for dispatch) each junke giving five Taeis and the less Barks two. The Viceroy also of Ainan sent him a rich Present, with a Letter to entreat him to serve the Son of the Sun as Admiral from Laman to Liampoo, at ten thousand Taeis annual wages, besides (after three years' end) further advancement: whereto he excused his unworthiness, Quangiparu. and departed to Quangiparu, a City of fifteen thousand Households, and so coasted all alongst the Island of Ainan seven months space, till the Soldiers were weary, and required their shares as had been agreed; which was quieted with promise to winter at Siam, and having there made Money of all to give each man his part. ●lha d●s ladrones. With this agreement they came to an Island, called Theaves Island, because standing out of the Bay, it is their place to take the first of the Monson. Here at the new Moon in October we were encountered with a cruel Tempest in the night, by which the four Vessels were broken in pieces, five hundred eighty six persons drowned, of which eight and twenty Portugals; three and fifty of us by God's mercy saved, Miserable wrack, and their fortnight's miseries. Faria being one, and one and twenty other Portugals, the rest Slaves and Mariners. They spent two days and a half in Burial of their dead, and to get some of their provision, which yet having taken Salt-water, would not last above five days of the fifteen they stayed there. Faria comforted them saying, that God would not permit so much evil but for a greater good; nor would have taken from them five hundred thousand Cruzadoes, but to give them six hundred thousand: God doth not punish with both hands, his mercy curing the wounds which his justice maketh. Thus we walked naked, and barefoot on the Strand & in the Wilderness, suffering hunger and cold, Relief almost miraculous. many of our companions dying, not so much for want of food, as the stink and putrified unholsomnesse thereof. In this disconsolate plight, a Sea-kite * Milhano. Wonderful provision. came flying from behind the South Cape of the Island▪ and let fall from his Talons a Mullet a span long; which he taking up with great praise to God, and Prayer to jesus Christ, not to consider their merits, but his merits for them, he caused it to be roasted and given to the sick. Looking to the place whence the Fowl came, they saw more of them flying up and down, and going thitherwards, discovered a Valley with diverse Fruit-trees, and before they came at it, they found a Deer which a Tiger had newly killed, and with their general cry was scared from it, having begun to eat it. We feasted with it, and with many Mullets which those Sea-kites got, and (scared with our cries) let fall. Admirable escape. This fishing they continued from Monday till Saturday, and then seeing a sail they hid themselves in the Woods. It was a Lantea or Bark with Oars, which came thither with thirty persons to wood and water; and whiles they were disporting themselves, and had left their Bark vnmanned, Faria apprehended the occasion, and having instructed them, at the name of jesus they all ran upon it, entered without gainsaying, and losing the Prow put to Sea. The Chinois seeing their Lantea taken, hasted to the shore, but scared with a little Iron-piece out of their Lantea, they fled to the Thickets. We presently fell to eat, what an old man was dressing for the Chinois, and after searched and found Silks, Damasks, Musk, and other goods worth four thousand Cruzadoes, besides Rice, Sugar, Hens, which we most esteemed for recovery of the sick. There was a Boy of twelve or thirteen years old, whom Faria asked, whence and whose the Lantea was: he answered, it was his Fathers, from whom they had unhappily taken is less than an hour, all he had gotten in above thirty years: he came from a place, called Quoaman, where in bartar for Silver he had gotten those goods, Quoaman. which he was going to sell to the junkes of Siam in the Port of Comhay: Comhay. and now he going to supply his want of water, you have taken away his goods without fear of the justice of Heaven. Faria promising to use him as his Son; then, said he, set me on shore in that miserable Land where my true Father is, with whom I had rather dye then live with so bad people. Much reasoning passed, and he said, they could speak well of God, but little used his Law: neither would he eat in three days space. We determined to go for Liampoo, two hundred and sixty leagues Northwards from thence, and to get if we could, a better Bark, this being little, and scarcely able to brook those New Moone-stormes on the Coast of China. New Moon. Tempests in China. Guintoo. At Sunset we set sail, and next morning going East North-east, came to an I'll called Guintoo, where we took a fisher-barke with store of fresh fish, whence we took what we thought fit, with eight men of her, twelve to serve for the Lantea, our men being weak. They told us that eighteen leagues thence was a good River, called Xinguan, within which was a poor fisher-village, called Xamoy, and three leagues higher up, a City of good Trade. The next day in the evening we came to Xamoy, where a junke road fitter for Farias purpose, which in the night he took, the men being asleep; whom he bound, threatening to kill them all if they made any cry; Pullo Quirim. and sailed presently with her to the I'll Pullo Quirim, nine leagues off, and in three days after to an Island called Luxitay, where for the recovery of the sick he stayed fifteen days. In the junke he found no Merchandise but Rice, the most of which he cast into the Sea to lighten her, and fit her for our Voyage. Thence we put forth for Liampoo, where we heard were many Portugals from Malaca, Zunda, Siam, and Patane, which used there to winter. In the way we encountered, after two days sailing, with a junke of Patane, which belonged to a China Pirate, called Quiay Panian, a great friend of the Portugals, Quiay Panian a China Pirate▪ of whom he had thirty in his company entertained in his pay. They not knowing us, began with a terrible salutation of fifteen Pieces of Artillery, but by Crosses in their Banner, we knew them and made signs, by which both congratulated each other with heartiest greetings, and Quiay Panian and he joined in league to pursue their Fortunes together. They now purposed to go to Chincheo, Chincheo. and th●re found five sail of Portugals, which told them of a great Fleet of four hundred junkes, with one hundred thousand men gone to the Isles of Goto, in succour of Sucan of Pontir, Goto. who had voluntarily subjected himself to the King of China, in one hundred thousand Taeis Tribute yearly. We took out of those five ships thirty five Soldiers more, and proceeded on our way for Liampoo. In the way we encountered a small P●raoo with eight Portugals sorely wounded, whereof Antonio Anriquez, and Man Taborda were, rich men of great esteem. These recounted to him that a Guzerate Rover, Coia Acem, News of Coia Acem. with three junks and four Lanteas (in which were five hundred men, one hundred and fifty of them Moores) set upon them (having parted seventeen days ago from Liampoo, for Malaca, purposing to go for India, if the Monson had permitted) before the I'll Gumbor, and after some hours fight taken them; eighty two persons (eighteen of them Portugals) were slain, and as many others captived, with one hundred thousand Taeis value in their junke: one of the Pirates junks was fired and burnt to the water. These few in the fury of the entry escaped in the little Boat which hung at stern; they being busied in the spoil, and the Sun then set, could not follow, but went into the River with much triumph. Faria and Quiay Panian who had kindred at La●loo, provided themselves there of Powder, Lailoo. Led, Victuals, and other necessaries for Money, by leave of the Mandarine, (no Country in the World being like China for all kind of provisions) and there got two greater junkes in truck of the other, and two Lanteas, and one hundred and sixty Mariners, so that they were in all five hundred persons, of which ninety five were Portugals. They had one hundred & sixty Harquebuses, forty Brass Pieces, & sixty Quintals of Powder, nine hundred pots of Powder, four thousand Darts headed with Iron, Arrows, and many Fireworks, with other Weapons. Thus provided, they set forth in pursuit of Coia Acem, and by a Fisherboat learned that he was in the River Tinlau, there to furnish and fit the junke lately taken from the Portugals, to go with it and two others for Siam (where he was borne) about ten days thence. Faria sent Vicente Morosa in the Fisherboat, with some of his company to inform himself more fully, which making a show of fishing with the rest, he easily did, and brought word aboard of the easiness of the attempt. In the night they anchored, and went up the River in the morning, the enemy knowing nothing till they came in sight, and Faria crying out, hay, my Masters, in the Name of Christ, to them, to them, Santiago, off went the Ordnance, the small shot succeeded, that none now in the junkes durst appear. His small Vessels (Lorche) coming from the shore with succour were so entertained with great shot that they could not help themselves, and by our small Vessels were fired with the fire-pots; in three of them two hundred persons were slain. Out of the fourth they leapt into the water, and were most slain by Panians men. Coia Acem which before was not known, seeing his Moor's ready to try the water's courtesy to escape those fiery enemies, armed in Buff, with Plates fringed with Gold, cried out aloud that he might be heard, Lafoy olah, ill●llah Muhamed roçolalah: what shall you Muslemans and just men of the Law of Mahomet, suffer yourselves to be conquered of so f●eble a Nation as are these Dogs, which have no more heart then white Hens, and bearded women? to them, to them, the Book of Flowers hath given promise from our Prophet to you and me, to bathe ourselves in the blood of these Cafres' without Law. With these cursed words, the Devil so animated them, that it was fearful to see how they ran on our Swords. Faria on the other side heartened his in the name of Christ crucified, and with a zealous fervour reached Coia Acem, such a blow with a two hand Sword on his Head-piece of Mail, that he sunk to the ground, and with another blow cut off his legs. Opima spolia. Coia Acem slain. Whereupon his men with such fury assailed Faria, not caring for thirty Portugals which stood about him, that they gave him two wounds, which put such spirit into our men, that in little space, eight and forty of the Enemies lay dead upon Coia Acem, and the rest they slew all but five, whom they took and bound, the Boys cutting the others in quarters, and throwing them into the water with Coia Acem, and the King of Bintans' chief Caciz, or Priest, The Caciz hatred of Christians. the shedder and the drinker of Portugal blood, as he styled himself in the beginning of his Writings, for which he was of that cursed Sect much honoured. Of the Enemies were slain three hundred and eighty, of ours forty two (eight of which were Portugal's, Faria searched the Island, and found a Village therein of forty or fifty houses, which Coia Acem had sacked, slaying some of the Inhabitants. Not far off was a great house seeming a Temple full of sick and wounded men, ninety six in number, which the Pirate had there in cure, whom he burned, setting the house on fire in diverse places, those that sought to escape being received on Pikes and Lances. The junke which they had taken from the Portugals, six and twenty days before, Faria gave to Man Taborda, and Antonio Anriquez in Alms for remission of his sins, taking their Oath to take no more but their own. He took special care of the wounded, and caused the slaves to be set free. After all this, there remained of clear gains, one hundred and thirty thousand Taeis in Silver, of japan and other goods, which that Pirate had taken along that Coast from Sumbor to Fucheo. §. II. ANTONIO FARIA his taking of Nouda a City in China, triumph at Liampoo; strange Voyage to Calempluy, miserable shipwreck. Faria wracked the second time. FAria having recovered his sick men, set sail for Liampoo, and being comen to the point of Micuy in six and twenty degrees, by a storm he was driven upon a Rock in the dark night, and was forced to cast out all the goods, and cut all their Masts overboard; and with much ado we escaped with their help (two and twenty drowned by over-hastinesse) to the junke of Man Taborda. Violent wind. The second day after came two Portugals from Quiay Panians junke, and plained to us their almost like misfortune (one gust having taken away three men, and cast them a stones cast into the Sea) and the loss of the small junke with fifty persons, most of which were Christians, and seven Portugals. One of the Lanteas came and told of their disaduenture, the other Lantea lost, only thirteen men escaping, which the Country people carried Captives to Nouday: Nouday. so that two junkes and a Lantea with above one hundred persons were lost, and in Munition and other goods, above two hundred thousand Cruzadoes, the Captain and Soldiers having nothing left but that on their backs. The Coast of China is subject to these strokes more than other Countries, China perilous Coast. so that none can sail thereon one year without disasters, except at the full and change, they betake them to their Ports, which are many and good, without barred entries, except Laman and Sumbor. Faria went and anchored before Nouday and sent some to sound, and to take some of the people to inquire of his men, who brought a Bark with eight men and two women, one of whom (having first sworn by the Sea, that it below, and the winds above should pursue him if he● broke his Faith, and the beauty of the stars whose eyes beheld all wrong, as the Chinese requested) told him that he taking them to be Sea Rovers and Robbers, had taken them and cast them in Irons. Faria writ to the Mandarin by two of those Chinois, with a Present worth two hundred Ducats to return his men, which returned the next day with an Answer written, that himself should come and demand justice at his feet, and he would do as he saw cause. He wrote again, offering two thousand Taeis for their Redemption, signifying that he was a Portugal Merchant, which came to trade at Liampoo, and paid Customs without any Robbery; and that the King of Portugal his Lord was in true amity with his Brother the King of China, and in Malaca his subjects used the Chinois justly. This calling the King of Portugal the King of Chinas' Brother, he took so heinously, that he caused the China Messengers to be whipped, and their ears cut, and sent them back with a railing Answer written to Faria, which had so proudly blasphemed, calling his King the Brother of the Son of the Sun, the Lion crowned with incredible power in the Throne of the Universe, under whose feet all Crowns of all that govern the Earth, are placed with all their Seniories, as all Writers affirm in their Histories. For this Heresy he burned his Writing with his Picture, as he would do to himself, charging him presently to set sail and be gone. Faria enraged, resolved to assault the Town, having three hundred men, (seventy of them Portugals) with the company of Quiay Panian, for that feat. Having therefore taken four Barks, the next morning betimes with them, three junkes and a Lorcha or Lantea, Nouday assaulted. he went up the River, and had six fathoms water and an half anchoring by the walls. And striking sail without salutation of Artillery, we put off our Flag of contract, after the China custom, to fulfil all compliments of peace, sending new offers of love and further satisfaction for the Prisoners. But the Mandarine full of indignation, hardly used the Messengers on the wall in sight of the Armada; whereupon, Faria desperate of doing any good that way leaving order with the junkes continually to shoot at the Enemy where they were thickest, he with his company landed without contradiction, and marched to the Town. When we were comen within little more than a Caliever shot of the Ditch without the wall, there issued by two gates one thousand, or twelve hundred; about one hundred of them Horsemen, or Hackneymen rather (for they road on lean jades) which began to skirmish in such disordered sort, encountering one with another, and many of them falling to the ground, that they seemed to be of some neighbour Villages, which came more of force then with force or heart to the business. Faria expected them, encouraging his men, and making a sign to the junkes. The Horsemen divided themselves, and wheeled about, as if that would have fearred us, which seeing, without effect they joined in one body or heap rather; whereat the Captain commanded all the Caleevers to shoot off at once, with such success, that the former half of the Horsemen fell to ground. And then we which till that time had stood still gave the assault, crying on the name of jesus, insomuch that they fled so confusedly, that they fell one upon another, and when they came to the Bridge over the Ditch, they thronged themselves so that none could go forward. In this case we came on them, and slew above three hundred, none of them scarcely drawing Sword to defend themselves. We prosecuted the victory to the gate, in which was the Mandarine with six hundred men▪ fairly mounted, armed with a Corslet of Crimson Velvet gilded, which we knew after to have belonged to Tome Perez, Thomas Perez. which King Emanuel of glorious memory had sent Ambassador to China. He and his began a fight with us in the entry of the gate, more valorous than the former, The Mandarine slain. till a Boy of ours dismounted the Mandarine from his Horse with a Harquebusse shot thorough the breast, which caused the rest disorderly to flee, and we with them into the Town. They casting down their weapons ran out at another gate toward the Country, none remaining. Antonio Faria gathering his company together, marched orderly to the Chifanga, the Prison where our men were, broke up the gates and grates, and freed his men. Then did he appoint half an hour to his people for spoil, Prisoners loosed. The Town sacked. himself going to the Mandarines' house, and had 8000. Taeis of Silver there, & five great boxes of Musk: the rest he gave to the Boys, which was much Silk twisted, and unwrought, Damask, Satin, Porcelain; the sack was so rich, that four Barks or Vessels in which they came, went four times laden therewith to the junkes, that there was neither Boy nor Mariner which had not a Chest or Chists of pieces, besides what they had secretly. Having spent an hour and half, he seeing night now come on, set fire in ten or twelve parts of the City, which being built of Pine timber suddenly arose into such a flame, that it seemed a Hell. And without impediment, he embarked his company with much riches, and many fair Girls tied by foures and five with Match, they crying, ours triumphing. It was now late, yet had Faria care of the wounded, which were fifty of them, eight Portugals, and to bury the dead, which were nine only one Portugal; and keeping good watch that night, as soon as it was day, he went to a Village on the otherside of the water, and found not one person in it, the houses still furnished with goods and provisions, with which he laded the junkes: and departed for a desert Island fifteen leagues from Liampoo, called Pullo Hinh●r, where was good water and anchorage. Comolem Lands. Premata Gundel a Pirate. After we had sailed five days betwixt the Isles Comolem and the continent, Prematà Gundel a Rover which had done much damage to the Portugals in Patane, Sunda, Siam, taking us for Chineses, set upon us with two great junkes, in which were two hundred fight men besides Mariners, and grappling with the junke of Man Taborda, had almost taken it, when Quiay Panian came to her succour with such a stroke on her quarter, that both sunk; the three Lorchae which Faria brought from Nouday coming in, saved most of our men, the enemies being all drowned, and Man Taborda freed. Mean while, Another sea-fight. Panians junke, and another sunk. Farias victory. Prematà Gundel had with two hooks and Iron chains fastened himself to Farias junke, both in the poop and prow, such a cruel battle following, that in less than an hour most of Farias men and himself were wounded, and twice in danger of taking, when the three Lorchae, and a little junke which Pero Sylva had taken at Nouday, came in to his succour, so that eighty six Moors which had entered Farias junke were slain, who had cooped our men before in the poop-roome; and thence entering the Pirates junke, put all therein to the sword. This victory cost seventeen of ours their lives, five of them of the best Portugal Soldiers, besides three and forty wounded. The prize was valued at eighty thousand Taers, 120000 Cruzadoes. the most of it japan Silver, which the Pirate had taken in three junkes, come from Firando bound for Chincheo. In the other sunken junkes was said to be as much. With this prize Faria went to a little Island, called Buncalou, four leagues off, and stayed there eighteen days, Buncalon. making Cottages for the wounded, which there recovered health. Thence they departed, Quiay Panian going in that junke of the Pirate, with 20000. Taeis over and above for his part: in six days we came to the Ports of Liampoo, which are two Isles, Liampoo, a Portugal Town on the coast of China, seven leagues from Liampoo. in which the Portugals made at that time their contractation, and was a Town of one thousand houses, and six or seven Churches built by them, with Sheriffs, an Auditor, Alcaids, and other Officers; the Notaries using to write, I, N. public Notary for the King our Lord, in this City of Liampoo, etc. as if it had been seated betwixt Santarem and Lisbon: and such was their forwardness, that some houses cost three or four thousand Cruzadoes, all which were razed afterwards by the Chinois; so uncertain are the things of China (which in these parts are so esteemed) so subject to disastres and disaduentures. When Faria was come to Portas de Liampoo, he sent Man Taborda, and Anriques first to acquaint the Townsmen what had passed, who sent jeronymo do Rego with two Lanteas, to thank him for the bounty showed in the case of Coia Acem, and with refresh; and for the business at Nouday, he need not be afraid there to winter, the King of China being as they said, lately dead, Civil wars in ●hina. Fabulous ●umour. Quovasy. and civil wars succeeding, thirteen competitors being in Arms to enforce their pretended right: and that the Tutan Nay, which was next person to the King in all the Government, with mere and mixed Empire of Majesty Regal, was besieged in the City of Quoansy, by Prechau Muan Emperor of Cauchinas; in whose favour it is holden for certain, that the King of Tartary is coming with an Army of nine hundred thousand men: and that in this troubled estate Nouday would not be thought of, which was in comparison of many other Cities in China, less than Oeiras' compared with Lisbon. He was six days after with great triumph and glorious shows, Farias triumph made of his own Fleet, and of the many Boats, Barks, and Citizens which came to fetch him, there being three hundred men in festival apparel, with many Gold Chains, and gilded Swords, till he came into the Port, in which road in a rue, twenty six Ships, and eighty junks, besides a greater number of smaller vessels, fastened one before another in two wings, making a street betwixt them, adorned with Laurel, and other green boughs, and sweet herbs, the Ordnance thundering on both sides a congratulation. The Chinois wondered, and asked if he were Brother or near Kinsman to their King, they received him in such honour: Nay, said a conceited Portugal, but his father shooed the King's Horses, and therefore is he worthy of this honour. Hereat they were more then amazed, and said, There were great Kings in the World, of which their Authors had made no mention, and the King of Portugal seems one of them, and much to exceed the Cauchim, or the Tartar, and it were no sin to say he may hold compare with the Son of the S●nne, the Lion crowned in the Throne of the World. Others confirmed the same, alleging the great riches which the bearded men generally possessed. A glorious Lantea was purposely adorned for his person in which he went, with many Musical Instruments of the Chinas', Malayos, Champaas, Siamites, Borneos, Lequios, and other Nations which there secured themselves under the Portugals, for fear of Rovers which filled those Seas. I should weary you to let you see the rest of this pompous spectacle, and more to hear their Orations preferring him before Alexander, Scipio, Annibal, Pompey, Caesar: Neither will Religion let me go with him to their Mass: nor do I ever dine worse then at solemn Feasts; and others will grudge me a room at Comedies: all which pomps, I will leave to our Author, enlarged by the Spanish translator, Canon of the Church of Arbas, as dedicated to Manuel Severin de Faria. There he stayed five months, spending the time in Hawking, Hunting, Fishing, Feasting. Quiay Panian in this time died. After he made ready to go to the Mines of Quoangiparu. Others dissuaded him by reason of wars in those parts, and a famous Pirate called Similau, told him of an Island called Calempluy, Calempluy. in which seventeen Kings of China were buried with much treasures, in Vests, and Idols of Gold, and other incredible riches; which he on no other testimony embraced, (without consulting with his friends, who not a little blamed him therefore) and went with Similau in search of this Island, setting out May the fourteenth, 1542. Currents in in the Bay of Nanquin. He set forth with two Panouras, which are as it were Frigates, but somewhat higher: junkes he used not, both for secrecy, and because of the Currents which set out of the Bay of Nanquin, which great ships cannot stem, by reason of the overflowings from Tartary and Nixibum Flaon, in those months of May, june, and july. He had with him six and fifty Portugals, with a Priest, and forty eight Mariners of Patane, and forty two Slaves: more our Pilot Similau would not admit, fearing suspicion in traversing the Bay of Nanquin, and entry of many Rivers much inhabited. Angitur. That day and night we cleared the Isles of Angitur, and followed our voyage thorough a Sea before never sailed by Portugals. The first five days, we sailed with good wind, in sight of land to the entry of the Bay of Nanquins' fishings, and passed a gulf of forty leagues, and had sight of a high Hill called Nangafu, Nanganfu. alongst which we ran to the North five days; at the end whereof, Similau put into a small River, the people whereof were white, of good stature, with small eyes like the Chinois, but differing in speech and behaviour. After three days the tempest ceasing, we set sail East North east seven days together in sight of land, and crossing another gulf, Sileupaquim. there was a strait open to the East, called Sileupaquim, ten leagues in the mouth, within which we sailed five days in sight of many Towns and Cities very fair; and this River or strait was frequented with innumerable shipping; insomuch that Faria was afraid to be discovered, and would needs against Similaus mind turn some other way. Thus out of the Bay of Nanquin (Similau telling them of a month's work of sailing by the River Sumhepadan, Bay of Nanquin. one hundred and seventy leagues distant thence to the North) we sailed five days, at the end whereof we saw a very high H●ll called Fanius, and coming near it, entered a goodly road, where one thousand ships might ride at anchor. We sailed thence thirteen days along the coast, Buxipalem. and came to the Bay of Buxipalem in 49. degrees, where we found it somewhat cold and saw Fishes of strange shapes, Strange Fishes some like Thornbacks, above four braces or fathoms compass, flat nosed like an Ox; some like great Lizards, speckled black and green, with three rues of prickles on the back, like ●ristles, three spans long, very sharp, the rest of the body full, but of shorter; these Fishes will contract themselves like Hedgehogs, and look fearfully; they have a sharp black snout with tusks, after the manner of a Boar, two spans long. Other deformities and diversities of Fishes we saw. Fifteen leagues further, we came to an another fairer Bay called Calnidan, six leagues in compass set round with Hills, Calnidan. diversified with Woods and Rivers, four very great. Similau said that the filth of dead Carcases of creatures, proceeding from the overflowings, specially in November, December, and januarie, at the full of the Moon, caused the generation of such diversity of Fishes and Serpents in that Bay, and the former, which were not seen in other parts of that Coast. Faria asked him whence those Rivers came, and he said that he knew not, but if it were true which was written, Moscumbia. two of them came from a great lake called Moscumbia, and the other two from a Province of great Mountains, which all the year were covered with snow, called Alimania, and in Summer when great part of the snow was melted, Alimania. they became so impetuous, as we now saw: and for that River in the mouth whereof we were entered, called Paatebenam, we were now in the name of the Lord of heaven to turn the Prow to the East, and East Southeast * A least & à lessueste. to search again the Bay of Nanquim, Paatebenam. which we had left behind two hundred and sixty leagues, all which way we had made higher than Calempluy. The second day we came to a high Mountain called Botinafau, stored with diverse kinds of wild beasts, which continued near fifty leagues and sixe-dayes sailing: Botinafau. and after came to another Hill as wild as the former, called Gangitanou, and all the way forward was mountainous, Gangitanou. and so thick of trees that the Sun could not pierce. Similau said, that in ninety leagues space there was no habitation, and in the skirts thereof lived a deformed savage people only by their Hunting, and some Rice which they got in China, by exchange of wild beasts skins, which he said came to above a million yearly. Of these Giganhos, we saw a beardless youth with six or seven Kine before him, to whom Similau made a sign, and he stayed till we came to the Banks side, and showing him a piece of green Taffeta (which he said they much esteemed) with a harsh voice he said, Quiten paran faufau, words which none understood. Faria commanded to give him three or four Conadoes of the taffeta, and six Porcelanes, which he received with much joy, Giants. saying, Par pacam pochy pilaca hunangue doreu, signing with his hand to the place whence he came, and leaving his Kine, he ran thither. He was clothed with a Tiger's skin, the hair outward, his arms, head and legs bare, with a rude pole in his hand; well shaped, seeming ten palms or spans long, his hair hanging on his shoulders. Within a quarter of an hour he returned with a live Dear on his back, and thirteen persons with him, eight men and five women, with three Kine tied in coards dancing at the sound of a Drum, Their wild dance. giving now and then five strokes on it, and other five with their hands, crying aloud, Cur cur hinan falem. Antonio de Faria, caused to show them five or six pieces and many Porcelanes. All of them were clothed in like manner, only the women had on their wrists gross bracelets of Tin, their hair longer than the men, and full of Flowers, and on their necks a great necklace with coloured Shells, as big as Oyster-shels. The men had great poles in their hands, furred half way with such Pelts as they wore; they were strong set, with thick lips, flat noses, great open nostrils, big faces. Faria caused to measure them, and none of them were higher than ten spans and a half, one old man nigh eleven, the women not ten: but I suppose the most savage that ever yet were discovered. Faria gave them three corges of Porcelain, a piece of green Taffeta, and a basket of Pepper; and they fell on the ground, A Corge is 20. and lifting up their hands with their fists shut, said, Vumguahileu opomguapau lapan, lapan, lapan. They gave us the three Kine and the Deer, and after many words, in three hours' conference returned with like dance as they came. We followed our way five days more up the River, about forty leagues, in which we had sight of that people, and sixteen days more without sight of any, at the end of which we came to the Bay of Nanquim, hoping in five or six days to effect our desires. Similau willed Faria not to let his Portugals be seen. And having sailed six days East and East North-east, we had sight of a great City called Sileupamor, and entered into the Port two hours within night, being a fair Bay almost two leagues in circuit, where abundance of shipping rode at anchor, Sileupamor. seeming above three thousand: which made us so afraid, that out again we went, and crossing the River (which may be about six or seven leagues over) we ran alongst a great Champain the rest of the day with purpose to get some refreshing, having passed thirteen hungry days. We came to an old building called Tanamadel, and got provision to our minds. This place, Tanamadel. the Chinois which we found there, told us▪ belonged to an Hospital two leagues thence for entertainment of the Pilgrims, which visited the King's Sepulchre. We continued our voyage seven days more, having spent two months and a half since we came from Liampoo, and now Faria could no longer conceal his discontent, that he had thus followed Similaus project, and receiving of him answer little to the purpose, had stabbed him with his Dagger if others had not interposed Similau, the night following as we road at anchor near the land, swum a shore, the watch not perceiving, which Faria hearing was so impatient, that going on shore to seek him, he returned frustrate, and found of his six and forty Chinais, two and thirty fled. Full now of con●usion, it was by counsel resolved to seek Calempluy, which could not be far off: and the next night entered a Bark riding at anchor, and took five men sleeping therein; of whom he learned that Calempluy was ten leagues off, and with their help found it, eighty three days after he had set out on that enterprise. This Island was seated in the midst of the River, and seemed to be a league in Compass. Hither came Faria with trouble and fear, three hours within night, anchoring about a chamber shot from it. In the morning it was agreed, first to go about it to see what entrances it had, and what impediments might befall their design. The Island was all environed with a ●ampire of hewn Marble, six and twenty spannes-high, so well cut and set together, that all the wall seemed but one piece, The wonderful wall. the like whereof we had never seen in India, or elsewhere: from the bottom of the water to the brim, it contained other six and twenty spans. In the top was a border of the same work round ingirting it, like a Friar's girdle, of the bigness of a rundlet of twelve gallons, on which were set grates of Latin turned, every six fathoms fastened into holes of the same Latin; in each of which was the Idol of a woman, with a round ball in her hands, none knowing what it signified. Within these grates, was a rue of many Monsters of cast Iron, Statues. which in manner of a dance hand in hand, compassed the I'll round. Further inwards from those monstrous Idols, in the same rank, was another of Arches of rich work pleasant to behold. And all from hence inward, was a grove of dwarf Orange-trees thick set; in the midst whereof were builded three hundred and sixty Hermitages, dedicated to the Gods of the year, 360. Hermitages. whereof those Paynims have many fabulous praises. A quarter of a league higher, on a hill to the East, were seen buildings with seven fronts of houses like Churches, all from the top to the bottom wrought with gold, with high Towers seeming Bell-steeples; and without, two streets with Arches which encompassed these buildings, of the same work with the fronts; and all from the highest top of the steeple pinnacles to the bottom wrought with gold; Steples-pinacles. whereby we judged it some sumptuous and rich Temple. After this view taken, Faria resolved (though it were late) to go on shore, to see if he could speak with any in those Hermitages; and so (leaving sufficient guard in the Barks) with forty Soldiers, twenty Slaves, and four Chinois, (which knew the place, and had been sometimes there, He goeth on land. and might serve us for Interpreters) he committed the two Barks to Father Diego Lobato, and entered at one of the eight Entrances; walking thorough the Orangetto-grove to an Hermitage, two Caliver shots from our landing place, with the greatest silence that might be, and with the name of jesus in our heart and mouth. jesus made a patron of thieves. Having yet seen no person, he felt at the door of the Hermitage with his Halberd, and perceived it locked on the inside: he bade one of the Chinois knock, which having done twice, he heard an answer within answering, Praised be the Creator which gilded the beauteous Heavens, go about and I will know thy business. The Chinois went about and entering the back ●oore, He enters an Hermitage. opened that where Faria stood, who with his company going in, found one man seeming above one hundred years old, in a long Russet Damask garment, by his presence seeming Noble (as after we learned he was) who seeing such a troop fell down, trembling hand and foot. A good while it was before he could speak, and then asked what we were, and what we sought. The Interpreter answered by Farias command, that he was the Captain of these strangers of Siam, The speech betwixt Faria and an Hermit who bound for the Port of Liampoo in trade of Merchandise was wracked at Sea; he and these escaping miraculously, and therefore vowing to come to that Holy land on Pilgrimage, to praise God for deliverance from so great a danger, Absalon's vows and was now come to fulfil it; and withal to demand somewhat in alms to relieve him for his return, protesting after three years to restore it double whatsoever he now took. Hiticou (that was his name) answered, I have well heard what thou hast said, and that damnable design whereto thy blindness (as the Pilot of Hell) hath drawn thee and thine associates to the bottom of the lake of night. For in stead of thanks for so great a benefit, thou comest to rob: and what I pray thee will the Divine justice repay thee at thy last breath! change thou thy evil purpose, and (believe me) God will change thy punishment. Faria prayed him, he would not be angry, saying, he had no other remedy of life: whereat the Hermit lifting his hands and eyes to Heaven, said, weeping. Blessed be thou Lord, which sufferest on earth men, which take for remedy of life thine offences, and for certainty of glory will not serve thee one day. And then turning his eyes to the company which were rifling the Hangings and Chests, taking the silver from amongst the bones of the deceased therein, he fell twice from his seat with grief; and pensively put Faria in mind of his last breath, of restitution, of penance perpetual to his flesh, and liberal and discreet communicating to the poor, that the servant of night should have nothing to accuse him in the day of account: praying him also to command his company, to gather up the bones of the Saints, that they should not lie contemptible on the ground. Faria gave him many good words and compliments, professing himself (which he whispered nearer) sorry of what had passed, Complete hypocrisy. but if he should not do it, his company had threatened to kill him. If it be so, said the Hermit, then shall thy pain be less than these ministers of night, whom as hungry Dogs, it seems all the silver of the world would not satisfy. Thus with many good words he took leave of the Hermit (having taken all they could get) who told him his knowledge might make his sin more penal. Nuno Coelho praying him not to be so angry for so small a matter, he replied, More small is the fear which thou hast of death, when having spent thy life in foul facts, thy soul shall stand as foul at the passage of this dunghill of thy flesh. And if thou seekest more Silver to fill thy infernal appetite, thou mayst find in the houses adjoining enough to make it split, as well in danger of Hell for this already, save that more burdened thou shalt descend swifter to the bottom. Pray, said Coelho, take all in patience, for so God hath commanded in his holy Law: the Hermit shaking oft his head, said, I now see that which I never thought to have heard, Inbred wickedness and virtue famed, the same man stealing and preaching: and turning to Faria, prayed him that he would not suffer them to spit on the Altar, being liefer to dye a thousand times then to see it, which he promised. He then demanded of Hiticon, what persons lived in all those houses; who answered, three hundred and sixty Talagrepos only, and forty Menigrepos which served them without, for their provision, The Hermitages, Hermits & attendants▪ as Lay brethren. Papal power. and the care of the Sick. He asked if the Kings used to come thither: no said he, The King being son of the Sun, can absolve all and none may condemn him. Asked of their Arms, he said, To go to Heaven, there needed not arms to offend, but patience to suffer. For the mixture of that Silver with dead bones in the chests, he answered, that it was the Alms which the deceased carried with them, to provide them of necessities in the heaven of the Moon. Asked of women with them, he said, that the Bee stings those which eat the honey, and pleasures of the flesh needed not to the life of the Soul. And thus parted he from the Hermit with embraces, with purpose to return the next day (it being now night) to the other houses, and not taking aboard with him this Hermit, as he was advised, saying, his gouty legs could carry no tidings of us: which yet he did, creeping to the next, and bidding him go call the Bonzij. For an hour after midnight, we saw fires in a rue, which our Chinois told us, They are discovered. were signs of our discovery, and therefore advised us to haste away. Faria was awakened, and would needs a shore with six men, and ran like a madman from one place to another: his company requested him to haste away, and he answered, for his honour he would first see the danger, and entreated them to stay one half hour, and swearing hereto, away he goeth, and follows the sound of a Bell to an Hermitage, in which were two men in religious habits; the place was richer than the former we had been in. They took thence an Idol of Silver from the Altar with a mitre of Gold on his head, and a wheel in his hand, and three Candlesticks of silver with long chains; and taking the two Hermits with them, returned aboard the Barks with great haste. Of one of these, they learned that Pilau Angiroo had come to the house of the Sepulchers of the Kings, and cried out to them to awaken out of their sleep, telling them of their oath to the Goddess Amida, of Strangers with long beards and Iron bodies, which had robbed the Saints, and would kill them all, whence followed the fires, and sending to give notice to the Cities Corpilem, and Fumbana for aid, their Religion prohibiting them to handle any thing which might draw blood. Faria now having gone down the River a great way, was much enraged for omitting such opportunity, plucking his beard, and beating himself with anguish, till not long after his heat was cooled. §. III. Their Shipwreck in which Faria and most of them were drowned; the miserable wanderings of the rest to Nanquin: their Imprisonment, sentence and appeal to Pequin; rarities observed in those places and ways; of the beginnings of the China Kingdom, and of their admirable Wall. Seven days we sailed thorough the Bay of Nanquim, the force of the current carrying us more speedily, and came all discontent to a Village called Susoquerim, and there provided ourselves of victual and instruction, and entered into a strait called Xalingau, in which we ran in nine days one hundred and forty leagues, Xalingau. and turning to enter the same Bay of Nanquim, which was there ten or twelve leagues wide, we sailed with Westerly winds thirteen days: and being in the sight of the Mines of Conxinacau in 41. degrees and two thirds, there a Tufan or tempest from the South, Conxinacau. took us with winds and raines seeming more than natural, and the wind chopped into the North Northwest, the Sea going so high that (except our provisions and Chests of plate) we threw all into the Sea, cut both our masts overboard, and about midnight heard a great cry in the Panura of Antonia de Faria Mercy Lord God, whereby we imagined she was cast away; we seconded the same cry, Faria drowned, and ●oth the Barks wr●cked but heard no answer. Our Bark also the next day, split on a Rock, and of five and twenty Portugals, eleven were drowned, besides eighteen Christian boys, and seven China Mariners. This happened the fifth of August, 1542. We fourteen which escaped, the next day traveled into the Land, alongst a Hill, and discovered a Lake, without show of Land, which made us return back, where we found our men cast on shore, to the renewing of our sorrow, and the next day buried them, that the Tigers (of which there are many) should not eat them. In this, having nothing but our hands to do it, and they thirty six now stinking, we spent the most part of the day. Thence we went Northward thorough the Woods three days, till we came at a strait, without sight of any person. In swimming over three men and a boy were drowned, being faint, the current strong, and the water somewhat spacious: Four other drowned. the men were two brethren Belchior and Gaspar Barbosa, and Francisco Borges Cayciro, all of Ponte de Lima, and of good account. We which remained (eleven men and three boys) passing that obscure nights winds, reins, and cold, imitated by our disconsolate sighs, tears, and fears, saw before day a fire Eastward, and went right towards it, commending ourselves to God our only hope. And travelling along the River, we came in the evening where five men were making Coals, and casting ourselves at their feet, desired them to take pity on us, and help us to some place where we might find relief. They gave us a little Rice and warm water, An Hospital. and showed us the way to a Village where was an Hospital, to which we came an hour within night, and found there four men appointed to that charge, which used us charitably. The next day they asked what we were, and whence: and we told them, strangers of Siam * Malaca is said to stand in the Kingdom of Siam, though now not yielding subjection. , which came from the Port of Liampoo to the fishing at Nanquim, where by tempest we lost all but our battered flesh. They asked what we intended to do, and we answered, to go to Nanquim, to get passage to Cantan, or Comhay, where our Countrymen have trade by licence of the Aitao of Paquim, under the shadow of The Son of the Sun, the Lion crowned in the Throne of the World; for whose sake we desired them to let us stay there till we had recovered strength to travel, and to give us some clothing to cover us. They carried us about the Village, and begged some old clothes and victuals, and two Taeis in money for our relief, and gave us two Taeis of the House; and with words of much comfort to trust in God, they gave us a Letter of commendation to the Hospital of Siley iacau, Siley iacau. which was in a great Town three leagues thence, and had better maintenance. Thither we went, and showed our Letter from the Overseers of Buatendoo, in the said Village of Catihora● to the Officers of this house, which sat then at Table in consultation, and the Scribe reading the Letter, they accommodated us in a neat room with fourteen Beds, a Table, and many Stools, and Meat; and next morning examined us, we answering as before. They gave charge to a Physician to cure us, and wrote our names in a Book, to which we subscribed. In eighteen days we all recovered, and went thence to a place called Susoanganee, Suzanganee Strange oath. five leagues off, and sat down weary at a Well, where one came to us with a handful of Wheat ears, which he wetted in the water, and adjured us holding the same in our hands, by these substances of bread and water, which the high Creator had made for the sustenance of man to tell the truth what we were, etc. which we did, answering as before; and he gave leave to his neighbours to relieve us. They laid us in a Church Porch, and gave us victuals, and the next day we begged from door to door four Taeis, which well helped our wants. Xiangulee hard usage. Thence we went two leagues to Xiangulee, with intent to go to Nanquim, one hundred and forty leagues distant. Coming thither late, three boys which were feeding cattle, ran into the Town with an outcry of thieves; the people running out, and so welcomming us, that one of the boys died with the blows. They kept us two days in a Cistern of water up to the waste, full of Horseleeches, without victuals, and our hands bound; whence by a man of Suzanganee, we were freed, reporting better things of us. Thence we went to Fingmilan (in the way finding good relief at a Gentleman's house) still avoiding Cities and Towns of note, for fear of stricter justice, two months holding on our way, sometime in, sometimes out, from Village to Village, Chautir. one of which was Chautir, where a woman was then buried which had made the Idol her Heir, and we were invited as poor men to eat at her Grave, and had six Taeis given us to pray for her soul. Taypor. At Taypor an Officer charged us to be Rogues, begging against the Law, and therefore laid us in Prison, where we continued six and twenty days, in which Rodrigues Bravo, Nanquim. one of our company died. Thence we were sent to Nanquim, and there continued six weeks in a miserable Prison (in which was said to be four thousand Prisoners) where two of our company and a boy died of the whipping, and the rest hardly escaped; being besides sentenced also to have our thumbs cut off as thieves. After this bloody whipping, they brought us to a house within the Prison where we were cured, being as it were an Hospital for the sick, where in eleven days we were prettily well recovered, but lamenting the cutting off our thumbs according to the rigour of the Sentence which had been given, one morning came in two honourable persons which were Procurers of the poor. These questioned us of our case, and hearing the same, made a Petition to the Chaem on our behalf, and the eight Conchaces, which are as it were Criminal judges; and being there delayed, they made another Petition to another Table, called Xinfau nicor pitau, where are four and twenty Talagrepos assistants, Talagrepos. austere Religious men, as Capuchins amongst us, which review the cases of the poor, which prohibited the Chaem to proceed, and granted an appeal to the Aitau of Aitaus in Pequim to moderate the Sentence, which the two Procurers brought us. We and thirty others were embarked, chained with long chains, the two Procurers procuring us some clothing, and Rice, and commending us to Chifu, the Officer or Captain appointed to carry us, with a Certificate in our behalf to procure us alms. The Rivers being then high swollen hindered our journey. Three days we stayed at a Village called Minca●utem, where Chifu dwelled, and embarked his wife and children; we were tied to the seats where we rowed, and could not have perfect sight of the Cities, yet thus much we observed. The Jesuits place this City in 32. and in other places they likewise disagree in their calculation. The reason I suppose is, that P●nto never observed the height by Instrument, nor perhaps had skill thereby: this he confesseth, cap 105. pag. 222. but followed the Maps which at his return he saw, which have placed Nanquin in that height, falsely, as I conceive to keep others from the true knowledge of these parts; a thing usual in the old Maps of the East and West parts of the World: and sometimes they did graduate places falsely of ignorance. Nanquin described: See of it in Pantoia. Their journey by water from Nanquin to Pequin. Nanquim is in 39 degrees and a third, washed by the River Batampina, which signifieth The flower of fish: which River, as I was then told and after saw, comes from Tartary, out of the Lake Fanostir, nine leagues from the City Lançame, where Tamerlane King of the Tartars resided. This Lake is eight and twenty leagues long, and twelve broad, very deep, and yields five Rivers; first, this of Batampina, running thorough the midst of China three hundred and sixty leagues, and entering the Bay of Nanquin in 36. degrees. The second Lechune which goeth alongst the Hills of Pancruum, & dividing the Land of Cauchim, and Catebenan, which within the Country confines with the Kingdom of Champaa in 16. degrees. The third is Tauquiday, that is, The mother of waters, passing West Northwest by the Kingdom of Nacataas (a Land whence China was peopled) and falls into the Sea in the Kingdom of Sornau, or Siam, by the Bar of Guy an hundred and thirty leagues beneath Patane. The fourth River is Batobasoy, which passing by the Province of Sansim (which was drowned An. 1556.) goeth into the Sea by the Bar of Cosmim in the Kingdom of Pegù. Leysacotay is the fifth, runneth Eastward to the Archipelagus (as the Chinois say) of Xinxinpou, which confineth the Moscovites, entering into a Sea innavigable, as being in 70. degrees of latitude. The Chinois affirm, that in Nanquin are eight hundred thousand households, four and twenty thousand houses of Mandarines, sixty two great market places; one hundred and thirty shambles, each having eighty blocks; eight thousand streets, of which the six hundred principal have grates of Latin on both sides all alongst; two thousand three hundred Pagodes or Temples, one thousand of which are Monasteries of Religious persons, richly built, with Towers of sixty or seventy Bells of Metal and Iron, which make a noise horrible to hear; thirty Prisons great and strong, each having two or three thousand Prisoners, and an Hospital. The houses of the Mandarines are of earth, encompassed with Walls and Ditches, with fair Bridges, and rich Arches. The principal Magistrates have high Towers with gilded pinnacles, where are their Armouries and Treasures. The Street-arches with their night shut Gates, their new and full Moon feasts, incredible fishings, their ten thousand Silke-loomes, one hundred and thirty Gates in the strong wall, with as many Bridges over the ditch (a Porter, and two Halberdiers in each to see what goeth in or out) twelve Fortresses with Bulwarks and Towers, but without Artillery, the value to the King three thousand Cruzadoes a day, or two thousand Taeis, I can but touch. The rarities of China, compared with the things seen at home, seem doubtful or incredible. In the first two days we saw in our journey by the River no notable City or Town, but of Villages a great quantity which seemed to be of Fishermen and Labourers, and within Land as far as we saw, appeared woods of Pines and other trees, Orange groves, fields of Wheat, Rice, Millet, Panike, Barley, Rye, Pulse, Flax, Cotton, and Gardens with houses for the Grandes. cattle appeared alongst the River as much as in Pre●e john's Country. On the tops of Hills were seen Temples with gilded * This gild perhaps is but a kind of earth which the Chinois have, looking like gold▪ Pocasser. The Tartar Prisoner. Steeples shining far off. On the fourth day we came to a good City called Pocasser, twice as big as Cantan, well walled with Towns and Bulwarks, in manner like ours, with a Haven before the wall of two Falcon shots long, fastened with Iron grates in two rues, with Gates for the entrance and unlading of ships, which come thither from all parts. In the end of the Town on a Mount stood a Castle with three Bulwarks and five Towers, in one of which the Chinois told us, that the Father of this King held Prisoner nine years a King of Tartary, poisoned at last by his own vassals, unwilling to give so much to redeem him as was demanded. In this City, Chifu gave leave to three of us nine, to go (with four Halberdiers to guard us) and beg Alms, which in six or seven streets got the worth of twenty Cruzadoes in clothes and money, besides Flesh, Rice, Fruits, and Meal; half of which our Guard had according to the custom. They carried us to a Temple where was great concourse of people that day, being solemn to that Sect of Tauhinarel (one of their 32. Gentile Sects.) That House they said had been the Kings, and that this King's Grandfather was borne there, his Mother dying in childbirth, in honour of whose death and burial in the same chamber he had dedicated this Temple in that Palace. All the Building with the Offices, A pensile Palace. 360. Pillars to the 360. days of the year. Gardens, and all the appurtenances are founded in the air on three hundred and sixty Pillars (each of one stone) seven and twenty spans high, bearing the names of the three hundred and sixty days of the year; and in each of them is a feast with much alms, bloody Sacrifices, and dances to the Idol of that day and Pillar, which stands therein richly enshrined, with a Silver Lamp before him. Beneath go eight streets or ways enclosed on both sides with Latin grates, with doors for the people which come to those feasts. Queen's silver Chapel, and the riches and 〈…〉 Over the house where the Queen was buried was a round Chapel all lined with Silver, seeming richer in the work then matter. In the midst was a silver Throne of fifteen steps, round to the top encompassed with six rues of silver grates with the tops gilded. On the highest of them was a great Globe, and thereon a Lion of silver, bearing up a chest of Gold three spans square, in which they said were her bones, by the blind people worshipped as great Relics. There hung on four silver tires which crossed the House, forty three silver Lamps (so many years she lived) and seven of Gold in memory of her seven Sons. Without at the entry were two hundred fifty three silver Lamps great and rich, which the Chaens and great men's Wives presented in her honour. Without the doors were in six rues round about Statues of Giants fifteen spans high, well proportioned of Brass, with Halberds and Maces in their hands, which the Chinois said were twelve hundred. Amongst them were four and twenty Serpents of Brass very great, each having a woman sitting thereon with a Sword in her hand of the same metal, and a silver Crown on the head: so many had sacrificed themselves at her death to do her service in the next World. Another compass environed that of the Giants, all of triumphant Arches gilded, with a great quantity of silver Bells hanging on silver chains, which by the motion of the Air continually yielded a strange sound. Without those Arches in the same proportion stand two ranks of Latin grates encircling the whole work, set in spaces with Pillars of the same, and thereon Lions set on balls, which are the Arms of the Kings of China. The jesuits say his arms are golden Dragons. Monstrous statues. At the four corners were placed four Monsters of Brass, one (which the Chinois call the Devouring Serpent of the deep Cave of the House of smoke) in the figure of a dreadful Serpent, with seven Serpents coming out of his breast, sported with green and black with many prickles more than a span long, quite thorough the body like Hedgehogs, each having in his mouth a woman overthwart, with dishevelled hairs, looking deadly. The old or great Serpent holds in his mouth a Lizard half out, of above thirty spans in length, as big as a Pipe, with nose and lips full of blood, and in his hands he holds a great Elephant so forcibly, that his entrailes seem to come out of his mouth; all so naturally represented, that it is most dreadful to behold. The folds of his tail were above twenty fathom long, enfolding therein another Monster, the second of the four, called Tarcamparoo, which they say was the Son of that Serpent, which stands with both his hands in his mouth, which is as big as a gate, the teeth set in order, and the black tongue hanging out above two fathoms. Of the two other, one was the Figure of a woman, named Nadelgau, seventeen fathoms long, and six about, from whose waste issued a beak or face above two fathoms, which cast smoke out of the nostrils, and flames of fire out of the mouth, which they make therein continually, saying, she is the Queen of the Fiery Sphere, and shall burn the Earth at the end of the World. The fourth is like a man, set cowering with cheeks puffed like ships sails, so monstrous that a man could not endure the sight. The Chinois call him Vzanguenaboo, and say, that it is he which makes Tempests in the Sea, and throws down Houses by Land, to which the people give much Alms not to hurt their junkes. Xinligau. The second day we went from Pocasser, and came to another City called Xinligau, very great, well built, walled with Tiles, ditched about; with two Castles at the end, having their Towers, Bulwarks, and Draw-bridges: in the midst of each Castle was a Tower of five Lofts with many works painted, in which the Chinois said, were fifteen thousand Picos of silver, of the Rents gathered in that Archipelago, which this King's Grandfather there laid up in memory of his Son Leuquinau, Leuquinau. God of Sea fish. Silke-loomes. which signifieth the joy of all, holden for a Saint, because he died a Religious man, and lies there buried in the Temple of Quiay Varatel, the God of all the Fishes in the Sea, of whom they have large Legends. In that City and another five leagues from it is made the greatest part of the Silk of that Kingdom, the waters there giving quicker colours (they say) then in other parts. The Weaver's Looms of these Silks, which they affirm thirteen thousand, Huge pastures. pay yearly to the King three hundred thousand Taeis. Going further up the River, we came the next day Evening to a great Champagne, continuing ten or twelve leagues, in which were many Kine, Horses, and Mares, pastured for the shambles as well as other flesh, and kept by many men on Horseback. These Champaigns past, we came to a Town, junquileu. called junquileu, walled with Tiles, but without Towers or Bulwarks. Here we saw a stone Monument with an Inscription, here lieth Trannocem Mudeliar, Uncle to the King of Malaca, Alboquerque. See tom. 1. lib. 2. pag. 32. who died before he was revenged of Captain Alboquerque, the Lion of Sea Robberies. We enquiring hereof, an old Chinese said, that about forty years ago, the man there interred had come Ambassador from a King of Malaca, to sue to the Son of the Sun, for succour against a Nation of a Land without name, which had comen from the end of the World, The Spanish hath, the Palsy, and it seems a kind of Palsy gotten by stroke or blasting of the Air. and taken Malaca, with other incredible particularities printed in a Book which he made thereof. Having spent three years in this Suit, and brought it to some maturity, he sickened of the Air one night at Supper, died in nine days, and left this Memorial. We proceeded on our way the River growing less, but the Country more peopled, scarcely a stones cast free of some House, either of a Pagode, or Labourer. And two leagues higher on a Hill compassed with Iron grates were two Brass Statues standing on their feet, one of a man, the other of a woman, both seventy four spans long with their hands in their mouths, and puffed cheeks; fastened to Cast-Iron Pillars, seven fathoms high. Two monstrous statues and their devotions. The Male was named Quiay Xingatalor, the woman Apancapatur. The Chinois told us that the man was Fire-blower in Hell to torment such as in this life gave them no Alms: the woman was the Hell-Porter, which suffered the Almes-givers' to fly by a River of cold water, called Ochileuday, and hid them their from the Devils hurting them. One of our company laughed at this Tale, whereat a Bonzo was so offended, that he set Chifu in rage with us, who bound us hand and foot, and gave us one hundred stripes apiece. Twelve Priests were incensing these Monsters when we were there with Siluer-censours full of sweet Odours, Saying, as we serve thee, help thou us: another company of Priests answering: So I promise thee as a good Lord. And thus went they on Procession about the Hill an hour's space sounding certain Bells causing a dreadful noise. Hence we passed up the River eleven days, all peopled with Cities, Towns, Villages, Frequency of China people. Castles, in many places, scarcely a Caliever shot distant one from another: and all the Land in compass of our sight had store of great Houses, and Temples with gilded Steeples, which amazed us with the sight. Thus we came to the City Sampitay, Sampitay. where we stayed five days by reason of the sickness of Chifus Wife. There by his leave we went thorough the streets, a begging, the people wondering at us, and giving us largely. One woman amongst others which busily questioned with us, showed us a Cross branded on her left arm, ask if we knew that sign, and we devoutly answering, yes▪ she lifted up her hands to Heaven, and said, Our Father which art in Heaven, hallowed be thy Name, in Portuguese, and could speak no more, but proceeded in China speech, and procured leave to lodge us at her House those five days: See Maff. l. 6. these Portugal Rebels had possessed Tamus, and raised a Fort in the Island, whence followed that out rage to Perez after four months travel from Canton to the Court. Lopez Soarez which sent Peirez to China, went Viceroy, A. 1515. China Christians and Christianity. telling us she was named Inez de Leiria, and was the Daughter of Thomas Perez, which came Ambassador to China, and by reason of a Rebellious Portugal Captain, he was taken as a Spy with twelve others; so beaten that five died, the other seven sundered to diverse places, where they died in misery, only Vasco Caluo, being now left alive. Her Father, she said, was banished to this Town, and there married with her Mother having somewhat to maintain her, and by him made a Christian. They lived together many years like good Catholics, and converued many to the Faith of Christ, in that City three hundred assembled on Sundays to her house to their holies. She showed us an Oratory in which was a Cross of wood gilded, with a Candlestick and silver Lampe. We asked her what they did, when they came there, and she said, nothing but kneel before that Cross, with their hands and eyes lifted to Heaven, and say, Lord jesus Christ, as it is true that thou art the true Son of God, conceived by the Holy Ghost in the womb of the Holy Virgin Mary, for the salvation of Sinners, so pardon our sins, that we may obtain to see thy face in the glory of thy Kingdom, where thou sittest at the right hand of the Highest. Our Father which art in Heaven, hallowed be thy Name. In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, Amen. And so kissing the Cross, ●hey embraced one another and went home; always living friendly with each other. Her Father (she said) had left other Prayers written, which the Chinois had stolen away, so that now they could say no more. Whereupon we promised to leave her other Prayers, and taught the Christians seven times there, and Christopher Borrall writ in China Letters the Lord's Prayer, Aue Mary, Creed, Salue Regina, Ten Commandments, and other good Prayers. She had given a Present to Chifus Wife to deal with her Husband to give us this leave, and to use us kindly, and the Christians there gave us fifty Taeis of Silver, and Inez de Leiria other fifty closely, de●●ring us to remember her in our Prayers. We continued our journey up the Batampina, to a place called Lequimpau, of ten or twelve thousand Houses. Loquimpau, Mynes of Tuxenguim. near to the wall stood a long house with thirty Furnaces for the purifying of silver which was taken out of a Hill five leagues distant, called Tuxenguim; in which Mines the Chinois told us, there continually laboured one thousand men, and that it yeeled to the King yearly five thousand * 1000 Picoes is a Million of Taeis. Pacan and Nacau. Pikes of silver. We departed thence in the Evening, and the next Evening anchored betwixt two small Cities standing over against one another, one named Pacan, the other Nacau, both well walled and builded. These two Cities occasion me to recite what I have heard often heard read in the thirteenth Chapter of the first Chronicle of the fourscore which they have of the Kings of China; that six hundred thirty nine years after the Flood, there was a Land, called Guantipocau, in which lived a petty Prince, called Turban, which had by his Concubine Nancaa, three Sons, refusing to marry, China Chronicles and Legends. and entering into Religion of the Idol Gizom (still much esteemed in japon, China, Cauchin-china, Camboia, Siam, of which I have seen many Temples) appointing his oldest Son by the said Nancaa his heir. His Mother then living was against this, and married herself with Silau a Priest, and slew Turban, whereupon Nancaa and her children fled down the River seventy leagues, and fortified a place which she called Pilaunera, that is, the refuge of the poor. Five years after Silau prepared a Fleet of thirty Barks to destroy her and all her faction, thinking that her Sons coming of age might dispossess him. But she having Intelligence, having of men, women, and children, not above one thousand and three hundred persons, and but three or four Boats not sufficient to convey away those few, Beginning of th● 〈…〉 by common consent and advice appointed a three days Fast therein to beg secure of God, in all which time none might eat above once, in pain of death. This Fast ended they cast Lots and the Lot fell on a Boy of seven years old, which was also named Silau, whom after all Ceremonies ended) they bid lift up his hands to Heaven, and tell them some remedy to these dangers. Who prophesied Victory to her over the Tyrant Silau, commanding her to embark hers in her Enemy's Barks, and at the sound of the waters to run along the Land, till God showed where she should found a habitation of great name, which through all times should send out his mercy with voices and blood of strange Nations: after which words the Boy fell down dead. Legend of Pequim. The thirty Barks came (saith the Story) five days after without any people therein: for at a place called Catebasoy, a black Cloud arose over them, which rained on them scalding drops, which destroyed them all. Nancaa with tears and thanks embarked her three Sons and the rest, and went down the River conducted by the sound forty seven days, and then came to the place where Pequim now stands. Five days after they came aland, was the first stone laid thereof by Pequim, eldest Son of Nancaa, and the City called by his own name. And a silver shield hangeth on the Arch of the chief gate Pommicotay, and hath this inscribed, in which are forty Warders, and in the rest ordinarily but four. The day also of the foundation (being the third of August) is kept with great Solemnity, and thereon the King useth to show himself to the people. No stranger may enter China. The later Kings also have made a Law that no Strangers, except Ambassadors and Slaves should enter the Kingdom. The two other Brethren founded these two Cities, called by their own names Pacan and Nacau, and their Mother founded Nanquin, which took the name of hers. IN the fifth Book of the chief places of that Empire, is written, that King Crisnagol (which reigned as we may accord our computation with theirs) about the year of our Lord 528. builded the wall, the people contributing ten thousand Pikes of silver (which are fifteen Millions of Cruzadoes) and two hundred and fifty thousand men (thirty thousand Officers and the rest Labourers) which was continued seven and twenty years, The wall of China. and then finished, being, saith that Book the length of seventy jaons' (every jaon is four leagues and an half) which make three hundred and fifteen leagues. The Priests and Isles are said to contribue as many, and the King and Officers another third, so that seven hundred and fifty thousand men laboured therein. This wall I have seen and measured, Seis brasas dalto & quarenta palmos de largo. being generally six fathoms high, and forty spans thick: and four fathoms runneth a kind of Rampire, twice as thick as the wall strengthened with a Bituminous substance on the outside like Potter's work; and in stead of Bulwarks it hath houses of two lofts with beams of black wood, called Caubesy, that is, Iron-wood, seeming stronger than if they were of stone-worke. V●ion todas chanfradas ao picao. This wall or Chanfacau (so they call it, that is, strong resistance) runneth with an equal course till it encounters with Hills, which are all Chanfred and made so that it is stronger than the wall itself, the wall being only in the spaces 'twixt Hill and Hill, the Hills themselves making up the rest. Five Rivers interrupting the wall. In all that way are but five entrances, caused by the Tartarian Rivers, which with impetuous force cut the Country above five hundred leagues entering the Sea of China, and Cauchin-china: And one of them more forcible than the others enters the Kingdom of Sornau (commonly called Siam) by the Bar of Guy. Wall-forts. At every of those five entrances the King of China hath one Fort and the Tartar another: in every of the China Forts there are seven thousand men, six thousand foot, and one thousand Horse, in continual pay; most of them Strangers, Mogors, Champaas, Pancrus, Coracones, and Gizares of Persia, the Chinois being but mean Soldiers. In all the space of this wall are three hundred and twenty Regiments, each of five hundred men (in all one hundred & sixty thousand) besides Ministers, Commanders, and their retinue which the Chinois said, made in all two hundred thousand men, allowed by the King only sustenance, all or most of them being condemned to that service, and therefore receiving no pay. And in Pequim is a great and admirable Prisonhouse, Thus in Spain, Malefactor's a● sentenced to the Galleys, or Garrisons of Oran, Penon, &c Huge Prison. Chaens of the wall. in which are Prisoners continually for the Fabric of this wall of three hundred thousand men and upwards, most of them from eighteen to five and forty years old: whereof some are men of good quality, which for their ill behaviours and enormities are hither sentenced, expecting to be removed hence to the service of the wall: whence they may have return according to the Statutes thereof made, and approved by the Chaens, which therein dispense the Regal power with mere and mixed Empire. There are twelve of them which may pay to the King a Million of Gold for Rent. §. four Mindo Salt-pits: Mines of Coretumbaga, Copper-workes; Idolatry and Christianity; China Trades, and River Fairs; their coming to Pequin, trial and sentence. Rarities of Pequin. TO return to our Voyage, from Pacan and Nacau, Mindoo. we passed up the River to Mindoo, a greater City then either of the former, which on the Land side had a great Lake of Salt-water, with great store of Salt-pits therein, which the Chinois said, did ebb and flow like the Sea, from which it is above two hundred leagues distant; and that this City Rents to the King yearly one hundred thousand Taeis, of the thirds of the Salt, and as much more of the Silks, Sugars, Porcelain, Camfire, vermilion, Quicksilver, The customs 300000. Cruzados. which are there in great quantity. Two leagues above this City were twelve long Houses, in which many men were sounding and purifying Copper, making such a noise with the Hammers that this place (if any on Earth) may resemble Hell. In each House were forty Furnaces, twenty on a side, with forty great Anvils, on each whereof eight men were hammering round, with such quickness as scarce permitted the eyes observance; 3840. Hammer-men. A Pico is 1000 Taeis. so that in each house there were three hundred and twenty continual Labourers, besides Workmen of other kinds. We asked how much Copper they might make yearly, and they answered, betwixt one hundred and ten, and one hundred and twenty thousand Pikes, of which the King had two parts, because the mines were his; the Hill where the Mine was, is called Coretumbaga, that is, River of Copper, which in two hundred years (so long was since the Discovery) was not emptied. Above these Houses one league near the River, we saw on a Hill encompassed with three rues of Iron Grates, thirty Houses in five ranks, very long, with great Towers of Bells of Metal, and Cast-Iron, with gilded Pillars and carved works, and artificial Frontis-pieces of stone. Here we went on Land by Chifus leave, because he had so vowed to that Pagode, which is called Bigaypotim, that is, the God of one hundred and ten thousand Gods, Corchoo, Bigaypotim. Fungane, ginato ginaca, strong & great (say they) above all the rest: For they hold every thing hath a particular God which made it and preserves it in its nature, & that this Bigaypotim brought forth all of them at his armpits, and that of him they all hold their being, as of a father by filial union, which they call Bijaporentesay. In Pegu where I have been sometimes, there is a Pagode like this (there called Ginocoginana, China ruled over India. the God of all greatness) whose Temple was built by the Chinois when they ruled in India, which was after their Computation accorded with ours from Anno Dom. 1013. till 1072. conquered by Oxivagan, whose Successor seeing how much blood was paid for so little good, voluntarily relinquished it. In those thirty Houses stood a great quantity of Idols of gilded wood, and as many more of Tin, Copper, Latin, Iron, Porcelain, so many that I dare not mention the number. We had not gone thence six or seven leagues, when we saw a great City ruined with the houses and walls on the ground, seeming a league in circuit. The Chinois said, that it had been called Cohilouzaa, that is, Flower of the field, Cohilouzaa. sometimes prosperous; and that one hundred forty two years since, as is written in a Book, name Toxefalem, there came in company of Merchants from the Port of Tanaçarini, a man which wrought Miracles, in a month's space raising up five dead persons, the Bonzos' saying, he was a Witch, and because they could not hold dispute with him, provoking the people against him, saying, that if they did not kill him, God would punish them with fire from Heaven. A Christian martyred. Lucena hath this story. The enraged multitude killed one john a Weaver, where he sojourned, and his two Sons in Law, and his Son; which sought to defend him, and when they had gone about to burn him, in vain, the fire being extinct, the Bonzos' stoned him, preaching Christ unto them, which had come from Heaven to dye for Sinners, and to give life to all which professed his Law with Faith and Works. They say, that the body was cast into the River, which for the space of five days would not run lower, and thereby many were moved to profess that Religion: and as we doubled a point of Land, we saw a Cross of stone on a little Hill environed with Trees. Chifus Wife falling into travel (of which she died) we stayed there nine days, and did our Devotions thereto, A Crosse. prostrate on the Earth. The people of the Village (called Xifangu) marvelling, came running to the place and falling on their knees, kissed the Cross often, saying, Christo jesu, jesu Christo, Maria Micau, late impone Moudel, that is, was a Virgin in his Conception, Birth, and after it. They asked if they were Christians, and we affirming it, had us to their Houses and used us kindly, being all of that Weaver's Posterity and Christians. They also confirmed that which the Chinois had told us, and showed us the Book printed of his Miracles, which they said was named Matthew Escandel, an Hungarian by Nation, an Eremite of Mount Sinai, Mat. Escandel an Hungarian. borne at Buda. That Book tells that nine days after his death, the City Cohilouza shook so, that the people ran out into the fields, and abode in Tents; Earthquake. The China Pluto. to whom the Bonzos' came and bid them fear nothing, for they would beseech Quiay Tiguarem, The God of the night, to command the Earth to do so no more, otherwise they would give him no Alms. Thus went the Priests alone in Procession to that Idols House, and making their night-Sacrifices and Perfumes, the Earth quaked about eleven of the clock at night, and overthrew the whole City (one only of about four thousand Bonzos' remaining alive) into a Lake more than one hundred fathoms deep, called after this Fiunganorsee, that is, punished from Heaven. Iunquil●nau. Hence we came to a great City, called junquilinau, very rich, with many junkes and Barks, where we stayed five days, Chifu there celebrating his Wife's Exequys, and giving us food and raiment for her soul, freeing us from the Oar, and giving us leave to go on Land when we would, without our Sem colares, nem algemas. Collars, which was very great ease to us. Thence we went up the River, still seeing on both sides many and fair Cities and Towns, and other very great populations, strongly walled, and Fortresses alongst the water with Towers and rich Houses of their Sects, with innumerable cattle in the fields, and shipping in the River, in some places five hundred, six hundred, How such infinite numbers live. yea, one thousand sail, in which were sold all things could be named. Many Chinois affirmed, that there were as many lived in that Empire on the water, as in Cities and Towns: so many in both, that were it not for the good government of their Trades, they would eat one an other. As in Ducks, one trades in buying and hatching the Eggs, and selling the young; another in breeding them for sale when they are great, others in the Feathers, others in the heads, and in wares, others in the Eggs, etc. none interloping the others Trade under pain of thirty stripes. In Hogs, one trades in selling them together alive, others kill them, and sell them by weight, others in Bacon, others in Pigs, others in sauce. So in fish, he which sells fresh may not sell salt, some sell them alive, etc. and so in Fruits and other things. And none may change his Trade without licence. Sugar-houses. Infinite provisions and store houses. They have also along this River of Batampina, in which we went from Nanquin to Pequin, (the distance of one hundred and eighty leagues) such a number of Ingenios' for Sugar, and Presses for Wines, and Oils made of diverse sorts of Pulse and Fruits, that there are streets of them on both sides of the River, of two or three leagues in length. In other parts are many huge storehouses of infinite provisions of all sorts of flesh, in which are salted and smoked Beef, tame and wild Hogs, Ducks, Geese, Cranes, Bustards, Emes, Dear, Buffals, Ants, Horse, Tigers, Dogs, and all flesh which the Earth brings forth, which amuzed and amazed us exceedingly, it seeming impossible that there should be people in the World to eat the same. We saw also great store of Barks fenced at Poupe and Prow, with Reeds of Canes full of Ducks to sell, in diverse lofts over one another, which go out at four strokes of a Drum, six or seven thousand together to feed, where they set them, at the sound of the Drum returning again, with like exceeding cry. In the like sort they let them out to lay on the grass. They that hatch them have long houses with twenty Furnaces full of dung, with some hundreds of Eggs covered therein, and hatched by that heat, the mouth stopped till they think fit time, then putting in a Capon half plucked and wounded on the breast, they shut it again, and after two days, the Capon hath drawn them all forth, and they put them into holes provided for them. Pastures of beasts. We saw along the River in some places store of Swine wild and tame kept by men on Horseback, in other places tame Deer kept by Footmen, all maimed in the right foreleg, that they should not run away, which they do when they are young. We saw Pens full of little Dogs to sell, Barks full of Pigs, others of Lizards, Frogs, Snakes, Snails, all being meat with them. Dogs for meat. In these (being of small price) they may fallen many kinds. Yea, the dung of men is there sold, and not the worse Merchandise, that stink yielding sweet wealth to some, who go tabouring up and down the streets to signify what they would buy. Two or three hundred sail are seen sometimes freighted with this lading in some Port of the Sea; whence the fattened soil yields three Harvests in a year. We came to a Fair of China where on the water 2000 Barks, besides small Boats which go up and down and small Barks were assembled in one place, and made a City with streets in the water above a league long, Movable Cities on the water. and a third part of a league broad. These Fairs are principally on the Holy day of some Pagode, whose Temple is by the water's side. In this Water-citie, by the order of the Aitao of Bitampina (who is chief Precedent of the thirty two Admirals of the thirty two Kingdoms of this Monarchy) are sixty Captains appointed; thirty for the government and ordering of the same in matters of justice, and other thirty to guard the Merchants in coming safely secured from thieves. Over all these is a Chaem, which hath Mere and mixed Rule in Causes Civil and Criminal without Appeal. These Fairs last from the new Moon to the full, in which it is a goodly thing to see two thousand streets or ranks straight, enclosed with Barks, Beauties and glories of this River-citie. most of them flourishing with Streamers and Banners, and rails painted, whereon are sold all things that can be desired, in others Mechanike Trades, & in the midst Boats going up and down with people to trade without any confusion or tumult. As soon as it is night, the streets are enclosed with Cables. In every street is ten Lanterns lighted on the Masts (which yields a fairer lustre than the former sight by day) to see who goeth by and what is his business. In each of these streets is a Watchbell, and when that of the Chaems sounds, all the rest answer with as strange an Object to the Ear as the former to the Eye. In every of these Vows are Oratories built on Barks with gilded Tents, where the Idol and Priests receive the Devotions and Offerings of the people. Amongst other remarkable things we saw one rue or street of above one hundred Barks laden with Idols of gilded wood of diverse sort, which are sold to be offered in the Pagodes; and besides, feet, legs, arms, and heads, which sick folks offered for Devotion. Other Barks there are with Tents of Silk, in which Comedies and pastimes are represented. In others are sold Letters of Exchange, the Priests giving them Bills to receive in Heaven what their folly lay down there, with great increase (Our Scriveners would scarcely grow rich here with that Trade) others are laden with skulls of dead men, they dreaming that all the Alms of those men, whose skulls these have been, shall belong to their souls, and that the Porter of Heaven seeing them come with thus many attending, will open to him as an honourable person: Others have Cages of Birds, and call to men to set free those Captives, which are the creatures of God, with their Alms which they which do, let lose the Bird and bid him tell God what he hath done in his Service: others do the like with living fishes, offering their freedom to the charitable Redeemers (which themselves will not give them; much like the sale of Indulgences) saying, they are Innocents which never sinned, which freed by Alms are let go in the River with commendations of this their Redeemers Service to the Creator. Other Barks carry Fiddlers and Musicians to offer their Service: Others (the Priests) sell Horns of sacrificed Beasts, with promise of I know not what Feasts in Heaven: others had Tents of sorrow, Tombs and all Funeral appurtenances with Women-mourners, to be let out for Burials: others laden with Books of all sorts of History, and these also have Scriveners and Proctors; others have such as offer their service to fight in defence of their honour; others have Midwives, others Nurses; others carry grave men and women to comfort those that have lost Husbands, Wives, Children, and the like disconsolate persons: others Boys and Girls for service; others offer Counsellors in Cases of Law or Learning; others Physicians: and to conclude, nothing is to be sought on the Land which is not here to be found in this Water-citie. Once, the cause of the greatness of this Kingdom of China, is this easy concourse of all parts by water and Rivers: some of which in narrow places have bridges of stone like ours, and some made of one only stone laid over, sometimes of eighty, ninety, or one hundred spans, long, and fifteen or twenty broad. All the Highways have large Causies made of good stone, Bridges, and highways admirable. with Pillars and Arches fairly wrought inscribed with the Founder's names and praises in golden Letters. In many places they have Wells to refresh the Travellers. And in more barren and less inhabited places are single women which give free entertainment to such as have no money, which abuse and abomination, they call a work of Mercy, Filthy charity. and is provided by the deceased for good of their souls, with Rents and maintenance. Others have also bequeathed in the like places, houses with Lights to see the way, and fires for Travellers, water and Lodging. I have in one and twenty years unfortunate travels seen a great part of Asia, and the riches of Europe, but if my testimony be worthy credit, all together is not comparable to China alone: such are the endowments of nature in a wholesome Air, Soil, Rivers, and Seas, with their Policy, justice, Riches and State, that they obscure all the lustres of other parts. Yet such is their bestial and Devilish Idolatry, and filthy Sodomitry publicly permitted, committed, taught by their Priests as a virtue, that I cannot but grieve at their ungratitude. Departing from this admirable City, we sailed up the River, till on the ninth of October, The Author's opinion. Pequim. on Tuesday we came to the great City of Pequim, whither we were sent by Appeal. We went three and three as Prisoners, and were put in a Prison called Gofania serca, where for an entrance they gave each of us thirty stripes. Chifu which brought us presented to the Aitao our Process signed with twelve seals from Nanquiu. The twelve Conchalis which are Criminal judges, sent one of their company with two Notaries, and six or seven Officers to the Prison where we were, and examined us, to whom we answered as before, and he appointed us to make petition to the Tanigores, of the holy Office by our Proctors, and gave us a Taell for alms, with a caveat to beware of the Prisoners that they rob us not; and then went into another great Room, where he heard many Prisoners Causes, three hours together, and then caused execution to be done on seven and twenty men, sentenced two days before, which all died with the blows to our great terror. And the next day we were collared and manacled, Their hard usage. being much afraid that our Calempluys business would come to light. After seven days the Tanigores of the Hospital of that Prison came in, to whom we with pitiful lamentation gave the Certificate which we brought from Nanquin. By their means the Conchalis petitioned the Chaem to revoke the Sentence of cutting off our thumbs, seeing there was no testimony of theft by us committed, Their Cause heard. The fiscal (set on work it seems by the judge which had sentenced them) punished. but only our poverty, we more needed pity then rogour. He heard the pleading for and against us for diverse days, the Prometor or fiscal laying hard against us that we were thieves; but being able to prove nothing, the Chaem suspended him from his Office, and condemned him in twenty Taeis to us, which was brought us. And at last we were brought into a great Hall painted with diverse representations of execution of justice for several crimes there written, very fearful to behold: and at the end a fairer gilded room crossed the same, where was a Tribunal with seven steps, compassed with three rues of grates, Iron, Latin, and black Wood; inlaid with Mother of pearl, having a Canopy of Damask fringed with Gold and green Silk, and underneath a Chair of Silver for the Chaem, Tribunal and pomp. and a little Table before him, with three Boys attending on their knees richly attired, with chains of gold on their necks; the middlemost to give him his Pen, the other two to receive Petitions and to present them on the Table; two other Boys standing at his side in exceeding rich array, the one representing justice, the other on the right hand Mercy, without which conjoined, the judge (they say) becomes a Tyrant. (The rest of the state and ceremony I omit) we kneeling on our knees, with our hands lifted up, and our eyes cast down to the ground, heard gladly our Sentence of absolution. Only we were for one year banished to the works of Quansy, and eight months of that year ended to have free passport to go home, Quansy works. or whither we would. After the Sentence pronounced, one of the Conchalys stood up, and five times demanded aloud if any could take exception against the Sentence: and all being silent, the two Boys representing justice, and Mercy, touched each others Ensigns which they had in their hands, and said aloud, let them be free according to the Sentence, and presently two Chumbims took off our Collars and Manacles, and all our bonds. The four months (the Tanigores told us) were taken off the year, as the King's alms in regard of our poverty; for had we been rich, The King's alm●s. we must have served the whole year. They gave us four Taeis of alms and went to the Captain which was to go for Quansy to commend us to his charity, which used us accordingly. Description of Paquim, or as the Chinois call it Pequim. Aquesendoo a Book written of Pequin. 1600. houses for Deputies. PEquin may be called the Mother City of the World's Monarchy for the wealth, government, greatness, justice, provisions. It stands in the height of 41. degrees to the North; it containeth in circuit, as the Chinois (and as I after heard read in a little Book written of the greatness thereof, called Aquesendoo, which I brought with me into this Kingdom) thirty leagues, ten in length, and five in breadth, all which space is environed with two Walls, and innumerable Towers and Bulwarks. Without is a larger space, which they say, was anciently peopled, which now hath but Hamlets, and scattered Houses, and Garden-houses (of which sixteen hundred are of principal note, in which are the sixteen hundred Proctors for the sixteen hundred Cities and Towns of note, of the two and thirty Kingdoms of this Monarchy, which reside there three years for the said Towns. Without this circuit or wall, there are in the space of three leagues broad, 24000. sepulchres. and seven long, four and twenty thousand Sepulchers of Mandarines, with their little gilded Chapels, encompassed with grates of Iron and Latin, with rich Arches at their entries. near to them are Gardens, Groves, Thanks, Fountains; the walls lined within with fine Porcelain, adorned also with Lions and Pinnacles of diverse paintings. Hospitals 500 There are in that space five hundred Lodgings, called Houses of the Son of the Sun, for entertainment of Soldiers maimed in the King's wars (besides many others for the old and sick) every of which receive their monthly allowance, and have in them as they said two hundred men, 24000. Bargemen. in all one hundred thousand. We saw another street very long, where lived four and twenty thousand Rowers for the Kings shipping: and another above a league long, where lived fourteen thousand Taverners for provision for the Court; 14000. purveyors. Courtesan street. and another where were infinite Courtesans freed from tribute (which those of the City pay) for service of the Court, many running from their husbands, and here protected by the Tutan of the Court, which is supreme in cases of the King's house. 100000. Launderers. 1300. Monasteries. In that compass also live the Launderers of the City, which were, as they told us, above one hundred thousand, there being many Thanks or Ponds compassed with stone and Rivers. There are therein, as that Book saith, thirteen hundred Noble houses of Religious men and women, which profess the four chief Sects of the two and thirty which are in that Kingdom: some of which, they say, have above one thousand persons within them besides servitors. There are other houses store with great walls in which are Gardens, and Groves with game for hunting; and are as it were the Halls of Companies where many resort to see Plays, and the great men make their feasts there with incredible costs. Some of these houses cost above a million, maintained by Companies of rich Merchants, which are said to gain * By letting the houses to other men. much thereby. And when any will make a feast, he goeth to the Xipatom of the house, who showeth him a Book wherein is contained the order of feasts and services (which Book I have seen and heard read) of all sorts, and of what prices they are, whether Sacred to their Idols, or Secular, (of which our Author hath a large Chapter, here omitted.) 360. Gates and Castles. Now for Pequin, it hath three hundred and sixty Gates, each having a Castlet with two Towers, and a Draw-bridge, a Notary, and four Warders, to take notice of those which go in and out, and an Idol proper according to the days of the year, every of which is festival in one of them. 3800. Temples The Chinois reported that there are therein three thousand eight hundred Temples or Pagodes, in which are continually sacrificed birds and wild beasts, which they say, are more acceptable than tame: those especially very fair which are of the Menigrepos, and Conquiais, and Talagrepos, Four chief Sects. the Priests of the four chief Sects, of Xaca, Amida, Gizon, and Canom. The streets are long and large, the houses fair, of one or two lofts, encompassed with Iron and Latin grates, and at the streets end are triumphal arches, closed at night; in the chief are Watch-bells. Every street hath a Captain and four Quarter-masters or Corporals, which every ten days acquaint the Lonchacies or Chaems with occurrents. That Book reports of one hundred and twenty water-passages, six fathom deep of water, and twelve wide, 120. Riverets, 1800. Bridges. 120. Market-places. with many stone bridges, which are said to be eighteen hundred rich and fair, with arches, pillars, and chains: it tells also of one hundred and twenty Market-places, each of which have their monthly Fairs, (which make some four fairs a day thorough the year) of which we saw ten or twelve in our two months free abode, very full of horsemen and footmen with all commodities to be sold. There are one hundred and sixty Shambles, 160. Shambles each having one hundred blocks for Flesh of all sorts, the price set down on every block, and besides the shop-weights, are weights at every Gate to examine the weight again. And besides those general shambles, every street hath five or six shops which sell all kind of Flesh: houses also for Poultry, and for Bacon, and hanged Beef. §. V. Four Buildings incredibly admirable in Pequin, and diverse of their superstitions: their Hospitals and provisions for the Poor. The King's revenues and Court; their Sects. But nothing seemed to me more admirable, than the Prison, called Xinanguibaleu, that is, the Prison of the exiled, whose compass containeth about two leagues square, Prison of the exiled, to the Tartarian wall, almost eight leagues compass. as well in length as breadth, walled high and ditched deep, with draw-bridges hanged on Iron cast pillars very great. It hath a high arch with two towers, whereon are six great watch-Bels, at the sound whereof the rest within answer, which are said to be one hundred. In this Prison are continually three hundred thousand men from * Or 18. to 45. sixteen to fifty years of age, all condemned to banishment, for the fabric of the wall betwixt Tartary and China; whom the King finds maintenance only, without other pay. Multitudes of Prisoners and men employed in the wall. After they have served six years they may go out freely, the King freely remitting their sentence in satisfaction of their labour. And if in the mean time, they kill an enemy, or have been thrice wounded in sallies, or perform any worthy exploit, he is also freed. There are * Before he said 200000. two hundred & ten thousand employed in that service, of which yearly in those that die, are maimed or freed, one third part is set off, and supplied from that Prison, which was builded by Goxiley the successor of Crisnagol, the founder of the wall, brought thither from all parts of the Realm, and sent to the Chaem of the wall at his appointment. These prisoners are sent from other prisons, being loose, save that they wear at their neck, a board of a spanne long and four fingers broad, inscribed with their name, and sentence of exile, such a time. In this Prison are two Fairs yearly, one of which we saw, Huge Fairs. kept in july and januarie, frank and free without payment of tolls; to which are thought to assemble three millions of persons: the Prisoners being meanwhile shut up. The Prison hath three Towns, as it were, with streets and Officers, besides the Chaems lodgings, fit to entertain a King. There are also all necessaries sold. Their are groves, and thanks of water for washing, Hospitals also and twelve Monasteries, with rich houses, wanting nothing that a rich and noble City should have: the Prisoners having their Wives and Children with them, the King allowing a competent house for them. Another building about as great as that, was the Muxiparan, or treasure of the Dead, Another admirable Fabric. compassed with a strong wall and ditch, with many stone Towers and painted pinnacles: the wall on the top in stead of battlements, was compassed with Iron grates, close to which were set great store of Idols of different figures, of Men, Serpents, Horses, Oxen, Elephants, Fishes, Snakes, monstrous forms of Worms, and creatures never seen; all of Brass and cast Iron, and some of Tin, and Copper; a sight more admirable to the view, then can be imagined. Passing by a bridge over the ditch, we came to a great Hill, * Terreyro, and so after. at the first entry all environed with thick grates of Latin, floored with stones white and black, so shining that a man might see himself therein, as in a glass. In the midst of that Hill stood a marble pillar of six and thirty spans high, all seeming to be but one stone; on the top whereof stood an Idol of silver with a woman's face, with both hands gripping a Serpent spotted with black and white. And further, before the gate (which stood betwixt two high towers, borne upon four and twenty big stone pillars) stood two figures of men with Iron maces or battle Axes, in their hands, as guarding the passage, one hundred and forty spans high, with dreadful countenances, called Xixipitau Xalican, that is, the Blowers of the House of Smoke. At the entry of the gate, stood twelve Halberdiers, Fire-blowers of Hell. and two Notaries at a table, which writ down all that enured. After we were entered, we came into a large street set on both sides with rich Arches, with infinite bells of Latin hanging thereon, by latin chains, by the moving of the air yielding a great sound. The street was almost half a league long, and within those arches were two ranks of houses, like as it were great Churches with gilded pinnacles, 3000 House's full of skulls. and painted inventions, in number as the Chinois affirmed three thousand, all from the bottom to the roof full of Sculls of dead men. Behind those houses was a hill of Bones, reaching to the roofs of the houses, of the same length of half a league and very broad. We asked the Chinois, if any account were kept thereof, and they answered, that the Talagrepos which had the government of those houses, had registers for them all, and that every house yielded two thousand Taeis rend, China Charnel or Purgatory. left thereto by the deceased for their souls discharge, the King having thereof the fourth part, and the Talagrepos the rest for expenses of the Fabric; the King's fourth part was spent on the exiled Prisoners of Xinamguibaleu. The Devil's banner triumphant in stupendious Serpents; than which neither figure nor creature hath been more abused to superstition as glorying of that his conquest, Gen. 3. though a stronger than he represented by the brazen Serpent, joh. 3. hath taken the old Serpent and led captiu●tie captive, and broke the Serpent's head, which here seems intended with Ethnic vanity. We walked thorough the street, and in the midst saw a great hill round encompassed, with two rues of Latin grates; in the midst whereof was a brazen Serpent, above thirty fathoms in her circles, well proportioned, notwithstanding that incredible massiness. This monstrous Snake which the Chinois call the Serpent devourer of the House of smoke, had set in his head, a Ball or Bullet of cast Iron of two and fifty spans circumference. Above twenty paces further, was the figure of a Man in brass, of Giantly limbs and proportion, who sustained with both his hands another bullet, which (eyeing the Serpent with an angry visage) made as though he threw it at him. Round about that figure, were many small gilded Idols on their knees, with hands lifted up to him as in admiration: and in four wires of Iron environing, were one hundred and sixty two silver Candlesticks, each having six, seven, and ten nosles. This Idol gave name to the whole Fabric, and was called Muchiparom, who was, saith the Chinois, the Treasurer of all the bones of the dead, and that Serpent coming to rob them, he threw that bullet in his hands, and made her flee to the dark bottom of the house of smoke, where God had cast her for her badness: And that three thousand years before he made the former throw, and that three thousand years after, he shall make another, and so each three thousand years another, till the fifth which shall kill her: after which all these bones shall return to their bodies, to remain always in the house of the Moon. This their Bonzos' preach, and that those souls shall be happy, whose bones are thither brought, so that no day passeth in which two thousand bones are not brought thither. And they which are too far distant to have their bones brought, send a Tooth or two, which with their alms will do as much good as the whole: so that I suppose there are teeth enough in those houses to lad many ships. A third building we saw without the walls, sumptuous and rich, named Nacapirau, which signifieth, The Queen of Heaven; which they mean not of the Virgin Marie, but think that as temporal Kings are married, The third strange Edifice of Nacapirau the juno of China. 140. Monasteries. so also is the Heavenly, and that the Children which he getteth of Nacapirau, are the Stars; and when the stars seem to shout or fall in the air, that then one of those Children dye, all his brethren weeping so many tears, that the Clouds are therewith filled, and water the earth, and make it fruitful, as being the alms which God gives for the soul of the deceased. We saw here one hundred and forty Monasteries, of their wickedly Religious men and women; in every of which, were said to be four hundred persons, which come to six and fifty thousand; besides servitors, which have not yet vowed the profession, as those within, who go in sacred habit of red with green stoles, their beards and heads shaved, with beads about their necks, for their prayers, but ask no alms, having sustenance of their own proper. Tartarian cruelty. In this Edifice of Nacapirau, the Tartarian King lodged, Anno 1544. when he laid siege to this City, as shall after be delivered; wherein for a devilish and bloody Sacrifice, Nun's sacred to diverse Gods he commanded 30000. persons to be slain: fifteen thousand of which were Women, or girls rather, the Daughters of the chief men of the Kingdom, and Religions, professed of the Sects of Quiay Figrau, God of the Motes of the Sun, and of Quiay Nivandel, God of the Battles, and of Compovitau, and of four others, Quiay Mit●●, Quiay Colompom, Quiay Muhelee, and Muhee Lacasaa, whose five Sects, are the chief of the two and thirty. Within this building we saw diverse memorable things. One was a Wall against the other, almost a league compass, borne up with stone arches, and in stead of battlements, arounded with Latin grates, and at every six fathoms, Iron works on pillars of Brass fastened one to another, whereon by chains hung innumerable bells, making a continual strange noise, with the motion of the air. At the great Gate of this second wall, in terrible shapes, stood the two Porters of Hell (as they call them) Bacharom and Qugifau, The Porters of Hell. with Iron Maces in their hands, terrible to look on. Passing under an Iron chain, fastened to the breasts of these Devils, we came into a fair street long and wide, compassed with painted arches, on the top whereof were two ranks of Idols all that length, in which were above five thousand Images, we knew not of what matter, being all gilded, with Mitres on their heads of diverse inventions. At the end of this street, was a great square Hill set with black and white shining stones, the whole square compassed with four rues of Giants of mettle, each of fifteen spans, with Halberds in their hands, and gilded beards. jupiter or God of rain. At the end of all stood Quiay Huiaon, God of the Rain, set up against a bastion or border, seventy spans long, and his head so high, that it reached to the battlements of the tower, (which were above twelve fathoms) by his mouth, * Encostado à bumbordano. eyes, nostrils, and breasts, casting out water, which the people below gathered as a great relic. This water came from the top of the tower by secret pipes. We passed under his legs, which stood as a great portal, and came to a large house like a Church, with three Isles on marble pillars, and on the walls on both sides, many Idols great and small of diverse figures, all gilded, set on their bases in good order. At the end of this house on a round of fifteen steps, stood an Altar made in fashion of a Throne, Golden statue of Nacapirau. and thereon the Image of Nacapirau, like a goodly woman, with her hair loose, and her hands lifted to heaven, all of gold so burnished, that it dazzled the eyes. About that tribunal in the four first steps, stood twelve Kings of China crowned in silver. And beneath, were three rues of gilded Idols on their knees, with their hands lifted up, many silver Candlesticks hanging about them. Going thence, we came to another street of arches like the former; and from thence by two others of rich buildings, to a great hill, in which were eighty two Bells of mettle very great, hanging by chains from Iron beams sustained with Iron Columns. Thence we went to a strong Gate 'twixt four towers, in which stood a Chifu with thirty Halberdiers, and two Notaries, which took the names of all passengers, to whom we gave thirty Reis for entrance. The fourth remarkable and famous building, was in the River of Batampina, in an Island about a league in compass, walled round with stone eight and thirty spans above water, The fourth glorious Edifice. within filled with earth, round encompassed with two rues of Latin grates; the uttermost six spans high for people to lean on, the inner of nine, holding silver Lions with balls, the Arms of the China Kings. Within these grates in good order, 113. Chapels, and their contents 1469. Candlesticks. were placed one hundred and thirteen Chapels, in manner of round Bulwarks; in each of them, was an alabaster Sepulchre seated on the heads of two silver Serpents, with faces of women and three horns on their heads. In every of them were thirteen Candlesticks of silver, with seven lights in each burning. In the midst of a spacious place compassed with three rues of grates, with two ranks of Idols, stood a high Tower with five steeples of diverse paintings, and on their tops, Lions of silver; in which tower the Chinois said, were the bones of the one hundred and thirteen Kings, worshipped by them for great relics. These bones say they, every New Moon, feast one with another, whereupon the vulgar at those times, offer to them infinite store of Fowls of all sorts, Rice, Kine, Hogs, Sugar, Honey, and other provision; which the Priests receive, and deceive them in recompense, with as it were jubilees, of plenary Indulgences, and remission of sins as they believe. Indulgences. In this Tower we saw a rich house all lined with silver plates, from the top to the bottom, Rich silver Temple. in which stood those one hundred and thirteen King's statues, and the bones of each King in his own statue; and they say, that by night these Kings communicate and pass the time together, which none may see but the Cabizondos, (a higher degree of Bonzos', as that of Cardinals with us) which fables they believe for very certainty. In this great circuit we told three hundred and forty Bells of mettle and cast Iron, in seventeen places, by twenty in a place, which all sound on those New-moon feasts abovesaid. near to that tower, in a rich Chapel built on seven and thirty columns of stone, stood the Image of Amida made of silver, Lady Amidas Image. with the hairs of gold, on a Throne of fourteen steps, all wrought with gold, the hands elevated to Heaven: beneath her shoulders, hung (like lines of beads) many little Idols, as big as the middle finger: and the secret parts were covered with two great Oyster-pearles, garnished with gold: They being demanded the meaning of this mystery, said, that after the general Flood in which all mankind was drowned, God sent Amida from the Heaven of the Moon, Amida Chamberl●ine to Nucapirau, as ●ris to juno: a tale perhaps devised from that Rain bow covenant, Gen. 9.15. as that which followeth from Gen. 3.16. (being great Chamberlain to Nacapirau his wife) to restore the destroyed world; who setting here feet in Calempluy before mentioned, being lately freed of the waters, she turned it into gold, and there standing on her feet with her face in heaven, a great quantity of Creatures issued from down her arm; down her right hand Males, and Females down the left; having no other place in her body whence to bring them forth, as other women of the world, whom for sin God hath subjected to filthiness of corruption, to show how filthy sin is. After she had finished this travel or childbirth of 33333. Creatures, (as they number) one third part Males, and two parts Females; she remained so weak, having no body to provide her any thing, that with dizziness she fell to the ground dead without recovery. Whereat the Moon in condoling her death covered herself with sorrow, which are those shadows we see from the earth; which say they, shall remain so many years as she produced Creatures (33333) & then the Moon shall put off her mask of sorrow, and the night shall be after as clear as the day. Such and other like mad stuff did they tell, which might make one wonder, and more to weep, that the Devil should gull them with such manifest lies, being otherwise so understanding a people. From this Hill we went to another Temple of Nuns, sumptuous and rich, A Nunnery. in which they told us was the Mother of this King, Nhay Camisama, but would not let us enter being strangers. Thence by a street of Arches, we went to a haven called Hicharioo Topileu, where was store of strange shipping of diverse Kingdoms, which come continually to that Temple for a plenary jubilee, which the King with many privileges hath granted them, and diet on free cost. To speak of other Temples and matters of China, which we saw in our two months liberty were infinite. The King of China most resideth at Pequin, for so he sweareth at his Coronation. There are certain streets severed in this City by themselves, Hospitals for children. wherein are houses called Lag nampur, that is, The School of the poor, in which Orphans which know no father are taught to write and read, and mechanike trades to earn their livings. Of these Houses they have above two hundred, and as many more of poor Nurses which give suck to Children, exposed or cast forth by their Parents (which are punished if they be known) and after they are weaned, are committed to the former houses. And if any by natural defect are unable to learn a Trade, they apply him to that whereto he is able, as those that are blind to Mills, two to grind, and one to ●ift; and so in other cases. How the poor children are placed to Trades. Besides, no Tradesman may keep shop without licence, which is not granted but with imposing on them some of these poorer. The Miller is to give meat and drink to each of those blind persons, and clothes, and fifteen shillings yearly, which when he dieth he may give for his soul, that no poor should perish, according to the fourth precept of * Span. Aminto. Amida. For Cripples which cannot go, they place them with makers of Frails, Baskets, and other handiworkes: Provisions for all sorts of poor. and those which cannot use their hands have great Hampers given them, and Baskets to serve for Porters to carry what men buy, from the Markets to their houses; such as have neither hands nor feet to use, are placed in great houses like Monasteries, where are many mercenary women which pray for the dead, half of the Offerings remaining to them, the other half to the Priests. If they be dumb, they place them in a house like an Hospital, where they are sustained with the Fines imposed on Regraters and scolding women. For common women which are diseased they have other houses, where they are cured and provided for, at the costs of other common women, each paying a monthly fee. The Dowries or jointures of convicted Adulteresses are bestowed on the Hospitals of female Orphans, that honesty may gain by dishonesties' loss. Other honest poor men are maintained in other streets, at the charges of Solicitors and Lawyers which maintain unjust Suits, and of partial bribed judges. Provision against sterility, and for the poor. See sup. cap. 4. §. 6. For the provision of the poor I have further heard read out of their Chronicles that Chansiran Punagor, Great Grandfather of the King now reigning, desiring to do God service (being blind after a sickness which he had) ordained that in every City there should be storehouses of Wheat and Rice, that if any dearth should happen, there might be a years provision, and the poor should not perish: and to this purpose he applied the tenth part of the King's Customs. They say, that God recompensed this his charity with restitution of his sight, which continued fourteen years after till his death. This is still observed, and the number of those Storehouses is said to be fourteen thousand. At Harvest the old is divided to the Inhabitants as they have need, which after two months are to lay in as much new, and six in the hundred more, that the store be not diminished. But if the year prove barren, it is divided to them without gain: and that which is given to the poor which have not to satisfy, is paid out of the King's Rents of that place, Royal revenue how disposed. The Jesuits also say, the King cannot at pleasure dispense it. as the King's Alms. And all the rest of the Royal revenues are divided into three parts; one for maintenance of the King's estate, and for the government of the Kingdom; the second for the defence of the Country, for Ports, Fleets, and the like; the third is put up in the Treasury at Pequin, with which the King by ordinary power may not meddle, being deputed for defence of the Kingdom against the Tartars, and other wars with confining Kings; this part of the treasure is called Chidampur, that is, The wall of the Kingdom. For they say, that if such occasions happen, the King shall not lay tribute whiles that lasteth, not shall the people be vexed, as in other Countries, where such providence is not used. Indeed I fear to particularise all that we saw in this City, lest the Reader should doubt▪ or mutter at the rarity, Not to compare China with what we see here. Admiranda Pequini. measuring things by that little they have seen, and judging by their own curtalled conceits the truth of those things which mine eyes have seen. But high capacities, haughty spirits, and large understandings, that measure not other states by the miseries and meanness before their eyes, will perhaps be willing to hear things so rare; which I hold the more pardonable in others to doubt of, forasmuch as I verily confess, that I myself which beheld them with mine eyes, am often amazed, when with myself I recount the greatnesses of Pequim, in the admirable estate of that Gentile King, in the splendour of the Chaens of justice, and of the Anchacies of government, in the terror and dread caused in all by their Officers, in the sumptuousness of the Houses and Temples of their Idols; and of all the rest therein. For only in the City Minapau which stands within the wall of the King's Palace are 100000. * Minapau the King's Palace: the number of eunuchs perhaps is mistaken by the Printer: the Span. hath 10000 one cipher l●sse. Yet Pantoia saith, that year when he writ, were chosen 3000. out of 20000. and in the Palace were 16000 Eunuches. Eunuches, and 30000. women, 12000. men for his Guard, and 12. Tutans, which is the greatest dignity, and commonly called the Sunbeams, as the King is called, the Son of the Sun, whose person they represent. Beneath these 12. are 40. Chaens as Viceroys, besides the inferior dignities, as Anchacies, Aytaos, Ponchacies, Lauteaas, and Chumbins, all which in the Court are above 500 and none of them have less than 200. men depending, the greater part of which are Mogores, Persians, Coraçons, Moens, Calaminhans, Tartars, Cauchins, and some Bramaas; the Naturals being little esteemed as effeminate, and wanting valour, how witty soever in Arts and husbandry. The women are white, chaste, more given to labour then the men. The earth is fertile, which their ingratitude rather ascribes to the merit of their King, than the providence of God. Some Priests also barter with them upon Bills of exchange to be repaid an hundred for one in Heaven, which Letters they call Cuchimiocos. Other Priests are of another Sect, called Naustolins, which deny the Souls immortality, Sects in 〈◊〉 Cuchimiocos. Naustolins. Trim●cha●. and therefore teach to take their pleasures in this life. Another Sect is called Trimecau, which holds, that a man shall so long lie in his Grave as he hath lived above ground; after which, by the prayers of their Priests, the Soul shall return into another creature seven days, and then seek for the old body left in the Grave, to carry it to the Heaven of the Moon, where it shall sleep many years, till it be converted into a Star, and there remain fixed for ever. Another beastly Sect, called Gizom, holds that Beasts only shall enjoy Heaven, Gizom. in recompense of their penance and travels here sustained, and not Men which follow their lusts, except they leave to Priests at their death, to pray for them. §. VI Their remove to Quansy, quarrels, miseries; Tartarian huge Army, and loss at the siege of Pequim, reported. Quansy taken, and Nixianco: MENDEZ his exploit. Their entertainment by the Tartar King, and going to Cauchinchina with his Ambassadors, with many Tartarian observations. AFter we had two months and a half gone up and down in the City of Pequim, on Saturday the thirteenth of january, Quansy▪ 1544. they carried us to Quansy to fulfil our Sentence, where we were brought before the Chaem, who made us of his Guard of eighty Halbarders allowed him by the King, which made us thankful to God, being a place of little labour and more maintenance and liberty. But after a month, Portugal's quarrel. the Devil sowed strife betwixt two of our company, which in reasoning about the Families of the Madureyras, and the Fonsecas, whether were more eminent, grew to heat, thence to braving words, and after to blows and wounds, not only of those two, but by part take of five of the rest. The Chaem and Anchacies sentenced us to thirty blows a man, which made us more bloody than our wounds. Then they carried us to a prison, where we lay in Irons six and forty days. After which we were brought to the Bar, and received other thirty stripes, Parity a peace-breaker. and removed to another prison, where we stayed two months, then removed to certain Iron-works five months, much pinched in back and belly, and being diseased with a contagious sickness, they sent us forth to beg, which we did four months. In this misery we swore to each other to live Christianly and lovingly, and that each month one should be chief, whom all the rest should obey, whereby we after lived in peace. Christovan Borralho the chief for that month, distributed us by couples to take their turns weekly to beg, two to fetch water, and make ready what we got, two to get wood. I and Gaspar de Meyrelez went one morning to the Wood, and Meyrelez being Musical played on his Vial, and sung; a thing pleasing to that people, which spend much time in pastime and banquets, and profitable to us in procuring alms. As we went, Music for the comfort of the dead. we met with a Funeral pomp with Music in the midst: one of which Musicians knowing Meyrelez, prayed him to play and sing as loud as he could, that this dead man we now carry to burial may hear thee, to comfort him in leaving his wife and children, whereto he was much affected. He modestly refusing, the other angrily answered, and others entreated, and almost forced him to go with them to the burning Burial after their custom. I thus left alone, went and got my bundle of wood on my back. In the way homeward I met in the way an old man, clothed in black Damask furred with white Lamb, who having showed me a silver Cross, told me, that he was a poor Portugal, Vasco Caluo, which seven and twenty years since was captived with Tomés Pirez, Vasco Caluo. See the former note §. 3. whom Lope So●rez had sent Ambassador to China, which had a miserable success by reason of a Portugal Captain. He brought me to his house, and told me the story of his and his fellow's adventures, and I ours to him: and at his request I fetched the rest of our company to his poor house. He brought us to another room, where his wife was, with her two little sons, and two small daughters. She entertained us lovingly, and showed us her Closet with an Altar, and a Cross thereon, secretly kept; she also and her children said a Portugal Prayer, with the Pater noster, Creed, and Aue Maria, to our great joy. Eight months being spent in this our misery and beggary, News of the Tartarian Army, and siege of P●quim. on Wednesday the thirteenth of july, a great tumult and cry arose amongst the people, by reason of news of the Tartarian King his coming to Pequin, with a greater power than ever any King had in the World; that there were in his Army 1800000. men, 600000. of which were Horsemen, which had comen by Land from La●çame, and Fanistir, and Mecuy, with 80000. Badas * to carry their provision. Lançame. Twelve hundred thousand Footmen had comen in sixteen thousand Laulees and Ia●gas down the Batampina. And because the King of China durst not resist so great a power, he was gon● to Nanquim. Moreover it was said that in the Pinall of Manicataron, a league and half off was lodged one Nauticor, Nauticor cometh to Q●ansy. a Tartarian Captain with 70000. Horse, who within few hours would be at that City. This news much terrified us, and the next morning the Enemy appeared with Colours quartered green and white in seven battles, near to a Pagode called Petilau Nameioo, a little from the walls. From that Pagode they came with sound of Instruments of war in one gross Squadron like a half Moon, and encircled the City: and being within Caliver shot, they made a shout as if Heaven and Earth would have gone together, and scaling it with two thousand Ladders which they brought with them, The City taken. assaulted it in all places they could very resolutely, and at last broke into the gates by certain devices of great Iron Presses, and slew the Chaem with many Mandarines, putting the City to the sword, sack, and fire; killing, as was thought, 60000. persons, and after stay of seven days there, went for Pequim, where their King was. Nixiamco a China Castle assaulted. Two days after they were gone, they came to a Castle called Nixiamcoo, which he besieged. Nauticor called the seventy Captains to consultation, and agreed to ma●e ready five hundred Ladders that night for the next day's assault. The next day their Palinguindoens (so they call their Martial Instruments) sounded, and fourteen battalions marched, and gave assault with great cries, scaling the walls, and fight furiously; the besieged also defending themselves courageously, and in two hours killing three thousand Tartars, the rest fleeing; many wounded with poisoned Arrows, The Tartars loss. whereof they died. A Counsel of War was hereupon called, one of them being the man which had us in custody; who returning with two Captains of his acquaintance to supper, in their discourse of that misfortune they cast eyes upon us there prisoners, and questioned of what Nation we were, and whether our Kings used to war, and whether any of us knew any Stratagem to get that Castle, promising our freedom if we could effect it. To wh●● we answered accordingly, Mendez his undertaking. and George Mendez undertook the design against our like fearing his disability, and our further danger. One of these Captains told the Mitaquer (Nauticor) hereof, who sent to Tileymay the Captain which had charge of us, to bring us to him. He gave us a grave welcome (being now in counsel with the seventy Colonels, two hours after midnight, and first made us to eat, having taken off part of our Irons; and then made large promises to George Mendez if he could do as he had said; to which he answered, that he could answer nothing till he saw it, and then he would tell him the way to take it. We were removed to a Tent adjoining, and there guarded, full of fear lest this undertaking would cost our lives with a People so cruel. The next day George Mendez and two others of our company were carried with a band of Horsemen about the Castle to view it, and then brought to the Mitaquer, to whom he professeth great facility of effecting his purpose: which so contented him, that he swore by the Rice he eat to present us to the King, and to fulfil his promises, presently taking off the remainder of our Irons. He made us to eat near him, and did us other honour. After which, George Mendez as Campmaster appointed store of Chists, Boxes, and materials to fill up the ditch, and three hundred large scaling Ladders able to hold each three Soldiers, against the next morning to be made ready two hours before day. All this was happily effected, The Castle taken. the ditch filled, and Mendez with two others of us first scaled the wall, and set up the Tartars Colours; five thousand Tartars gallantly seconding, so that with a hot skirmish the besieged were all slain, and the Castle taken; the gates opened to the Mitaquer, who with great ceremonies took thereof possession. He caused George Mendez and the rest of us to eat near him, razed the Castle, and taking Mendez with him on horseback returned to his Tent, giving him 1000 Taeis, and each of us 100 the cause of much emulation in some of our company, Lautimey. who by his means had obtained liberty. Thence the Mitaquer marched by places desolate, to a good Town by the River's side, called Lautimey, the people whereof were fled; the Town these barbarians fired, as they did other places where they came. The next day they burned Bunxay, a swoon field of above six leagues circuit, most Wheat; and came to the Hill Pommitay, and the next day to the River Palemzitau, within two leagues of the Kings Campe. Guijay Paran son of the King of Persia, at the Castle of Lautir, by the King's appointment stayed for him; to whom Mitaquer on his knees delivered his Scimitar, having first kissed the ground five times. He welcomed him with honourable terms, and after that, stepping back two or three paces with a new ceremony, and with a voice high and severe (as he which represented the King's person) said, He, whose rich border of his garment my mouth continually kisseth, whose great power ruleth over others by Land, and on the Isles of the Sea, sends to tell thee by me his Slave, that thy honourable coming is as welcome to his presence as the sweet Summer morning, wherein the bathing of cold water most delights the flesh: and that without delay thou hastenest to hear his voice, mounted on this Horse richly furnished out of his Treasury with me, that thou mayest be equal in honour with the principal of his Court, and they which see thee thus honoured may know that thou art a strong member, whose valour deserves this reward. Thus with great state and pomp they went to the King: and fifteen days after he brought us to the Tents of the King well horsed, then in the sumptuous House of Nacapirau. When he came to the Trenches, he descended from his Litter (we from our Horses) and asked leave of Nautaran to enter, which granted, he again went to his Litter, and we followed on foot: at the next passage he descended, and went in leaving us to expect him. State of the Tartarian Camp and Tent Royal. An hour after he returned with four fair Boys gallantly arrayed in green and white, with their golden Xor●as on their feet, to whom all the people rose up, and drawing their Scimitars laid them on the ground, saying three times, A hundred thousand years live the Lord of our heads. We lying prostrate with our faces on the ground, one of the Boys said to us with a loud voice, Rejoice ye men of the World's end, for the hour of your desire is comen, in which the liberty which the Mitaquer promised you in the Castle of Nixianco, shall be granted you. Lift up your heads from the ground, and your hands to Heaven, giving thanks to the Lord which made the Stars. We answered as we were taught, Let it be our fortune that his foot tread on our heads: the Boy answered, The Lord grant your request. These four Boys with Mitaquer guided us on thorough a Gallery standing on six and twenty Pillars of Brass, from which we entered a great Hall of timber, in which stood Mogores, Persians, Berdios, Calaminhans, and Bramas: thence we came to another Hall, called Tigihipau, where were great store of armed men in five files quite thorough the Hall, The Guard●▪ their Swords garnished with Gold. There Mitaquer performed some ceremonies, swearing on the Maces which the four Boys carried, kneeling and kissing the ground three times. Then we passed another gate, and came to a square great Hall like the Cloister of a Monastery, in which stood four files of brazen Images like Savages with Maces and Crowns, seu●n and twenty spans high, and six broad, which the Tartars said were the three hundred and sixty Gods which made the days of the year; which the Tartar King had taken out of a Temple, called Angicamoy, in the City Xipatom, in a Chapel of the Sepulchers of the Kings of China, to carry home in triumph. Xipatom. In this Hill was a Garden of strange herbs and flowers, and therein a Tent upon twelve turned posts of Camphire wood, Curious Throne. in which was a Throne all garnished with much curiosity of Gold and Silver works, representing very lively the Sun, Moon, Stars, Clouds. In the midst of the Throne stood a silver great Statue, called Abicaunilancor, that is, God of the health of Kings, (taken also from Angicamoy) about which stood four and thirty Idols as big as children about six years old, in two ranks set on their knees and hands lifted up as in veneration. At the entry of the Tent were four Boys gorgeously arrayed which went about it with Censers, and at the sound of a Bell prostrated themselves on the ground, and censing, said, Let our cry come unto thee as a sweet savour that thou mayest hear us. That Tent was guarded by sixty Halbarders, standing a pretty distance from it round about. Beyond that Hill we entered another place, where were four rich rooms, in which were many great persons. Thence we followed Mitaquer and the Boys unto a great Hall like a Church, where stood six Porters with Maces, which with new ceremony let us in. Here was the King of Tartars, The Tartar King. His State. accompanied with his Grandes, among which were the Kings of Pafua, Mecuy, Capimper, Raia Benam, and the Anchesacotay, and other Kings to the number of fourteen, all in rich attire, placed at the foot of the Throne, two or three paces distant; and a little further off stood two and thirty fair women, playing on diverse Instruments. The King sat on the Throne, encompassed with twelve Boys on their knees, with small Sceptres of gold on their shoulders; amongst which was a fair Damsel which ever and anon fanned the King. This was the sister of Mitaquer, who by her means enjoyed that grace and respect in the Army. His person. The King was about forty years old, tall, not fleshy, well set; his beard short with Mostachos like the Turks, his eyes somewhat small, his countenance severe; clothed in a shining reddish vesture set with Pearls; on his feet certain Slippers green wrought with Gold and Pearls; and on his head a kind of Salad with a border of Diamonds and Rubies. Before we came at him by ten or twelve paces, we made our courtesy, three times kissing the ground, with other ceremonies which we were taught. The King commanded the Music to cease, and bid Mitaquer ask this Nation of the end of the world, i● they have a King, and how their Land is called, and how far it is from China. One of us answered for the rest, that our Land was called Portugal, our King was great and mighty, and from thence to Pequin was about three years' Voyage; whereat he much marvelled, as not thinking the World so great; and striking on his thigh said aloud with eyes to Heaven, O Creator of all things, which of us poor Pismires on the Earth may be able to comprehend the marvels of thy greatness? And signing with his hand he made us come nearer to the steps of the Throne where the fourteen Kings were placed, and demanded us again, how fair? and when we said, three years; he asked, why we came rather by Sea then by Land? we answered, that the diversity of States and Kings in the way hindered. He asked, What do you seek with so far travels and great troubles? we gave as good reason as we could; whereat he shaking his head, said to the King of Benan, an old man, th●t it seemed that our Country had much Covetousness, and little justice; so, said the other, it appears; for those men which fly on the top of all waters, by wit and industry to get that which God hath not given them, either poverty forceth to forsake their Country, or vanity and blindness caused by covetousness, makes them forget God and their Fathers. After this, the women began again to play and the King retired himself into a house alone with his women which played, and the Damsel that fanned. One of the twelve Scepter-boyes told Mitaquer from his Sister, that the King commanded he should not go away, which he took for a great grace, and we returned to our Tents. Forty and three d●yes after we came to the Camp Royal (in which space were many fights betwixt the besiegers and besieged, Tartars loss●. Consultation. two assaults by scaling with the Tartar's loss) the Tartarian called a Council, where were assembled seven and twenty Kings, and many great men and Captains, which agreed that seeing Winter was now coming, and the waters of both Rivers had risen and filled the Trenches, and many were sick (four or five thousand dying daily) that it was best to raise the siege. The King therefore embarked the Footmen with the munitions, fired the Tents, and went away with 300000. Horse by land, and 20000. Badas, 450000. men being found by accounts, to have died in this expedition, most of sickness, 300000. Horses and 60000. Badas, for want of provisions the two last months and a half of this Siege (which endured six months and a half. Si●ge of Pequim breaks up. ) Besides, 300000. had run to the Chinois, won by their great pay. He lodged the first night of his departure at a River called Quaytragum; the next day he came to Guijampee, which he found wholly forsaken; thence to Liampew, and after seventeen days (eight leagues a day) he came to Guauxitim, The King's return into Tartary. and forced it, committing therein cruel slaughters, to provide his Army of necessaries by the spoil thereof. The next day he came to Caixilo, which he meddled not with being great and strong, having therein 50000. men, of which 10000 were Mogores, Cauchims', and Champaas, better Soldiers than the Chinois. Thence he passed to the walls of Singrachirou, and the next day to Xipator, and then sent away most of his Soldiers, spending seven days in the pay, and execution of justice on Prisoners. Thence discontent, Lançame. he went to Lançame by water, (with only one hundred and twenty Laulees, in which were some ten or twelve thousand men) where six days after he arrived in the night without any pomp. There he stayed six and twenty days, till all his company were come both of horse and foot, after which he went to a greater City called Tuymican, where he was personally visited by confining Princes and Ambassadors from remoter Kings, Tuymican. Xatamas of Persia, Siammom Emperor of the Gueos, which within the Country confine with Brama of Tangu, the Calaminhan Lord of the brute force of Elephants, the Sornau of Odiaa, (entitled King of Siam) whose signory comprehendeth seven hundred leagues of coast, from Tanauçarim to Champaa, containing seventeen Kingdoms; The Mogor is now much altered, & since that time Lord of India, the King of the Mogores whose Kingdom lies within land, betwixt Corazan near Persia, and the Kingdom of Dely and Chitor, and an Emperor called Caran, whose signory confineth within the Mountains of Goncalidan, with a Nation which the Naturals call Moscoby, of whom we saw some in this City, ruddy, of big stature, with shoes, and furred clothes, having some latin words, but seeming rather for aught we observed Idolaters than Christians, and much given to unnatural lust. To the Ambassador of that Prince Caran, better entertainment was given then to all the rest. Caran. He brought with him one hundred and twenty men of his guard, with Arrows and gilded quivers, all clothed in Chamois skins murrie and green; and twelve Porters on horseback with Maces of Silver, leading twelve Horses in their right hands with rich embroidered Furnitures. After whom followed twelve men of high and Giantlike stature, clothed Savage-like in Tiger's skins, leading great Greyhounds in chains and collars of Silver, muzzled. Then came twelve Boys, fair and well proportioned of equal stature in gallant array, & next them Leixigau the Ambassador himself, in a Chariot (they call it a Pirange) with three wheels on a side, garnished with Silver and a Chair of the same, attended with forty Footmen in murrie and green, yielding a goodly sight, all things manifesting the greatness of his Lord. We were one day in his lodging with Mitaquer, who was sent to visit him, where amongst other strange things, we saw five rooms hanged with Tapestry of Frogs very rich, like that used amongst us, as if they had come from one place; the Canopies, Siluer-tables, Furniture and State, all rich. This Ambassador came not only to welcome home the Tartar, A Marriage treated on betwixt the Caran and Tartar. but to treat also of a Marriage for his Lord, with one of the Tartars Sisters, named Meica Vidau, a woman of thirty years, very charitable to the poor, whom we have often seen in their Festival days. Mitaquer at our request mentioned us to the King, who said, he would send us with his Ambassador shortly to Cauchenchina; They depart from Tartary. and caused us to be brought again to his presence with great ceremony of State and Majesty as before at Pequim, where he questioned us, if we would serve him, which we excused saying, we had Wives and Children in our own Country; and ask George Mendez, he accepted. Eight of us were commended to the Ambassador which was to go to Vzanguee in Cauchenchina & we went in the same Bark. We set forth from Tuymican the ninth of May, Vzanguee. and came to a School or University called Guatipamor, where we lodged in a Temple (or Monastery) called Naypatim. An University. Next morning we followed our voyage down the River, and two hours within night came to Puxanguim, a small City, well fortified with Towers and Bulwarks after our fashion, Puxanguim. with store of Artillery of wood, like the Pumps of ships, Guns of wood. the stocks where the Barrels were fastened being plated with Iron, and carrying a bullet as big as a Falcon: which invention they say, they received of a people called Alimanis, of a land named Muscoo, which by a great and deep lake of salt water, came thither with nine Barks of oats, in company of a Lady, which was said to be exiled out of her Country by a King of Denmark. The next day we came to Linxau, Linxau. Singuaf●tur Temple and superstitions. and five days after we continuing our course down the River, came to Singuafatur, a huge Temple, more than a league in compass; in which space were built one hundred and sixty four large and long houses full of Skulls, the other bones lying without in great piles. On a Hill compassed with nine grates of Iron, was standing against a strong stone wall, a monstrous statue of Iron thirty braces high, and six broad, in both his hands holding a bullet six and thirty spans about, of cast Iron also. (This to wound the Serpent which came to rob them) himself being he which should one day restore the flesh to their own bones, if they gave Alms, otherwise to the most unable and putrid: his name Pachinarau Dubeculem Pinanfaque, who 74000. years ago, was borne of a Tortoise named Migania, and of a Sea-horse one hundred and thirty braces long, named Tibremoucan. The Ambassadors told us, that of his Confraternities, there arose to him of annual rents above 200000. Taeis, and as much more of the Sepulchers of the Nobles, which were by themselves; that there belonged to him twelve thousand Priests preying on him, and praying for the dead, who might not without their Superiors licence depart out of that Circuit. Monks and Nuns, chased in the Devil's name. These Priests once a year may defile themselves in fornication within that Circuit; without, as oft as they will, without sin, the Chisangues permitting egress. There are many women also enclosed, who by their Libangús or Prioresses' leave, permit themselves to those Priests. The second day after, we came to a great City on the River side called Quanginau, where the Ambassadors stayed three days for provision, Quanginau. and by reason of a Feast at the entrance of Talapicor of Lechune, who is there as a Pope: who had privileged these inhabitants to be all Priest's, authorised to Sacrifice and give Bills of exchange for money to be repaid in Heaven. A Gentile Pope He gave the Ambassador grace to legitimate in his Country for money, and to give titles of Honour; which he recompensed, giving to the Priests all that he could make, and two thousand Taeis the King had given us, for which he gave us fifteen in the hundred. Four days we passed down the River to Lechune, the mother City of that false Religion of Gentility, Lechune. as Rome is with us, wherein is a sumptuous Temple, in which are seven and twenty Tartar Emperors buried in rich Chapels lined with Silver, having abundance of silver Idols. On the North-side a little from the Temple, was a notable strong great wall, Idols. within which were built two hundred and eighty Monasteries, of men and women; Monasteries. in which were said to be two and forty thousand religious professed, besides servitors. In those Houses are many Brazen pillars with Idols of their Saints thereon, so much more gilded as esteemed. In one of them was the King's Sister a widow, which had been wife of Raia Benan, Prince of Pafua, after whose death she entered Religion with six thousand women. The Ambassador visited her, and kissed her foot as a Saint. Departing thence down the River five days, we came to a great City called Rendacalem, Rendacalem. in the confines of Tartary. And thence forwasds began the signory of Xinaleygrau, thorough which we traveled four days, and then came to a Town called Voulem, Xeinaleygrau. where the Ambassadors were well received, and provided of Pilots for those Rivers; which we descended seven days without seeing any thing of note, and then came to a strait called Quatanqur, into which the Pilots entered to escape a Pirate, which had spoilt the most part of the Country. Thus we came to the Lake Singapamor, called by the Naturals Cunebetee, Singapamor Lake, or Cunabetee. Vent●●u. Chiabata. janguma. Pumfileu. and said to contain six and thirty leagues in Circuit. Four Rivers run thence, Ventraw Eastward thorough Siam, entering the Sea by the bar of Chiatabu, in twenty six degrees; jangumaa Southwards by the Laos and Gueos, and part of Dambambu enter the Sea at Martavan, in the Kingdom of Pegu; Pumfileu runs thorough all Capimper and Sacotay, and all the Empire of Monginoco, with part of Meleytay and Sovady, and so to the bar of Cosmim, near Arracan. Of the fourth River the Ambassadors could give us no instructions, but some thought it to be Ganges. In seven days more, we came to a place called Caleypute, where they threw stones at us, and would not suffer us to land. Thence we sailed by another larger River nine days, Caleypute. Tarem. and came to Tarem a good Town, subject to the Cauchim, where we were well received: and in seven days more came to a good City called Xolor. There were Silver mines, in which one thousand men were at work, whence they said was yearly taken six thousand Pikes, Xolor. which makes eight thousand Q●intals of ours. Thence we went other five days by that great River, the Country being well peopled, and came to the City Manaquileu at the foot of the Hills Comhay in the borders of China, and Cauchim; thence to Tinamquaxy. Thence they sent their four Barks to Huzamguee, Comhay. the chief City of Cauchim, and went by Land to Panaugrem, where the King was. Huzamguee. Their entertainment there and journey thence to japan, I omit, with their following long Pilgrimage in that Eastern world; wherein I am afraid to wander in places and affairs so uncouth. Weary already of things so strange, and therefore uncertain, I will pass to other Authors; and first to the Philippina's and Spanish Commerce of China. The Voyage of Legaspi, is taken out of a Latin Manuscript, the rest out of Mendoza, his Spanish discourse of China, and certain Friars which went thither; the two Letters except, borrowed of an Italian Author. CHAP. III. Spanish plantation of the Philippinas, and what intercourse hath thence happened betwixt them and the Chinois. §. I. First discovery of the Philippinas: written by Friar IVAN GONZALES DE MENDOSA. Magelane straits. MAgalianes, was the first that discovered these Lands, having passed the strait (which unto this day beareth the title of his name) and came unto the Island of Zubu, whereas they did Baptism certain of the Inhabitants, and afterwards in a banquet, the same Islanders did kill him, and other forty of his companions, which was the occasion that Sebastian de Guetaria, a natural Biskin borne, for to escape with his life, did put himself in a ship that remained of the voyage (which afterwards was named the Victory) and in her, and with a few people that helped him, with the favour of God he came unto Seville, having compassed the whole world, from the Orient unto the Ponent, a thing which caused unto all men great admiration, but in particular unto the Emperor Charles the fifth of famous memory, who after he had given many gifts and favours unto the said Sebastian de Guetaria, The second Voyage. he gave order that a new Army should be made ready, and to return again in demand of the said Lands, and to discover that new world. So when all things were in a readiness, for to depart on their Voyage (the which was done with great brevity) they ordained for General of all that fleet, one Villa Lobos, commanding him to go by the Nuova Espania, Villa Lobos. The Villa Lobos, arrived at the Lands of Malucas, and at those of Terrenate, and at other Lands joining unto them, the which Lands were laid to gauge by the aforesaid Emperor unto the Crown of Portugal. In these Lands they had great wars by means of the Portugals, and seeing themselves with little help and small resistance, for to go forwards with their conquest, they left it off, and went to the most part of them with the aforesaid Portugals, unto the India of Portugal, from whence afterwards, they sent them as prisoners unto the said King of Portugal, as offenders, that had entered his Lands without his licence: who did not only leave to do them any harm, but did entreat them very well, and sent them unto their own Country of Spain, and gave them all things necessary for their journey, and that in abundance. Then certain years after, Don Philip King of Spain, being very willing that the discovering should go forwards, which the Emperor his father had so earnestly procured, sent and commanded Don Lewis de Velasco, who was his Viceroy of the Nuova Espania, that he would ordain an army, and people for to return and discover the said Lands, and to send in the said fleet for Governor, of all that should be discovered. Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, who did accompilsh all that his Majesty had commanded, and made the discovery thereof as followeth, to be declared. When the Spaniards came unto them, they were without Lord or head, or any other to whom they should show duty, but he which had most power and people, did most command: so that this (and that there were so many of equal power) was the occasion that civil wars continued, without any resqect of nature, kindred, or any other duty, but like unto bruit Beasts, killing, spoiling, and captiving one another, the which was a great help unto the Spaniards, for to subject that Country with so great ease unto the King, and called them the Lands Philippinas, in respect of his name. They did use amongst them, to make Captives and Slaves, such as they did take in unlawful wars, and for trifling matters, the which God did remedy, by the going thither of the Spaniards: for you should have a man with forty or fifty friends in his company, or servants, that upon a sudden, would go and set upon a small Village of poor people and unprovided, and take and bind them all, and carry them away for Slaves, without any occasion or reason, and make them to serve them all the days of their life, or else sell them to other Lands. And if it so chanced, that one did lend unto another, a basket or two of Rice (the which might be worth a Ryall of plate) with condition, to return it again within ten days: if the debtor did not pay it the same day, the next day following he should pay it double, and afterward to double it every day, so long as he did keep it, which in conclusion, would grow to be so great, that to pay the same, he is forced to yield himself for Captive and Slave. But unto all such as were captived in this order, or in such like, the King of Spain hath commanded to give liberty, yet this just commandment is not in every point fulfilled and accomplished, because such as should execute the same, have interest therein. All these Lands were Gentiles and Idolaters, but now there is amongst them many thousands Baptised, unto whom the King hath showed great mercy, in sending unto them the remedy for their souls in so good time: for if the Spaniards had stayed any more years, they had been all Moors at this day, for that there were come unto the Island of Burneo, some of that Sect that did teach them, and lacked little, for to worship that false Prophet Mahomet, whose false, perverse and corrupt memory, was with the Gospel of Christ easily rooted out. In all these Lands they did worship the Sun and Moon, and other second causes, figures of men and women, which are called in their Language Maganitoes, at whose Feasts (which they do make very sumptuous, with great Ceremonies and Superstition) they do call Magaduras. But amongst them all, they have in most veneration an Idol, whom they called Batala, the which reverence they had for a Tradition, yet can they not say what should be the occasion that he should deserve more than any of the rest, to be had in so great estimation. In certain Lands not far off, called the Illocos, they did worship the Devil, and made unto him many Sacrifices, The Devil was worshipped. in recompense of a great quantity of Gold he had given unto them, but now by the goodness of God, and the great diligence put and done by the Fathers of the Order of Saint Austin (who were the first that passed into those parts, and lived worthily) and also by the Friars of Saint Francis, which went thither ten years after, all these Lands or the most part of them are baptised, and under the Ensign of jesus Christ: and the rest which do remain and are not, is more for lack of Ministers and Preachers, then for any obstinacy of their parts. There is now gone thither certain Fathers of the Order called jesuits, who will be a help unto them with their accustomed zeal and labour. And now goeth thither many other Religious men, very well learned and apostolic, of the Order of Saint Dominicke, who will do their endeavour to convert them unto Christ, as it behooveth Christians to do. They of these Lands were accustomed to celerate their Feasts aforesaid, and to make Sacrifices unto their Idols, by the order of certain women which were Witches, Witches. whom they do call in their Language Holgoi, that were had in as great estimation amongst them, as be the Priests amongst Christians. These did talk ordinarily with the Devil, and many times in public, and do Devilish Witchcrafts both in words and deeds: into whom it is to be believed that that the Devil did enter, for that straightways they did answer unto all things that were demanded of them, although for the most part they would tell a Lie, or else such words that might be given diverse interpretations of, and of diverse understandings. They did also use to cast Lots, they were great Agorismers, or observers of times: in so much that if they begin any journey, and at the beginning they meet with a Cayman or Lizard, or any other savage Worm, they know it to be a sign of evil fortune, whereupon they would straightways leave off their journey, although it did import them very much, and return unto their Houses, saying, that the Heaven will not that they should go forward on that journey: but all these lies and falseness have been taught them, and they persuaded to by the Devil, are overthrown and taken away by the Law of the Gospel (as aforesaid) and have now amongst them many Monasteries full of Religious men, of the Order of Saint Austin, Saint Francis, and of jesuits. According unto the common opinion, at this day there is converted and baptised more than four hundred thousand souls, which is a great number: yet in respect of the quantity that are not as yet converted, there are but a few. It is left undone (as aforesaid) for want of Ministers, for that, although his Majesty doth ordinarily send thither, without any respect of the great charge in doing the same, yet by reason that there are so many Island, and every day they do discover more and more, and being so far off, they cannot come unto them all, as necessity requireth. Such as are baptised do receive the faith with great firmness, and are good Christians, and would be better, if that they were holpen with good ensamples: Spaniard's hated in the Philippinas. as those which have been there so long time are bound to do: that the lack thereof doth cause some of the Inhabitants so much to abhor them, that they would not see them once painted upon a wall. For proof whereof (and for to move such as have power and authority to put remedy in the same, I will declare unto you here a strange case, the which royally did pass of a truth in one of these Lands, and is very well known amongst them: that is, there chanced to dye an Islander, a principal man amongst them: a few days after that he was baptised, being very contrite for his sins, the which he had done against God before he was baptised, and after he died. So after by the Divine permission of God he appeared unto many of that Island whom he did persuade forthwith to receive the Baptism, with reasons of great efficacy, Spanish report of a Vision. and declared unto them (as one that had experienced the same) the reward of that good deed which without all doubt should be given unto them, if they would receive the same, and live after conformable, and according unto the Commandments of Christ, for the which he told them, and said, that forthwith so soon as he was dead, he was carried by the Angels into glory, there whereas all things were of delight, pleasure, and content, and did communicate only in the sight of God, and that there was none that entered therein, neither could enter, except he were baptised, according unto the preaching of the Spaniards, of whom and of others that were like unto them, there was an infinite number. Therefore, if so be that they would go and enjoy of those benefits and delights, it is necessary that first they should be baptised, and afterwards to observe and keep the Commandments that be preached unto them by the Fathers, that are amongst the Castillas', and therewith he vanished away, The Indians would not go into Heaven because there were Spanish Soldiers. and they remained treating amongst themselves, concerning that which they had heard, and was the occasion that some of them forthwith received the Baptism, and that others did delay it, saying, that because there were Spaniard Soldiers in glory, they would not go thither, because they would not be in their company. All this hurt is done by one perverse or impious man, and with one evil ensample, the which amongst many good, as you have in those parts: but especial amongst them in particular, it ought to be reprehended and punished severely with rigour. These Lands at the first discovery of them, had the fame to be Mal Savos, or unwholesome, but since experience hath showed and proved it to the contrary: It is a Country marvelous fertile, and yieldeth very much Rice, Wheat, Goats, Hens, Dear, Buffs, Kine, and great store of Hogs, whose flesh is so savoury as the Mutton they have in Spain: there be also many Cats that yield Civet, Civit. Honey. Cinnamon. Linseed Oil. great store of fruits which be very good and savoury: great abundance of Honey, and Fish, and all sold at so small a price, that almost it is sold for nothing. Also there is great store of cinnamon, but no Oil of Olives, but that which is carried thither out of the Nuova Espania: they have much Oil of Algongoli, and of Flaxe-seed, the which they do spend ordinarily in that Country, so that the Oil of Olives is not miss with them. There is great store of Cloves, Saffron, Pepper, Nutmegs, and many other Drugs: great store of Cotton and Silk of all colours, the which is brought unto them by Merchants of China, every year a great quantity, from whence cometh more than twenty ships laden with pieces of Silks of all colours, and with Earthen Vessel, Powder, Salt-peter, Iron, Steele, and much Quicksilver, Brass, Copper, Wheat, Flower, Walnuts, Biscuit, Dates, Linen Cloth, Counting Chests very gallantly wrought, Calls of Network, Buratos, Espumillas, Basins and Ewres, made of Tin, Parchment Lace, Silk Fringe, and also of Gold, the which is spun and twisted after a fashion never seen in all Christendom, and many other things of great curiosity, and all this aforesaid is sold very good cheap. Likewise such things as the Lands do yield, are sold very good cheap, for you shall have four Roves of Wine, which cometh of the Palmtree for four Rials of Plate (the which for lack of that made of Grapes is very good) twelve Haneges of Rice for eight Rials of Plate, three Hens for one rial, a whole Hog for eighteen Rials, a whole Buff for four Rials, a Dear for two Rials, and yet it must be both great and good, four Roves of Sugar for six Rials, and the like. §. II. First Plantation of the Philippinas, by MICHAEL LOPEZ DE LEGASPI. MIchael * This I translated out of a Manuscript Latin which I found with M. Hak. Nativity Port. Islas de los Reyes Lopez de Legaspe, General of the Spanish Armada, on Tuesday the one and twentieth of November, Anno Dom. 1565. set forth of the Haven of Nativity in New Spain, and sailed betwixt the South and the West, and after Westward, till he came in nine degrees; in that height seeking the Lands de los Reyes, thence to make for the Philippinas. After eight days, the ship called Saint Luke was missing, the Captain whereof was Alfonsus de Arellano, suspected to have maliciously withdrawn himself. The Fleet continuing their course in nine and ten degrees, after fifty days had sight of an Island of Fishermen and many other small Lands not inhabited, which they passed by. It was agreed that they should heighten their course to thirteen degrees, in which way they came on Monday the seventeenth of january, Islas Ladr●nes. 1566. to one of the Lands of thieves, called Goean, and sailing toward it, six miles off, fifty or sixty Paraos swift sailing Barks with eight or ten men quite naked met them and invited them to their Habitations, where at night they anchored. The next morning, six hundred of their Paraos came about them with victuals to sell, Rice, Honey, Sugarcanes, Plantans, Fruits of diverse kinds, and Ginger whereof there groweth great store naturally. Their principal desire in barter was Iron Nails, giving a large sack of Rice for a Nail; their sacks deceitfully filled with gravel and chaff, with Rice in the top. These people are well proportioned and strong. They fought with the Spaniards which were watering, and in the time of fight would be trucking with the ships, as senseless of their danger. A Mariner which stayed behind was slain, whose death they revenged with many of the Savages slain in the night, one of them being taken and sent into New Spain. Their name fits their Thievish disposition. The Philippinas called also the Lands of the Ponent or West. Baia de Sibabas. Eleven days after the fleet renewed their Voyage, and course in thirteen degrees eleven days longer, and then had sight of the Philippinas, having sailed from the Port of Nativity, eight thousand miles. They anchored in a fair Bay called Baia de Sibabas, and there road seven days; whiles two Boats went to discover, one to the North, the other Southward.. A Gentleman of one of them was slain by an Indian, rashly leaping on shore. These Indians have Iron Lances, with a head or tongue a handful and half long. They have also shields, Bows and Arrows. In making peace each man takes two or three drops of blood of his arm or breast and mix both in some Vessel together, which is drunk with Wine and Water. Many Paraos came to the Spaniards with a white flag in the Prow, in token of peace, and the Admiral erected the like in her Poop to signify their leave to enter. These Indians are clothed, but barefoot. The Spaniards demanded provision, which the other promised, but gave only to the Captain a sucking Pig and an Egg. These people are very timorous, perfidious, and therefore suspicious. The Lands bear Hogs, Goats, Hens, Rice, Millet, Potatoes, Pomecitrons, Frisoles, Cocos, Plantans, and many sorts of Fruits. They wear Bracelets, and Earring, and Gold Chains, and whithersoever the Fleet went, was show of Gold in the Land, Gold. whereof they dig but for necessary uses: the Land is their Money bag. The Fleet departed hence, and two days after came to the Port of the I'll Tandoia, Tandoia. where a small River enters; up which they went in Boats, and came to a Town called Camungo. Camungo. There they were well entertained, and had victuals set them: which whiles they were eating, an Indian spoke some Spanish words, and asked for Antony Baptista Villalobos, and Captain Cabeça de Vaca: for which the Lord of the place was angry with him, and he appeared no more. The next day the Spaniards returning found them armed, threatening them if they came on shore. They minding not to deal cruelly, Martin de Goyte was sent to discover some convenient harbour, who saw the City Tandaya, and other Towns of other near Lands, Tandaya. and having gone sixty miles found the great Bay where was Cabalia a Town well inhabited. Thither went the Fleet, and the Inhabitants fled. Only Camatuan the son of Malataque a blind man, chief of that place, came to them, whom they detained thinking thereby to get some provision; but in vain. He sent forth Soldiers which brought him five and forty Hogs, leaving in lieu somewhat for exchange, and dismissing Camatuan, who had taught the Captain the names of the neighbouring Isles and of their Governors. He brought them to Mesagua two and thirty miles off, Masagua. and then was sent away apparelled and joyful. The Island Masagua hath been frequent, but then had but twenty Inhabitants, which would not see the Spaniards. They went to another Island where the people were fled with their goods. Then went they to Butuan which is subject to the I'll Vindena or the Lands Corrientes. The wind drove them to Bohol, Bohol▪ where they anchored. The next day they saw a junke and sent a Boat to it, which wounded some of their men. They had Arrows and Lances and a Base, and two brass Pieces. They cried to the Spaniards abordo, abordo. The Spaniards sent out another Boat better fitted, which took eight, the rest were slain or fled, having fought valiantly. In the junke they found white sheets painted, Silk, Almayzarez, Callicos, Iron, Tin, Brass, and some Gold. The junke was of Borneo, and so were these Moors. All was restored (their intent being to get friends, and the Burneois satisfied. The Captain sent the Saint john to discover the Coast of Butuan, and learn where the Cinnamon was gathered, and to find some good Port in fit place to build. The Burneois told the Captain the cause of the Indians flight, Wicked policy, an Indian pestilence which since hath infected others▪ that about two years before some Portugals bearing themselves for Spaniards, had comen thither from the Molucas, and having made peace with them, set on them and slew above a thousand Indians, the cause of that depopulation. This the Portugals did to make the Spaniards odious, that if they came thither, they might not be admitted. The Captain sent a well furnished ship to search the Coast, which came to a place where the Borneo Governor said he had friends, and leaping on shore he was slain of the Indians. The Saint john returned from Buthuan, which said, they had seen the King, and two junkes of Moors in the River at anchor, and that the Island was great and rich, and exchanged with them fine Gold for Testons, one for six in equal weight. They bought Wax of the Moors but had Earth enclosed in the Cakes; they also incensed the Indians against the Castilians, Moor's co●●nage. which would have made purchase of them, but were forbidden by the King. They said, they had there seen Wax, Cinnamon, Gold, and other precious things. On Easter Even the other ship returned to their great joy, which had thought her lost, having stayed twenty days longer than her limited time. Igla. They had sailed about the Island Igla the space of six hundred miles: and in their return came to Subo a well peopled Island, Subo. and plentiful of all things. The Captain determined to go thither to buy provision, or else to force them. For Magelane had been there; and the King, and most of the Inhabitants were baptised, and acknowledged the Catholic King; Magelane also dying in their defence, and thirty other Soldiers in Matan. They also had broken league and slain some of Magelane Soldiers. See tom. 1. l. 2. c. 2. On Friday April twenty seven, the Fleet arrived at the Port of Subo, and one came from King Tupas to them, saying, that He with ten chief men would come to them. The Captain expected them a whole day and the next, in which space the Islanders hid their goods in the Woods. The third day the Captain sent his brother Andrew and the Campmaster, to admonish the King in the Malayan tongue, to receive them, as Vassals of the Spanish King. Which not succeeding, he resolved to use force. The Indians out of other Lands had assembled together to the number of two thousand, which provoked our men, but at the report of the Ordnance ran away, and the Spaniards won the Town. Many signs of Gold and Gems appeared in the Island. And being situate so near to the richest Regions, the Governor hopeth access thereby to the increase and glory of the Spanish Crown, if Spanish Colonies be there planted. The Captain from the City of Subo sent the Admiral ship with his brother Andrew de Vrdanera, to certify the L. Lewis de Velasco, the son of the Viceroy, what had been done, This which followeth is taken out of Fray juan Gonzales de Mendosa his Spanish Relation of China, & is here much abbreviated. Manilla. Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, General of the Fleet, and Governor of the Country which they should discover, died in the said Lands with the Title of Adelantado, having first peopled some of them to the use of His Majesty, especially that of Manilla, which is five hundred leagues in circuit; in which is seated the City of Luson (called also Manilla) as the Metropolitan of all the Island, where the Governors have settled their residence ever since the first discovery. They have there founded a Cathedral Church, and Friar Dom. Domingo de Salachar was consecrated the first Bishop thereof in Madrid, 1579. At this present there be three Monasteries of Religious men in that Island, the one of the Order of Saint Austin, and were the first that by the Commandment of his Majesty did enter into this Lands, preaching the Law of the Gospel, which was great profit unto their souls, yet great travel unto them, & cost many of them their lives in doing it: the other Monastery is of barefoot Friars of the Order of S. Francis of the Province of S. joseph, who have been great Examples, with great profit unto them of those Parts. The third are of the Order of S. Dominicke, or Preachers, who have done their duty in all things so well as the other. These three Orders were alone in those Lands for certain years, till now of late time have gone thither jesuits, which have been a great aid and help unto their Religion. When these Spaniards were come unto these Lands, they had straightways notice of the mighty Kingdom of China, as well by the relation of them of the Lands (who told unto them the marvels thereof) as also within a few days after, they did see and understand, by ships that came into those Ports with Merchants, that brought Merchandise and other things of great curiosity from that Kingdom, and did particularly declare the mightiness and riches thereof. This being known unto the Religious people of Saint Austin, who at that time were alone in those Lands: but in especial unto the Provincial, Friar Martin de Herrada, seeing the great capacity or towardness which the Chinois had more than those of the Lands in all things, but in especial● in their gallantness, discretion and wit: he straightways had a great desire to go thither with his fellow to preach the Gospel unto those people, of so good a capacity to receive the same: who with a pretended purpose to put it in ure and effect, he began with great care and study to learn that Language, the which he learned in few days: and did make thereof a Dictionary. Then afterwards they did give great entertainment and Presents unto the Merchants that came from China for to procure them to carry them thither, and many other things, the which did show their holy zeal: yea, they did offer themselves to be slaves unto the Merchants, thinking by that means to enter in to preach: but yet none of these diligences did take effect, till such time as the Divine Majesty did discover a better way, as shall be declared unto you in this Chapter following. §. III. Of LIMAHON a China Robber and Rover, by whose occasion the Spaniards sent into China. THe Spaniards did enjoy their near habitation of Manilla in great quietness & in obedience unto the Christian King Don Philip, and in continual Traffic with the Chinois. But being in this security and quietness, unlooked for, they were beset with a mighty and great Armada or Fleet of ships, Limahon a China Rover. by the Rover Limahon, of whose vocation there are continually on the Coast, the one by reason that the Country is full of people, whereas of necessity must be many idle persons: and the other and principal occasion, by reason of the great tyranny that the Governors do use unto the Subjects. Where Limahon was borne. This Limahon came upon them with intent to do them harm as you shall understand. This Rover was borne in the City of Trucheo, in the Province of Cuytan, which the Portugals do call Catim. He was of mean Parentage, and brought up in his youth in liberty and vice, he was by nature Warlike and evil inclined. He would learn no Occupation, but was given to rob in the highways, and became so expert that many came unto him and followed that Trade. He made himself Captain over them which were more than two thousand, and were so strong that they were feared in all that Province where as they were. This being known unto the King and to his Council, they did strait way command the Viceroy of the Province whereas the Rover was, that with all the haste possible he should gather together all the Garrisons of his Frontiers, to apprehend and take him, and if it were possible to carry him alive unto the City of Taybin, if not his head. The Viceroy incontinent did gather together people necessary, and in great haste to follow him. The which being known unto Limahon the Rover, who saw, that with the people he had, he was not able to make resistance against so great a number as they were, and the eminent danger that was therein, he called together his Companies, and went from thence unto a Port of the Sea, that was a few leagues from that place: and did it so quickly and in such secret, that before the people that dwelled therein, could make any defence (for that they were not accustomed to any such assaults, but lived in great quietness) they were Lords of the Port, and of all such ships as were there: into the which they embarked themselves straightways, weighed Anchor and departed to the Sea, whereas they thought to be in more security then on the Land (as it was true.) Then he seeing himself Lord of all those Seas, began to rob and spoil all ships that he could take, as well strangers as of the natural people: by which means in a small time he was provided of Mariners, and other things which before he lacked, requisite for that new Occupation. He sacked, robbed and spoilt all the Towns that were upon the Coast, and did very much harm. So he finding himself very strong with forty ships well armed, of those he had out of the Port, and other that he had taken at the Sea, with much people such as were without shame, their hands imbrued with Robberies and killing of men, he imagined with himself to attempt greater matters, and did put it in execution: he assaulted great Towns, and did a thousand cruelties. So he following this trade and exercise, Vintoquian a Rover ro●ed by this Rover. he chanced to meet with another Rover as himself, called Vintoquian, like wise naturally borne in China, who was in a Port void of any care or mistrust, whereas Limahon finding opportunity, with greater courage did fight with the ships of the other: that although they were threescore ships great and small, and good Soldiers therein, he did overcome them, and took five and fifty of their ships, so that Vintoquian escaped with five ships. Then Limahon seeing himself with a fleet of ninety five ships well armed, and with many stout people in them, knowing that if they were taken, they should be all executed to death; setting all fear apart, gave themselves to attempt new inventions of evil, not only in robbing of great Cities, but also in destroying of them. For the which, commandment was given straightways unto the Viceroy of that Province (whereas he used to execute his evil) that with great expedition he might be taken, who in few days did set forth to Sea, one hundred and thirty great ships well appointed, with forty thousand men in them, and one made General over them all, a Gentleman called Omoncon, One hundred and thirty great ships of War with forty thousand men. Omoncon. for to go seek and follow this Rover with express commandment to apprehend or kill him. Of all this provision, Limahon had advertisemant by some secret friends, who seeing that his Enemies were many, and he not able to countervail them, neither in ships nor men, determined not to abide their coming, but to retire and depart from that Coast: so in flying he came unto an Island in secret, called Tonznacaotican, which was forty leagues from the firm Land, and is in the right way of Navigation to the Lands Philippinas. From this Island they did go forth with some of their ships robbing and spoiling all such as they met with Merchandise, and other things that they carried from one Island to another, and from the Island unto the firm, and coming from thence amongst them all, they caused to take two ships of China which came from Manilla, and were bound to their own Country. And having them in their power, they searched them under hatches, and found that they had rich things of Gold, and Spanish Rials, which they had in truck of their Merchandise, the which they carried to the Lands. They informed themselves in all points of the State, and fertility of that Country, but in particular of the Spaniards, and how many there were of them in the City of Manilla, who were not at that present above seventy persons, for that the rest were separated in the discovering and populing of other Lands newly found, and understanding that these few did live without any suspicion of Enemies, and had never a Fort nor Bulwark, and the Ordnance which they had (although it was very good) yet was it not in order to defend them-nor offend their Enemies, he determined to go thither with all his fleet and people, for to destroy and kill them, and to make himself Lord of the said Island of Manilla, and other adjacent there nigh the same. So with this determination he departed from those Lands whereas he was retired, and went to Sea, and sailing towards the Lands Philippinas, they passed in sight of the Lands of the Illocos, which had a Town called Fernandina, which was new founded by the Captain john de Salzedo, Illocos. who at that instant was in the same for Lieutenant to the Governor: Four leagues from the same they met with a small Galley, which the said john de Salzedo had sent for victuals. He cast about towards her, and with great ease did take her, and did burn and kill all that was in her, and pardoned one of them. This being done, he did prosecute his Voyage according unto his determination, and passed alongst, but not in such secret but that he was discovered by the Dwellers of the Town of Fernandina, Fernandina. who gave notice thereof unto the Lieutenant of the Governor aforesaid, as a wonder to see so many ships together, and a thing never seen before at those Lands. Likewise it caused admiration unto him, and made him to think and to imagine with great care what it might be, he saw that they did bear with the City of Manilla, and thought with himself, that so great a fleet as that was, could not go to the place which they bore in with, for any goodness towards, the dwellers therein, who were void of all care, and a small number of people, as aforesaid: Wherewith he determined with himself with so great speed as it was possible, to join together such Spaniards as were there, which were to the number of fifty four, and to depart and procure to get the forehand of them, to advertise them of Manilla, and to aid and help them to put their Artillery in order, and all other things necessary for their defence. This Limahon was well provided of provision, and all other things necessary, and having the wind fair, he was always in the forefront, and came in the sight of Manilla upon Saint Andrew's Eve, 1574. in the year 1574. whereas he came to an anchor that night with all his whole estate. For all the contradiction of the wind this same night the four hundred Chinois did put themselves within a league of the City, upon Saint Andrew's day at eight of the clock in the morning, whereas they left their Boats and went on land, and in great haste began to march forwards in battle array divided in two parts, with two hundred Harquebuses afore, and immediately after them other two hundred Pike-men: and by reason that they were many, and the Country very plain, they were straightways discovered by some of the City, who entered in with a great noise, crying, Arm, arm, arm, the Enemies come. The which advice did little profit, for that there was none that would believe them: but believed that it was some false alarm done by the people of the Country for to mock them. But in conclusion, the Enemies were come unto the house of the General of the Field, Martin de Goyti slain. who was called Martin de Goyti, which was the first house in all the City that way which the Enemies came. And before that the Spaniards and Soldiers that were within the Town could be fully persuaded the rumour to be true, the Enemies had set fire upon his house, and slew him and all that were within. At this ●ime, by the order of his Majesty was elected for Governor of these Island Philippinas, Guido de Labacates Governor. Guido de Labacates, after the death of Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, who understanding the great fleet and power of Lymahon the Rover, and the sma●l resistance and defence that was in the City of Manilla, with as much speed as was possible he did call together all their Captains and dwellers therein: and with a general consent they spared no person of what quality and degree soever he was, but that his hand was to help all that was possible, the which endured two days and two nights, for so long the Rover kept his ships and came not abroad. In which time of their continual labour, A fort erected. they made a Fort with Pipes and Board's filled with sand and other necessaries thereto belonging, such as the time would permit them: they put in carriages, four excellent Pieces of Artillery that were in the City. All the which being put in order, they gathered all the people of the City into that little Fort. The night before the Enemy did give assault unto the City, came thither the Captain john de Salzedo, Lieutenant unto the Governor. The Rover in the morning following, before the break of the day (which was the second after he gave the first assault) was with all his fleet right against the Port, and did put aland six hundred Soldiers, City burnt. who at that instant did set upon the City, the which at their pleasure they did sack and burn. They did assault the Fort with great cruelty, as men fleshed with the last slaughter, thinking that their resistance was but small. But it fell not out as they did believe, for having continued in the fight almost all the day, with the loss of two hundred men, that were slain in the assault, and many other hurt, he straightways departed from thence, and returned the same way that he came, till they arrived in a mighty River, forty leagues from the City of Manilla, Pangasinan. that is called Pangasinan, the which place or soil did like him very well, and where he thought he might be sure from them, who by the commandment of the King went for to seek him. There he determined to remain, and to make himself Lord over all that Country, the which he did with little travel, and built himself a Fort one league within the River, whereas he remained certain days, receiving tribute of the Inhabitants thereabouts, as though he were their true and natural Lord: and at times went forth with his ships robbing and spoiling all that he met upon the coast. And spread abroad, that he had taken to himself the Lands Philippinas, and how that all the Spaniards that were in them, were either slain or fled away. With this consideration they entered into counsel, and did determine to join together all the people they could, and being in good order, to follow and seek the Rover. Then the Governors commanded to be called together all the people bordering thereabouts, and to come unto the City whereas he was. Likewise at that time he did give advice unto such as were Lords and Governors of the Lands, Pintadoes. called Pintadoes, commanding them to come thither, with such ships as they could spare, as well Spaniards as the natural people of the Country. The General * john de Salzedo who succeeded Goyti, and was Nephew to Michael Legaspi. of the field with the people aforesaid, did depart from Manilla the three and twentieth day of March, Anno 1575. and arrived at the mouth of the River Pagansinan upon tenable Wednesday in the morning next following, without being discovered of any. Then straightways at that instant the General did put aland all his people and four Pieces of Artillery, leaving the mouth of the River shut up with his shipping, in chayning the one to the other, in such sort, that none could enter in neither yet go forth to give any advice unto the Rover of his arrival: he commanded some to go and discover the fleet of the Enemy, and the place whereas he was fortified, and charged them very much to do it in such secret sort, that they were not espied: for therein consisted all their whole work. He commanded the Captain Gabriel de Ribera, that straightways he should depart by Land, and that upon a sudden he should strike alarm upon the Enemy, with the greatest tumult that was possible. Likewise he commanded the Captains Pedro de Caves and Lorenzo Chacon, that either of them with forty Soldiers should go up the River in small ships and light, and to measure the time in such sort, that as well those that went by land, as those that went by water, should at one instant come upon the Fort, and to give alarm both together, the better to go thorough with their pretence: and he himself did remain with all the rest of the people, to watch occasion and time for to aid and succour them if need be required. This their purpose came so well to pass, that both the one and the other came to good effect: for those that went by water, did set fire on all the fleet of the Enemy: and those that went by land at that instant had taken and set fire on a Trench made of timber, that Limahon had caused to be made for the defence of his people and the Fort: and with that fury they slew more than one hundred Chinos, and took prisoners seventy women which they found in the same Trench, but when that Limahon understood the rumour, he took himself straightways to his Fort which he had made for to defend himself from the King's Navy, if they should happen to find him out. The next day following, the General of the field did bring his Soldiers into a square battle, and began to march towards the Fort, with courage to assault it if occasion did serve thereunto: he did pitch his Camp within two hundred paces of the Fort, and found that the Enemy did all that night fortify himself very well, and in such sort, that it was perilous to assault him, for that he had placed upon his Fort three Pieces of Artillery, and many Bases, besides other Engines of firework. Seeing this, and that his Pieces of Artillery that he brought were very small for to batter, and little store of munition, for that they had spent all at the assault which the Rover did give them at Manilla, the General of the field, and the Captains concluded amongst themselves, that seeing the Enemy had no ships to escape by water, neither had he any great store of victuals for that all was burnt in the ships, it was the best and most surest way to besiege the Fort, and to remain there in quiet until that hunger did constrain them either to yield or come to some conclusion: which rather they will then to perish with hunger. This determination was liked well of them all, Limahon after three months siege escapeth. although it fell out clean contrary unto their expectation; for that in the space of three months that siege endured, this Limahon did so much that within the Fort he made certain small Barks, and trimmed them in the best manner he could, wherewith in one night he and all his people escaped. It happened upon a day, that there came to the Camp a ship of Miguell de Loarcha, wherein was Friar Martin de Herrada Provincial of the Augustine Friars. Seven leagues after they were out of the mouth of Pagasinan, they met with a ship of Sangleyes, who made for the Port, and thinking them to be Enemies, they bore with them (having another ship that followed them for their defence) and had no more in them but the said Provincial and five Spaniards, besides the Mariners. This ship of Sangley seeing that he did bear with them, would have fled, but the wind would not permit him, for that it was to him contrary, which was the occasion that the two ships wherein the Spaniards were, for that they did both sail and row, in a small time came within Cannon shot. In one of the ships there was a Chino, called Sinsay. This Sinsay went straightways into the fore-ships, and demanded what they were, and from whence they came: and being well informed, he understood that he was one of the ships of war that was sent out by the King of China, to seek the Rover Limahon, who leaving the rest of the fleet behind, came forth to seek in those Lands to see if he could discover him to be in any of them: and the better to be informed thereof, they were bound into the Port of Buliano, from whence they came with their two ships: from whom they would have fled, thinking they had been some of the Rovers ships. Being fully persuaded the one of the other, they joined together with great peace and friendship: the Spaniards straightways entered into their Boat, and went unto the ship of the Chinos, and carried with them the aforesaid Sinsay, for to be their Interpreter, and to speak unto the Chinos. In the said ship came a man of great authority, who was called Omonc●n, who brought a Commission from their King, and showed it unto the Spaniards, and unto the Father Provincial: in the which the King and his Counsel did pardon all those Soldiers that were with Limahon, if that forthwith they would leave him and return unto the King's part: and likewise did promise great gifts and favour unto him that did either take or kill the aforesaid Rover. Then did Sinsay declare unto him of the coming of the Rover unto the Lands, and all that happened in the siege of the City, as aforesaid: and how they had him besieged in the River of Pagansinan, from whence it was not possible for him to escape. The Captain Omoncon rejoiced very much of these news, and made many signs of great content, and did embrace the Spaniards many times, and gave other tokens whereby he did manifest the great pleasure he received, and would therewith straightways depart unto the rest of the fleet. And for that they looked every day for the death or imprisonment of the Rover, the better to inform himself: he determined (for that it was so nigh hand) to go and see the General of the field in Pagansinan, and carry with him Sinsay, one that was known both of the one and the other: by whose means they might treat of such things that best accomplished the confirmation of the peace and friendship betwixt the Chinois and the Spaniards, as also of the death or imprisonment of Limahon. With this resolution, the one departed unto Pagansinan, whereas they arrived the same day, and the others unto Manilla, whither they went for victuals. Omoncon remained there certain days, after the which he seeing that the siege did long endure, and that his staying might cause suspicion of his death: and again, that the whole fleet did tarry his coming to his intelligence of the Rover, being fully persuaded and certain, that he could not escape the Spaniards hand: they had him in such a strait, and that they would without all doubt, send him unto the King alive or dead (as they promised him) he was determined to return unto China, with the good news that he had understood, with a determinate intent, to return again and carry the Rover, after that they had him prisoner. With this resolution in the end of certain days he went unto the Governor, certifying him of his pretence, whereby he might give him licence to put it in execution. The Governor did like well of his pretence, and did promise him the same, the which the General of the field did offer unto him: and which was, so soon as the Rover should be taken prisoner, or slain, to send him unto the King without any delay, or else, to put him whereas he should be forthcoming, and to give them advertisement to send for him, or come himself: and did offer him more, that for his voyage he should be provided forthwith of all things necessary, without lacking of any thing. Omoncon did give him great thanks for the same, and in recompense thereof did promise unto the Governor, for that he understood, and had intelligence of the Fathers, of Saint Augustine, that his Honour, and his Antecessor, and the Adelantado, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, had desired many times to send unto the Kingdom of China some Religious men, to treat of the preaching of the Gospel, and to see the wonders of that Kingdom, and how that they never could put this their desire in execution, for that those Chinois which came thither, although they did offer them whatsoever they would demand, fearing the punishment that should be executed on them according unto the Laws of the Kingdom: he did promise him, that he would carry them with him unto China, such Religious men as his Honour would command, Omoncon promises to carry the Friars unto China. and some Soldiers, such as would go with them: hoping with the good news that he carried, to run in no danger of the Law, neither the Viceroy of Aucheo to think eviill thereof, and for a more security that they should not be evil entreated, he would leave with him pledges to their content. The Governor being very joyful of these news, did therewith send for the Provincial of the Augustine Friars, who was elected but few days past: his name was Friar Alonso de Aluarado, unto whom he declared the offer that the Captain Omoncon had made unto him, whereat he rejoiced. A good pretence. They determined that there should go but two Religious men, by reason that at that time there was but a few of them, and two Soldiers in their company. The Religious men should be, The Friar's names that went to China. friar Martin de Herrada of Pamplona, who left off the dignity of Provincial: and in company with him should go, Friar Hieronimo Martin, who also was very well learned, and of the City of Mexico: the Soldiers that were appointed to bear them company were called, Pedro Sarmiento, chief Sergeant of the City of Manilla of Vilorado, and Miguel de Loarcha, both principal men, and good Christians, as was convenient for that which they took in hand. These Fathers did carry them for this purpose, that if they did remain there with the King, preaching of the Gospel, than they should return with the news thereof, to give the Governor to understand of all that they had seen, and happened unto them: and likewise unto the King of Spain, if need did so require. And the Governor in token of gratitude, A token that fine cloth is esteemed. did give unto the Captain Omoncon in the presence of them all, a gallant Chain of Gold, and a rich Robe of crimson in grain: a thing that he esteemed very much, and much more esteemed in China, for that it is a thing that they have not there. Besides this, they did ordain a reasonable Present for to send unto the Governor of Chincheo, Spanish bounty. he that dispatched Omoncon by the commandment of the King, to go and seek the Rover: also another Present for the Viceroy of the Province of Ochian▪ who was at that present in the City of Aucheo. And for that Sinsay should not find himself aggrieved (who was a Merchant well known amongst them, and perhaps might be the occasion of some evil and disturbance of their pretence) they gave unto him also another Chain of Gold, as well for this, as also for that he was ever a sure and perfect friend unto the Spaniards. Then straightways by the commandment of the Governor there were brought together all such Chinois as were captive and taken from Limahon out of the Fort aforesaid, at Pagansinan, and gave them unto Omoncon, to carry them free with him: and gave likewise commandment that the General of the field, and all such Captains and Soldiers that were at the siege of the Fort, should give unto him all such as did there remain: binding himself to pay unto the Soldiers, to whom they did appertain, all whatsoever they should be valued to be worth. Upon a sunday at the break of day, being the five and twentieth of june, after they had prayed unto God to direct their voyage, they set sail with a prosperous wind: there were with the Friars, Soldiers and men of service, twenty persons, besides the Chinos that were captives, and the people of the Captain Omoncon. They were not so soon off from the coast, They departed towards China. but the wind abated, and they remained becalmed certain days: but afterwards they had a lusty gale, that carried them forwards. China Compasses divided into 12. parts. Chinois mean Mariners. The Chinos do govern their ships by a compass divided into twelve parts, and do use no Sea Cards, but a brief description or Ruter, wherewith they sail: and commonly for the most part they never go out of the sight of Land. They marvelled very much when that it was told them, that coming from Mexico unto Philippinas, they were three months at the Sea and never saw Land. Upon the Sunday following, we had sight of the Land of China: so that we found all our Voyage from the Port of Buliano, from whence we had last departed, unto the firm Land to be one hundred and forty leagues; and twenty leagues before they came in the sight thereof, they had sounding at threescore and ten and fourscore fathom, and so waxed less and less until they came to the Land: Sounding. which is the best and surest token they have to be nigh the Land. In all the time of their Voyage the Captain Omoncon with his Company showed such great courtesy and friendship to our men, as though they had been the owners of the said ship: and at such time as they did embark themselves, he gave his own Cabin that was in the stern to the Friars, and unto Pedro Sarmiento, and to Miguel de Loarcha, he gave another Cabin that was very good, and commanded his company in the ship that they should respect them more than himself: the which was in such sort, that on a day at the beginning of their Voyage, the Fathers found them making of Sacrifice unto their Idols, and told them, that all which they did was a kind of mockage, and that they should worship but only one God: and willed them to do so no more. Who only in respect of them did leave it off, and not use it after in all the Voyage: whereas before they did use it every day many times. Besides this, They leave the worshipping of one Idol to worship another. they would worship the Images that the Friars did carry with them, and kneel upon their knees with great show of devotion: who now having fight of the firm Land, in so short time, and passed that small Gulf so quietly, which was wont to be very perilous and full of storms: they did attribute it unto the Prayers of the Friars, their companions and Soldiers. As they drew nearer the Land, they might discover from the Sea, a very gallant and well towered City, that was called Tituhul, Tituhul in the Province of Chincheo. whereas the King hath continually in Garrison ten thousand Soldiers, and is under the government of the Province of Chincheo. The next day we came unto a Watch-towre, which was situated upon a Rock at the entry into a Bay, who had discovered our ship, and knew the Standard or Flag to be the Kings: and made a sign unto seven ships which were on the other side of the Point, which was part of a company ordained for to keep and defend the coast, which were more than four hundred. Straightways the Captain of the seven ships came forth to know what we were. He issued forth from behind the Point, with three ships that did row with Oars very swift: and when he came nigh unto them, he shot at them to make them to amain: the which Omoncon would not do, for that he supposed (as afterwards he did confess) that he should be some man of little estimation, and not the General of the coast. But as he drew nigher unto him, he did know him by the Flag he bore on the stern, in the Foist wherein he was himself with his Soldiers, and straightways caused to amain his sails, and tarried for him. The General did the like, and stayed behind, sending a Boat for to bring the Captain unto him, and to declare what he was, and from whence he came. Omoncon did forthwith embark himself into his Boat without any resistance, but rather with fear that he should be punished for that he did flee from him. The General gave him good entertainment. This General was a goodly man of person, and was very well apparelled, and did sit in a Chair in the stern of his ship, the which was all covered to keep away the Sun: he commanded the Captain Omoncon to sit down by him upon the hatches, without Chair or any other thing, who did obey him, although first he did refuse it with great modesty, as not worthy to have that honour, which was not esteemed a little. After that he was set, he gave him to understand in effect of all his voyage and success, and in what extremity he left Limahon, and also how that he carried with him the Friars and other Spaniards, which went to carry the news, and to treat of peace with the Viceroy of Aucheo: unto whom, and unto the Governor of Chincheo, he carried presents, sent from the Governor and General of the field of the Lands Philippinas. When the General had heard this relation, he commanded the Boat to return and to bring them before him, that he might see what manner of men they were of person, and the use of the apparel: and likewise to satisfy himself of other desires that came into his mind by that which Omoncon had said of them. The Fathers and their companions did obey the commandment, and did embark themselves in the Boat, and came unto the ship whereas the General received them with great courtesy after his fashion. §. four Friar MARTIN DE HERRADA, and other Spaniards entertainment in China, and their return to the Philippinas. WIthin a little while after, Omoncon and his company arrived at the Port of Tanfuso hard by, Tanfuso, or Tansuso. upon Wednesday in the evening, being the fifth day of july. This Tanfuso is a gallant and fresh Town of four thousand Householders, and hath continually a thousand Soldiers in Garrison, and compassed about with a great and strong wall, and the gates fortified with plates of Iron, the foundations of all the houses are of Lime and Stone, and the walls of Lime and Earth, and some of Brick: their houses within very fairly wrought, with great Courts, their streets fair and broad all paved. Before that Omoncon did come unto an anchor, they saw all the Soldiers and the people of the Town were gathered together upon the Rocks that were joining unto the Port, all armed ready unto the battle, amongst whom there was a principal Captain, and three more of his companions, that were sent him by the Governor of Chincheo, whom they do call in their language, Insuanto, who had understanding of the coming of Omoncon, when the ship entered into the Port, Omoncon did salute the Town with certain Pieces of Artillery, and discharged all his Harquebuses six times about, and therewithal took in her sail, and let anchor fall. Then straightways the Captain whom the Insuanto had sent, came aboard the ship, who had express commission, not to leave the company of our people after that they were disembarked, till such time as they came whereas he was, but to bear them company, and to provide them of all things necessary: the which he did accomplish. Ensigns to know the Loytias. All these Captains and Ministers of the King do wear certain ensigns for to be known from the common people, to wit, broad Wastes or Girdles embossed after diverse manners: some of Gold and Silver, some of the Tortoise shell, and of a sweet wood, and other some of ivory, the higher estates hath them embroidered with Pearls and precious stones, and their Bonnets with two long ears, and their Buskins made of Satin, and unshorn Velvet. Board-licence. Then after, so soon as they were come to an anchor in the Port, the justice did send them a Licence in writing for to come forth of the ship, as a thing necessary, for that without it the Waiters or Guards of the water side, will not suffer them to put foot on land. This Licence was written upon a board whited, and firmed by the justice, whose charge it is to give the Licence. Then when they came ashore, The first landing of the Friars. there were the Soldiers that were appointed by the Insuanto in a readiness to bear them company, and did direct and lead them unto the King's houses of the said City: the like hath every City almost throughout all the Kingdom, and there they bid lodge them. These houses are very great and very well wrought, and gallant, with fair Courts below, and Galleries above: they had in them Stanges or Ponds of water full of fish of sundry sorts. The people of the City did press very much to see these strangers, so that with the press, as also with the great heat, they were marvellously afflicted: which being perceived by the justice, he gave order that they might be eased of that trouble, and caused Sergeants to keep the door, and their Yeomen to make resistance against the people. When night was come, the justice of the City did make a Banquet according to the fashion of the Country: The use of their banquets and it was in the fashion following. They were carried into a Hall that was very curiously wrought, wherein were many Torches and wax Candles light, and in the midst thereof was set for every one of the Guests a Table by himself, as is the use and fashion of that Country; every Table had his covering of Damask or Satin very well made, the Tables were gallantly painted, without any Table-clothes, neither do they use any, for they have no need of them, for that they do eat all their victuals with two little sticks made of Gold and Silver, and of a marvelous odoriferous wood, and of the length of little Forks, as they do use in Italy, with the which they do feed themselves so cleanly, that although their victuals be never so small, yet do they let nothing fall, neither foul their hands nor faces. They were set down at these Tables in very good order, and in gallant Chairs, in such sort, that although they were every one at his Table by himself, yet they might see and talk one with another, they were served with diverse sorts of cates, and very well dressed, both of flesh and fish, as gamons of Bacon, Capons, Geese, whole Hens, and pieces of Beef, and at the last, many little baskets full of sweet meats made of Sugar, Wine of a Palm tree. and Marchpanes all wrought very curiously. They gave them Wine of an indifferent colour and taste, made of the Palmtree. All the time that the supper lasted, there was in the Hall great store of Music of diverse Instruments, whereon they played with great consort, some one time and some another. The Instruments which they commonly do use, are Hoybuckes, Cornets, Trumpets, Lutes, such as be used in Spain, although in the fashion there is some difference. There was at this Banquet (which endured a great while) the Captain that was ordained for their Guard, and the Captain Omoncon, and Sinsay. When Supper was done, they were carried into very fair Chambers, whereas were fair Beds, where they slept and eased themselves. The next day in the morning, was brought unto them their ordinary victuals, and that in abundance, as well of Flesh as of Fish, Fruits and Wine, to be dressed unto their own content, and according unto their manner: they would take nothing for the same, for so they were commanded by the Insuantes. This was brought unto them every day, so long as they were there, & in the way when as they went unto Chincheo. The same day arrived a Captain of forty Ships in the same Port, and so soon as he was ashore, Captain of forty Ships. he went straightways unto the Palace for to see the strangers: who being advertised of his coming, came forth and received him at the Palace gate, whereas was used betwixt them great courtesy. The Captain came with great Majesty, with his guard of Soldiers and Mace-bearers before him, with great music of Hoybuckes, Trumpets and Drums, and two Whifflers, or Typstaves, that made room, putting the people aside: also there came with him two executors of justice, Sergeants. having each of them in their hands a Set made of canes, which is an instrument wherewith they doth whip and punish offenders. When this Captain came unto the Palace gate, whereas the father Friars and their companions did receive him, he was brought on the shoulders of eight men very richly apparelled, in a chair wrought of ivory and Gold, who stayed not till they came into the inner Chamber, whereas he did alight from the chair, and went strait under a Cloth of estate, that was there ordinarily for the same purpose, and a Table before him: there he sat down, and straightways arose up, and standing he did receive the strange guests, who did courtesy unto him according unto their fashion, which is to join their hands together, and to stoop with them and their heads down to the ground: he gratified them again, with bowing his head a little, and that with great gravity. These speeches being finished, there was brought forth certain pieces of black Silk of twelve vares long a piece. And his Officers did put on the Friars shoulders each of them two▪ which was for either shoulder one, and was brought about their bodies and girt therewith: the like was done in order unto the Spanish Soldiers, and unto Omoncon, and Sinsay, and to their Interpreter. But unto Omoncon, and Sinsay, was given unto either of them a branch or Nosegay made of Silver, which was set upon their heads, which is accustomable honour, that is done unto such as have done some great enterprise, or such like. After that this ceremony was done, they played upon the Instruments aforesaid, which came with the Captain. In the mean time of their music, there was brought forth great store of Conserves, Marchpanes, and things made of Sugar, and excellent good Wine: and so being on foot standing, he caused them to eat, and he himself from the Chair whereas he sat, did give them to drink every one in order, without rising up, which is a ceremony and token of great favour, and of love. This being done, he arose from the chair under the Cloth of state, and went and sat down in that which was brought on men's backs, and with declining of his head a little, he departed out of the Hall and out of the house, and went unto his own house, whereas by the counsel of Omoncon, and Sinsay, within an hour after they should go and visit him, the which they did: he received them marvellously well and with great courtesy: who marvelled at his great Majesty and authority, for that Omoncon and Sinsay, when they did talk with him were upon their kn●es, and so did all the rest. He gave them again in his own house a gallant banquet, of diverse sorts of Conserves and Fruits, and excellent Wine of the Palmtree, and did talk and reason with them in good sort, and was more familiar than at his first visitation. After that the Fathers with their companions had remained two days in the Port of Tansuso, the third day they departed in the morning towards Chincheo. At their going forth of the Town, they were accompanied with a great number of Soldiers, both Harquebuses & Pikes, and before them a great noise of Trumpets, Drums, and Hoy-bucks, till such time as they came unto the River's side, whereas was a Brygandine provided and made ready in all points, to carry them up the River: all the streets alongst whereas they went, there followed them so much people that it was innumerable, and all to see them. All alongst the Rivers whereas they went, was seated with Villages very gallant and fresh, both on the one side and on the other. At the end of the two leagues, they came unto a great Bay, where was at an Anchor a fleet of more than one hundred and fifty Ships men of war, whose General was this Captain, whom we have spoken of. At such time as the fleet did discover them, they began to salute them, as well with great pieces of Artillery, as with Harquebuses, and other kind of pastimes, which commonly they do use at such times. Our Spaniards did travel up the River more than three leagues, having continually both on the one side and on the other, very many and fair Towns, and full of people. In the end of the three leagues, they went aland half a league from the Town of Tangoa, whereas straightways all such things as they carried with them, were taken upon men's backs, Tangoa. and carried unto the Town before them, whereas they were tarrying their coming, for to give them great entertainment. At their going ashore, they found prepared for the two Religious men, little Chairs to carry them upon men's backs, and for the Soldiers and the rest of their companions horse. The Fathers did refuse to be carried, and would have gone a foot, but Omoncon, and the other Captain would not consent thereunto. The Fathers obeyed their reasons, and entered into the Chairs, and were carried with eight men a piece, and the other their companions with four men a piece, according unto the order given by the Governor. Those that carried the Chairs, 〈◊〉 it with so good a will, that there was striving who should first lay hands to them. This Town of Tangoa, hath three thousand Soldiers, and is called in their language Coan: at the entering in, it hath many Gardens and Orchards and a street where through they carried the Spaniards unto their lodging, they affirmed to be half a league long, and all the street whereas they went, was full of boards and stalls whereon was laid all kind of Merchandise very curious, and things to be eaten, as fresh Fish and salt Fish of diverse sorts, and great abundance of Fowl, and Flesh of all sorts, Fruits and green Herbs in such quantity, that it was sufficient to serve such a City as Seville is. They were brought unto the King's house, which was very great, marvelously well wrought with stone and brick, and many Halls, Parlours, and Chambers, but none above, but all below. So soon as they were a foot, there was brought from the Captain or justice of the Town, whom they do call Ticoan, a message, bidding them welcome, and therewith a present, which was great store of Capons, Hens, Teals, Ducks, Geese, Flesh of four or five sorts, fresh Fish, Wine, and fruits of diverse sorts, and of so great quantity, that it was sufficient for two hundreth men. All the which they would have given for a little cool air, by reason that it was then very hot weather; and again, the great number of people that came thither to see them did augment it the more. In the Evening the two Spanish Soldiers went forth into the streets to walk abroad, and left the two Friars within their lodging, unto whom afterwards they did give intelligence of all things that they had seen, which did cause great admiration: the wall of the Town was very broad, and wrought with lime and stone, full of loopholes and watchtowers. And as they passed through the streets there came forth of a house a very honest man, China Women. as it seemed, who was very well apparelled and stayed them, for that in the same house, there were certain Dames principal personages, that did see them a far off, and not content therewith, they did request them with great courtesy for to enter into the house, that they might the better see them: the which they did straightways accomplish, and entering in, they were brought into a court, whereas was set Chairs for them to sit down, and the Ladies were there a little from them, beholding them with great honesty and gravity. Then a little after, they set them a banquet with Marchpanes and sweet meats made of Sugar, which they did eat without any curi●sitie, and drunk after the same. The banquet being done, they made signs and tokens unto them, that they received great content with their sight, and that they might depart when that their pleasure was, the which they did, after that they had made great courtesies with thanks, for their friendship received of both parts. So after they had taken their leave, House of pleasure. they went to see a House of pleasure, that was hard by the Town-wall, wrought upon the water, with very fair galleries and open lodges to banquet in, made of Mason's work, and therein many Tables finely painted, and round about it Cisterns of water, wherein was store of Fish, and joining unto them Tables of very fair Alabaster, all of one stone, and the least of them was of eight spans long: and round about them were brooks of running water, that gave a pleasant sound in the mean time they were banqueting, and nigh thereunto many Gardens full of all sorts of Flowers. And a little from that place they saw a Bridge all of Mason's work, Stone-bridge. and the stones very well wrought and of a mighty bigness, they measured some of them, that were twenty and two and twenty foot long, and five foot broad, and seemed unto them, that it was a thing impossible to be laid there by man's hands. Of this bigness, yea and bigger they did see laid upon many other Bridges, in the discourse of their voyage, going to Chincheo and Aucheo. The next day in the morning when they were up and ready, they found in the house all things in a readiness and in very good order, for their departure, as well their little Chairs, and Horse, as for men to carry their stuff and apparel, which did not a little make them to marvel, how that every one of them with a waster upon their shoulders, did divide their burden in two parts, six roves before and six roves behind, and did travel with the same with so great ease and swiftness, that the Horse could not endure with them. They went unto the Ticoan his house. They found him with great Majesty, but yet gave them great and good entertainment. He did likewise put upon each of them, two pieces of Silk, in the same order as the Governor of Tansuso did. From this Town of Tangoa unto Chincheo, is thirteen leagues, and so plain way that it giveth great content to travel it: Thrifty tillage in all the way they could not see one span of ground but was tilled and occupied. The like they do say, is of all the ground that is in the whole Kingdom: it is full of people, and the Towns one so near to another, that almost you can not judge them to be many Towns but one, for that there was but a quarter of a league distant, one Town from another, and it was told unto them that in all the Provinces of the Kingdom, it is peopled in the same order. All their ground they till is watered, which is the occasion of the fruitfulness thereof, so that they do gather fruit all the year long, and our Spaniards did see in all places whereas they came, Ploughing with Buffalos. that they were gathering of Rice, some new sprung up, some with ears, and some ripe. They do plough and till their ground with Kine, Bufalos, and Bulls, which are very tame, and although they be very great, yet be their horns but of a spanne long and turning backwards to the tail, in such sort that they cannot do any hurt or harm with them: they do govern them with a cord that is made fast to a ring that is in their nose, and in like sort do they govern the Bufalos. They do feed them commonly in the fields of Rice, Pasturage. for that they have no other grasing, and all the time that they are feeding, a Boy doth ride on every one of them to disturb them, that they do no harm therein. But to eat the weeds and grass that do grow in the Rice. All the highways are covered with the shadow of very fair Orchards, which do garnish it very much, and they are planted in very good order: and amongst them there are Shops, whereas is sold all manner of Fruits, to the comfort of all such as do travel by the way, which is an infinite number, some on foot, some on horseback, and others in little chairs. Their waters by the highways, are very good and light. The same day when they had traveled half way, they saw a far off coming marching towards them in very good order, a squadron of Soldiers, which at the first caused them to marvel, and to be afraid, till such time as they drew nigher, it was told unto them, that it was the Captain of the guard unto the Insuanto, or Governor of Chincheo, who came by his order to receive them with four hundred Soldiers, very well armed with Pikes and Harquebuses, and well apparelled. So soon as the Captain came unto them, he was mounted on a bay Horse, but of small stature, as they for the most part be in all that Province, he alighted and came unto the Fathers, and his companions (who likewise did alight from their little Chairs) and did salute the one the other with great courtesy. The Captain came very well apparelled with a Chain of gold about his neck, a man of a good audacity and understanding. Hard unto his stirrup he had a Page that went with him, and carried a great Tira sol, made of Silk, that did shadow him all over. He had before him great music of Trumpets and Hoybuckes, whereon they played in great concord. A thing to keep away the Sun. This Captain with his four hundreth Soldiers, did continually guard them for pomp, not necessity; for the people may not wear weapons but the Soldiers. In this highway continually there went and came many packe-Horses, laden with Merchandise and other things, but the most part of them were Mules. The highways are very broad, High ways. that twenty men may ride together on a rank, and one not hinder another, and are all paved with great stones. Upon a Saturday being the eleventh of july, came our Spaniards unto the City of Chincheo, four hours before it was night. This City is of the common sort in that Kingdom, Chincheo hath seventy thousand households and may have seventy thousand households. It is of great traffic and well provided of all things, for that the Sea is but two leagues from it: it hath a mighty River running alongst by it down into the Sea, by which is brought by water and carried down all kind of merchandise. There is a Bridge over the said River, which is supposed to be the fairest that is in all the world: Fair Bridge. it hath a draw bridge to serve in time of wars, or for any other necessity: the Bridge is eight hundred paces long, and all wrought with stones of two and twenty foot long, and five foot broad, a thing greatly to be marvelled at: at the entry thereof, there were many armed Soldiers ready to fight, who when they came within Harquebusse shot did salute them in very good order. There was nigh unto the said bridge in the River riding at anchor, A thousand ships in one River. more than a thousand Ships of all sorts, and so great a number of Boats and Barks, that all the River was covered, and every one full of people that had entered into them for to see the Castillas', for so they did call the Spaniards in that Country, for the streets in the Suburbs, nor in the City could not hold them, the number was so great, yet their streets are as broad as our ordinary streets in any City in all Spain. This City is compassed with a strong Wall made of stone, and is seven fathom high, and four fathom broad, & upon the Gates many towers, wherein is placed their Artillery, which is all their strength, for that they do not use in their Kingdom strong Castles, as they do in Europe. They have no use of Castles▪ Earthquakes in this Country. Rich Merchandise. Triumphant Arches. The houses of the City are all built after one sort and fashion, but fair, & not very high, by reason of the Earthquakes which are ordinarily in that Country. All the streets (but especially that wherein they passed at their coming thither) have on the one side and on the other, Sheds, under the which are shops, full of rich Merchandise and of great value, and very curious. They have in equal distance the one from the other, many triumphant Arches which do set out the streets very much, and is used in every principal street throughout all the Kingdom, in the which they have excellent Market-places, whereas is to be bought all things that you will desire to be eaten, as well of Fish, as of Flesh, Fruits, Herbs, Comfits, Conserves, and all things so good cheap, that it is almost bought for nothing. The Insuanto or Governor of the City, did send that forthwith they should go unto his House, for that he had great desire to see them. In the midst of the street, The Insuanto where was no less number of people then in the other, whereby they entered into the City, they met with a Loytia, that came to entertain them with great Majesty, and had carried before him many Banners, Mace-bearers, and Tipstaffs, and others which carried Sets or Whips, which they did trail after them, made fast unto long sticks, which were the Executioners, the which do go always making of way, parting the people before the Loytias, as you have heard. The majesty and company wherewith he came was so great, that they verily did believe him to be the Insuanto: An Assistant. but being certified, they understood that it was one of his Counsellors that came from the Governors' home to his own house, which was in the same street whereas he met with them. Serpents knotted the King's Arms. This Counsellor was carried in a Chair of ivory, garnished with Gold and with Curtains of Cloth of Gold, and on them the King's Arms, which are certain Serpents knotted together (as hath been told you.) But when he came right against the Spaniards, without any staying he made a sign with his head, and commanded that they should return back again unto his house, which was hard by: the Captains did straightways obey his commandment, and returned with them. The Counsellor entered into his house, which was very fair, he had in i a fair Court, and therein a gallant Fountain and a Garden. After him entered the Spaniards all alone, the rest remained without in the street at the Loytias commandment, he entertained them with very good words of semblance, and commanded a Banquet to be brought forth, and Wine to drink, he began first both to eat and drink. Then he commanded to call in the Captain, unto whom was given the charge to bear them company, and did chide with him very sharply and severely, because he did carry them on foot (they could not understand whether it were done for a policy, or of a truth, although the effects wherewith he did chide seemed of a truth) he straightways commanded two rich Chairs to be brought forth to carry the Fathers, and to give unto their companions Horses: the which being done, he willed them to go and visit the Governor, who did tarry their coming: and that another time at more leisure he would see and visit them. They followed their way all alongst the street, which seemed unto them to be more fairer than the other wherein they entered, and of more fairer houses and triumphant Arches: and also the shops that were on the one side and on the other, Goodly sight. to be better furnished with richer things than the others, in so ample sort, that what therewith, as also the great number of people which they saw, they were so amazed, that they were as people from themselves, thinking it to be a Dream. To conclude, after they had gone a good while in that street, delighting their eyes with new things never seen of them before: they came into a great place, whereas were many Soldiers in good order with their Harquebuses, Pikes and other Armour in a readiness, apparelled all in a Livery of Silk, with their Ancients displayed. At the end of this place, was there a very fair and sumptuous Palace, The Palace. the gate was wrought of Mason's work of stone, very great and full of figures or Personages, and above it a great window with an Iron grate all gilt: they were carried within the gates, the Shoulders and the people which were without number, remained without and could not be avoided but with great difficulty. When they were within the first Court, there came forth a man very well apparelled and of authority, and made signs with his hand unto them that brought the Spaniards, that they should carry them into a Hall that was upon the right hand, the which was straightways done. The Hall was very great and fair, and at the end thereof there was an Altar, whereon were many Idols, and all did differ the one from the other in their fashion: the Altar was rich and very curiously trimmed with burning Lamps: the Altar-cloth was of cloth of Gold: and the fruntlet of the same. After awhile that they had been there whereas the Idols were, there came a Servant from the Governor and said unto them in his behalf, State-ceremonie. that they should send unto him the Interpreter; they straightways commanded him to go. And the Governor said unto him that he should advise the Fathers and the rest of his companions, that if they would talk and treat of such business as they came for, that it must be done with the same ceremony and respect, as the Nobles of that Province do, use to talk with him, which is upon their knees (as afterwards they did see many times used) if not that they should depart unto the House whereas they were lodged, and there to tarry the order that should be sent from the Viceroy of Aucheo. The Spaniards were of diverse judgements, striving amongst themselves a good while, but yet in conclusion, the Religious Fathers, whom the Governor of the Lands had ordained and sent as principals in this matter, and whose judgement they should follow, said, that they ought to accept the condition, seeing that by no other means they could not come unto that they pretended: and not to leave it off for matters of small importance, for that therein they make no offence unto God, and it may be a mean unto the converting of that mighty Kingdom. When that the Insuanto understood that the Spaniards would enter with the reverence accustomed, and in such order as was declared unto them, he straightways commanded that they should come into the Hall whereas he was, they entered into another Hall as big as the first: whereas were many Soldiers with their weapons in their hands in very good order, and richly apparelled, and next unto them were many Tipstaffs and Sergeants, with different Ensigns or Badges, all apparelled with long Robes of silk, guarded and embroidered with Gold, and every one of them had a Helm on his head, some of silver and other some of Tin gilded over, which was a gallant thing to see: all had long hair and died yellow, which hung down behind their ears upon their backs: they were placed in very good order, and made a lane that the Spaniards might pass through: then they came into a Gallery, which was joining unto the Chamber where the Governor was, and there they heard such a noise of Instruments of diverse sorts, which endured a good while, and was of so great melody, that it seemed unto them that they never before heard the like: which caused unto them great admiration to see so great Majesty amongst Gentiles. When the Music was ended, they entered into the Hall aforesaid, Great Majesty. and had not gone many steps, when as they met with the Counsellor that met with them in the street aforesaid, and with him other two of his companions all on foot and bareheaded before the Governor, and their Ensigns of Majesty left off: which is generally used in all the Kingdom, the inferior to make any show when that he is before his Superior. The Insuantoes person and entertainment. Then they made signs unto them for to kneel down, for that the Insuanto was nigh at hand in a rich Tower, under a Canopy of great Riches, and did represent so great Majesty as the King himself: he did entertain them with tokens of great love, and humanity, and told them by their Interpreter, that they were very well welcome, and that he did greatly rejoice to see them, with many other words of great favour. This Governor was a man of goodly person, well favoured, and of a merry countenance, more than any that they had seen in all that Country. He caused to be put upon the shoulders of the Fathers and of the Soldiers that were with him, every one of them two pieces of silk, which was crossed about them like Scarves, and likewise to either of them a branch of silver: the like courtesy he did unto the Captain Omoncon, and unto Sinsay, and commanded to give unto all their Servants every one of them a Mantle of Cotton painted. This being done, the Fathers did give unto him the Letters which they carried from the Governor and General of the field, and a note of the Present that was sent him: craving pardon for that it was so small, but time and opportunity would not serve as then to send unto him a thing of greater price and valour: certifying him, that if the friendship which they pretended did go forwards, and come to be established, that then all things should be amended and amplified. He answered unto their proffers with words of great favour, and made signs unto them to arise, and to go and take their rests there, whereas they were lodged: the which they did, and found all things in very good order and well furnished, as well of Beds as of all other necessaries, which was done by the commandment of the Governor. Before they departed out of the Palace the Captain of the guard did carry them unto his Lodging, which was within the Court, and there he made them a Banquet with Conserves, and Fruits in abundance: the which being done, he and other Gentlemen of the Palace did bear them company until they came to their Lodgings, which they greatly desired, for that they were weary of their journey, and also with the trouble of the great press of people that pressed on them in the streets, & otherwise for to see them: the which Captain of the guard did appoint a Company of Soldiers for to guard them both night and day, the which was done more for Majesty then for necessity or security of their persons. They had a Steward appointed to provide them and all their company of all things necessary, and that in abundance, and not to take of them any thing, which was given by particular commandment by the Governor. The next day, many of the Gentlemen of the City did go unto the Spaniards to visit them, and such as could not go themselves did send their Servants, bidding them welcome. The Spaniards did make answer, and gratified them all, in the which visitation they spent all the whole day, having great admiration to see the good behaviour, nurture, and gallant demeanour of those Gentlemen, and the great discretion they had in the demanding of any thing they would know as also in their Answers made to our requests. The next day the Insuanto sent a commandment wherein he willed the two Fathers to remain in their Lodgings and take their ease: but the two Soldiers Pedro Sarmiento, and Miguel de Loarcha, should come and speak with him, and that they should bring with them their Interpreter, for that he had one there with him (who was a Chino, and understood the Language of the Philippinas, but so badly, that they could not by his Interpretation talk of any matter of importance. So when they came thither, they were brought whereas he was, but with less ceremony, he requested them to declare unto him the whole circumstance of the coming of Limahon the Rover, unto the Lands, and how the Spaniards dealt with him: that although he had been informed particularly in all things, by the Captain Omoncon and Sinsay, yet he was in a jealousy that they told him not the truth. He was nothing deceived in that he suspected,) for after that our Soldiers had made a true Relation of the coming of the Rover unto Manilla, and of all the rest, he found that they differed very much, the one from the other, Vain glory. for that they did attribute it wholly unto themselves to get honour and benefit: but the Insuanto like a wise man straightways understood their pretence. But when that he perceived that Limahon was neither dead nor Prisoner, but only besieged, he offered unto them that if they would return again unto Pagansinan upon him whereas he was, he would give unto them five hundred ships of war, with people sufficient to serve both by Sea and Land, and more if they would request. They answered him, that all such cost and labour were but in vain, for that the General of the field who hath him in siege, with the people and ships that he hath are sufficient to end that Enterprise, and to send him hither alive or dead, and that long before that their fleet should come thither. And besides this, Bo●sting. their Lands were poor of victuals, and could not sustain so great an Army many days. Being satisfied with these reasons, he gave place that the Interpreter which they brought should come in where as they were, for he remained at the door without, for that he would be fully certified to avoid the suspicious doubt he had before he come in presence, yet he did help them very much. So when their Interpreter was come in, the Spaniards seeing good occasion and opportunity for to declare that which passed the day before, Mortified F●iers. betwixt them and the Fathers, touching the speaking unto him on their knees: and seeing, as it seemed unto them, that he was at that time in a good mind for to hear them, they did utter unto him all the whole contention (after that they had declared many reasons of great consideration, to give them to understand that it was not convenient to do it, but especially to religious men, who were there as principals over the rest, unto whom the King of Spain (their Lord) himself doth stand on foot, when as they do entreat of any matter, although it be but of small importance: for that they are Priests and Ministers of God, whom he doth worship and reverence. The Insuanto with a merry countenance did answer them, that unto that time he understood no more of them, then in that he was informed by the Captain Omoncon, and did not acknowledge them to be any other but Castillas': without knowing wherefore they came, nor from whom, for lack of the Letters sent from their Governor, and General of the field, the first time that he spoke with them: neither had he any knowledge of the custom of their Country: yet notwithstanding, that which hath passed here, without any exception of person, if they would take it in good part, in that which is to come shall be amended: and from that day forwards, at all times whensoever it were their pleasure to come of themselves, or at such time as they were sent for, for to talk with him as they do use in Castilia or Spain, unto such of their dignity and vocation, the which he granted with a very good will: although he not grant unto any that pre-eminence, no not unto a Viceroy, except he were an Ambassador sent from some King. The next day, the Governor called a Gentleman of his House unto him, and commanded him to go and visit the Spaniards, and to inform himself of them if that they lacked any thing. And also that he should in his name invite them for the next day following to dine with him in his House. This Gentleman went unto them and accomplished his message: and the Spaniards answered, kissing his hand for the great care he had of them: they were carried into a Hall that was below in the second Court, whereas were many Chairs of Velvet and Tables that were painted with their frontals before. Spaniard's feasted. Table-rite. In the first Chairs they caused the Friars to sit down, every one at a Table by himself, and each of them other six Tables, placed in order, compassing round like a Circle: then were the Spanish Soldiers set in the same manner, and each of them had five Tables, and next unto them the Captain of the guard belonging unto the Governor, and two other Captains: and every one of them had three Tables. For that it is the custom of that Country to make a difference in the quality of the guests, by the number of the Tables. All these were placed in circle or compass (as aforesaid) that they might see one another. A Comedy & other sports. In the midst betwixt them there was a round compass, whereas was represented a Comedy with much pastime, and endured all the Dinner time, and a good while after. There was also great store of very good and excellent Music, accompanied with gallant voices, also jesters with Puppets, The Viands. and other things of great pastime, to drive the time away. On the first Table was set to every one of the guests, little Baskets wrought with Gold and Silver wire, full of sweet meats made of Sugar, as Marchpanes, Castles, Pitchers, Pots, Dishes, Dogs, Bulls, Elephants, and other things very curious, and all gilt: besides this there were many Dishes full of flesh, as Capons, Hens, Geese, Teals, gamon's of Bacon, pieces of Beef, and other sorts of flesh wherewith all the Tables were replenished, saving that whereat they did sit to dine, which was replenished with victuals that was dressed (for all the other was raw) and was of so great abundance, that there was at times more than fifty dishes, and they were served with great curiosity. They had Wine of diverse sorts, and of that which they do make in that Country of the Palmtree, but of so great excellency, that they found no lack of that which was made of Grapes. The Dinner endured four hours, in so good order that it might have been given unto any Prince in the World. Their Servants and Slaves that they brought with them at the same time, did dine in another Hall nigh unto the same, with so great abundance as their Masters. When Dinner was done, the Governor commanded the people to come unto him, with whom he did talk and common with great friendship, and good conversation, and would not consent that they should kneel down, neither to be bare headed. So after that he had made unto them tokens of friendship, and detained them a while, in demanding of many things, lastly, he told them that there was an order come from the Viceroy of Aucheo, that they should go thither with great speed. So he took his leave of us with great friendship and courtesy. At their going forth out of the Hall, they found the Captain that did dine with them, and with him many other Gentlemen that tarried their coming for to bear them company unto their Lodging: going before them many Servants, that did carry the raw meat, that was upon the other Tables over and above that which they did eat on, the which was done for great Majesty, and a Ceremony very much used in that Kingdom, so many times as they do make any Banquet. When they came unto their Lodging they found that the Insuanto had sent them a very good Present, in the which was for every one of them four pieces of silk, and counting chists with other things, and certain painted Mantles for the Servants and Slaves. After they had taken their leave of the Captains and Gentlemen that did bear them company home, they began with great joy to put all things in order for their journey the next day following. THe next day in the morning, before that the Spaniards were stirring, there was within the House all things necessary for their journey, as well of Litter chairs, as of Horses and Men for to carry them, and their stuff, the which they did with so good a will (as aforesaid) that they did fall out and strive amongst themselves, who should be the first that should receive their burden. So all things being in good order, they departed, having in their company the same Captain and Soldiers, that unto that time had been their guard, until they came unto the City of Aucheo, whereas the Viceroy was. This day by reason they understood that they should depart, the press and multitude of the people was so great, Aucheo. that although they had Tip-staves before them, to beat the people away and to make room, yet was it almost night before they could get out of the City: so that they were constrained to remain in a Town there hard by all that night, whereas by the commandment of the Governor they were very well lodged, and their Supper made ready in very good order, as it was in seven days together, till such time as they came unto Aucheo, without taking for the same, or for any other thing necessary for their sustentaion, any price or value. There went continually before them a Post with a provision from the Governor, written in a great board wherein was declared who they were, and from whence they came, and commanding that there should be provided for them all things necessary in abundance, upon the King's cost, which was the occasion that so much people came for to see them, that in the highways they were many times disturbed with great trouble, the third day they came unto a City which was called Megoa, Megoa a great City spoilt by japanders'. which was sometimes the head government, the which was of forty thousand households, but a great part thereof was dispeopled: the occasion thereof they told us (and was) that about thirty years past, the japones, who brought for their Guides three Chinois, Stratagem▪ came upon that City (to revenge themselves of an injury that was done unto them) the which they put in execution with so great secrecy and policy, that they made themselves Lords of the City without any danger or hurt unto themselves: for that fifty japones, men fit for that purpose, did apparel themselves in Chinois apparel without being known, and came unto a Gate of the City, whereas the Soldiers that had the charge thereof were void of all suspicion. And within a little while after that, followed two thousand that did disimbarke themselves in a secret and unknown place, and came in very secret order, because they would not be discovered, and did beset that gate of the City, whereas their companions were, which they sent before: who so soon as they saw them nigh at hand, drew out their weapons, the which they carried hid under their apparel, & set upon the Soldiers (that were void of fear and unarmed) with so great fury and force, that they being amazed wert easily slain, so that they were Lords of the Gate, whereas they left very good guard, and followed their victory, and made themselves Lords of the City, without any danger unto their persons, and did possess the same certain days, and did sack the same in spite of them all, with great harm and loss unto the Inhabitants thereof, until such time as the Viceroy of Aucheo did levy an Army together of threescore and ten thusand men, but they seeing that they could not defend themselves against so many, in one night they left the City and went unto their ships, whereas they had left them in very good order, and carried with them the spoil of the City, leaving it beaten down. So soon as they came thither, the Friars remained in their Lodgings, but Pedro Sarmiento and Miguel de Loarcha went to visit the Governor, using the Spanish courtesy with him: and he received them with great joy and courtesy. After they had taken their leave and returned unto their Lodgings, the Governor sent to visit them El Tyu, who is the ancientest of his Council. At their departure from this City, travelling towards Aucheo, Admirable stone bridge. they passed over a mighty great River, by a Bridge all made of stone: the goodliest and greatest that ever they had seen, whose greatness did cause wonderful admiration, so that they stayed and did measure it from one end to another, that it might be put amongst the wonders of that Country, which they took a note of. They found that it was one thousand and three hundred foot long, and that the least stone wherewith it was built, was of seventeen foot, and many of two and twenty foot long, and eight foot broad, and seemed unto them a thing impossible to be brought thither by man's art, for that all round about so far as they could see, was plain ground without any Mountains: by which they judged them to be brought from far. When they were passed that Bridge, they traveled all the rest of the day till night upon a Cawsie that was very broad and plain, and on both sides many Victualling Houses, and the fields sowed with Rice, wheat, and other Seeds: and so full of people as in the streets of a good Town or City After they had traveled more than half a league in the Suburbs of the City of Aucheo, they met with a Post that came from the Viceroy: who brought order that they should remain in a house that was appointed for them in the said Suburbs. Suburbs of Auc●eo. So soon as they were alighted, there came a Gentleman to visit them, sent from the Viceroy to bid them welcome, and to know how they did with their journey, and also to see that they were well provided for that night, of all things necessary, and that in abundance. After this Gentleman, came other Captains to visit them, and brought with them great store of Conserves, Wine and Fruit: which is a common custom amongst them, when that they go in the like visitation, and it is carried by their servants in little Baskets very curiously wrought, or else in Barrels made of earth all gilt. Within two hours after their coming thither, there came another messenger from the Viceroy, with many men laden with Capons, Hens, Geese, Teals, gamons of Bacon, and Conserves of diverse sorts, and of great abundance, sufficient for one hundred men to sup that night, and for their dinner the next day. The next day in the morning very early, there came much people unto their lodging, sent by the Viceroy, and brought with them two rich Chairs, for to carry the Fathers in, and the Curtains tied up, that they might the better be seen, and for their companions very good Horses, saddled after the fashion which they do use. They forthwith made haste for to depart, and although they made great speed, yet were they a good hour and a half, before they could come unto the gates of the City, and seemed unto them that they had traveled two leagues in the Suburbs: well peopled, fair houses, and many shops full of Merchandise. Before they came unto the Gates, they passed a mighty River three times over Bridges, that were great and very fair, and the River so deep, that great Ships came up the same, but their masts stooping down, to pass under the bridges. This City is the head City of all the Province, very rich and fertile, and many Towns belonging unto it, and but eight leagues from the Sea. They had no leisure to tell the Soldiers, but they saw that from the Gate until they came unto the Viceroys Palace on both sides, which was a good way, to be full of them, and all richly apparelled and of one colour. The people that were at the windows and in the street, betwixt the houses and the Soldiers were so great a number, that it seemed to be doom's day, Palace open once a day. and that all the people in the world were there joined together in that street. When they came unto the Palace which was two hours after day, the Gentlemen that were their guides, did cause the Spaniards to enter into a room which was hard by, till such time as the Gate was open, for that it is open but once a day, and so continue no longer time than the audience endureth, State. which is done by the Viceroy once every day, and that is but a small time. But first, before he doth enter into audience, there is shot off four pieces of Artillery, with a great noise of Trumpets, Drums and Waytes. And there is no day that passeth without audience, as our people did see by experience so long as they were there, and were likewise informed of others. The hour being come, and the ceremony done as aforesaid, the Gates were opened, and there was in the Court many Soldiers, apparelled in the same livery that those were of in the street. From the midst amongst them came forth a Gentleman, who was as it was told them, the Captain of the guard of the Viceroy, who came with great gravity and authority, towards the place whereas our people were, and after they had saluted the one the other, he made signs unto them, that they should go towards the gates of the Palace. When they were within the first Court, which was great and wrought with mighty pillars, there was a great number of Soldiers, and many Sergeants, that entered into another great court, and mounted up a pair of stairs that was on the one side, whereas all the people were with great silence, saving the Captain of the guard, who went with our people till they came to the gates of the Hall, where was the Viceroy, at which gate he stayed with his head discovered, and made signs unto ours that they should do the like. Then straightways came forth of the Hall a man apparelled in a long Robe, of good personage, Ceremony. and asked of the Spaniards, if they would speak with the Viceroy, and they answered, yea: then asked he again from whom they came, and by whom they were sent, they answered, that they were sent by the Governor of Philippinas, who was servant unto the mightiest King in all Christendom. When he had this answer, he returned again into the Hall, and within a little while after he came forth, and bade them come in, but gave them to understand, that in entering into the hall whereas the Viceroy was, that they should kneel down, and talk with him in that order, till he commanded to the contrary, if they would use this Ceremony, that then they should come in, if not, that they should return back again. They said, that they would observe the order given unto them. Therewith he went in, who seemed to be the Master of ceremonies, making a sign that they should follow after him, and do that which he willed them to do. Viceroys state. At the entering in at the door, they stayed a little, and then kneeled down right over against there whereas the Viceroy sat, in a Chair very high like unto a Throne, with a Table before him, and was in so dark a place that almost they could not see his face very well. On the one side of him, there were some like unto Heralds of Arms, with Sceptres in their hands, and on the other side, two men of a gallant comeliness armed with Corslets, made of scales of Gold down to the calf of their legs, with Bows in their hands of gold, and Quivers at their backs of the same. Both the one and the other were upon their knees. There was upon the Table before him, paper and all things necessary to write: which is an ordinary use amongst them at all times, when there is any public audience, Lions the Arms of that Province, perhaps this deceived Pinto, who mistook them (seeing them common on pillars, etc.) to be the King's Arms, which were but of some places. and on the one side of the board a Lion made of black wood, which was (as after they understood) the Arms of that Province. So straightways he made signs unto them to draw near, which they did, and kneeled down a little from the Table which was whereas the Master of Ceremonies did will them. In this sort they began to talk with him by their Interpreter, and told them the occasion of their coming into that City and Kingdom, and from whom and unto whom they were sent. But he made signs unto them that they should arise, the which they did with a very good will, and did persever in their intent. But the Viceroy did cut them off before they could make an end, and asked if they had brought any Letter from their King, unto the King his Lord, whom they would go to see and talk with▪ but when they answered no, he straightways took his leave of them, saying, that they were welcome, and that they should depart unto their lodgings and to take their ease, for that afterwards they should have occasion to declare their minds unto him, and he would give them their answer, for that the King was far off, and it requireth along time to come whereas he is, but he would write unto him, and according unto his commandment, he would make them answer. And therewith he took the Letter, and the memorial of the present, and commanded in his presence, to put about the necks of the Friars in manner of a scarf, to either of them six pieces of Silk, and unto the Soldiers their companions, and unto Omoncon, and Sinsay, each of them four pieces, and to every one of their servants two a piece, and to give unto the two Friars and the Soldiers, Omoncon, and Sinsay, every one of them two branches of Silver. With the Silk about their necks, and with the branches in their hands, they returned out of the Hall and down the stairs the way they came, and so through the court into the streets, from whence they saw them shut the Court gate with so great a noise, as when they did open it. From thence at the request of Omoncon, and Sinsay, they went unto the house of Totoc, Totoc. who is the Captain general of all the men of War, and unto the house of Cagnitoc, who is the chief Standard-bearer: their houses were nigh the one the other, very fair and great. Cag●itoc. They found them with as great Majesty as the Viceroy, and in the same order, with a Table before them, and had on each side of them armed Soldiers, kneeling on their knees. Yet did they not use our men with the courtesy that the Viceroy used, to cause them to stand up, which was the occasion, that straightways they made a show that they would depart and be gone, complaining of Omoncon, and Sinsay, for that they did carry them thither, and told them with anger, that the Governor of Manilla, did entreat them in a different sort, who was there resident for the mightiest Prince in all the world, and they but easy Merchants, neither was their going thither to be equalled, unto the benefit that they came thither for. This discontent the which they received, was the occasion that they would not go to make any more visitations, although the said Omoncon, and Sinsay, for their own interest, would have carried them to the houses of other Officers, and Gentlemen of the Court. At their coming thither, they found all their stuff in good order, and their dinner marvelous well provided, and the whole house hanged and trimmed, as though it had been for the Kings own person, with many waiting men and Soldiers, those which did guard them both day and night, and hanging at the door two tables or boards (commanded by the Viceroy) whereon was written who they were, that were there lodged, and from whence they came, and wherefore, and that none whosoever, should be so hardy as to offer them any wrong or disturbance, upon pain to be for the same offence severely punished. In this house they were more in quiet, then in any other place, whereas they had been, neither did the people give them so much trouble, Reports of Pequin, called Taybin also and Suntiem. Lanchin for Nanchin, or Nanquin. Se● Ricci. by reason of the great care which the judges had in putting order for the same, by the commandment of the Viceroy, yet was it the greatest Town and most populed, of all that Province (although in other Provinces there be that be much bigger) and is affirmed that the City of Taybin, or Suntiem, (there whereas the King and his Court is resident) hath three hundred thousand households, and yet there is a bigger City in the Kingdom called Lanchin. This City of Aucheo, hath a very fair and strong Wall made of stone, which is five fathom high, and four fathom broad, the which was measured many times by our people, Aucheo described. for that they had a gate out of their lodging that did open to the same. This wall is all covered over with tiles to defend the rayne-water for hurting of it, which could not to the contrary but receive damage, for that there is no lime used in the whole wall. They have not one Castle in all this City, neither is there any used in all that Kingdom, for all their force and strength is in their Gates, the which be made very strong, with a double wall, within very broad, betwixt the which are continually many Soldiers, such as do keep watch and ward both day and night. Upon these gates they have much Ordnance, but very ill wrought. The whole wall is full of battlements, Ordnance bad and thereon written the names of such Soldiers as are bound to repair thither in the time of necessity. At every hundred paces they have lodgings, the which are very huge and great: there whereas in the time of necessity do remain and dwell their Captains, so long as their troubles do endure, Th● Cit●e 〈◊〉 noted. all the wall is fortified with two great mo●es or ditches, the one within and the other without, the which they do fill at all times when they please, by sluices which they have from the River for the same purpose, and do serve of water almost all the houses in the City, whereas they have their stanges for the most part full of Fish. This mighty City is si●uated in a great plain, Unwholesome. and compassed round about with mighty Rocks and Mountains, which is the occasion that it is not so healthful, and the Inhabitants say, that it is by re●son of the Mountains, and many times it is overflowen in the winter, by spring-tidings from the River. And in that year that this doth happen, it doth destroy and ruinate a great part of the City, Inundations. as it was at that time when our people did see it, for that in the winter before they were troubled with these great tides, which did them much harm. The next day after that our people came into the City, the Viceroy did send to invite them to dinner to his own house, Viceroys Feast. whereas he made them a great banquet in the form following. At their coming unto the Palace there came forth a great number of Gentlemen, servants unto the Viceroy, to bid them welcome, with great store of music and tokens of mirth. Being entered into the first Court, they brought them into a mighty Hall that was marvellously well trimmed, wherein was a great number of Tables set in such order, as they were in the banquet that was made them by the Governor of Chincheo, (as hath been told you) although the number and furniture did far excel the other. But before they did sit down, there came unto them two Captains principal men, unto whom the Viceroy had committed the charge of the banquet, to do all things in his name, for that it is a custom in that Kingdom, that Noble men must not be present in their banquets they make. So the charge was given unto them, to make them be merry, & to bid his guests welcome. When they came unto them they used great courtesy, and passed away the time in gallant discourses, till it was time to go to dinner, and that they began to bring in their victuals. Idolatrous rite to the Sun. Then before they did sit down, the Captains did take each of them a cup in his hand, in manner of a Sorlue, as they do use, and being full of Wine, they went together whereas they might discover the Heaven and offered it unto the Sun, and unto the Saints of heaven, adding thereunto many words of prayers: but principally they did request that the coming of their new guests might be profitable unto them all, and that the friendship which they did pretend to establish, might be for good both unto the one and to the other. This their prayer being done, they did spill out the Wine making a great courtesy, than were they straightways filled again, and making reverence unto their guests every one by himself, they set the Cups down upon the Tables whereas the Fathers should dine, whereas they were set every one by himself. This being done, the first service was set upon the boards, and the Captains were set at other Tables. The time which the banquet endured (which was very late) there was great store of music of diverse Instruments, as of Vials, Gitterns, and Rebuckes, and with them many jesters did make them merry at their dinner. The which being done, the said captains did bear their guests company out of the Palace, whereas they did anew invite them to dinner for the next day, in the same Hall: they obeying their request did come, whereas was made unto them a banquet more notable than the first. This day at the banquet was present the Totoc. Comedies. In this second banquet they had as the day before, very much music, and a Comedy that endured long, with many pretty and merry jests: there was also a Tumbler, who did his feats very artificially, Tumblers. as well in vaulting in the air, as upon a staff that two men did hold on their shoulders. Before the Comedy did begin, by their Interpreter the signification thereof was told them, that the better they might content themselves in the conceiving. The next day they sent the present, and those who carried it in, did afterward give our people to understand that in opening the present, Taybin or Paquin; diversely called, either by reason of diverse languages; or because they give appellative names (as the Tartars call the same City Cambalu, that is, the Royal Citi●) thereto. there was a note thereof taken before a Notary, and straightways put in again where it was taken out, before the said Notary and other witnesses, the which being done, he sealed it up, and sent it unto the City of Taybin, unto the King and his Counsel, for that they have a rigorous Law in that Kingdom, that doth prohibit all such as have any office of Government, to receive any present of what quality soever it be, without licence of the King or of his Counsel. This is conformable unto that, which the Governor of Chin●heo did in the presence of our people. The next day following, the Viceroy did ●end to visit them, and to ask of them a Sword, a Harquebusse and a Flask: for that he would cause others to be made by them, the which they did send, and afterwards understood, that they had counterfeited the same, although not in so perfect manner. Then af●er a time our people seeing, that their being in that City seemed to be long and like to be longer, All things good cheap. they did procure to drive away the time in the best manner they could, and went abroad into the City, and did by either of them that which they thought best. Whereof they found great abundance, and of so small price, that they bought it almost for nothing. They bought many Books that did entreat of diverse matters, which they brought with them to the Lands. The next day they went to see the Gates of the City, and all such curious things as were to be seen, so far as they could learn or understand, which were many. But amongst them all, they saw a sumptuous Temple of their Idols, 111. Idols in one Chapel. in whose chief Chapel they counted, one hundred and eleven Idols, besides a great number more that were in other particular Chapels, all were of carved work, very well proportioned and gilded: Three headed Image. A woman with child. but in especial three of them that were placed in the midst of all the rest, the one had three heads proceeding out of one body, the one looking on the other in full face, the second was the form of a Woman with a Child in her arms, the third of a Man apparelled after the form and fashion, that the Christians do paint the Apostles. Of all the rest some had four arms, and some had six, and other eight, and other some marvelous deformed monsters. Before them they had burning Lamps, and many sweet perfumes and smells, but in especial, before the three above specified. But when that the Viceroy did understand, Vice royes jealousy. that our people did go viewing the City gates and Temples (and perceiveth that they that gave him the notice did suspect it, that it was to some ill intent) therewith he straightways commanded, that they should not go forth of their lodging, without his licence: and likewise commanded the Captain that was their guard not to consent thereunto, as he had done, and likewise that none should carry them any thing for to sell, for he that did it should be punished with whipping. Yet notwithstanding, they had every day very sufficient necessaries for their personages in such ample wise, that there did always remain, and not lack. In this closeness and keeping in, they suffered many days with much sadness, and oppressed with melancholic humours, to see that their purpose wherefore they went thither seemed to be long, and every day was worse and worse. Yet notwithstanding they did pass it over in the best wise they could, in committing it with hearty zeal unto God, for whose honour and glory they did attempt that voyage, and prayed unto him for to move their hearts to consent, that the religious Fathers might remain in that Country, for to learn the language (as they had begun many days before) by which means their souls might be saved, and clearly delivered from the tyranny of the Devil, who of truth had them in possession. So after many days, that they had remained in that close estate, as aforesaid, they determined for to go and talk with the Viceroy, and to be fully resolved, either to tarry or return from whence they came, but were not permitted. In this order they remained in the City certain days, and for to conclude, either to stay there, or depart the Kingdom, they were resolute, and determined to write a Letter unto the the Viceroy. They could find none that would write this letter for them, although they would have paid them very well for their pains. Till in the end, by great request and prayings, the Captain Omoncon did write it for them, and straightways departed unto the City of Ampin, that was not far off, to put away the suspicion they might conceive, Ampin. that he did write the letter, if that peradventure the Viceroy would take it in ill part. Their letter being written, they found great difficulty in sending the same, for that there was none that would carry it, People in grea● subjection, neither would they consent, that our men should enter into the Palace to deliver it. But in conclusion, what with requests and gifts, they persuaded their Captain of their guard to carry it, who did deliver the same unto the Viceroy, in name of the Castilloes, saying, that he took it of them to bring it unto him, for that they did certify him, that it was a thing that did import very much. Having read the letter, he answered that he would give the King to understand thereof, as he said at the first time. And in that, touching the Friars remaining in that Country to preach, at that time he could make them no answer, for that in such matters, it was first requisite to have the goodwill of the Royal Counsel. Yet would he make answer unto the Letter they brought from the Governor of Manilla, and that they might depart, and return again at such time as they brought Limahon prisoner or dead, the which being done, then shall the friendship be concluded which they do pretend, and to remain and preach at their will. With this answer they remained without all hope to remain there, and did incontinent prepare themselves for to depart from Manilla, and bought many books to carry with them, wherein was comprehended all the secrets of that Kingdom. By reason whereof, they might give large notice unto the royal Majesty of King Philip. The which being understood by the Viceroy, who had set spies to watch their doings, he did send them word that they should not trouble themselves in the buying of books, for that he would give them freely, all such books as they would desire to have: the which afterwards he did not accomplish. In the mean time that they stayed in this City, amongst all other things that they understood, to drive away the time was one, it was given them to understand that in one of the Prisons, there was a Portugal prisoner, who was taken in a ship of the japones, with others of his Nation, who were all dead ●n the Prison, and none left alive but he alone. Our people being very desirous for to see him, and to learn of him some secrets of that Country, A Portugal prisoner. for that he had been there a great while, they did procure to talk with him, ask licence of the supreme judge and Lieutenant unto the Viceroy, who did not only refuse to g●ant it them, but did make diligent inquiry who they were, that did give them to understand thereof, for to punish them. Upon a sudden there came news unto the City, that the Rover Limahon, was upon the coast of Chincheo, using his old accustomed cruelties, and how that he had spoilt and robbed a Town upon the sea coast. This news was throughout all the City, and appeared to be true, touching the effect of the deed: Taocay another Pirate, taken to be Limahon. Suspicion of evil. yet false touching the person, for that the Rover was called Taocay, an enemy, and contrary unto Limahon: but a friend unto Vintoquian, of whom we have spoken of. But thereupon the Viceroy, and all of the City, were comformable in the suspicion that they had received, which was that our people were come into that Kingdom upon some evil pretence, and to see the secrets thereof, to some evil end, which was the occasion that from that time forwards, they showed them not so good countenance as they did before. These news was not so soon come, but straightways the Viceroy did send for Omoncon, (who was then returned from his visiting) and Sinsay, unto whom he had done courtesy, and given them the title of Loytias and Captains, and he did reprehend them very sharply for that they had brought over people thither, and said, that they had told him a lie, in saying that Limahon was besieged, in such sort that he could not escape, neither had the Castilloes burned his Ships, and that all was but a made matter amongst themselves, and how that the Captives which they brought, and said that they had taken from Limahon, they had robbed from other places, and said that the Spaniards, were spies that came to discover the secrets, and strength of the Kingdom, and that they had brought them thither, by force of gifts that they had given them. They answered him with great humility, in saying, that in all that which they had said they did speak the truth, and that it should appear at such time, as the news of the Rover should be better known, the which if it shall appear to be contrary, they were there ready for to suffer whatsoever punishment that should be given them. The Viceroy being somewhat satisfied with this their justification, bade them to depart, remitting all things unto time for the true declaration thereof. Then Omoncon, and Sinsay, came straightways to give the Spaniards to understand of all that had passed with the Viceroy, and what they understood of him, which caused in them so great fear, that for the time which it endured (which was till such time as they understood the truth as aforesaid) they paid very well for their feasts and banquets the which they had made them. Omoncon and Sinsay, at variance. All this happened in the time that Omoncon, and Sinsay, were at variance, and spoke many injurious words the one of the other, discovering their intents and devices, whereby it plainly appeared, that in all that which they had told unto the Viceroy, they lied, but in especial Omoncon. Sinsay did dissemble, for he said and told unto all people, that by his order and industry, our people did fire the Ships of Limahon, and besieged him, with other speeches in the like sort, yet twenty days before his coming thither, all was ended and done as appeared. The occasion of their enmity and falling out, was for that the Viceroy had given unto Omoncon, a title and charge of more honour, then unto Sinsay, having made betwixt them a consort, that the reward or dignity should be equally divided betwixt them, and that the one should speak of the other the best they could, because the Viceroy should do them friendship. This condition and consort (as appeareth) was evil performed by Omoncon, being addicted unto self-love, and seemed unto him that Sinsay, did not deserve so much as he did, for that he was a base man, and of the Sea, and he of the more nobility, and had the office of a Captain. WIth this grief and care remained the Spaniards certain days kept close in their lodgings, and were not visited so often as they were when they first came thither, which did augment very much their fear, till such time as they understood, that the Viceroy either of his own goodwill, or else by some particular order from the King and his Counsel, had called together all the Governors of that Province of Aucheo, to entreat of matters touching Limahon, as also in particular, why and wherefore the Spaniards came thither, and to resolve themselves wholly in all things requisite for the same. So when that they were all come together, which was in a short time, General consultation. and amongst them the Governor of Chincheo, who by another name was called Insuanto, they had particular meetings together with the Viceroy, in the which they were all agreed to have a general meeting, whereunto should be called the Castilloes, and to demand of them in public audience, the cause of their coming and being heard, to give them their answer according as they had determined: for the which upon a day appointed they met all together (but not the Viceroy) in the house of the Cagontoc, and commanded to come before the Castilloes, who did accomplish their request with a great goodwill, for that they understood that they were called to entreat of their matter, either to tarry or depart. So when they came thither, they were commanded to enter into a mighty Hall, whereas they were all set in very rich Chairs with great gravity and majesty. The Insuanto seemed to be the chiefest amongst them, but whether it was for that he was the principallest next unto the Viceroy (or as it was told them) for that it was he that sent Omoncon, in the chase of the Rover Limahon, they knew not, but so soon as they were entered into the Hall, they were commanded to draw nigh, there, whereas they were all placed, without bidding them to sit down, neither did they use any particular circumstances or courtesy. The Insuanto took upon him the charge, and demanded of the Spaniards (by means of the Interpreters) what was the occasion of their coming into that Country. The Spaniards answered as they thought: and supposed, that at that time it could not be, but that Limahon was either taken prisoner or slain. Then did the Insuanto conclude his speech, in saying unto them that they should return unto their own Country to the Lands, and at such time as they did bring Limahon, they would conclude all things touching the friendship they requested, and also for the Preaching of the Gospel. So from that day forwards, they did procure with all haste for to depart, and gave the Viceroy to understand thereof, who answered them and said, that they should comfort themselves and receive joy and pleasure, and that he would dispatch them, so soon as the Visitor of that Province was come to Aucheo, which would be within ten days, for that he had written unto him, that he should not dispatch them until his coming, for that he would see them. From that day forwards, he commanded that sometimes they should let them go forth abroad to recreate themselves, New-moon Musters. and that they should show unto them some particular pleasure or friendship. So one of them was carried to see the Mustering of their men of war, which they have in a common custom throughout all the Kingdom, to do it the first day of the New-moon, and is sure a thing to be seen: and they do it in the field which is joining unto the walls of the City, in this manner following. Their activity, their Pi●ces, & hearts, are said to be naught. There were joined together little more or less than twenty thousand Soldiers, Pike-men and Harquebusse shot, who were so expert, that at the sound of the Drum or Trumpet, they straightways put themselves in battle array, and at another sound in a squadron, and at another the shot do divide themselves from the rest, and discharge their Pieces with very gallant and good order, and with a trice put themselves again into their places or standings: this being done, the Pike-men came forth and gave the assault all together, with so good order and consort, that it seemed unto the Spaniards, that they did exceed all the warlike orders used in all the world: and if it were so, that their stomaches and hardiness were equal unto their dexterity, and number of people, it were an easy thing for them to conquer the dominion of all the world. If it so chance, that any Soldier should lack in his Office, and not repair to his place appointed, he is straightways punished very cruelly, Soldiers are punished. which is the occasion, that every one of them hath a care unto his charge. This their Muster endured four hours, and it was certified unto the Spaniards, that the same day and hour it is done in all Cities and Towns, throughout the whole Kingdom, although they are without suspection of enemies. Five and twenty days after that the Insuanto had given the resolute answer unto the Spaniards, came the Visitor thither: and the whole City went forth to receive him, Visitors entrance in state. who entered in with so great Majesty, that if they had not known who he was, they could not have been persuaded, but that he had been the King. The next day following, the Spaniards went to visit him, for duties sake, as also for that he had a desire to see them. They found him in his lodging, where he began to make visitation of the City. In their Courts were an infinite number of people, which came thither with Petitions and complaints, but in the Halls within, Manner of his Courts. there was none but his Servants and Sergeants. When that any came for to present his Petition, the Porter that was at the entry made a great noise, in manner of an O●est, for that it was a good way from the place whereas the Visitor did sit, then cometh forth straightways one of his Pages, and taketh the Petition, and carrieth it unto him. At this time it was told him how that the Castillas' were there: he commanded that they should enter, and talked with them a few words, but with great courtesy, and all was touching the Imprisonment of Limahon, without making any mention of their departure or tarrying. So after a while that he had beheld them and their apparel, he took his leave of them, saying, that by reason of the great business he had in that visitation, he could not show them any courtesy, neither to understand of them what their request and desire was, but gave them great thanks for their courtesy showed, in that they would come to visit him. Three days after the Visitor was come thither, the Insuanto departed for his own house, with order that with all speed possible, he should ordain Ships wherein the Castillas' should return unto the Philippinas. Likewise the same day, all those that were there assembled by the order of the Viceroy, departed unto their own houses. And the Spaniards were commanded for to stay until the full of the Moon, which should be the twentieth of August, and that day they should take their leave of them: for on that day amongst them, it is holden for good to begin any thing whatsoever. Wherein they do use great superstition, Superstition. and do make many banquets, as upon Newyears day. The day before the departure of the Spaniards, there came some in behalf of the Viceroy to invite them, and made them banquet in the order and fashion as at the first: Parting compliment. although this (for that it was at their departure) was more sumptuous, wherein was represented a Comedy, which was very excellent and good, whose argument was first declared unto them. All the which they did represent so naturally, and with so good apparel and personages, that it seemed a thing to pass in Act. There was not in this banquet the Viceroy, but those Captains which were there the first time: and another Captain, unto whom was given the charge to bring the Spaniards unto Manilla, who was called Chautalay, a principal Captain of the Province. When the banquet was ended, they were carried with great company from the Hall whereas the banquet was made, unto the house of the Cogontoc, who was the King's Treasurer, & dwelled there hard by, Treasurer. of whom they were marvellously well received with loving words and great courtesy: in saying that he hoped very shortly to see them again, at such time as they shall return with Limahon, and that as then their friendship should be fully concluded, and would entreat with them in particular of other matters. This being done, he gave unto them a Present for to carry unto the Governor of Manilla in recompense of that which was sent unto the Viceroy: Presents. the Present was forty pieces of Silk and twenty pieces of Burat●, a Litter Chair and gilt, and two Quitasoles of Silk, and a Horse. Likewise he sent the like Present unto the General of the field, and to either of them a Letter in particular: these things were put in Chists which were very fair and gilt. Besides this he gave other forty pieces of Silk of all colours for to be parted amongst the Captains and other Officers that were at the siege of Limahon, with three hundred black Mantles and as many Quitasoles to be parted amongst the Soldiers. Besides all these, he gave unto the Friars each of them eight pieces of Silk, and unto the Soldiers their companions four pieces of each of them, To keep away the Sun. and to every one his Horse and a Quitasol of Silk; their Horses were very good to travel by the way. This being done, the Cogonroc took his leave of them, and willed them to go and take leave and licence of the Viceroy and the Visitor, that they might depart, for that all things were in a readiness for their Voyage: the which commandment they did straightways accomplish, being very well content and satisfied of the great favours and courtesies, the which they received both of the one and the other: Likewise of the Tococ, is Captain General, whom they also did visit and took their leave. The Spaniards departed from the City of Aucheo, upon a Tuesday, being the three and twentieth of August in the sight of all the people of the City, who came forth to see them with so great press and throng, as they did when they first came thither into the Country: they were all carried in Litter Chairs, yea, their very slaves, for that it was so commanded by the Viceroy: the Friars were carried by eight men a piece, and the Soldiers by four men a piece, and all their Servants and Slaves were carried by two men a piece. Look so many men as was to carry them, there went so many more to help them when they waxed weary, besides four and twenty that carried their Stuff. There went always before them a Harbinger for to provide their Lodgings, and with him went a Paymaster, whose charge was to ordain and provide men for to carry their Litter Chairs, and to give them for their travel that which is accustomed, and to pay all costs and charges spent by the Spaniard. After that they departed from Aucheo, they made of two days journey one, which was the occasion that they came to Chincheo in four days. At their entering into the City they found a Servant of the Insuanto, with order and commandment, that they should proceed forwards on their journey, and not to stay in the City, but to go unto the Port of Tansuso, whither he will come the next day following. They obeyed his commandment, and made so much haste that in two days they came unto the Village of Tangoa, whereas they had been before, and particular mention made thereof. In the same Village they were lodged, well entertained and had great good cheer: from thence they went in one day to Tansuso, which was the first Port whereas they did disimbarke themselves, when as they came from the Lands unto that firm Land: the justice of the Town did lodge them in the same House whereas they were first lodged, and did provide for them of all things necessary and needful, and that in abundance, till the coming of the Insuanto, which was within four days after, for that he could not come any sooner (although his desire was) for that it was very foul weather. Superstition. The third of September, the Insuanto sent and commanded the Spaniards that they should embark themselves, for that it was that day the conjunction of the Moon (although at that time the ships were not fully in a readiness.) They obeyed his commandment, and the Insuanto himself went to the water side, in whose presence came thither certain Religious men of their manner, and after their fashion they made Sacrifice with certain Prayers, in the which they craved of the Heavens to give good and fair weather, and a sure Voyage and favourable Seas unto all those that sail in those ships. This Ceremony being done (which is a thing very much used in that Country) the Spaniards went unto the Insuanto, who was there with great company and Majesty: he entertained them very friendly and with cheerful words making an outward show that he bore them great love, Plentiful provision. and that their departure was unto him a great grief. Then he requested them to give him a remembrance of such things as was necessary and needful for their provision for the Sea, for that he would give order for the providing of the same, the which he did, and was with so great abundance that they had for the Voyage, and remained a great deal to spare. He then commanded to be brought thither Cates to eat and drink, and gave it them with his own hands, as well the one as the other: he himself did eat and drink with them, which is the greatest favour that can be showed amongst them. Luckie day. The Banquet being ended, he commanded them in his presence to go aboard their ships, because that was a lucky day, and also to accomplish that which the Viceroy had commanded, which was that he should not depart from thence, until they had first seen them embarked. The Spaniards obeyed the commandment, and took their leave of the Insuanto, with great courtesy and reverence, and with outward shows that they remained indebted for the great courtesy & good will that they had received: and therewith they departed to the waters side, towards the Boat which was tarrying for them. As they passed by the Religious men (that before we spoke of) they saw a great Table set, and upon it a whole Ox with his throat cut, and hard by the same a Hog and a Goat, and other things to be eaten: the which they had ordained for to make Sacrifice, which they do use in the like Affairs. They being embarked in the Boat, they were carried aboard the Admiral, which was the ship appointed for them to go in: then presently they began to stir the ship, from one place unto another with certain Boats and Cables which they had there ready for the same purpose. The ship did not so soon begin to move, but the Religious men ashore did begin their Sacrifice, the which did endure until night, ending their Feasts and Triumphs in putting forth of the City, and upon their Gates many Cressets and Lights. The Soldiers shot off all their Harquabusses, and the ships that were in the Port shot off all their Artillery, and on the shore a great noise of Drums and Bells: all the which being ended and done, the Spaniards went ashore again unto their Lodging: but first the Insuanto was departed unto his own House, with all the company that he brought with him. The next day the said Insuanto did invite them unto a Banquet, which was as famous as any which had been made them unto that time. He was at the Banquet himself, Insuantos' farewell Feast. and the Captain General of all that Province. There was abundance of meats and many pretty devices to pass away the time, which made the Banquet to endure more than four hours: the which being done, there was brought forth the Present which the Insuanto did send unto the Governor of Manilla in return of that which was sent to him. The Present was fourteen pieces of silk for the Governor of Manilla, and ten pieces for the General of the field: he also commanded to be given unto the Friars each of them four pieces, and unto the Soldiers each of them two pieces, and unto their Servants and Slaves certain painted Mantles, and therewith he took his leave of them very friendly, and gave unto them Letters, the which he had wrote unto the Governor, and unto the General of the field, answer unto those, the which they had wrote unto him, and said that all things necessary for their departure was in a readiness, with victuals for ten months put aboard their ships, so that when as wind and weather did serve they might depart. Ten months provision. Also that if in their Voyage it should so fall out, that any of the Chinois that went in their ships, should do unto them any evil, either abroad or at the Lands: that the Governor thereof should punish them at his pleasure, and how that the Viceroy will think well thereof: In conclusion, he said unto them, that he hoped to see them there again very shortly, and to return again with Limahon, and ●hen he would supply the wants which now they lacked. The Spaniards did kiss his hands, and said, that they had received in courtesy more than they deserved, and that in all things, there did abound and not lack, that they remained greatly indebted unto him for their friendship, and would give their King notice thereof, that whensoever occasion should be offered, to repay them with the like▪ and therewith the Insuanto departed to his own House, leaving in the company of the Spaniards five Captains, those which should go with them in their company to Sea, and also Omoncon and Sinsay who were that day in the Banquet, with the Habit and Ensign of Loytias, for that the day before it was given unto them by the Insuanto. Upon Wednesday which was the fourteenth of September, the wind came fair, wherewith they hoist up their Sails and went to Sea: at their departure there was at the water's side the Insuanto and the justice of Chincheo to see them sail, they sailed forwards directing their course towards a small Island that was not far off, with determination there to take water for their ships, for that it had in it many Rivers of very sweet water. Within a small space they arrived there, and it had a very fair and sure Port, wherein might ride in security a great Navy of ships. All Thursday they were there recreating and sporting themselves, for that it was a pleasant Island, and full of fresh Rivers. Upon Friday being the sixteenth of September, the day being somewhat spent, they made sail and took Port four leagues from that place in another Island called Laulo, for to put themselves in a new course, different and contrary unto that which they took when they came unto that Kingdom, Laul●. for that the Chinois had by experience proved, that in those months the winds were more favourable then in other months, Monsons'. and for the most part North and North-east winds: all that night they remained in that Island, and the next day following they sailed unto another Island which was called Chautubo, Chautubo. Gautin. not far distant from that of Laulo. This Island was full of little Towns, one of them was called Gautin, which had five Forts of Towers made of Lime and stone, very thick and strongly wrought: they were all four square, and six fathom high, and were made of purpose for to receive into them all the people of those little Towns, to defend themselves from Rovers and thieves that daily come on that Coast. They very much noted, that although this Island were rocky and sandy, yet was it tilled and sowed full of Rice, Wheat, and other Seeds and Graine. Kine and Horse. Commonwealth. There was in it great store of Kine and Horse, and they understood that they were governed, not by one particular man, to whom they were subject, neither by any other amongst themselves, nor of China, but in common▪ yet notwithstanding they lived in great peace and quietness, for that every one did content himself with his own. Upon Sunday in the afternoon they departed from this Island, and sailed their course all that night, at the next morning they arrived at another Island, called Corchu, which was twenty leagues from the Port of Tansuso, Corchu. from whence they departed. The Spaniards seeing what leisure they took in this their Voyage, they requested the Captains to command the Mariners that they should not enter into so many Ports or Harbours. The Captains answered, and requested them to have patience, for that in making their journeys as they did, they do accomplish and follow the order set down by the Viceroy and Insuanto, the Chinois are very fearful of the Sea, and men that are not accustomed to ingulfe themselves too far, neither to pass any storms. Ancon. near unto this Island there was another somewhat bigger, which is called Ancon, wholly dispeopled and without any dwellers, yet a better Country and more profitable for to sow and reap then that of Corchu. The Spaniards being at an Anchor there, understood by the Chinois that in times past it was very well inhabited, unto the which arrived a great Fleet belonging to the King of China, and by a great storm were all cast away upon the same: the which loss and destruction being understood by another General that had the Guard of that Coast, suspecting that the dwellers thereof had done that slaughter, he came to the shore and slew many of the Inhabitants, and carried all the rest in their ships unto the firm Land, who afterwards would never return thither again, although they gave them licence after that they understood the truth of that success: so that unto that time it remained dispeopled, and full of wild Swine, of the brood that remained there at such time as they were slain and carried away as you have heard. This Island and the rest adjoining thereunto (which are very many) have very excellent and sure Ports and Havens, with great store of fish. These Lands endured until they came unto a little Gulf, A strait. which is five and forty leagues over, and is sailed in one day, and at the end thereof is the Port of Cabite, which is near unto Manilla. So when that wind and weather served their turn, they departed from the Island of Ancon, and sailed till they came unto another Island called Plon, where they understood by a ship that was there a fishing, how that the Rover Limahon was escaped in certain Barks, which he caused to be made very secretly within his Fort, of such Timber and Board's as remained of his ships that were burnt, the which was brought in by night by his Soldiers, on that side of the Fort which was next unto the River, and were not discovered by the Castillas', which were put there with all care and diligence to keep the mouth that come in to help them. And towards the Land there whereas he might escape, they were without all suspection (they were so strong) and did not mistrust that any such thing should be put in ure, as afterwards did fall out, the which was executed with so great policy and craft, that when they came to understand it, the Rover was clean gone, and in safeguard, calking his Barks at the Island of Tocaotican, the better for to escape and save himself, and they said, that it was but eight days past that he fled. With this news they all received great alteration, but in especial Omoncon and Sinsay. After they had remained three weeks in that Harbour detained with a mighty Northwind, that never calmed night nor day in all that time. The eleventh day of October two hours before day, they set sail and went to Sea. Sixteen leagues from the Port, sailing towards the South, they discovered a mighty Island very high Land, which was called Tangarruan, and was of three score leagues about, all inhabited with people like unto those of the Lands Philippinas. Upon Sunday in the morning being the seventeenth day of October, they discovered the Island of Manilla, From the Philippinas to the China is 200. leagues of them greatly desired, they sailed towards the Island that they so long desired to see, and came thither the twenty eight day of October, as aforesaid. So that from the Port of Tansuso, which is the first Port of China, till they came unto the Island of Manilla, they were five and forty days, and is not in all full two hundred leagues, which may be made with reasonable weather in ten days at the most. I could have here added two other Voyages of Franciscans, to China, the one by Peter de Alfaro, and other three of his Order, 1579. the other 1582. by Ignatio, etc. both written at large by Mendoza. But I hasten to our Jesuits exacter Relations. Only I will conclude this Story with Alfaros' return from China to the Philippinas; and his Relation of their Witchcrafts used in a Tempest then happening: after that two Letters mentioning English ships on that Coast. A Tempest. But it so fell out, as they were going alongst the Coast of the Island for to enter into the Port of Manilla, and being within five leagues of the entry thereof, upon a sudden there arose the Northwind with so great fury, and caused so great a Sea, that they found themselves in a great deal more danger then in the other storm past, in such sort that they sponed before the wind with their foresail half Mast high, shaking itself all to pieces, and in every minute of an hour ready to be drowned. The Chinois for that they are Superstitious and Witches, began to invocate and call upon the Devil, for to bring them out of that trouble (which is a thing commonly used amongst them, at all times when they find themselves in the like perplexity) also they do request of him to show them what they should do to bring themselves out of trouble. But when the Spaniards understood their dealings, they did disturb them that they should not persever in their Lots and Invocations, and began to conjure the Devils, which was the occasion that they would not answer unto the Invocation of the Chinois, Conjuring against conjuring. who did call them after diverse manners, yet they heard a Devil say, that they should not blame them because they did not answer unto their demand, for they could not do it for that they were disturbed by the conjuration of those Spanish Fathers, which they carried with them in their ship. So presently when the night was come, God was so pleased that the storm ceased, and became in few hours very calm, although it endured but a while, for as they began to set sail to navigate towards the Port, and almost at the point to enter into the same, a new storm seized on them, and with so great force, that they were constrained to return unto the Sea, for fear to be broken in pieces upon the shore. Invocation by writing. The Chinos began anew to invocate the Devils by writing, which is a way that they never let but do answer them, as they did at this instant, and were not disturbed by the conjurations of the Fathers; yet notwithstanding they lied in their answer, for that they said, that within three days they should be within the City of Manilla, and after it was more than four days. In conclusion, having by the favour of almighty God overcome all their travels by the Sea, and the necessity of the lack of water and victuals, they arrived at the desired Port the second day of February, Anno 1580. whereas they were received by the Governor, and of all the rest with great joy, etc. Two Letters taken out of BARTOLOME LEONARDO DE ARGENSOLA his Treatise, called Conquista de las Islas Malucas, Printed at Madrid, 1609. pagg. 336.337. mentioning the coming of two English ships to China: which seem to be two ships of the fleet of * See sup. l. 3. c. 1. §. 2. BENJAMIN WOOD: The former written by the Visitor of Chincheo in China, unto the Governor of the Philippinas, Don PEDRO DE ACUNNA. TO the grand Captain of Luzon. Because we have understood, that the Chinese, I found this translat. with Master H. Luzon. which went to trade and traffic into the Kingdom of Luzon, have been slain by the Spaniards, we have made inquisition of the cause of these slaughters, and have besought the King to do justice on him, that hath been the cause of so great mischief, to procure a remedy for the time to come, and that the Merchants may live in peace and safety. In the years past, before I came hither to be visitor, a certain Sangley, called Tioneg, with three Mandarines or judges having the Kings Pass, Tioneg. came to Cabit in Luzon, to seek Gold and Silver: which was all lies: because he found neither Gold nor Silver. And therefore I besought the King, that he would punish this deceiver Tioneg, that the good justice that is used in China might be known. In the time of the former Viceroy, and Capado, Tioneg and his companion Yanlion delivered this untruth. I afterward besought the King, that he would cause all the Papers of the cause of Tioneg to be copied out, and that he would send for the said Tioneg with his processes before himself: And I myself saw the said Papers, and caused it to appear that all was but lies which the said Tioneg had said. I wrote unto the King, saying, That by reason of the lies which Tioneg had made, the castilians suspected that we sought to make war upon them: and that therefore they had slain above thirty thousand Chinese in Luzon. 30000. Chineses' slain in the Philippinas. The King did that which I besought him. And so he chastised the said Yanlion, commanding him to be put to death. And he commanded Tionegs head to be cut off, and to be put in a Cage. The people of China which were slain in Luzon, were in no fault. And I with others negotiated this business with the King, that I might know his pleasure in this affair: and in another matter, which was this: Two English ships on the coast of Chincheo i● China. jealousy of Strangers. That there came two English ships to these coasts of Chincheo; a thing very dangerous for China: That the King might consider what was to be done in these two matters of so great importance. Likewise we wrote unto the King, that he would command the two Sangleys to be punished, which showed the Haven to the Englishmen. And after we had written these things aforesaid to the King, he answered us th●t we should learn, wherefore the English ships came unto China? whether they came to rob or no? That they should dispatch from thence a Messenger immediately to Luzon: and that they should signify to them of Luzon, that they should not give credit to the base and lying people of China: And that forthwith they should put to death those two Sangleyes, which showed the Haven to the Englishmen. Danger of bringing ships to a China Haven. China ambition. japonian attempt. Corea is under China. And touching the rest that we wrote unto him, we should do as we thought best. After we had received this order, the Viceroy, the Capado, and I sent this message to the Governor of Luzon: That his Lordship might know the greatness of the King of China. Seeing he is so mighty, that he governeth all that the Moon and Sun do shine upon. And also that the Governor of Luzon may know the great wisdom wherewith this mighty Kingdom is governed. Which Kingdom this long while none durst attempt to offend. And albeit the japonians have pretended to disquiet Corea, which is under the Government of China: yet they could not obtain their purpose: but they were driven out of it: And Corea hath remained in great peace and safety, as at this day they of Luzon do well understand. The Answer of Don PEDRO DE ACANNA, Governor of the Philippinas, to the visitor of Chincheo in China. THe Governor answered these Letters by the same Messengers that brought them: using terms full of courtesy and authority. He rehearsed the rebellion of the Sangleyes, from the beginning: He justified the defence of the Spaniards, and the punishment that was executed upon the Offenders. He said, that no Commonwealth can be governed without chastising the bad, nor without rewarding the good. And therefore that he did not repent him of that execution: because it was done for repressing of them that thought to destroy us. That the visitor should be judge, what he would do, if the like case should happen in China. That the grief that he had was, that he could not save certain Sangleyes' Merchants Anhayes, which died among the offenders: But that this was impossible to be remedied; because the fury of war doth not give leave to kill some, and to save others, especially being not known of the Soldiers in the heat of battle. That using mercy to those that remained alive, condemned them to row in the Galleys: which is the punishment, which is ordained among the castilians for those that have deserved death. Yet if it seem in China that it ought to be moderated, he would grant them liberty. But let it be considered, said Don Pedro, that this may be a cause, that in not chastising so great an offence, they may hereafter fall again into the same. A thing that would shut up all access unto favour. That the goods of the Chineses that were slain are in safe custody. And that it may be seen, that no other affection moveth me then that of justice, I will shortly send them to be delivered to the right Heirs, or unto such persons as of right they belong unto. None other respect moveth me to any of these things, but that of reason. Whereas you tell me, That if I will not set at liberty those prisoners, licence will be granted in China to the kinsfolk of those which died in the Rebellion, to come with an Army to Manila, it breedeth no fear in me. For I hold the Chineses to be so wise, that they will not be moved to such things upon so weak a ground: especially none occasion thereof being given them on our part. And in case they should be of another mind, we Spaniards are a People which know very well how to defend our Right, Religion, and Territories. And let not the Chineses think, that they are Lords of all the World, China pride retorted. as they would have us think. For we castilians, which have measured the World with spans, know perfectly the Countries of China. Wherefore they shall do well to take knowledge, that the King of Spain hath continual wars with as mighty Kings as theirs is, and doth suppress them, and putteth them to great troubles. And it is no new case, that when our enemies think that they have vanquished us, they find us marching and destroying the Confines of their Land, and not to cease, until we have cast them out of their Thrones, and taken their Sceptres from them. Spanish Silver carried to China. I would be much grieved with the change of the commerce: But I believe also that the Chineses would not willingly lose it, since that thereby they obtain so great profit, carrying to their Kingdom our Silver, which never faileth in truck of their merchandise, which are slight things, and soon worn out. The ships of the Englishmen, which arrived on the coast of China, it was determined not to receive: because they be no Spaniards, but rather * The English ships spoken of by Spaniards according to the mutual hostility of those times. their enemies, and Pirates. Wherefore if they come to Manila, they shall be punished. Finally, b●caus● we Spaniards do always justify our causes, and do boast ourselves, that it cannot be said in the world, that we usurp other men's possessions, nor invade our friends, that shall be fulfilled which is here promised. And from hence forward let them know in China, that we never do any thing for fear, nor for threats of our enemies. Don Pedro concludeth, offering continuance of amity by new bonds of peace with the Kingdoms of China: and that he will set at liberty in due time the Prisoners which he held in the Galleys: albeit he thought to use them, as he did, in the voyage of Maluco; which he put in execution with speed. And all this he precisely performed. CHAP. four The report of a Mahometan Merchant which had been in Cambalu: and the troublesome travel of BENEDICTUS GOES, a Portugal jesuit, from Lahor to China by land, thorough the Tartars Countries. Epist. Eman. carvel. 1599 Jerome Xavere a jesuit, in a Letter from Lahor in India, subject to the Mogoll, dated, August, 1598. relateth that an old man there known to have distributed 100000. Pieces of Gold at Mecca, affirmed to the Prince that he had lived in Xatai thirteen years, Xatai and Xambalu, for Catai and Cambalu. in Xambalu the chief City; that the King thereof was mighty, and had in his Empire one thousand and fifty Cities, some very populous; that he had often seen the King, with whom no man speaks but by a Supplication, nor is answered but by an Eunuch. And asked how he had access thither, he said, Caygar. he being a Merchant sustained also the person of the Ambassador of the King of Caygar, and being detained in the first City by the Magistrate, he showed his Commission, and Post was presently sent to the King, who returned in a month, A Course or Co●e is a mile and half, and sometime two miles. riding ninety or an hundred courses a day, with change of Horses▪ bringing him Letters of admission. He said that they punish thieves severely: that these Xaitaians' are white, long bearded, personable, and comely, therein to be preferred before the Rumes or Turks; in Religion Isavites▪ (Christians, so called of jesus) some Musavites or jews, and many mahometans, insomuch that they hoped to bring the Christian King to that Sect. They had (he said to the jesuit in another conference) many Temples, and Images painted and graven, and Crucifixes which they with great devotion worshipped; many Priests, much reverenced, each having his own Church; to whom they offer their gifts, they lived single and kept Schools; one supereminent: at the King's charge were the Churches built and repaired; they ware black clothes, and on holidays red, with Caps like the Jesuits; but greater; many Monasteries of both Sexes, and some in their own houses, observing a single life; the Country rich, having many silver Mines; and that the King had four hundred Elephants, which they said were brought from Malaca, and that Merchants resorted thither; the Voyage six months. Xaverius addeth, that in Caximir he heard of many Christians in Rebat, a Kingdom adjoining to Catai, with Churches, Priests, and Bishops. These reports (saith Trigantius) the Saracens made, either of purpose to deceive, after their wont; or were deceived by like show of Holies in Images, Lamps, Altars, Priests vestments, Processions, Sing, and the like, which the Devil hath imitated among the Chinois like to our (Romish) Rites. These reports caused the Jesuits in India to think of sending one of their Society into those parts. Pimenta the Father visitor sent notice thereof to the Pope, and to the King of Spain, who took Order with the Viceroy to be advised herein by Pimenta. Benedictus Goez a brother of that Society and Coadjutor to Xaverius, was thought fit for that design, having the Persian tongue. De Christ. expedit. ap. Sinas l. 5 c. 11, 12, 13. jonic. thes. rer. Ind. t. 3. c. 24. And having come from Echebar (father of the present Mogol) who had lately taken Brampor, with his Legate, to Goa; he was sent back to Lahor, to accompany the Merchants; which every fifth year, as that Saracen related, with title of Legates of the King of Persia, and other Eastern Kings (not otherwise admitted) went thither. In the year therefore 1602. he went to Agra, where Echebar applauded his purpose, and gave him four hundred Crowns for his journey, besides a thousand Rupias he had already spent. He changed his habit, and disguised himself like an Armenian Merchant, and so went to Lahor, calling himself Branda Abedula, whither he came on the eight of December. He went to the house of john Galisco a Venetian, and there provided himself of necessaries, wearing his hair and beard long, and Leo Grimone a Greek, well skilled in Turkish and Persian, undertaking to be his companion, with Demetrius another Greek, and Isaac an Armenian. Furnished with diverse writings and a Catalogue of movable Feasts till An. 1610. he set forth An. 1603. the sixth of januarie from his Superior, and in Lent after from Lahor, with the company of Merchants which go from the Mogul's to Cascar, almost five hundred men, with many Camels and carriages. In a month's journey they came to a City called Athec, in the Province of Lahor; Athec. and after fifteen days, passed a River a flight shot broad, where they stayed five days, being told of thieves in great number at hand. Two months after they came to another City called Passaur, Passaur. where they rested twenty days. Thence they going to another small Town, met with a certain Anchorite a stranger, by whom they understood that thirty days off was a City named Capherstam, into which the Saracens are not permitted entrance, Capherstam. Saracens not admitted. and if they enter are put to death. But Ethnic Merchants are admitted their City, yet not their Temples. He said, that the Inhabitants of that Region go to Church all of them in black; their Country fertile, and plentiful of Grapes. Hereby Goes supposed that they were Christians. In the place where they found this stranger, they stayed other twenty days. And because the way was infested with thieves they received of the Lord of the place a Convoy of four hundred Soldiers. In five and twenty days they came from hence to a place called Ghideli, Ghideli. all which way their carriages went at the foot of a Hill. The Merchants with Arms on the tops of the Hill made search for thieves, which use to throw stones from thence on the Passengers, except thus prevented. In this place the Merchants pay Tribute. Being assaulted by thieves many were wounded, Assault of thieves. and they had much ado to save their lives and goods. Benedict escaped by flight into the Woods. At night they came again together, and avoided the thieves. After other twenty days journey they came to Cabul, a City and Mart frequent, Cabul. not yet having passed the Mogul's Dominions. Here they stayed eight days: for some of the Merchants would go no further, and others durst not, being so few. In this Mart the Sister of the King of Cascar, by whose Dominion they were to pass to Catay, happened on the Caravan. The King's name was Maffamet Can; this his Sister was Mother to the King of Cotan, and called Agehanem (Age is a title given by the Saracens to those which have been on Pilgrimage at Mecca, whence she now returned.) Being destitute of provision for her journey, she demanded aid of the Merchants, promising to restore all faithfully with increase when they were comen to her Kingdom. Goes thought it a fit occasion to procure the friendship of another King, his Mogoll Patents now wearing out. He lent her therefore on sale of some goods six hundred Crowns, refusing any contract of interest, which she bountifully repaid in pieces of Marble much esteemed in China, A kind of Marble much valued in China the best merchandise for such as go to Catay. Leo Grimane the Priest, wearied with the tediousness of the journey, went no further, and Demetrius stayed in this City on merchandising affairs. Goes held on with Isaac the Armenian, in the company of other Merchants, which gave likelihood of better security. Ciaracar. The first City they came at was called Ciaracar, in which place is great store of Iron. Here Goes was not a little troubled, the Mogul's Seal in these his borders being neglected, which all this way hitherto had freed him from payment of Customs. Paruam the extreme border of the Mogoll. Ten days after they came to a small Town, called Paruam, the utmost of the Mogoll confines. After five days stay, they had twenty days journey over high Mountains into a Region named Aingharan. Aingharan. Calcia. Gialalabath. In fifteen days more they came to Calcia. The people of this Region hath yellow hair on head and beard like the Low-Countrey-men, and dwell in diverse Villages. Ten days after, they came to a place called Gialalabath, where the Bramanes exact Customs granted them by the King Bruarate. After other fifteen days ●key came to Talban, where Civil broils detained them a month; the Calcians rebelling and endangering the ways. Hence they passed to Cheman. Cheman. Samarhan or Samarcand. Bogbar. Under Abdulahan King of Samarhan, Burgania, and Bacharate, and of other neighbouring Kingdoms, is a small Town, the Captain whereof sent to the Merchants to contain themselves within the walls, the Calcians infesting all without. They answered, that they would pay their Customs, and pursue their journey by night. But he forbade them, saying, that the Rebels had no Horses as yet, which if they could take from the Caravan, they would prove more mischievous: much better it were, if they would join with him to repel them. Scarcely were they comen to the walls, when the rumour came of the Calcians coming: at which news the Captain and his ran away. The Merchants erected a sudden fortification of their packs, and carried into the same great store of stones to serve their turns if Arrows failed. The Calcians perceiving that, sent a message to the Merchants, that they should fear nothing, for they would accompany and defend them. They durst not trust them, but resolved to flee to the next Wood, the thieves taking out of the packs what they pleased, and then calling them forth, and permitting them with their emptied packs to enter the empty walls. Benedict lost nothing but a Horse, for which also he after received Cotton clothes. They lived within the walls in great fear. But at that time a great Captain, named Olobet Ebadascan, sent his Brother out of the Bucharate Region to the Rebels, which caused them to permit the Merchants to go freely: in all which journey the Rear was vexed with Pilferers. Four of them set upon Goes, to escape whom he threw amongst them his Persian Turban, whereof they making a football, he mean while set spurs to his Horse and overtook his company. Tengi Badascian. Eight days after with a tedious passage they came to Badascian, called Tengi, which signifieth A troublesome way: for there is space but for one to pass, and that on the high bank of a great River. The Inhabitants with a company of Soldiers set upon the Merchants, and took from Goes three Horses, which he after redeemed with gifts. Here they stayed ten days, and thence in one day came to Ciarciunar, Ciarciunar. where they were five days detained with reins in the open field, Serpanil. and were besides assaulted by thieves. Ten days after they arrived at Serpanil, a place quite forsaken. They climbed into a high Hill, called Sacrithma, whither the strongest Horses were only able to pass, the rest going about. Two of Goes his Horses halted, and had much ado to overtake their fellows. In twenty days journey coming to the Province Sarcil, Sarcil. they there found many neighbouring Villages. After two days stay for refreshing, they in two days more came to the foot of a Hill, termed Ciecialith, which they ascended, thick covered with Snow, Snowy way. Tangbetar. wherewith many were frozen, and Goes was in great danger. For the Snow held them six days; after which they came to Tangetar, which belongs to the Kingdom of Cascar. There Isaac the Armenian fell from the bank of a great River into the water, and was eight hours' space half dead. jaconich. In fifteen days more they attained the Town jaconich, such an ill way that Goez lost six Horses with the travel. In five days he got (hasting before the company) to the chief City named Hiarchan, Hiarchan. whence he provided his companions of necessaries, who soon after arrived there in November, 1603. Hiarchan the Seat Royal of the Kingdom of Cascar, hath great resort of Merchants, and is also well stored with variety of merchandise. The Caravan of Cabul here ends their Voyage: and from thence to Catay is a new one furnished, Catay-caravan the Captainship whereof the King selleth at a great price, and conferreth on the Captain Regal power over the Merchants thorough all that way. It was a years space before they could all be ready to so long and dangerous a journey, which required many persons. Neither is it performed every year, but by them only which know they shall be admitted into Catay. There is no better merchandise (as before is said) then a certain shining Marble, Precious Marble. which we are wont to call jasper, for want of a fitter word; which the King of Catay buyeth at a great price; and what he leaveth they may sell to others at exceeding rates. Of it they make diverse ornaments for Vessels, Garments, Girdles, with leaves and flowers artificially engraven. The Chinois call it Tuscè; and of it are two kinds, one more precious which is taken out of the River Cotan, not far from the City Royal, in manner as the diverse fish for Pearls, and is brought out like thick flints; the other meaner is digged out of Hills, and is sawed into broad stones above two else wide, after fitted to the Voyage. This Hill is twenty days journey from that City Royal, and is styled Cansangui Cascio, that is, The stony Mountain. They are thence taken with incredible labour, both for the desertnesse of the place, and the inexorable hardness of the Marble, which they say is forced with fire made thereon to yield: the licence also to take it, is dear sold by the King to some one Merchant, who purchaseth the Monopoly; and when they go thither they carry a years provision for the Labourers, which in that space return not. Goez visited the King, whose name is Mahamethin, and presented him with a Watch, a Glass and other European Commodities, which made him very welcome. Mahamet C●● King of Cascar. Cialis. He would not at first tell him of going to Catay, but only spoke of the Kingdom of Cialis Eastward from thence, and procured his grant thereto, assisted by the Son of his Sister the Pilgrim Queen before mentioned. Six months passed, and Demetrius one of his old Society which stayed at Cabul, came thither. At that time by the King's Licence one of the Merchants was styled Emperor as in jest, to whom the other Merchants after the custom gave Presents, which Demetrius refusing, was in danger to be imprisoned and beaten (for so large is his power) had not Benedict interceded and by a gift compounded the business. thieves also broke into the House and setting a Sword to the Armenians breast terrified him from crying; but our Brother Demetrius hearing, cried out and scared them away. Benedict was gone to the King of Quotans' Mother for payment of his Debt: his Residence was ten days journey thence, so that he spent a month therein before his return. In this space the Saracens raised a report that he was dead, slain by their Priests for refusing their holies. Now because he died intestate, they sought to seize on his goods, which was very troublesome to Isaac and Demetrius, both for defence of the goods, and loss of their Friend, which redoubled their joy at his return with plenty of that Marble, and he in thankfulness gave much Alms. On a day as he was eating with other Saracens, one came in armed, and setting his Sword to his breast, charged him to invoke * To use (as it seems) those words Lafoy illah illalah, Mehumed resullalah, the Characteristical note of Mahometan profession. Mahomet. He answered, that in his Law there was no such name invoked, and therefore refused: and by the company that mad fellow was extruded. The like zeal oft endangered him on like terms of Mahometan profession. On another day he was called by the King of Cascar in the presence of his Cacises, the Priests, & the Mullas or learned men, and asked what Law he professed, whether that of Moses, of David, or mohammed, and which way he turned himself in praying. He answered, that he professed the Law of jesus, whom they call Isai, and turned any way when he prayed, believing that God was every where: about which rose amongst them great controversy, they using to turn to the * To Mecc● ward. West: yet they concluded that our Law also might seem good. Meane-whiles one Agiafis of that Country was named Captain of the future Caravan, who invited our Brother to his House (having heard well of him) to a Feast, wherein they had Music after their manner. At the end, he desired his company to Catay, which he much desired, but had learned by experience how to deal with the Saracens, and would be entreated, that he might seem to do, rather than receive, a Favour. The Captain useth the King's mediation, who desired him to accompany the Caravan Bassa, Caravan Bassa. See before in Chaggi Memet the like journey and the same places. which he accepted upon condition of his Letters Patents for all that way. His Cabul companions were herewith offended, as loath to lose his company, and much dissuaded him; but he made show as though he were loath herein to displease the King, and for his sake had promised the Caravan Bassa, which now he might not revoke. They said that these people were perfidious, and would devour him and his: nor was their fear causeless, for many of the Natives had told them, that those three Armenians (so they called all these three Christians) as soon as they were out of the walls would be slain. This terrified Demetrius from going further, who also dissuaded Goez but in vain, saying, he would not disappoint the hopes of so many, the Archbishop of Goa, and the Viceroy to lose his expenses, but would adventure his life in the Design. He provided ten Horses for his Carriages, and for his fellow, having another at home. The Bassa was gone to his house five days journey thence to make all ready, and thence sent to Goez to hasten. Anno 1604. about the midst of November, they came to a place called jolci, Voyage to Catay from Hiarchan. Places in the way. where they use to pay Customs, and their Commissions are examined. Hence they went to Hancialix Alceghet, to Hagabateth, to Egriar, to Mesetelec, to Thalec, to Horma, to Thcantac, to Mingieda, to Capetalcol Zilan, to Sarc Guebedal, to Canbasci, to Aconsersec, to Ciacor, to Acsu: in this way they spent five and twenty days, the way troublesome, both with store of stones or Rocks, and with Sands. Acsu is a Town of the Kingdom of Cascar, the Governor whereof was Nephew to the King, than twelve years old. He would needs see Goez, who went and gave him childish Presents, Sugar and the like, and was gently entertained of him. There being then a solemn dancing before him, he requested our Brother to dance, which to satisfy him, he did. Goez danceth. He visited also his Mother and showed her his Patent, which was with great reverence admitted: to her he gave a Crystal glass, a Calico cloth of India, and the like. The Child's Governor also, or Protector, which swayed the public Affairs, sent for him. In this way one of Goez his Horses fell into a swift River, and escaped to the other side; and came again of himself, the Name of jesus being invoked. In this way the Desert is passed called Caracathai, that is, The black Land of the Cathayans, in which they say the Catayans stayed long. Caracathai, the first place of the Tartars Conquest. See before in F. Baco●, Rub●▪ etc. Acsir. Cialis. In this Town they stayed fifteen days for other Merchants, and then departing went to Oitograch Gazo, to Casciani, to D●llai, to Saregabedall, to Vgan, and after to Cucia, a small Town where they stayed a whole month to refresh their beasts, which by the irksomeness of the ways, and weight of the Marble, and want of Barley were almost spent. Here the Priests demanded of Goez, why in their Solemn Fast (Lent) he fasted not, and almost forced him in hope of some Largesse or Fine. After they were gone hence in five and twenty days they came to the City Cialis, which was little, but well fortified. This Country was governed by a base Son of the King of Cascar, who hearing that Goez professed another Religion, began to terrify him, saying, it was a bold part for a man of another profession to enter those parts: for he might lawfully take from him his life and goods. But when he read his Letters Patents he was pacified, and with a Present was made also a friend. One night disputing about their Law, with the Priests and Learned men, he sent for Benedict into the Palace (whereupon suspicion arose of some ill intent being at so unseasonable a time) he went and being commanded to dispute, with force of Arguments silenced the Adversaries. The Viceroy always protected him, approving his Sayings, and concluding that the Christians were the true Misermans, Musulmans, that is, right believers. saying, that his Progenitors had professed the same Law. After the Disputation he made him a Banquet, and caused him to lie that night in the Palace, so that Isaac was weeping at his return, and almost in despair to see him. In this City they stayed three months. For the Caravan Bassa would not depart without a great company (it being so much more gain to him) nor suffer any man to go before. Goez wearied with this tedious stay and chargeable expense, with a Gift obtained leave of the Viceroy, the Caravan and Captain being against it. He then intended to proceed from Cialis, when the Merchants of the former Caravan returned from Catay. These feigning an Embassage (after their wont) had pierced into the Royal Seat of Catay, News of F. M. Ricius and the jesuits. and having conversed in the same Palace of Strangers with our (Jesuits) reported strange and certain news of Father Matthew and the Company, to Goez, who wondered that Catay was become China. These Saracens were the same hereafter reported * In Pantoia and Ricius. of, which lived three months with ours, and told him that the Fathers had presented to the King, Watches, Pictures and other European Presents, and were much respected in the Palace, of the greatest, and (adding some lies) said that they had often spoken with the King. They reasonable well painted their faces, Names changed by the Jesuits. but knew not their names: by reason that after the China manner they had taken other names. And for further Argument they showed a Paper written in Portugal, which they had taken out of the dust, when the Servant swept the Chamber, to show in their own Country. This cheered Goez hearing that Catay was China, and that Pequin the Royal City was Cambalu. Cambalu. The Viceroy gave him his Letters for security, and demanding whether he would be inscribed a Christian, he answered yea; for all this way he had comen, called by the Name of Isai, and so would hold out to the end. An old Saracen Priest hearing this, cast his Cap on the ground, applauding his resolute Zeal, saying, that theirs are reported to dissemble and alter their Religion with the Region. Goez went on with his companion, and a few others, and in twenty days came to Pucian a Town of the same Kingdom, where the Governor used him kindly and amply provided him out of his own House. Pucian. Turphan. Aremuth. Camul. Thence they proceeded to Turphan, and stayed a whole month in that fortified City. Thence they passed to Aremuth, and after to Camul, a fortified place where they refreshed themselves another month, because they were well used in all the Kingdom of Cialis, The walls of China. Chiaicuon. which ends at this Town. From Camul in nine days they came to the Northern walls of China, to a place called Chiaicuon, where they stayed five and twenty days for the Answer of the Viceroy of that Province. Soci●u in China. After this they were admitted entrance within the walls, and in one day came to Socieu a City, where they heard much of Pequin, and other names known; so that now he was out of all doubt that Catay and China differed only in name. All the way from Cialis to the borders of China, is infamous with incursions of the Tartars: and therefore Merchants pass these places with great fear, Borderers thievish. searching by day from the Neighbour Hills whether there be any out-rode of Tartars, and if they judge the ways secure they travel by night with silence. In the way they found many Saracens miserably slain, having adventured to go alone: although the Tartars seldom kill the Natives, saying, they are their Slaves and Herdsmen, from whom they take away their flocks of Sheep, and Herds of Bullocks. They eat no Wheat, Barley, nor Pulse, Tartar's customs in the borders. saying, it is food for beasts, not men. They feed only on flesh, not sparing Horses, Mules, Camels, and yet are said to live one hundred years. The Saracen Nations bordering on these parts of China, might easily by the Chinois be subdued, as being not warlike men, if the Chinois cared to enlarge their Dominions. In this way one night Benedict fell from his Horse, his company going on and not missing him till they came to their Lodging, and then Isaac went back to seek him and found him by the sound of the Name jesus, almost despairing to see his company any more. These walls were built on the West of China, as it trends North-wards, about the space of two hundred * This 200. i● to be understood of the Western part● or perhaps all but so much is natural of rocks or hills: or Trigautius a Dutchman might mean Dutch miles. The Map expresseth about 1000 miles. The reports are diverse as from reports: for who could see it all? and what good would 200. miles do, which horsemen in few days might pass. diverse Embassages counterfeited. miles, where the Tartarian out-roads are now less dangerous. Against them are builded two fortified Cities with choice Garrisons. They have a peculiar Viceroy and other Magistrates over them, which are commanded only from Pequin. In one of these (Canceu in the Province of Scensi) the Viceroy resideth with other chief Magistrates. The other (named Soceu) hath a special Governor, and is distributed into two parts; in one of which the Chinois (whom the Saracens here call Catayans) in the other the Saracens, have their Habitation, which come from Cascar, and the like Western Kingdoms for Merchandizing Affairs. Some of them, as the Portugals at Amacao, in the Province of Canton, settle their abodes and have wives and children, accounted as Native subjects. But those Portugals live according to their own Laws, and have Magistrates of their own, whereas these Saracens are governed by the Chinois, and every night are shut up by them within their own City, enclosed with peculiar walls. The Law is, that he which hath stayed there nine years, may not return to his Country. The Merchants come usually from the West to this City, which with feigned Embassage, by ancient leagues of seven or eight Kingdoms with that of China, have obtained, that every sixth year seventy two in name of Legates should pay Tribute to the King, that shining Marble, pieces of Diamonds, blue colour and other things; thence they go to the Court at public charge, and likewise return. Their Tribute is rather by way of honour or homage then any way profitable; for no man pays dearer for this Marble than the King himself, who esteems it a dishonour to take any thing of Strangers for nothing. And they are so entertained at the King's cost, that all things reckoned, they get every day above their necessary charges a Ducat a man. Hence are many ambitious of this Embassage an● purchase it of the Caravan Bassa (who hath the nomination) at great price: at that time counterfeiting their King's Letters, acknowledging vassalage to the King of China. The like Embassages the Chinois admit from diverse Kingdoms, from Cauchin-china, Siam, Leuchieu, Corea, and some of the Tartars Kingdoms, not without incredible expenses of the public treasure: of which fraud the Chinois are not ignorant, but flatter with their King, as if all the World paid Tribute unto him, when as rather the Chinois in this manner pay Tributes to them. At the end of the year 1605. Our Benedict came to Soceu, grown wealthy by his long journey; having thirteen Horses, five hired Servants, two Boys which he bought, and the most precious Marble of the rest, all valued at 2500. Ducats. He also and Isaac were well in health. In this City he lighted upon other Saracens returned from Pequin, Reports of travellers to be weighed. which confirmed the former Reports of the Fathers, with other things beyond all measure of Faith, that the King of China paid them money daily by a certain measure and not by weight. He writ presently to Father Matthew to Pequin, to acquaint him with his coming, and gave the Letters to certain Chinois: but because he knew not the China name wherewith Ours were called, and the Region where they resided, and writ in European Characters, those Chinois could not deliver them. The next year at Easter, he sent again by a Saracen Fugitive (for they may neither go in nor out without the Magistrates leave) and writ to them of his Voyage and state, desiring them to take some course to free him from that Prison, that he might return by Sea into India, the Portugal way. The Father had long before learned by Letters from India, of this intended journey, and yearly expected him, and made much enquiry of those counterfeit Ambassadors, but could not till now hear of him. They were now therefore much joyed to read his Letters, which in November following came to their hands, and one was presently sent, to bring him by some means to Pequin, not one of the Society lest one stranger should hinder another, Nouem. 1606. but a Pupil which lately admitted, had not yet entered his probation, named john Fernandus a wise young man, with a companion, a new Convert, skilled in those parts. And if he could not bring him thence by the Magistrates leave or by other Arts, he should stay there with him, and write to the Company, who by their friends would procure him passage. This journey was unreasonable in the hardest of Winter, being almost four months journey from Pequin. Yet would not Father Matthew defer any longer, which if he had done, Goez would have been dead before his coming. He and two others of the Society writ to him. Meanwhile Goez suffers more wrongs of the Saracens in this place than he had done in the way, and was fain to sell his Marble half under the price for provisions, whence he made 1200. Ducats and paid his Debts, and sustained his Family a year. Meanwhile, the Caravan came with their Captain, and he with entertainments was again forced to borrow, Caravan cometh. and because he was chosen into the number of the seventy two, he provided him of some Marble pieces, without which had been no going to Pequin. He hid one hundred pounds in the ground that the Saracens should not know thereof. Ferdinandus went from Pequin the eleventh of December, and his Servant ran from him at Singhan, the Mother City of the Province of Sciansi, carrying away half their provision. Singhan. At the end of March, 1607. he yet made shift to get to Soceu, and found Goez lying on his Deathbed, who had dreamt that one of our company would come thither the next day, and sent Isaac into the Market who brought Ferdinandus to him. Having received the Letters, he brak into a Nunc dimittis, as seeming to have ended his Pilgrimage. Eleven days after Goez dyeth, Goez dyeth▪ not without suspicion of Poison from the Saracens. They had perpetual Spies to watch and catch what he left, which they did most barbarously execute, and amongst the rest his journal was lost which he had written in very small Letters. They sought for it to prevent payment of Debts there entered. They would have buried him like a Saracen, but Isaac and Ferdinand excluded them and buried him, with a recital of the rosary, in defect of other Books. Thus died Benedict Goez, a man of great parts, which had after his admission done great service to the Society (howsoever he was not a Priest) much esteemed by the Great Mogoll, whom he averted from the War of India. He dissuaded before his death that Ours should not trust the Saracens, not adventure this way, as unprofitable and dangerous. And although he died without Confession in so many years, yet he was cheerful in the mercy of God, and professed that his conscience did not accuse him of matters of any moment. Tartarean Tartars. By a Tartarian custom they divide the goods of the deceased amongst them all, and therefore bound Isaac threatening to kill him if he turned not Mahometan; but Ferdinand put up a Supplication to the Viceroy at Canceu, who subscribed that the Governor of Soceu should examine the business. He first was favourable, but corrupted by bribes threatened to whip him, and held him in Prison three days. But he sold his Garments for want of Money, and continued the Suit five months, not being able at first to confer with Isaac for want of Language. Isaac only uttered a few Portugal words, and the judge had thought they had spoken in the Canton Tongue. At last, Ferdinand learned to speak Persian, and was able to confer with him. The Saracens pleaded that Ferdinand was a Chinese by his countenance, the other a Saracen: he answered that his Mother was a Chinese, whom he resembled. But nothing moved the judge more than that he was an enemy to their Religion, and pulling a piece of Pork out of his sleeve, they both did eat it; whereupon with laughter of the Assembly, the Saracens abhominated both, spitting at the Armenian, and leaving the Suit, saying, that the Armenian was deluded by the China-coozener. Isaac's journey. For in all the way to prevent offence, Benedict and Isaac had abstained from Pork. And thus all was by the judge's sentence restored to Ferdinand which had been benedict's: but nothing was found, save Marble pieces which had been hidden in the ground, which was sold, and yielded to pay their Debts and provision for their journey to Pequin, whither both of them came. They brought a fair gilded Crosse-Picture and the Charters of three Kings, Cascar, Quotan and Cialis, which are reserved at Pequin for a memorial. Isaac related all this Story to Father Matthew upon credit of his memory, and having stayed a month, was sent the wont way to Amacao; where being well entertained, he in sailing thence to India, was taken by Hollanders, and lost both goods and liberty. But the Portugals of Malaca redeemed him, and he held on his course to India, and hearing of his Wife's death, went not to the Mogul's Country, Chaul. 1615. but stayed at Chaul, and is now at the writing hereof alive. CHAP. V. A General Collection and Historical representation of the Jesuits entrance into japon and China, until their admission in the Royal City of Nanquin. §. I. Of FRANCIS XAVIER, MELCHIOR NUNS', VALIGNANUS, RUGGERIUS and PASIUS. FOrasmuch as we have sailed so lately from the Philippinas to China, and back again with our Friars, and have given you a jesuits Land journey, we thought it worthy our labour also to launch into the deep of their Navigations, and to honour the jesuits, (to whom in the following parts of this History we are so indebted) with observing their Observations of japon, Ignatius and Francis canonised by Greg. 15. March 12. 1622. and the intercourse thereof with China; and from it (as the greatest and most glorious Eastern jesuitical Conquest) to ship ourselves in their Barge to China. How Francis Xavier (now Sainted at Rome, together with Ignatius Loiola, first Founder of that Order) laboured the Conversions of Gentiles and Pagans to Christianity, as in other parts of the Indies, so here in japan I willingly acknowledge; yea, so far am I from envying either him or his Order, or any other Order styled Religious, their Trophies of Conversions, that I could wish the Pope seated in Miaco, and all the jesuits, & Friars, yea, all his jesuited Clergy fully possessed of the Bonzian Colleges & Temples in japon; whence a double good might issue; to the Ethnikes some light in stead of a total darkness, a diseased life being better than death; and to Europe, to be lightened of their burden, where professing themselves Lights, they prove Lightnings, and raise so manifold combustions. And most especially could I wish this honour to my Countrymen the English Jesuits, and Priests, Popish Emissaries of whatsoever Order, that they were there ordered, or (which fits their ambition better) ordering that Eastern World, rather than here disordered and disordering, playing the Lords of Misrule in the West. The very Name of Christ is sweet to me, even in japan, yea, from a Jesuits mouth, or a Jesuits Convert; and would God they taught them jesus more, and less jesuitish fancies of exchanged worship of Creatures, howsoever gilded with Christian Names, that the japonians might learn to acknowledge jesus and Maria truly, and not with Names and Images of they know not what, to worship Venus and her Son Cupid, This happened in Capt. Saris his ship. See to. 1. l. 4. c. 1. p. 367. in stead of the Blessed Virgin, and that incarnate Blessedness her blessed Son, who is God over all blessed for ever. One told Cortes the Mexian Conqueror then speaking great words, that there is much difference in conquering Neighbours at home, and naked Americans; I add, that a man may be Christened, and yet far short of Christianity, (even by jesuits' * See sup l. 9 c. 12. §. 5. and the last Chapter of my Pilgrimage testimonies) and that somewhat more is required to a Christian then Christian Names, given in Baptism to hundreds at once, as some have done without further instruction. Devotion is rather to be prized by weight and worth, then by tale and numbers, as happens in their Beads here, and too often in their Conversions there: which were they indeed so much to be magnified and gloried in, would aswell prevail in men of capacity to overthrow strong holds and high imaginations, as here to work on our silly women laden with sins, hoping for their Confession-cure; and there, 2. Cor. 10.4. with silliness itself, See Sir T. Roe and M. Terry, sup. p. 1482. and 586. This Story shows that with Mogul's & Chinois gifts are best Converters. or such as Reason turns Christians because they will not run mad with their own to such Monsters as their Bonzi teach them. Themselves confess, that it is not much, they can prevail with Mahumetans any where; or here in China: and Ours have found them to say more than they had done in that little. I should much rejoice that their Reports were true, and that as an Orator * Adol. Schulkenius. Colon. A. 1622. jun. 26. of theirs hath solemnised the Canonization of Loiola, their Patriarch, and Xavier the Indian Apostle (so he styleth them) this Saint Francis had converted three hundred thousand Souls, of innumerable Nations; yea, all Heretics in near sixteen hundred years, had not converted so many, nay, had not perverted so many not Christians, to all their Heresies together, as he alone adjoined to Christ in eleven years. I am glad to hear it, and that which he addeth, that all Heretics whatsoever had not infected so many Languages and peoples, as those of which he had illustrated many with Christian Truth and Piety. Doth this man consider how much of the World hath been Christian, and how much after that Heretical? how many more Nations the Nestorian Heresy hath infected then Xavier saw, leavening, in manner, all Asia from Constantinople where it began, unto Tartary? Cathay, or China, and the Indies, See before in Polo; Conti, etc. the truth hereof. and hath not the jacobite Heresy prevailed over Africa? and before that the Arrian, over all the World, which as Saint Hierome saith, groaned and wondered to see itself grown Arrian? But these perhaps rather perverted Christians then any way converted Ethnikes! Yet the great Nations of the Goths and Vandals were of Ethnikes made Arrians, the great Nations of the Lithuanians, Muscovites, Russes, etc. have not many hundred years since of Ethnikes been converted to the Greek Church, which they hold not Catholic (that I mention not the Armenians, Georgians, and others) one of which numbereth many times three hundred thousand. And that one Impiety of Mahumet hath more Followers many, than all whatsoever professions of Christianity in all Languages, Nations, Rites whatsoever (I grieve to tell it) and that from perverse Ethnikes and perverted Christians. And although Luther and Calvin went not out of Germany and France (which he objects) yet their sound, the Gospel which they preached hath gone over all the Earth, (as these our Relations show in the Voyages of English, Dutch, French, yea, the Apostles themselves) and they have shaken the Towers of Babylon in Europe, where they were strongest (where Antichrist hath his Throne, a Conquest more than Indian or japonian) and when the Prophecy of Babylon's utter ruin is fulfilled, the same word shall conquer (I hope) both jews and Gentiles; yea, these Jesuits and their Preachings, Apoc. 18. may by Divine Dispensation become Harbingers to the Gospel hereafter, as the jewish Dispersions in the Translations of the Scripture and profession of the true God, were forerunners of the Apostles preaching. Meanwhile they find us work at home to watch over our Flocks, lest such grievous Wolves enter, Acts 20. and make us to leave the pharisees glory of compassing Sea and Land to win Proselytes to these their Heirs and Successors in this, as in many other things. But I will leave them glorying of their Conversions, grieving that they are not herein better than their reports. I will follow them to these parts of China, and here for Chinas' sake to japon, Cit pro Mil●n●. and with that Rule of Cassius (Cui bono) observe them, in things not gainful to their Religion, approve and applaud their industry, yea, accept and thankfully acknowledge their authority. In their Conversions to the Faith, I suspend my faith in the quality, if I admit their quantity. For how could one man well instruct so many in so little time, except he could have given the Holy Ghost, as the Apostles in their conversions did. Francis Xavier, in the year 1541. sailed from Lisbon, wintered at Mosambique, whence he passed into India, after that to Malaca, and to japonia, Et Cunctas oras (saith the former Author) quas Oceanus ab Indigo mari usque ad extremos Sinas, How little in comparison was Paul's, from jerusalem to Illyricum? id est totius Orbis dimidi●m, circumfluit, Euangelica praedicatione illustravit & implevit, (japon was first discovered and known to the Portugals by Mota, carried out of his course to China thither by tempest, 1542.) He died, Anno 1552. the five and fiftieth of his Age, of his Indian peregrination the eleventh, in the I'll Sancian, on the Coast of China. This was the Indian Standrad-bearer to all of that Society (beginning his travel to Lisbon the first year of their Confirmation 1540) and now deified or Canonised, and invoked by Doctor Schulchenius, Chancellor of Collen his Orator, Ignati & Francisce vestris succurrite precibus, etc. A Letter of his written from japon, in November, 1549. thus relateth. Letter of Xavier. We came by God's grace in August to japon, on the Feast day of the Assumption of the Virgin Marie, having set forth from Malaca on Midsummer day, The Master of the Ship was a Chinese, which had undertaken that office to the Captain of Malaca, and sailed prosperously till the Master altered his mind (as those Barbarians are usually inconstant) and lingered long amongst the Lands in the way. This troubled us in two respects principally, both for the loss of the season which God offered, and which being passed, Devil worshipped by the Chinois. we were compelled to winter on the Coast of China; and again, because in the same Ship was carried an Idol of the Devil, to which the Mariners in sight and spite of us, sacrificed after the manner of their Country. They also by lots demanded answers thereof, touching their Voyage; which (as they said and believed) were sometimes good, sometimes bad. A hundred leagues from Malaca, holding our course to China, we stayed at an Island, where after many Ceremonies the Devil was consulted, what fortune we should have, who answered, very prosperous: Whereupon with great alacrity we set sail: they worshipped the Idol placed in the poop, with Candles burning and incense of sweet Wood; we trusted in God the Creator of Heaven and Earth, and in his Son our Lord jesus Christ, desiring to carry his Religion into those parts. When we were under sail, they demanded of the Devil, whether this Ship should return from japon to Malaca: the answer was made by the lot-casters, that it should go to japon, but not return to Malaca; which made them alter their minds, thinking it better to winter in China, and to defer the voyage to japon till the next year. You may well think how it grieved us, that the Devil must be consulted touching our course. After this we came to Cauchinchina, where two adverse things happened, Emanuel Sina our companion, by the rolling of the Ship in the troubled Sea fell into the sink, almost dead with the bruise and water, but in few days recovered: which before it was ended, the Master's Daughter with the like rolling of the Ship fell into the Sea, and in all our sight was drowned, and much lamentation followed. The Barbarians presently sought to pacify the Devil, and without rest all the day and night, took pains to kill Birds to the Idol, and to set dishes (of meat before it,) and by lots consulted to know the cause of that misfortune. The answer was, that if Emanuel which first fell in, had died, the Girl had not fallen into the Sea. You see in what danger the Devil hereby had cast us, if our Lord had not restrained his rage, etc. The tempest being assuaged, we came in few days to the Port of Canton in China. And there they purposed to Winter, Canton. notwithstanding all our entreaties and expostulations: but I know not how on a sudden they would go to Chincheo, on the same Coast. And when we were almost there, the Master was certified by some which sailed by, Cangoxima in japon Paul had been in India, and was Baptised. that there was store of Pirates at Chincheo; whereupon the wind being fair for japon, and cross for Canton, they brought us to Cangoxuma, the Country of our friend Paul, whose friends used us unkindly. There we spent forty days in learning the Elements of the japonian tongue with great labour, and began to publish the Decalogue, and other heads of Christian learning, which Paul had accurately converted into his own Language; and we purposed speedily to Print them, whereby the knowledge of Christ is further and more easily founded, etc. The occasion of his journey thither, he showeth in another Letter, that some Portugals being lodged in a House possessed by Devils, Seas tempestuous and Piratical. compassed the said house with Crosses, and that there was great hope of good to be done in those parts: whereupon, notwithstanding those Seas are very tempestuous, and much infested with Pirates, he resolved to go thither. Ricius and Trigantius, add that the japonian Priests alleged in defence of their Idolatries, the Chinois wisdom against him, whereupon he returned to India, to advise with the Viceroy to send an Ambassage into China, without which there was no entrance, and obtained that james Pereira was named Legate, with whom he had before conferred about the business at Sancian, where the Portugals at that time used to trade with the Chinois, (Amacao not yet established) but Aluarus Taidius the Captain of Malaca opposed. Xavier loathe herein to be crossed, used the Pope's Bull, which constituted him Apostolical Nuncio, and grievously Cursed all that should hinder his proceedings in promoting Religion. And when Aluarus would not otherwise relent, he interdicted him and his followers. Soon after Aluarus was possessed with a Leprosy, and further contemning the Viceroy, was taken and cast in Irons, and died miserably. Xavier burning with zeal of his China expedition, Xaviers zeal. sought to get some Chinois by favour or reward, to convey him by stealth into China, and to expose him somewhere on the Continent, although he knew that imprisonment attended such strangers, as came into China without licence. Being admonished to take leave of the Captain, What, said he, should I go to salute an Excommunicate person? I shall never see him, nor he me, in this life, nor after, but when in the Vale of josaphat I shall accuse him before the judge, Christ. And praying for him, Sancian thirty leagues from the China shore. after with a countenance full of Majesty, he put off his shoes, and shook off the dust, according to the evangelical precept. Thus he came to Sancian a Desert Island, where the Portugals used to make oaths of boughs or straw, (for the time of their Trading with the Chinois) with whom he consulted about some way to effect his desires, though with loss of liberty or life. At last he agreeth with a China Merchant, for as much Pepper (given him of the Portugal Merchants in alms) as was worth above two hundred Ducats, to set him and his Interpreter on shore secretly. He undertook it, but either secretly terrified by other Portugals, or with his own danger, Xaviers death. See Vita Xaverij. & F. Pinto. & Eman. Acosta Mafferius Ricius, etc. his Interpreter forsook him: and after that, the Merchant also vanished. He stayed yet waiting for him, till a Fever took him out of the world, in December, 1552. His corpse was after translated to India. The Portugals of those times, were very desirous of Trade with the Chinois, who on the other side were very suspicious of them, both by that which they saw of their Ships and Ordnance, and by that which the Moors at Canton reported of these Franks, (so the mahometans * Since the Expedition of the Western Christians (the chief of which were Franks) to the conquest of jerusalem. call Europaeans) that they were warlike and victorious, as appeared in Malaca and all India, under colour of Merchandise subjected to the Portugals. The Chinois at Canton call them still Falanks: for they want the R, and pronounce not two consonants without a vowel interposed. By the same name they call also the Portugals Ordnance. Yet desire of gain prevailed, that they were admitted to such a trade as ye have heard, so as the Mart ended, they must away with their goods to India. That course continued diverse years, till the Chinois growing less fearful, granted them in the greater Island a little Peninsula to dwell in. In that place was an Idol, which still remaineth to be seen, called Ama, whence the Peninsula was called Amacao, that is, Amas Bay. This Rock indeed rather than Peninsula, began to be inhabited not only of Portugals, A Peninsula is compasted with water except on one part. Beginnings of Amacao. but of the confluence of all neighbouring Nations, in regard of the commerce of Commodities of Europe, India, and the Moluccas, brought in Portugal's Ships, and especially love of the Silver Coins, brought the Chinois thither to dwell. In continuance of time, a City began by degrees to be built, and the Portugals made not only contracts of Merchandise, but of Marriage, with the Chinois, and so the Peninsula was filled with private houses, and out of a barren Rock arose a noble Mart. And as gain brought Merchants thither, so the care to keep and to get souls, brought thither Priests and Religious men, and the Portugal Kings privileged the place with the title of a City, and made it a Bishops See. There the Jesuits fixed a residence, and first erected a Church to our Lady, and after that diverse others. For it seemed convenient to their designs, the world of China lying to the North, the Moluccas to the South, japon, and the Philippinas to the East, to the West Cochinchina, Camboia, Siam, and others. From hence, many intended the China employment without success, those fields not then white to the harvest. Melchior Nuns, (Anno 1555.) from Canton, writes of his accidental going a shore on China, in his voyage to japan, Melchi●r Nuns. occasioned by a terrible tempest whereto those Seas are much subject. They came in july to Sancian an Island, thirty leagues from Canton, being much endangered by the Rocks in the way, and there he said Mass over the place where Xavier had been buried; and easily obtained admission into Canton. This is reported to be the least of all the Mother Cities of the Provinces, yet seeming to exceed Lisbon, in frequency. Canton le●st Metropolitan City. I take but a little of his relation, because you have so much before. Aiton, Aitao, or Haitao. The buildings are good, the walls strong: a thousand Arches with inscriptions are seen therein, which the Magistrates usually leave as Memorials at their departures. The people are given to their bellies, and to pleasure. The Government is admirable. The Chief justice they call Hexasi, the Treasurer Ponchasi, the Admiral and Governor of Strangers, Aitan. The Chaens Ensigns, are a Hand and an Eye; his office is to see the Execution of the King's Sentences, to order or deprive Magistrates. The Tutan is Viceroy, conspicuous by his Cap and his Garments, wrought with a gilded Lion, which * So Pinto al●o, but this is the Provinces Arms not the Kings. is the King's Arms: in State he excelleth European Kings. The Portugal Captains and we speak not to him, but aloof on our knees. If any will speak with him, at every Gate of his sumptuous Palace, he must aloud utter his business, before the Porter admits him. He hath many for his Guard. And one hundred thousand men are said to be maintained at the King's cost, for the keeping of this Province. His Officers go two and two and make way with great cries. Their Cane-whipping are terrible, the Canes burned at the end, a cubite long, four fingers broad, etc. The Chinois are witty and judicious, in matters of the world: but have little care of the soul, ignorant of its * Some Sects acknowledge more, others 〈◊〉. immortality, of one God, and of eternal rewards and punishments. Their Priests have a kind of Mitre on the head, are shaved head and beard, otherwise contemptible. I could not with great diligence find any that could show me their Ceremonies, and the laws of their Holies. The Inhabitants all have Idols, which they incense; and divine by lots, beating the Idols if the Lots prove unlucky. I was twice at Canton, and spent two months there to redeem Portugal prisoners. The Chinois kill or captivate the Portugals, which are wracked on that Coast, which yet they cease to do, since they pay their Customs. I went thence in May to japan. Valignanus. Alexander Valignanus, was sent by the jesuitical General into India as Visitor, and having visited other parts, came to Amacao, in his way to japon, forced to stay there ten months with the Jesuits. There he more fully informed himself of the state of China, and raised the embers of the almost extinguished zeal of that expedition. Admiranda regni Sinensis extant with the jesuits' Epistles published by Io. Hayus. Plaut. He is thought to be the Author of that treatise called Admiranda Regni Sinensis, containing a summary of the wonders in China, worthy here to have been inserted, but that we rather aim at things seen then heard, as having better certainty. Oculatus testis unus prestat auritis decem. Upon the consideration of their wits, Peace, Policy, studies of Learning, he conceived that if any were skilful of their Language and Letters, he might do some good for their Conversion. Hereupon he resolved to employ some that way, although many others of the company which had experience of the China affairs, held it labour in vain. Yet he went on and because of the paucity of ours at Amacao, and none so fit for that design, he sent into India to the Provincial, to send thither at least one Priest for that purpose. And he going to japon, left order what he which was sent should do. Mich. Ruggerius. Michael Ruggerius, an Italian of the Kingdom of Naples, was sent, and came to Amacao, in july, Anno 1579. and applied himself to learn the language which the Courtiers in China use, and is common thorough all China, (the Provinces having otherwise peculiar languages) also to learn to read and write their Characters, which are as many as words. That language was very hard both in itself, and for the want of teachers. For those Christian Chinois which lived at Amacao, in habit of Europeans, & those which came thither in Merchandise, were almost as ignorant of the Court tongue, as of the Portugal: and though they understood it, yet they could not well pronounce it. And for the Characters, they know those which belonged to their Merchandising and common use. Labour improbus omnia vincit. With pictures his teacher was often forced to supply characters. And whereas the Portugals twice a year in the Mart season have access to Canton, Portugal trade at Canton by day, and extrusion at night. about januarie and june, he went with them thither. For in time they obtained this liberty, that not in a desert Island, as first, nor in the Amacao Haven, but in the Metropolitan City two days up the River, they might have trading by day, but lie aboard at night, with so many eyes and watches on them, as it is manifest they are not altogether free of their former fears. These Marts continue two months each of them, or longer, and have been the only mean of admitting the Jesuits into China, Rugg. first entrance. by the industry and piety of other Portugals. Ruggerius therefore with his merchandise also adventured with them, and found an impediment at first. Another jesuit which before had gone thither had converted a youth, Disciple to a Priest, and closely conveyed him to Amacao. His Master made complaint and procured the Magistrate to fetch him back by force, to the great trouble of Ours, and seeming discredit as if by ill arts they had seduced Children from their Parents, which is a thing at Canton, both usual and Capital. Ruggerius enterposed himself with great care and discretion, and appeased the Admiral or Haitao which hath the command of Strangers, Ruggerius freed by the Haitao. who hereby had an opinion of his virtue, and delighted to see him studious of the China books. He therefore permitted him to stand at his side when others kneeled, and freed him also from the going aboard at night, and allowed him a place in the Palace, Ambassage of Siam. where the Ambassadors of the King of Siam were usually entertained, bringing their present or tribute (such as you have heard in Goez) to the King. There he studied night and day the China books, and on Sundays and Holidays, the Portugals came thither to him to Mass and to receive the Sacraments. This continued whiles they continued, for when the Mart ended he was commanded to return with them. The Father procured acquaintance also with the chief Captain of the Soldiers of that Province (the Chinois call him Zumpim) to whom he gave a watch. Zumpim or Chumbim. By this means many of those which came to Amacao, began to shake off their Ethnic darkness, and the devout Portugals erected a House for the Catechumeni (new Converts to be instructed in Christian mysteries before Baptism) where he instructed them, and more freely followed his China studies, by help of Interpreters. One business hindered another, and his Marts absence (which took up near half the year) this Catechising, and a tongue is hardly learned by study without use; and therefore the Visitor sent for Matthew Ricius out of India, Mat. Ricius. (which had come out of Europe with Ruggerius, and now had finished his Divinity course at Goa) to be his yoke fellow, one to whom the China expedition is most indebted. Anno 1582. Valignanus the Visitor, carried certain japonian Princes sent to Rome to yield subjection to the Pope, in the name of those Kings which sent them, as you shall hear. He staying for the Monson at the College of Amacao, Fraternity of jesus. took great pains to advance the China business. And to that purpose he instituted the Fraternity or fellowship of jesus in our House, with laws fitting to New Converts; forbidding any Portugals to be therein admitted, but only Chinois, and japonians, and those which were newly converted of other Nations: always to be governed by one of those Fathers which should be assigned to the China Expedition, called, The Father of the new Converts, taking care not only of their salvation, but their other affairs and poverty. The Viceroy of Canton Province is one of the chief Viceroys, Viceroy of Canton. because his Province is far from Pequin, and coasting on the Sea; infested therefore with often Piracies, especially japonian. Hereupon the Canton Viceroy exerciseth jurisdiction also in the adjoining Province Quamsi, Quamsi. if occasion require to levy more Soldiers, although Quamsi hath also a Viceroy of her own. For this cause the Canton Viceroy resideth not at Canton, but at Sciauquin, Sciauquin. a City bordering on both Provinces. At this time Cinsui borne in the Province of Fuquien, was Viceroy, a covetous man, who to get money of the Amacaons' sent thither his Writ for the Bishop and Captain to come to his Court, understanding that they commanded all there. They thought it not agreeing to the Portugal honour to go, nor to their safety to neglect his summons, and therefore by Valignanus his advice, Ruggerius was sent in the name of the Bishop, to see if he could get a perpetual Station in that Kingdom, and Penella the Auditor, in place of the Captain. And to obtain his favour, that he should not disturb their merchandising, a Present was sent him at public charge, of such things as the Chinois most regard, as waved garments of silk Damask (which the Chinois then knew not how to make) Crystal Glasses, and other things valued at 1000 Ducats. The Viceroy received them in great pomp, more to terrify then honour them; but at the sight of the Presents (the scope of his purpose) he became gentle and courteous, and decreed that they might live in his Port in manner as hitherto they had done, obeying the Laws of the China Magistrates: which words seem formal, the Portugals living there after their own Laws; and other Nations, yea the Chinois themselves which are Christians in habit and religion, being subject to them. The other Chinois are subject to common Officers sent thither from Canton. The Viceroy would have nothing, but he would pay for it, which he did because bribes and gifts are there severely punished: but privily he sent to them, Bribe tricks. that money was given them to procure him as many other like. Ruggerius desired that which he came for, saying, he learned the China Tongue and read their Books, which he seemed much to like, and gave him hopes at his next return to obtain it. And having given them weight of Silver; with provision, great attendance of Magistrates and Soldiers, much Music of Hoybuckes and other Instruments, he sent them pompously thorough the public streets of the City to their shipping. So weighty is hope of gain. In August had comen (as they use) Portugal ships to Amacao, in them of our Society not a few, and amongst others, Father Matthew Ricius, Mat. Ricius. who brought with him an artificial Watch from the Provincial for the advancing this China business. About that time the Captain of Amacao having made ready those things which the Viceroy prescribed, sent back the Auditor to Sciauquin, but Ruggerius unseasonably (or seasonably rather as the event manifested) fell sick; yet sent word to the Viceroy that he could not come to him as he had promised: and withal, that he had a Clocke-watch which did without any striker sound the hours, Clocke-watch. a thing even still of much wonder to the Chinois. Hearing of his sickness, he seemed sorrowful, but this Watch awaked him, and caused him to make his Secretary presently write a Licence for the Father to come to him with that admirable work, as soon as he should be able. When this Charter was read at Amacao, it contained more; for the Fathers were invited by public Authority to erect a public and private house in that City, which caused great joy. But the Visitor was afraid as yet to send Ruggerius, as not furnished fully for that design; the beginning of a thing being the greatest part. The other Jesuits persuaded, and Father Francis Pasius bound for japon, a man well qualified for governing was sent, and Ruggerius adjoining his Colleague. Ricius was made Governor of the College of the Catechumeni, and appointed to follow the other two, if occasion served. And if the business proceeded not, Pasius was to proceed to japon, and the other two to attend better opportunity in their China business. Those two Jesuits went to Sciauquin, Jesuits first China station. Three cornered Glass. and offered their Watch with a triangle Glass presenting variety of colours, a thing admired of the Chinois as a precious jewel: both which were exceeding welcome to the Viceroy, who assigned them a convenient station in a Suburban Temple, called Thien-min-zu, whither he often sent them diverse viands, and often admitted them in Visitation to his Palace. There they abode four or five months, often visited in that Temple by principal men and Magistrates of the City, and were in hope of their perpetual continuance, having obtained licence of the Secretary also for Ricius to come, who was preparing for the Voyage, when all was disturbed on a sudden, the Viceroy being I know not for what fault, deprived of his place. He fearing least in the chief City the presence of Strangers might further hurt him, dismissed the Jesuits so, as he permitted them to stay at Canton, commanding the Magistrate there to provide them a house and ground. The Chinois call that City Quam-cheu which the Portugals (by the name of the Province deluded) call Canton. Quam-cheu the true name of Canton. They well knew that his commission was of no force, yet they went, and the Haitau, to whom the Charter was directed was absent, and no regard being had thereof, they were not permitted to ascend the banks, and therefore with grief returned to Amacao. Pasius presently sailed according to the Visitors appointment to japon, and after diverse years labour there, was Vnderprovinciall of the China and japonian Missions: and when both of those expeditions were by the General's order made a Province, Pasius dieth long after. he was declared visitor thereof, and came to Amacao, to take order for China, where within few months he died. §. II. japonian Embassage to the Pope; Of Nabunanga and Quabacondono their government; Corai invaded, Embassage from China, TAICOSAMAS Temple, and OGOSHOSAMAS succession. Having mentioned that Embassage of japonian Kings sent to the Pope by procurement of the Jesuits, out of their writings I have here added for further illustration, the acts of the public Consistory in this form of words. japonian Embassage to the Pope. Ed●dit Hen. Cuickius. Pope Gregory the thirteenth, sitting in the Hall designed for entertainment of Kings, and their Embassages on the three and twentieth of March, 1585. in the morning, in a most ample Session of the Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church, and in a great assembly of Princes and Prelates with greatest industry, and most frequent attendance of all Orders: Mantius and Michael (who was also of the Prince of Omur) two Legates of japonian Kings, were brought in, and one of the two japonian companions of the same Embassage, of principal Nobility, to wit, Martin, for julian the other of them was withholden by sickness.) After solemn adoration of the Pope, and the kisses of his blessed feet, received of him with great demonstration of benevolence and charity, they went aside into a place appointed them with great modesty. Afterwards, the Letters of the Kings which they had brought are publicly read, being translated out of the japonian Tongue into the Italian, and thence into the Latin. First, that of Francis King of Bungo, who therein professeth the Divine bounty in sending the Jesuits four and thirty years before into those parts, King of Bungos Letter. whose seed had taken some rooting in his breast, which he ascribes to the Pope's prayers and merits. And had it not been for his age, wars, and sickness, be would have visited those holy places, and have kissed his holy feet, and set them on his head, and received his blessing, his breast crossed by his most holy hand: but so detained, had thought to have sent his sister's son, the Lord Jerome, Son of the King of Fiunga his Ambassador, whose Cousin-german Mantius in his absence he now sent; thanks him for the Relics sent him, etc. jan. 11. 1582. Inscribed, To the great and most holy Pope to be adored, and holding on Earth the place of the King of Heaven. Subscribed, Francis King of Bungo, prostrate at your Blessedness most holy feet. Not much unlike was the tenor of the second Letter, sent from Protasius King of Arima, who detained by diverse lets, had sent his Cousin-german in his room, to his Holiness, which with sincere and humble mind he adoreth. Inscribed, To the great and holy Lord whom I adore, holding the room of God. The Prince of Omur sent also the said Michael his Brother's Son with a Letter of like import, inscribed. With lifted up hands adoring I offer these to the most holy Lord the Pope, Vicar of the great God. Subscribed in substance as the first. After this, silence was commanded; and in the name of the said Kings and Legates, Gasper Gonsaluas' a Portugal jesuit made an Oration unto the Pope, comparing and preferring this Embassage with that of certain Indians to Augustus, and the conversion of Britain by the first Gregory with this of japon, and other Lands by the Thirteenth, succeeding * But that Hortus de●iciarum An●lia was more worth than both Indies to the Pope. See sup. lib. 8. c. 6. etc. and exceeding that, now fallen from the Pope; applying Esays Prophecies of the Churches increase to this jesuitical Harvest, and magnifying the great glories of that Pope, founder of Seminaries, and magnified extra anni Solisque vias. Antonio Buccapadulio answered in the name of the Pope, That Francis King of Bungo, Protasius King of the Arimen, and Bartholomew his Uncle, Prince of Omur, hath sent you their kinsmen to him from the remote japonian Lands to the veneration of that power in presence, which by God's bounty he holdeth, they have done godly and wisely. For there is one Faith, one Catholic Church, one made Governor over the said Church, and Pastor of Christ's Flock, that is, of all Catholics thorough the World, in the succession of Peter, the Roman Bishop. That they acknowledge and profess this, together with the mysteries of the orthodox Faith, our most holy Lord rejoiceth, and giveth immortal thanks to the Divine bounty, This the most acceptable mystery of Papal Faith. and judges this to be the most true joy which proceedeth from the study of God's glory, and the salvation of Souls. Therefore most willingly, together with these his venerable Brethren, Cardinals of the Roman Church, he embraceth the testification of their Faith, Obedience, Devotion. He wisheth and prayeth that by their example other Kings and Princes also of those Isles, and of the whole World, rejecting the worship and error of Idols, may know the true God, and whom he hath sent jesus Christ; for this is life eternal. This done, the Consistory was dismissed. The Legates when they had attended the Pope, after the custom, into the inner rooms, were first entertained of the Pope's brother's son, the Cardinal of Saint Sixtus, with a Banquet; after that admitted to the Pope's pr●uate and familiar conference, they discoursed by Interpreters with him of many things, touching the journey and Religion: then went to Saint Peter's Church, and the holy Thresholds of the Apostles piously saluted, at night were honourably brought to their lodging. This was prepared and furnished in the Jesuits College by the Pope's appointment at their first coming to Rome, the two and twentieth of March, Extract. è literit Roma missis. who also sent two troops of Horse to guard them. They went from their Chariot to the Temple, and whiles they praised God, and worshipped at the greatest Altar, the Students of the Germane College in a double Choir sang, Te Deum laudamus. The Legates next day had audience as ye have heard; their Vestment was particoloured and embroidered, a short Sword on the left hand, an Arab Dagger on the right, the other part of their habit japonian. The pomp of all sorts, and the Ordnance attended them to the Vatican, & there the Italian Garrison, and Helvetian Guard with their Pieces and military Music received them. Then were they lead into the Hall, and after all things there finished, the Legates carried the Pope's train at his departure. And on the five and twentieth day, festival for the Annunciation, the Pope going on solemn Procession, these Legates road in the last place. What should I say more? (saith our Author) it cannot be told, See the last chap. of my Pilg. l. 9 how all magnify the mercy of God which brings far more at this time from the East and West to the Catholic Church, than the Devil hath seduced in the North. These japonian Lords returned into India, 1586. as Valignanus writeth, and were much endangered by a tempest. Their return into japon is signified by the Letters of Michael to the Archbishop of Ebora, testifying their arrival the one and twentieth of july, 1590. at Nangasach with the said Valignanus; and by the Letter of Don Sancius, Son and Successor to Bartholomew Prince of Omur to Pope Xistus the fifth, with thanks for the wood of the Cross, and the Sword sent his Father which should be kept amongst his principal jewels. Pope's presents Protasius also the King of Arima wrote to the Great and most holy Pope Xistus or Sixtus in this manner. On the sixteenth of the sixth Moon, which was the one and twentieth of july, 1690. here arrived the Father visitor of the Society of jesus, with Cingiva Don Michael my kinsman, Don Mancius, and other companions which I had sent to Rome to put their heads under your Holiness feet. Whose coming did as much rejoice me, as if a thousand Autumns had comen to me, and ten thousand years had been added to my life. Don Michael related with what honour and favour he was entertained of your Holiness, of King Philip, and other Catholic Princes, for which I render those thanks which Pen and Paper cannot express. He delivered me Letters also which your Holiness vouchsafed me, favourably reckoning me amongst the Christian Kings. He brought me also part of the holy Wood of the true Cross, a Hat, and a Sword, Papal favours, with little cost buying much esteem. which your Holiness is wont to send to Christian Kings and Princes. Which favour and studies are such, and so esteemed of me, that I have determined to consecrate them to eternal memory, and to place them amongst my chief Treasures, and the Ornaments and Monuments of my posterity. And this honour conferred on me is such, that greater cannot be in this life, and it redounds unto a future good life. Pomp prescribed. I had determined (according to the order prescribed of your H. in his Letters, and as the favour, and so great benefits bestowed on me deserved) to have received the said Presents with all the celebrity and pomp that might be in my Kingdom: but the Father visitor showed me that respect was to be had of the tyranny and great hatred wherewith Quabacondono the Lord of all japon, persecuteth the Fathers and Christians these three years together; and this feast to be deferred till he returneth from Meaco, whither he is going in Embassage from the Viceroy of India to Quabacondono, etc. The ninth year of the Era called Tenscio, the tenth of the eighth Moon, which is the two and twentieth of September, An. 1590. At your Highness' feet, Arimano, Sciurino, Daibu Don Protasius. This Quabacondono (as L. Froes writeth) was now grown the greatest Monarch that ever japon had, having ascended thereunto from a base estate, See of these japonian Kings and Rites my Pilg. l. 5. c. 15. Nabunanga. which was (as he hath diverse times with his own mouth confessed) to cut wood, and to carry it to the Market to sell for his daily food. Nobunanga his Predecessor had grown to great height, such as many ages had not there seen. In Frenoiama eight hundred years before, a King of japon had builded 3800. Temples, with houses adjoined for the Bonzi●, which employed themselves in the study of the Laws and Sects: for whose quietness he removed the Husbandmen, and builded them two streets, allowing to their maintenance about the third part of the Customs (or Rents) of the Vomen Kingdom. Thus became it a fountain of their superstitions. In time those Temples dispersed in sixteen Valleys were lessened to 800. and the Bonzian discipline, and studies melted into pleasures, hardened into Arms, and ranged into robberies, so that they fired Meaco with great slaughter, and opposed Nobunanga: who having destroyed the Military Bonzi (called ●coxos) and taken away their Castles, invaded Frenoiama, professing he feared not their Gods. Frenoiama. On the top of a Hill was the Temple of Quanon, to whom prayers and pilgrimages were made for health, wealth, and long life; and yearly solemnities and Plays with huge pomp and cost were made in his honour (to which the Gibon feast at Meaco succeeded) with frequency of men, devices of workmen, and such order, that it may appear that Satan there imitates the anniversary solemnity of Corpus Christi amongst us. The Bonzian Quanon and Popish Corpus Christi Plays like by Jesuits testimony. Shavelings. Thither the Bonzi had gotten, but it, and they, and their streets were destroyed, and four hundred Temples with their furniture burned. At Facusangin also were a thousand houses of the Bonzi by themselves, besides Monasteries, which he destroyed. Xinguea the King of Cainochun had forced his Father to exile, and imprisoned his elder Brother, and then seized on the Kingdom: after which he shaved his beard and hair, and became a Bonzo, and would needs repair Frenoiama, and styling himself, Chief in the house of the Kings and of Religions, gathered an Army. Nabunanga wrote to him, calling himself, Tamer of Devils, and enemy of Sects. He proceeded first against the Bonzi with these terrors; and after would needs himself be worshipped, but eighteen days after in a conspiracy of his own against him, Faxiba made Quabacondono. Quabacu signifies, the Chest of treasure. Cos. Turrianus. he was slain, and his dispersed. Quabacondono succeeded, and in greatness of attempts and ambition exceeded. This Quabacondono is a title which Faxiba assumed, and is as much, as Treasurer. These titles are given by the Vo, or Dairi, descended of the ancient Kings, and now enjoying a strange Empire, which is to give titles of honour, (for which all great men have their Factors with him) and is esteemed as a God, not suffered to tread on the ground (that were deposition) nor often seen, and gets much treasure out of those Titles, which he so often changeth, that the King of Bungo was by the Jesuits observed four and thirty times to have altered his appellations. There is a high Priest, The 3. chief men in japon. The Vo, High Priest and Quingue. A greater than they. Meaco the chief City of japon. who with Papal power authorizeth Sects, confirmeth and consecrateth the Tundi or Bishops which are nominated by the Kings, and enjoyeth Royal revenues. The Quingue is the third person, and hath power over judgements and Wars. But the Lords of Tensa, that is, such as have power to get into their hands Meaco, and the Region adjoining, are really chief Lords, and command the State, though in seeming ceremony (as the Turks to their Mufti, and more manifestly the Sultan's of Egypt to their Califas) they yield a seeming subjection; the Dairis not daring to cross them. Faexiba Cicugendono obtained that title of Quabacondono (Dono is a general title of honour) the next to the Dairis, and having subjected japon, minded to conquer China, by the way of Corai. Corai. The King of Corai sent his Ambassador to him with three hundred attendants in vain, he minding to send and place in those new Conquests all the suspected Princes of japan, and to eternize his own name, being exceeding vainglorious. He took from the Bonzi their Lands: and after that, making ditches round about Meaco, he forced them all to dwell together near the said ditches: Organtinus Brixiensis. which reducing their discrepant Sects to an unformed Chaos together, made many of them forsake their profession. He enjoyed every foot of Land in japon, gave, or removed, or deprived Kings at pleasure, took away all Arms from the Rustics; forbade all contentions and fights upon pain of death, if any guilty hereof fled, punishing the kindred, or servants, or neighbours, crucifying them. He administered justice very severely without partiality, or pardoning any man: and had almost put to death the Meacon Bonzi for their Concubines if the Governor of Meaco had not interposed and undertaken their amendment. He never suffered the Soldiers to be idle, but used them in wars or buildings. The Viceroy sent him an Embassage and Presents; the four japonian Lords which had been in Europe attending Valignanus the Ambassador. Quabacondono would needs hear these japonians play European Music, which they had there learned: and made great shows of kindness to them all, and sent this Letter with Presents to the Viceroy. Sir, I have received Letters which your Lordship from so remote Regions sent me, in opening and reading whereof I seemed to see the length of the leagues by land and sea. This Kingdom of japon as you wrote, containeth above sixty States or jurisdictions, in which before have been great disorders and wars, Qui● tulerit Gracchoes etc. no peace nor quiet. For many wicked men, Traitors to their Country conspired to deny obedience to their * The Dairi, the titular King. King, a thing which from my youth hath vexed me. And long since I bethought me of a course to subject this People, and to pacify the whole Kingdom: and laid for a foundation three virtues, to wit, Gentleness and affability of speech in conversing with men; Prudence in considerate judging of things, and egregious fortitude and courage of mind: by the aid whereof I have subdued all this Nation, and have brought all the Kingdoms into this form of one Empire, wicked men being extinct, and workmen which labour in the fields promoted. And I have so restored peace and quietness to these Kingdoms, and in few years have so settled and established the Monarchy of japon, that it is now like a great Rock which cannot be removed. Whence it is come to pass that in all four parts of the Kingdom they have a King eminent in much wisdom; and the King likewise hath all of them obedient. And in this order I have declared and exercised the power of a good Captain, to whom these Kingdoms are subject; by taking away the wicked, and rooting out all Robbers by sea and land. So the people, China invasion. Reckoning without his Host. japonian Theologie. families, and all places of the Kingdom enjoy marvelous quiet. I have also determined to invade the Kingdom of China, and in few days I will take ship and doubt not of victory. When I shall possess it, your Lordship may more easily communicate with me in all things. Now concerning the Fathers, * The jesuits. japon is the Kingdom of Chamis, whom we hold to be the same with Scin, which is the beginning of all things. This Scin is the substance and the very being of all things; and all things are one and the same with Scin, and into Scin are resolved. Who in Scina is called jutto, and in Tescincu Buppo. Further, in the observation of the Laws of this Chamis consisteth all the Political government of japon, which being neglected, there is no difference betwixt Lords and Subjects: if it be kept, the union and concord is perfected which ought to be 'twixt the Father and Son, the Husband and wife. Therefore the whole, both internal and external government of Men and Kingdoms is placed in the conservation of this union and policy. Christian Religion always by the Devil and his accused for a State-disturber. Jesuits banished. Now the Fathers formerly have entered these Kingdoms to preach another Law for the saving of men: but because we are instructed and settled in the Laws of Chamis, we desire no other Law: for the diversities of Laws and opinions are hurtful and prejudicial to the Kingdom. Wherefore I commanded the Fathers to depart out of japon, and have forbidden them to preach their Law, nor will I that hereafter they preach any new Law in this Kingdom. Although these things be so, yet I greatly desire that a stable communication may remain betwixt us: for so this Kingdom shall be free from thieves, by Land and Sea. And I give leave to all Merchants which bring merchandise, to sell them all without let. I desire your Lordship to approve the same. I received all the gifts which you sent out of those Southern parts, as it is written in your Letters. I likewise send some others out of these Kingdoms, with a memorial of the gifts, and the names of them which have given. The Legate will declare the rest, wherefore I will be no longer. Dated 20. year of Tenscij, 25. of the seventh Moon. In the end was the Seal and Subscription. It was written in a leaf eight palms long, four broad, painted with golden Flowers, and put in a red silk bag wrought with Gold and silver; and that enclosed after the japon manner in a Box, which for the price and workmanship was so admirable, japonian workmanship. that the subtlety and excellence of the work might amaze all Europeans. Within it was covered and without, with Vrosci (made of Gold beaten into powder) distinguished with Flowers of Gold and Silver, so inserted in the Vrosci that none could discern the conjunction, but he which knew the making of the Box. It had also Roses, and gold Chains to tie the Box; which Box was put into another Bag, and that into another Box very artificial. The gifts were Armours, Arms, and other things very precious. He assembled his Lords about this China War, which durst not express any other opinion, Preparation for invasion of Corai. he having protested, that he would not hear his Son dissuade him, if he were alive again, and if any should hinder him, it should cost him his life. Thus for some month's space nothing might be seen else, but provision for Ships, Arms, Munitions, and necessaries for the War. He made a Catalogue of all his Lords, exempting none from the expedition, and setting every one his number of followers. To Augustine a Christian Lord he gave the favour of first impression into Corai, other Lords staying still at Suscima eighteen leagues distant. Corai described: see my China Map. Corai is adjoining to the Continent of China at one end, divided by a great River from China, and tributary to the King of China; it is in length about an hundred leagues, and sixty broad: the people unlike the Chinois in language and bodily strength, but following their laws, customs, and government. They are better Archers then at any other weapons: and not comparable to the japonians, except in shipping, wherein they and the Chinois exceed. Yet at this time they were destitute of that defence, and Augustine gave them a great overthrow. Before Quabacondono would go, he made his Brother's Son by the Dairis to be entitled Quabacondono, as his Heir and Successor, contenting himself with the title of Taicosama, that is, Great Lord. All the japonian Princes were commanded to be present at the translation, to give him obedience; to whom the Dairi gave the Fortress of Meaco, and the Palaces of Quabacondono, making him Lord of Tensa. But his Uncle held the sway of all in his own hands, and after having a * This is that F●reisama of whom you read in Capt. Saris, and Master Cock, deprived by Ogoshosama. Son of his own, caused this his Nephew with some others to cross himself (that is, to cut his breast across, his bowels falling out, and some one of those which died with him, cutting off his head. Augustine with a Fleet of eight hundred sails entered Corai, and took two Fortresses, the Coraians' being driven from the walls by the japonders Guns, unknown to the other, and five thousand of them slain. This won him great credit with Taicosama, who promised him much, yet performed little. He defeated also an Army of twenty thousand, and after another of fourscore thousand, and the King fleeing into China took the Meaco, or Royal City of Corai, Taicosama sent him a Horse, and a Sword, the honour that Nabunanga was wont after any great Victory to do to him. The Coraians' seeing their King with his troops in safety, fled with their provisions into Woods and Hills, and would not thence be brought by any promises. The japonian possessed of the Fortresses wanted men to till the ground, and therefore must needs want necessaries: the ways also were by the Coraians' upon all occasions assaulted. There are two hundred thousand japonians at this present in Corai, and Augustine is in the extreme borders adjoining to China, 1592. Wide River betwixt China and Corai. separated notwithstanding by a River three leagues broad, abounding in ships, and the shores fortified with multitudes of men, so that the success is doubtful. Froes in his Epistle, 1595. writeth that there were then an hundred and ninety Jesuits in japon and China: that Taicosama not succeeding in his Coraian expedition, returned to Meaco, 190. Jesuits. and quarrelled the new Quabacondono out of his life, who with five others at Taicos command executed themselves after the japonian manner. Augustine mean while endeavoured an Embassage to be sent from the King of China, who thinking himself Lord of the World, sent to Taicosama, that it was an unmeet thing that He, whose industry and valour had subdued threescore and six Kingdoms of japon to his Empire, should permit the Dairis a private man, and Subject to the King of japon to hold his former place of dignity. And if he would deprive him thereof, he promised to send him a Crown, and the title of King, and by the same Legates to treat further about the japonians forsaking Corai. China Embassage. Two Ambassadors were sent from Pequin to Augustine to Corai: who presently sent word to Taico, the Ambassadors abiding with him, because of the solemn entertainment which Taico intended for the renown of his name to all posterity. The Nobles exhaust in the former expedition were yet now enforced to new braveries and expenses. Huge Palace, and preparation for entertainment of the Chinois. He caused at Ozaca a Hall to be erected, with a thousand Tatami (very elegant Mats) the timber costly, and gilding incredible. Yet by store of raynes a great part thereof fell down, which he intended soon to repair, having an hundred thousand men at work there both night and day in great misery, standing with their feet in the water. If any run away they are killed. Before this Hall he erected a Theatre for Comedies, exceeding stately and costly with artificial paintings of Vrusci. He repaired the Tower of Ozaca seven stories high. The gilded Plates or Tiles, the Bridge called, The Bridge of Paradise, the new City of Fuscimo which he builded, and other his immane expenses (the Offerings to his Idol of Fame,) I omit. He caused his little Son to go with great State to Sandai to the Dairis, that is, to bow his head thrice before him down to the Mats, who entertained him with a solemn feast, with great jubilee in alteration of names and titles of honour to the Nobles. Taico had settled peace thorough all japon from Wars, from Robbers by land, and from Rovers by sea, which before continually infested all with Piracies (one of which Noximandono is mentioned by the Jesuits in this time to have had a great Fleet of ships, Noximandono a japonian Pirate. and to have forced a great part of the Coast to yearly tribute unto him, to be freed from his Robberies) only the Dairi had higher title: and a Crown and Sceptre seemed wanting to his reality of Regality and Sovereignty already possessed. And now whiles he intended to exceed himself in his entertainment of the Ambassadors, one of them hating this long detention or imprisonment in Corai, Prodigious reins. fled; which news Augustine sent to both Courts. From China the Legacy was renewed, the Delinquents kindred punished. Mean while the two and twentieth of july, 1596. at Meaco it rained ashes, wherewith the houses, hills, and trees were covered as with snow, and a great mist accompanied it. At the same time at Ozaca and Sacaia it rained sands. At Meaco after the shower of ashes came another of hairs, long and white like the hoary hairs of an old woman's head, but softer, and not so smelling when cast into the fire. In the Northern Kingdoms of jechu, jechingo, Scimano, and Nota, the land and houses were covered with them. A Comet appeared in August: on the thirtieth whereof followed an Earthquake as a warning to a greater on the fourth of September, Earthquakes. which threw down Taicos magnificent Hall with a thousand Tatamos, in which he had purposed to entertain the China Legates; and the Tower of seven lofts, and another Tower, and almost all the buildings of the Fortress, and the Storehouses, which were very large, and stored with Corn, and half the houses of Ozaca, all in half an hour, six hundred people being buried in the ruins. It made a noise like Thunder, and like the waves beating on the shore. The Earth opened in many places. A great new Temple and a Monastery fell down, and the same day in which the jesuit had heard a Bonzi in the same Temple inviting to call upon Amida, and much depredicating his mercies. The next day at Meaco was a noise greater than of the greatest Cannons that ever were heard, dreadful to man and beast, and we said the Litanies on our knees, but scarcely could keep on our knees for the Earthquake. Others forsook their houses, lamented their dead (five hundred being overwhelmed; and fifteen or twenty Temples) called on their Amida: and some ran to Fuscimo (Taicos new City for him and his Nobles) whereof the best part was ruined, * japonian policy to keep all the Lords about the Court for security; seldom suffered to visit their Kingdoms. China Presents and Letters. and much harm happened in many other places. Taicos Palace at Fuscimo fell down, and oppressed seventy women, himself escaped into the Kitchen untouched: and the relations of that Earthquake would yield a book alone. Taico yet would seem to domineer over Nature, and level a very huge Hill with the Valley, to erect new Palaces. And because he could not entertain at Fuscimo the China Ambassadors, he received them at Ozaca. The solemn state and pomp I omit. They had audience the twentieth of October. The King's Letter was written in a plate of Gold very great and ponderous, enclosed in a golden Coffer, wherein also was the Vest, and royal Crown for Taico, and in another was a Crown for Mandocorasama his Wife with title of Queen. He sent also twenty Vests of Quingui with title and dignity of China for twenty Lords (the first of which was Augustine) by him named, and as many for those whom Taico should name. In the Epistle of the King were these words, Futatabi cioscen vocasu cotonacare, that is, Thou shalt not return again into Corai, and if thou returnest, thy dignity shall no longer advantage thee, words importing their vassalage to the Chinois. The Ambassador and Taico were equal in sitting on the Tatamis; the chief Lords of japon were present; and after the taste of their * Chia an herb used in warm water in all entertainments in japon and China. Chia, Taico received the Epistle or golden plate, and laid it on his head, and the Vests, going in to put them on. At his return the Chinois adored him, and a feast followed with pompous plenty: which was continued other days. But when the Legates moved him to pull down his Forts in Corai, and to pardon the Coraians', he broke into exceeding fury, and commanded them back to Corai, and extruded them in great haste out of the Country with inhuman usage. About this time Peter Martin's first Bishop of japon came thither. Bish. of japon. Taico died Sept. 16. 1598. having taken politic order for the State, and as foolish for himself to be made a God, prescribing the form of his Temple: One was crucified for speaking of his death. Word was sent by the Governors which Taico had appointed as protectors for his Son, to the japonian Lords in Corai, to return, and so after seven years that war had end. ●●an Pastus. Alex Va●gnanus P. Pilo lib. 5. c. 1●. §. 4. See of his death tom. 1. p. 407. T●m●le of Scinfaciman. C●p● Saris told me he saw it. What events followed after in japon, you may see in my Pilgrimage, and somewhat also before in Captain Saris, and Master Cocks relations: Taicosamas posterity rooted out, and Ogasha Sama seizing the Sovereignty to himself. So much harder is it to be a Man then a God, and easier to bequeath a Temple and title of Camus, and divine worship as to a new Faciman or Mars (all which his Ex●cutors performed and caused to be effected; his body not burned after the wont, but as he had prescribed, put in a C●est and translated to that sumptuous Temple, where he is worshipped as the principal of all the Cami) with an Image erected to him, (seen by Cap. Saris) then to bequeath long life to himself, accomplishment to his Coraian designs, or sure succession to his posterity, in all which he failed. But we will with our persecuted Jesuits leave japon, and ship ourselves for China. §. III. RUGGERIUS enters again into China with RICIUS, and is forced back to Amacao; thence sent for again by the Viceroy. Sande and Almeida are sent to them, and enter the Country as far as Cequion, and return to Sciauchin. IT is a custom in China, that of all Charters granted by the Magistrates a copy is kept in the registry, and the execution, or what hath therein been done, subscribed at the end. The succeeding Viceroy finding the copy of that Charter granted to the Jesuits at their departure, without such subscription (because nothing had been done therein) wrote to Canton, to the Aitao; he (which then was absent) to the Ansam or Hiam-xan, the Governor of the City, and he being ignorant thereof, to the Port-governours at Amacao. They went to the Bishop, and by him were sent to our College where they were showed the sealed Charter: but there being then Melchior Carnerus Patriarch of Ethiopia (which expedition was dissolved) Capralis, Gomez, Pasius, and other principal Jesuits, it was thought fit, Sup. l. 7. in fines that it should not be delivered to the Soldiers, but carried by two Jesuits to the Aitao: and Ruggerius with Ricius were therein employed, the China Captains also consenting that they should go to Ansan, thence by the Cihien or Governor, to be sent to Canton. Cihien a Governor of a Hien or City▪ This Cihien when they came thither would have sent it and not them, which they refused, whereupon he grew angry, cast it on the ground, and commanded them to return back; saying, that a deposed Viceroys grant could no way benefit them. They went to their Inn, and there consulted to go without his leave, deceiving a Shipmaster with sight of the said Charter, who took them into his ship; but terrified by others, cast them out again with their goods. At this time came a message to the Cihien of his Father's death, whereupon (according to the China Custom) he lost his office and returned home during his three years' mourning. They by this occasion, and a weightier cause, (money given to the Successor) and the Notary's subtlety in a seeming service to the Commonwealth, were sent in manner as prisoners to Canton, as strangers found there. The Aitao notwithstanding gave them kind entertainment. They petitioned, showing, Jesuits supplication. that they were Religious men which had passed so many Seas alured by the fame of China, there to spend their days: and desired nothing but a small piece of ground to raise thereon a little house to the Lord of Heaven, and they would be further burdensome to none, but procure livelihood of their own men's benevolence. They mentioned nothing of Christian Religion, lest it might cause suspicion, and be a let to them; the Chinois thinking too well of themselves, that strangers should teach them any thing, which they have not already more complete in their own Books. Rebellions have also begun under colour of new Sects. The Aitao or high Admiral commended their desires, but said, it belonged to higher Magistrates, and could only be granted by the Ciai-yven (the visitor of the Province) or the Viceroy. Ciai-yven or Chaen, Provincial visitor. They desired that he would at least let them stay there in the Palace of the King of Siams' Legates, till the Portugals Mart came, and in mean time they would try what they could do with the visitor or Viceroy. This he granted, but the same day repeated, professing that he feared the Visitor (if out of Mart-time he should find stranger's there) whose censure is dreadful to every Magistrate. He therefore commanded them presently to pack for Amacao. They were comen back to Ansan, and found things in worse case than before. For at the gates of the City they found an Edict set up by Co the new Viceroy, blaming the China Interpreters which had put into the heads of Stranger-priests to learn the China language and Characters, and to desire some place for to erect a sacred and private house, Money brings the Jesuits to China, and procures them residence. threatening those interpreters if they persisted. In this despair of proceeding, they had not been a week gone, when from Sciauquin, the seat of the Viceroy, one of his guard came to Amacao and brought the Cifu, (so they call the Governor of that Province) his Letters Patents by the Viceroys authority, inviting the Fathers to Sciauquin, there to receive a piece of ground for a Church and dwelling house. The cause hereof was an offer made by the Fathers (when they were sent away from Sciauchin, by the deposed Viceroy to Canton) of a sum of money to any which should procure of the New Viceroy licence for their return. One of the meanest Soldiers in name of Interpreter to the Society had put up a Petition to the Viceroy, who sent it to the Governor of the Region called Guam-puon, of Cequion Province) to be dispatched, who gave the former Letters Patents to the Soldier, which brought them himself to Macao. They with great joy, as seeing the Divine hand herein, made ready for the journey, Liuqueceo. Viegas bounty. which the former expenses and late Shipwracks (especially of the japon Ship in the I'll Leuquiceo, which alone hath most of the wealth of the City in it) made difficult; but Gaspar Viegas charitably bestowed the expense, seconded also by others. Thus full of hope they set sail, and in Canton, both now and when before they were dismissed from Sciauquin, they found Spaniards. Then, a Ship which from the Philippinas was bound for New Spain, Friars in China, see cap. 3. was wracked at the I'll Nan-tau, on the Canton coast; the men which escaped were kept in durance: And now, seven or eight Franciscan Friars, which had gone from the same Philippinas for Cauchinchina, hearing the King was become a Christian, and in their return were wracked on the I'll Hainan, and taken and spoilt, and presented to the Magistrates for Pirates, whose liberty these Jesuits procured, Anno 1583. promising all recompense at Amacao. Hence they had set forth in the beginning of September, 1583. and in the same month came to Sciauquin, in that Soldier's company, by whom they were conveyed to the Governors' Palace, and kneeling before him made request as in the Soldiers mentioned Petition had been contained, and were kindly answered, that they should go about the City and spy out some convenient place for their purpose, Sciauquin tower. which he doubted not to procure of the Viceroy for them. At the same time at Sciauquin, they were erecting by the common charge of the Eleven Cities of that jurisdiction, a Tower (whereof one floor was now raised, to which they intended to add nine others above it) in a pleasant place by the River's side, a mile and more from the City, Temple and statue to Governors. the Suburbs continuing further than it. In the same place they set forth a Temple, and therein erected a Statue to the Governor, whose six years' government had well deserved of the learned, and of the vulgar. A piece of that field in which the flourishing Tower (so they called it) was building, they desired, which he liked well, and promised to further them with the Viceroy. Ignoto Deo. Wild Christianity. The Jesuits at their former departure, had left an Altar with one Ciu Nico, who had placed the same in a convenient place, for want of Images inscribing above, it Thien Chu in cubical letters, that is, To the Lord of Heaven. He made also thereunto diverse Incenses, and at set times yielded divine honours before it; which much rejoiced the Fathers, seeing that there was one found which invoked the true God. And this man gave them entertainment, till they had received the Viceroys answer, approving their request; and the next day the Governor set forth a plot of ground for them with strait caution to observe the Laws of China, and to admit no Strangers companions to dwell with them; which they promised. Much was the concourse and admiration of people, much the wonder at their triangle Glass, the Image of our Lady, a wrought Handkerchief, with which they presented the Governor; but he returned all afterward, Jesuits build a house, at first mean, after greater. fearful of Bribe-imputation. Much trouble arose about that place, and another was assigned them, where they began to build and were forced to pawn their precious triangle Glass, to fit it for their use; they obtained also an ample Charter from the Viceroy, and two Patents from the Governor which protected them from wrongs. In these beginnings they made little mention of the Gospel, but employed their spare time in learning the Language and Characters, by a Holy life seeking to insinuate themselves into the people's good liking. Their habit was like the modestest of the Chinois, a long Gown with large sleeves: Their house had two Cells, and betwixt them a Hall with an Altar in the midst, on which they set the Image of the Blessed Virgin, D. wanting to Chinois. carrying her Son. They called their God, Thien-cui, Lord of Heaven; for the Chinois want the D. which caused that they could not give any name more fit: and this name continueth to this day, although they use others also, as Highest Ruler of all, Images worshipped. First beginning of all, and the like. The blessed Virgin is called the Great Mother of God. This Image on the Altar, all which visited them both Magistrates, Students, Priests, and common people, did religiously worship, kneeling and (after their rite) knocking lightly the ground with their foreheads. They admired the excellency of the Picture and colours without ceasing. But when it began to be rumoured, that they worshipped a Woman for God, they took away that Picture and substituted the Image of Christ. After this, they painted the ten Commandments in the China language, which many approved. Some brought them Incense for holy uses, and some bestowed their Alms; others also Oil for the Lamp which burned before the Altar; and the Fathers commended their Law, as agreeing to the light of Nature. The first which was Baptised, was a poor diseased man cast forth by his parents, First Baptism whom they instructed, and a little before his death baptised. The relief which they bestowed on him before, caused a rumour amongst the vulgar, that those Strangers knew by the man's complexion, Fancies of the vulgar. that he had a precious stone in his head, the cause of all that beneficence. The Chinois much admired the Books, of which the Fathers had store, the artificial binding, gild, cost, goodliness of the Print, and their studiousness in the China books; and received with great applause a Book of Christian learning which they printed. Yea, the Governor after the China rite would needs do them public honour, Tables of honour. which is done by sending a goodly Table with Cubitall letters in praise of them, with the Magistrates name, and the date inscribed in less letters. Two of these with great pomp he sent unto them, the one to be set over the entrance with inscription, The house of the flower of Divine men; the other to be placed in the Hall, inscribed, The holy Nation of the West: which won them great reputation, this Magistrate being much reputed for learning and virtue. Our wants caused Ruggerius to entreat leave to go to Amacao for supply, which he obtained with a fair Ship and thirty Rowers. The Governor requested also, that a Clock might be made for him. But the poverty of the Amacaons', their Ship not being come from japon, and the College enjoying no Rents, caused him to send the workman to Sciauquin, to make it there; which he took in good part. Now the Chinois are a people suspicious of Strangers, especially those ruder parts of the Province of Canton, and much muttered at the Portugals Commerce, Chinois in Hospital. Portugal's called Devils. saying, they made all things dearer, and the profit came but to few. They gave an odious appellation to the Portugals, calling them Devils. To this, Fame had added a spur, reporting that their famous Tower was the work of Strangers, (which had no ground but that their house was building at the same time) and the Flourishing Tower, was styled the Strangers Tower. Tenderd●n steeple. They therefore in Ruggerius absence offered great abuses by throwing stones, being angry that they kept their house shut, which they would have had made an Idol Temple, always open to all. One boy in throwing stones, was taken by the servant and brought in, but at others request soon dismissed. Hereupon two neighbours conspired, to set a fellow on work to accuse these strangers for seducing Children, as they had done this youth his brother, Conspiracy. (so they agreed) and kept him three days, with intent to sell him for a Slave at Amacao. The two neighbours offered to be witnesses hereof. The accusation was put up in pitiful manner, and the Governor much moved, the Father fetched into Court by an Officer, before he could have leisure to write his answer. The Interpreter had filled his sleeves with stones, which he poured out in Court as witnesses of their abuses. The judge smelled the business, False accuses truly rewarded. and by examination of the Tower workman which had seen it, found out the knavery, and rewarded it with terrible whipping; and forbade all abuses to be offered to them. Ricius his skill in the Mathematics which he had learned, being an Auditor of Clavius at Rome, was no small help to them. They had a Cosmographical Map in European Characters, Mathematics and Map of the world, introduction to the Gospel. hanging in their Hall, which the learned beheld with great pleasure, much desiring to see it in China characters, little knowing, as little having to do with the rest of the world. They had Maps pretending a Description of the world, but presented only their fifteen Provinces, with the Sea and a few Lands, and the names of such Kingdoms as they had heard of, all which Kingdoms scarcely equalled one Province of China. Chinois ignorant of the world. They now wondered much to see themselves straightened in an Eastern corner of the world, and Ricius at the Governors' request, published it in China characters: and inserted, as he saw cause, the rites of the world and the Christian holies. They have a conceit, that the Heavens are round, the Earth square, Ricius his Map. and their Empire to be seated in the midst thereof; he therefore so projected his Description, that he presented China in the midst. They that before thought basely of all other men, The world ushers the jesuits Gospel. as if elsewhere were no King, nor Republic, nor Books, began to be better conceited of Europaeans, and to be better prepared for the seed of the Gospel: and might hereby also less fear European forces so remote from them. This work he often revised and corrected, till it came at last both to the two Royal Cities, and to the King's house. The workman at the same time finished the Clock, and both were together presented to the Governor, who at his own cost published the Map, and soon after restored the Clock, because he had none which knew how to order it. The Ship coming from japon, Ruggerius well relieved returned, Ruggers return. whereby the house was finished, their debts paid, and the building with stories, the disposition of the windows, furniture, fair situation on the River with goodly prospect, and European rarities, brought many, even great Magistrates, to behold it. Ricius proceeded to make Spheres of Brass and Iron; Sphe●res and Globes. he Printed also Globes, and made Sunne-dyals', which he gave to the Magistrates. And by his lectures on these subjects, he got reputation of the best ginger in the world, they esteeming others by themselves. The Governor was about this time advanced to a higher Dignity, Linsitau Ruler of two or three Divisions or Hundreds. called Linsitau, having the rule of two or three Regions and all the Towns therein, not removing from Sciauquin: and as the Chinois are superstitious observers of Auguries, he conceived that he proved the luckier man by this familiarity with our men, which he signified when they came to him, with a present to gratulate these honours. In the Philippinas the news of the Jesuits success caused the Governor to send the Treasurer john Baptista Romanus to Amacao, See that Bull. sup. l. 2. c. 1. Gaine separates the subjects of one Crown, without separation of state. Apply this to the quarrel 'twixt the English and Dutch in the Indies. And hereby you see the Jesuits instruments of secular affairs Edw. Menese, whose Book you have in the 9 book. tom. 1. with Father Alfonso Sancius a Spanish jesuit, with a Watch and other presents and letters to the Jesuits, to procure an Ambassage from the King of Spain to China. The Jesuits had with petitioning brought the business to good forwardness, when they received contrary mandates from Amacao, it being likely to prove the destruction of that City, if the Spaniards with their plenty of Silver from Peru and New Spain, should have trade in China; neither did this belong to the Spaniards, but to the Portugals, according to the Composition betwixt the two Kings made by Alexander the sixth: and although they are both subject now to one Crown, yet their privileges remain distinct without confusion. Thus both the Magistrate advised, and their superior the Rector prohibited them to proceed. Yet the former working was not ceased by Silence, till the Amacaon Magistrates laboured with diverse reasons to divert the Ambassage. Capralis the Rector was desirous to see their house, and they procured the Linsitaus leave, so that he came thither, viewed all, and Baptised both the youngman before mentioned which kept the Altar, and a learned man which read the China Books to the Fathers, this called Paul, the other john, the first China Converts. Valignanus made Provincial of India, hearing of this success, sent thither Father Edward Sande, and Father Antony Almeida: and obtained of the Viceroy Edward Menese, an annual stipend for this mission. They came to Amacao in july, 1585. At the same time it seasonably happened, that Linsitau was commanded from the Court, to procure of the Strangers at Amacao, certain goodly feathers for the King. He furnished a fair ship and sent Ruggerius thither, F. Edw: Sande. and brought with him Father Edward Sande, who went to salute Linsitau, and gave him no mean gift of our Commodities to procure abode, whereof nothing so pleased him as a triangle Glass. He gives him leave to stay, on condition that they admit no other companion. In Linsitaus place had succeeded another of Cequion Province, a great friend of the Fathers, who being to go to Pequin about some affairs of his Office every third year, was feasted at our house (where the Magistrates were often solemnly entertained) and then offered to carry one of ours with him in his journey, at least as far as Cequion his own Country. Antony Almeida, Licence for Cequian. They willing to erect some new seat, lest some disaster might in a moment strip them easily of one and all, agreed that Ruggerius and Sand● should go, and received licence for entering the Provinces of Cequian and Huquan, and places adjoining. This was the Mart time whither Ruggerius went, and found Almeida come thither with the Portugals. Thither also a Brother of Lusitau was gone with much Merchandise of Silk, (the most whereof is made in the Cequian Province) which the Portugals bought at his price by the Father's entreaty, who therefore took the Fathers, his brother's friends, to his City in Cequian, called Sciauhin, (a name somewhat near the other, but in China a little difference proveth great) the native place of both the Governors. The Chinois have a custom to be called by many names, and no man calls them by their proper name, Strange course for names. Jesuits change their names. (but themselves in naming or writing themselves, or sometimes their superiors) without injury: they taking a greater name, which others give them for more honour. Now the Fathers had yet assumed no other name, but their servants called them by their proper name, a thing amongst the Chinois reputed barbarous. They therefore (to become all things to all, to win all to Christ) then followed that fashion, and ever since at their first entrance assume a new Name. Their journey is thus written by Almeida. Almeidas' Letter to Ed. Sande. Rector at Xauchin or Sciauchin, contracted. On the eleventh of the Kalends of December, 1585. we departed from Canton. The third day the Ship happened to be on fire, some imputing that unluckiness to us: but without much harm it was quenched. Whiles we sailed through the Canton Province, we seldom came in sight and never want out of the Ship till we came to Moylimpor. I can therefore relate nothing of that Province, but that there were very many Cities, and Towns very frequent, and steep high Mountains, betwixt which that River slideth to diverse tracts of the Province stored with waters, Wares and Shipping. Every where we beheld sumptuous Aedifices dedicated to the worship of Devils, and of Ships almost infinite multitude, and of waterfowl innumerable store, and herds of Goats feeding by the Woods, to the seventh of the Ides of December. Moilin. Then we arrived at Moilim a City, near which is the beginning of that River, whose course being swift, we were drawn by ropes and rowed with Oars against it. Into this City we should hardly have found admission, the passage being by a Bridge with two Iron chains, opened only and shut at the will of the Governor. But our Conductor having acquaintance with the Linsitau, we had present entrance, The Linsitaus brother aforesaid. Another river. hardly able to pass for the multitude of Ships, there waiting. We were there well entertained, and on Sunday and Monday said Mass. On Tuesday we went to a City eight miles distant, there regaizing the commodity of another River. All that way was paved with stones; in which we pass a Mountain, on the top whereof was an arch with an inscription of his name, who had facilitated that way, otherwise difficult. The weather was unseasonable, rainy and cold, perhaps because the whole way in manner was Mountainous. Way paved and populous. I do not remember that ever I saw way so frequented, not then when Merchants resort to public Fairs: for all the Merchandise from Nanquin, and the places adjoining are brought hither. Also the Merchants which inhabit the remotest Cities in that way, on both sides had Partners for the conveying of their Wares, very fitly; for our Conductor had nothing to do but to deliver one hundred and fifty Packs of Wares with other provisions for the way, to his Host, Seats and Porters in the highways. which all he should find in his Inn in the next Town. These Partners also provide Horses for the Servants and Seats for the Masters to be carried in by two Porters defended from the Rain by Sumbreros, or Shadows which they carry in their hands. When he had passed half the way, we changed our Seats and Porters, and had others to the Inn; to these nothing is due but some small gratuity, the Host being paid for all: and a Seat is at as easy a rate here, as a Horse in our Country, with great commodity and frequency of Inns. In the Evening we came to the Town Faquen, and stayed there two days, Faquen. such concourse of Citizens coming to see us, that we were almost overwhelmed, and were glad to get a shipboard on Friday. On Saturday we sailed down the stream, fifteen days continuing our course, in which we hired three Barks, in one of which we only were carried. On both Banks many and fair Towns walled about, present themselves to the view of Passengers, seeming as big as Canton, Great Cities thick. which made me meditate of the facility of conveying the Gospel in these parts, we making all this way with as great tranquillity of body and mind, that we might in the ship pray or study and do other things as commodiously, as at home. On the sixteenth of the Kalends of january, we came to a most frequent City far greater than Canton, where the Tutan or Viceroy of the Province Chiansi resideth. Metropolitan City of Chiansi. It is high walled divided into three parts, a River flowing thorough with a Bridge of Barks, joining two parts of the City. On this Bridge customs are paid, but our Conduct being the Lancitau● Brother passed without search. And although we feared to be examined by the Magistrate, yet no man troubled us, they being not so inquisitive in other parts as in Canton Province, about strangers: yea, they entertain them more honourably everywhere then your Worship at Xauchin. About half a mile from this Bridge another River joineth with this, which runneth by the other side of the City, and makes the third part of the City. I wished the Fathers a College in this place both for the fertility of the soil and wholesomeness of the Air. Having provided necessaries for the rest of our journey in this City, we went aboard and in the space of six or seven days going down the stream, we beheld on both sides very goodly Woods, and many Piles of wood on the Banks necessary for those cold Regions, and holding on our course passed by seven Cities, or more, famous for greatness and Merchandise: and on Christmas Even came to the greatest City of all Chiansi, where we stayed that night for that Solemnity. But he which then was borne exercised our patience with a grievous Northwind, whereby the River water (otherwise clear) was so troubled that on Christmas day we could not drink it. For the River's course is Northward, All this way is apparent in the new Map. which therefore by a Northwind is so moved. The next day sailing by a City which by the sight we judged greateer then Lisbon, in one days passage further, we came to the way which leads to Nanquin, where diverse Rivers joining together make a kind of Cross with great commodity for Trade and passage. New River. For a Bark well defended against wind and weather, convenient for two Gentlemen with their Servants and baggage, may here be hired for twenty or thirty days, at an easier rate than a man shall pay for Horses from Coimbra to Li●bone. For from Canton to Moilin fifteen days journey, for a ship which carried two hundred Packs of Merchandise of diverse kinds, we paid but nine jaes, and seven for those three which we hired for twenty days more. After that, leaving the Northern way which goeth to Nanquin or Lanquin, Nine Tatis. we turned Westward against the stream, yet with benefit of the wind favouring us, we went fifteen and sometimes twenty * These miles seem to be intended Spanish leagues. Cold Region. miles a day: in which space sailing by very large fields we arrived at a City where fair Porcelain is made, thence carried into India and Europe. We passed by many Woods also and some Cities. The cold meanwhile was so great, that one day all was covered with Snow. The River decreased, and on the third of the Nones of januarie, they unladed the Merchandise into ten less Boats, and sailed two days, we came to a large City, to which we had entry by a Bridge borne up with fifty painted Barks. On the Nones of january we came to Gouli, a City at the end of our Navigation by that River. Here in celebrating Mass we were thronged by the multitude. And a Priest of the Idols invited us, which then performed to his Idols Ceremonies at his House, Altars there erected, & Priests invited, Papists and Paynims Ceremonies alike. & Hymns used, where he and those Bonzi used us kindly. Here we observed that the Devil counterfeited the Ceremonies of the Catholic Church. We went thence by the foot way carried in portable seats as before six or seven miles: and then entered the Province of Ciquion, at the Sunset entering the City Cuixion. Ciquion. Cuixion. On the Ides of januarie we again went a shipboard holding our course by another River which in that City first beginneth to be Navigable, the slow stream lingering with us three days, in which yet we saw eight Cities, about which we found unmeasurable quantity of Oranges, very high Hills abounding with Trees and underwoods, New River. betwixt which that pleasant River sweetly slides, receiving from every place new Tributes of waters that it proveth now as large as that of Canton Province. And although China have name of fertility, yet here appeared some prints of japonian sterility. For in five days space we could get nothing but Rapes and Rice, and a little fish. On the eleventh of the Kalends of February, we passed by a large City twice as great as Canton, Sterility. as those which knew the Region affirmed: for we by reason of Snowes and Mists could see nothing but some high Towers. At Sun going down we came to a Town, against which a Bow-shot distant on the other side of the River, we were forced to take a new ship, and causing our ship to be drawn (a light hanged out at the Mast) the next morning we came to the City Ciquion, the end of our journey. In this City, which as Father Rogers (or Ruggerius) is wont to say, Sciaubin or Ciquion like Venice. is a type and representation of Venice, God hath provided us of a good House, on one side having the City, on the other the River for prospect, with convenient Rooms and a Garden, and a fit place for a Chapel. On both sides of us dwell Idolatrous Priests, which yet use us kindly, and daily come to hear our Doctrine, as do others in great multitudes, that we cannot yet avoid their frequent concourse to hear and see us. To the chief of them we showed our Altar erected to the Immortal God, which they beheld with great reverence, worshipping the Image of our Saviour. And the greatest Magistrates were so affected with our Christian Ceremonies, that they said they would not suffer us to depart. Some of them invited and entertained Father Rogers: one of them of far greater rank than the Governor of the City, who then mourned for his Mother, and invited us by his Steward to her Funeral Solemnity; whom we answered that our Prayers availed not but to the worshippers of the true God. He used the Father with very great respect, giving him the higher place at table, and accompanying him at the parting to the utmost gate of his Palace, seeming much delighted with the Mysteries of our Faith. Three others greater than the Governor have comen to visit us, and others come so frequent that it is troublesome. The Priests also give us good looks, whatsoever they think. The Aedifices both public and private, the streets and Lanes of the City are larger and fairer than in the City of Canton. The Citizens also in gravity of manners, and civility of Habit, differ not a little from the Inhabitants of Canton and Sciauchin. There is no City in Portugal, Lisbon except, that is any way for greatness comparable, The singularities I shall write at another time. Ciquion the fourth of the Ides of February, 1586. Provincials Letter. Forty Chinois compared to 40000. japonian Converts. The Provincial of India writ to the General that at their return to Xauchin they found forty Christians added to the Church, which number in those beginnings in the ample and barbarous Kingdom of China, may be equalled to forty thousand Christians in the japonian Provinces: from Goa 14. Kal. jan. 1587. §. four False Brethren and others accusations detected, they are expelled Sciauchin: erect a Seat at Xauceum. Monastery of Nanhoa and other things of note in those parts. They alter their habit; Voyage to Nanquin; the Lake, Rivers, Idols and other Rarities. RIcius calls that City where they resided Sciauhin, and saith, it is a principal City, though not the Metropolitan of the Province, noble in commerce, in situation (in the midst of a fresh water Lake) in wits and learned men. They baptised there Linsitaus Father and two or three Infants, which then dying they thrust into Heaven at unwares. Sixtus the Pope granted a great Indulgence to the Society, to further the japonian and Chinese business: and Aquaviva the General sent them three Watches and an artificial Clock, which was great, yet moved by wheels without weights, and struck also the quarters to the great admiration of the Chinois. Coellius first teacher to paint. Others sent Pictures, one the work of Gaspar Coelius who first taught the japonians and Chinois the European Painting to the great good of both Churches. But the Kinsmen of Linsitau seeing such flocking to the Fathers grew suspicious of danger, and caused them to be recalled, and Linsitau also to be estranged from them. Also one Tansiao-hu a great acquaintance of Linsitau, with purpose to get somewhat from the Fathers, questioned Ruggerius why he had not seen Mount Vutan in the Province of Huquam, a famous resort of Pilgrims; who answered that he durst not without the Magistrates leave: Vutan a holy place haunted by Pilgrims. I will procure it, saith he, and did so. In the way Ruggerius went to the Mother City of Quamsi, where he visited one of the Royal blood, not knowing that such have nothing to do with the State, and was not admitted, but bidden first to go to the Viceroy, to whom he went and had no injury, nor yet wont humanity, but was bidden to prosecute his Pilgrimage and not to stay there. Linsitau hearing of this, sought to shift his hands of them, and with much ado they obtained that two might be permitted to stay in their house. New Convert, a false Knave. Another danger happened by one Martin a new Convert which had made two other Converts believe that the Fathers could by a certain herb turn Quicksilver into silver, and by that means maintained themselves. Now the Chinois being exceedingly affected to that Alchymisticall vanity, these gave money to buy a Wife, and other costs to that false brother who undertook to learn of Father Ruggerius and to teach the other two that Science. And having gotten what he could of them, he also borrowed the Triangle Glass of the Fathers, with which he ran away. The Governor one day desiring to see it, they told him who had stolen it, and he sent an Officer which found him out and brought him bound. He, to be revenged of the Fathers, accused one of them of Adultery; and the Husband of the pretended Adulteress (partner in the Conspiracy) put up a Petition against Ruggerius, who upon inquisition was found at the time named to have been in Quamsi, two months journey thence. The Accuser hoped to get somewhat, being poor, to stop his mouth, which they refased utterly, and he for fear fled, together with his Wife. The Father was judicially cleared, and Martin in his presence received twenty cruel stripes, and condemned to the Galleys, Martin whipped to death. was sent to Linsitau who had first committed him to confirm the sentence; who added sixty stripes more, and being beggared and cast in bonds he was forsaken of all his Friends, and (the Fathers meanwhile relieving him) died within few days of the wounds. He which had gotten the Glass from Martin, another Convert, came and restored it to them, left it might breed him danger being found with him. Linsitau was preferred to a higher dignity in the Province of Huquam. To him the City had erected a Temple, and on the Altar had set his Statue; Manner of honouring good Magistrates. before the Altar a great Hearth for burning incense: Candlesticks were also magnificently placed; and at his departure the whole City there visited him, and after their rite, p●lled off his old Boots (Boötes are the ensigns of Magistracy) and put on new, putting the old in a Chest, and locking them up to be reserved for a monument of his worth. Ruggerius went to Amacao, and Matthew got leave for Father Edward the Superior to return to Sciauquin. The new Converts which had lost their money, by Martin's death, devised new tumults against the Fathers; the River (which is a mile broad) overflowing, damnified the houses of the City, whence grew occasions of new abuses to Ours. The visitor endeavoured to procure Legation from the Pope to China, and Ruggerius was sent to Europe on that business, which took little effect by the death of diverse Popes; he spending the rest of his life at Salerne in the Kingdom of Naples. R. goeth into Europe. Ricius was alone a good while, till Almeida came to him. His Clock, by the Dial to the eyes, and by selfe-striking to the ears, caused no little wonder. But a new calumny much endangered them made to the Ciai-yven. For certain old men of Canton, which are honoured for that in their whole lives they never have accused any, nor been accused of any, enjoying therefore a yearly feast out of the public treasure, a peculiar Vest, and diverse other immunities, Privileged old men. put up a Petition, admonishing of the danger of the Amacaons', Their elegant Petition is whole in Ricius, too long for this place. and especially those Spies which had builded houses of diverse stories, and every day proceed with new arts, giving money toward the building of Sciauquin Tower to get entrance into that City, sailing to and fro without impediment, dangerous to the State. This is that which our Books foretell, Ye have sown thorns and nettles in a gentle soil, ye have brought in Serpents and Dragons into your houses. That of Amacao is like a sore on the hands or feet easily cured at leisure, but this of Sciauquin, an ulcer seizing on the breast and heart timely to be remedied, etc. The visitor reputed a severe man committed it to the Haitu, and at last it came to the Governor of Sciauchin, who then being at Pequin to perform the customary triennial visitation to the King, Phan his colleague (our friend, than Lieutenant) assisted us with his Counsel, and they gave their Glass to the new Linsitau, who ended the quarrel with the visitor, as being a false calumny. The two Marts provided them of exhibitions and European Presents from Canton, and their Clock, Mathematic Instruments, Geographical Maps, Pictures, and Books, with Musical Instruments, had procured them much visitation, and much estimation of Europe, and some fruit thereof in Conversions. Neither was this Station unprofitable to Amacao, helping their affairs with the Magistrates, in businesses with the Viceroy, in cases of shipwracks, Jesuits merit their exhibition by service to the state. in reducing fugitive slaves. It happened at that time the Viceroy dying, his Successor would not through superstition enter his Palace till he had pulled it quite down and built it anew at the King's charge. Meanwhile spending his time in Canton Province, he was made against us and banished us. But the Magistrates being our friends, Jesuits banished. and order comen then from Pequin to buy Scarlets of the Portugals, F. Mat. Ricius was employed, and got their good liking, but not leave by any means of the Viceroy to stay at Sciauchin. Yea, he forced upon the Governor the execution of his Mandate to pack them away, offering money for the house, which they refused to take, saying, a house built for God's service might not be sold, and it were ill merchandise to take sixty pieces of Gold for six hundred which it had cost them. Jesuits house cost 600. pieces of Gold, which in Ch●na is a great sum. Nanh●um. Xauceum. When they came at Canton the Admiral was absent, and whiles they waited for him the Viceroy sent a Bark for them to return, and then permitted them to choose any other place of residence. Ricius choose Nanhium in the Province of Quiansi (or Quamsi, or Chiansi) which he refused not, but wished them first to try at Nanhoa, or at Xauceum, commending them to the Assistant of the Governor thereof, then present, and gave Ricius a bundle of books of his own acts in token of good will, who thanked him with his forehead to the ground, after their fashion. They departed from Sciauchin on the Assumption day, 1589. They came to the place called Sancevi, or Three-waters, 1589. where the Rivers of Xauceum from the North falls into a great River: there they use to change ships, to have others fitted in other fashion to sail against the stream. In eight days sailing to the North, they came to the place where the Governors' servant stayed for them to bring them to the Temple or Monastery of Nanhoa, part of which the Viceroy had given them if they liked it. This Monastery they found in a goodly Plain, Nanhoa Monastery of 1000 Monk's. environed with pleasant Hills, enriched with hand-set fruitbearing trees, watered with a Riveret in the midst: the goodliest Hill, graced with a plentiful Fountain, was the Seat of the Temple, a great pile; nigh which was the Monastery wherein a thousand Priests (by the impious piety of the Ancestry, Lords of that ground) had their abode. Lusus Legend. The original thereof was a man which lived about eight hundred years since, called Lusu, who is reported to have flourished in great reputation of holiness by reason of his austere course of life; with a chain girded to his bare flesh, wont to sift Rice, and to beat it lightly after their manner, as much as served for the daily food of a thousand Monasteries. With that chain his flesh putrified, Bodily exercise profiteth little, 1. Tim. 4.8. so that worms bred therein: of which if any happened to fall to the ground, he placed it there again, saying, Hast thou nothing to eat? why dost thou run away? There is his carcase preserved and that famous Temple built to his worship, to which is concourse of Pilgrims out of all the Kingdom, Pilgrimage. everywhere he and all his being much reputed. These Ministers of the Devil are divided into twelve Stations, each having his Superiors, and over all an Abbot. When the Father came thither sent by the Viceroy, they supposed he had come to be their Abbot and to reform their abuses; for they not only had their Concubines and Bastards, but robbed by the highways. Now all the Idol Priests are as subject to the Magistrates as other men; perhaps because their Learned esteem not Idols, nor account these their Priests. Yet with China dissimulation they gave the Father's fair entertainment with much pretended joy, China hypocrisy. and officiously offered all at their Service, making them also a Solemn Feast, and then showing them the chief places of their Monastery. They were full of great Idols of Brass and other Metals, Monstrous Idolatry. Bels. and of wood gilded. In one Station were told five hundred. There were also many Steeples and Bells of Metal cast, one such as they had never seen in Europe to their remembrance. The body also of their Saint, Lusu, was showed, all shining with that their China bituminous Varnish (so vulgarly thought, Lusus Shrine. and preserved with incredible veneration, though many deny it to be his body:) In the midst of the Temple is an eminent place to which they ascend by neat steps, in which hang about fifty Lamps, but not all burning except on set days. The Chinois marvelled at the Father's doing no worship, a thing usually performed by those Chinois, which otherwise repose no confidence in those Idols. They both agreed; the Chinois Monks to be rid of their fear, and the Fathers to go to the City. At their departure, Father Almeida went by water, and F. Matthew by Land with the Governors' Servant, the Abbot bearing him company. He there told the Magistrate that he liked not of the Temple, because the men had an ill report as unsafe Neighbours, and he worshipped one God, and not Idols. This amazed the Governor, persuaded before, that there was in the World no other Law nor Characters than theirs, Folly of Self-pleasing. till Father Matthew pulled forth his Prayer-book. The Abbot also testified that he had worshipped none of the Idols, no not Lusus self. At last, the Governor was persuaded by him, that that of Idolworship was a later Sect amongst them; yea, the Abbot affirmed, that they deserved no worship, but that former Magistrates had observed that without Idols the vulgar would not keep Religion, and therefore set up these to be worshipped. Apply to Images. Original of Idols. Contesse and be hanged. Xauceum described. Nanhium. They visited all the City Magistrates which used them with more courtesy than those of Sciauchin. They went also to another Temple or Monastery called Quamhiao, on the other Western side of the River, and carried their goods thither till they were provided of a House. The City Xauceum is seated betwixt two Navigable Rivers which here met: the one which passeth by Nanhium on the East, the other running out of the Province of Vquam on the West. But the City walls and Houses are builded in the midst of the field, but they are forced by the straightness to build also on the other-side the River, joined with a Bridge on Barks. It containeth five thousand Households is fertile but unwholesome, the third or fourth part of the Inhabitants being sick of a Tertain from October to December, which takes away many, and leaves a pale Impression on the rest. Strangers also are no less arrested by it, when they come thither on business. And the Jesuits had almost lost themselves in this new purchase, where being recovered they had a Charter from the Viceroy to build their House in ground belonging to the Monastery. jesuits new Seat. Thither the Visitor sent them Sebastian Fernandus and Francis Martinez which had been trained up in the School of Amacao, the first Probationers in China. They to avoid expense, built this House of one Story after the China manner: and soon liked better of this then their former Residence. Chiutaiso (the son of one of the second rank of Magistrates called Sciansciu, a man famous, Chiutaiso Scholar of Ricius. as being the first named of the three hundred Doctors made every third year, and Author of Learned Works) had spent his Patrimony after his Father's death with Prodigality and experiments of Alchemy: and now was forced to shift, with his Wife and Servants wandering thorough the Kingdom to his Father's Friends, and becoming a Solicitor for other men to the Magistrates of his acquaintance. He having obtained of the Viceroy a Room in that Monastery became Neighbour to the Fathers; and one day with set Pomp (after the China custom) and precious Gifts came to Father Matthew, and chose him for his Master. It was not safe for the Father to refuse (though he requited his gifts, lest he should seem to have been brought thither by covetousness) and first taught him Arithmetic. For that which the Chinois have is with a Linen Instrument whereon Beads are put by wires, China Arithmetic. and shifted hither and thither to reckon their numbers: certain, but subject to Error, and unprofitable to high Sciences. He read to him also the Sphere of Clavius, and the first Book of Euclides Elements, and taught him to make Sun-dials of many sorts, and Geometrical Rules to measure Altitudes. He being of subtle wit, committed these things to writing in elegant stile, and showed them to Magistrates of his Acquaintance, so procuring great opinion and admiration to the jesuits. His wit and exceeding industry brought him to great skill, that he made Spheres, Astrolabes, Quadrants, Compasses, Dial's and other like, very artificially, and some of silver: withal so setting forth his Master and the European Learning, that it proved of no small consequence. By his means the Fathers had acquaintance with Pimpithan a Military Commander, with the Governors of the City and diverse other Magistrates. Almeida fell sick and was sent to Macao, to see if Physic might recover him, and there died. Ricius set forth a goodly Image hitherto unseen, on the Altar adorned with Wax Lights, which brought such concourse to see it, An Image sent from New Spain. that their envious Neighbours stoned the House and Servants by night: whereat Chiutaiso offended acquainted the Governor, which had before set his Decree over their door prohibiting all wrongs. He called the Street Governors (as Constables with us) and was likely there to have scourged them, pretending their ignorance, and putting chains about their necks after the fashion, sent them to seek out the wrong doers, Severe justice. and bring them to his Tribunal. They fearing to anger their Parents, durst not name them, till he commanded to whip the one and send the other to Prison, whereupon they named two, Fran. de Petris· whose punishment with much entreaty of the Father was pardoned. Father Francis de Petris, was sent (by the Magistrate's Licence obtained) to succeed in Almeidas' place. Viceroy deprived. The Viceroy was then preferred by his Friend's procurement and Bribes to a higher place, but the Provincial Visitor had so complained of his wrongs, that by the way he was acquainted that he was deprived of all Office, and fined at forty thousand pieces of Gold to the King. Besides, a filthy Ulcer broke out of him, and soon after he miserably died. Thus did God punish his pride, which to erect a Temple to himself at Sciauchin, had deprived the jesuits of their House. The fame at Sciauchin was that the jesuits were expelled for refusing to teach the Viceroy the Art of Alchemy. One Cosunboa a Merchant of the City Taicho in Chiansi, abode in Nanhiun, Taicho. and had some forty persons in his Family, a very Superstitious Idol-worshipper, in whose service he macerated his whole life in that China abstinence from Flesh, Fish, Eggs, and Milk, living only of Pulse, Rice, Herbs, and certain Cakes, industrious for his salvation in another life, China abstinence. but not satisfied with any of the China Sects. He had learned by Chiutaiso of the jesuits, and came to Xauceum and acquainting Father Ricius with his purpose, he was instructed and baptised joseph. He stayed with them a month, and after Ricius went to Nanhiun to him, and preached and baptised ten others. thieves by night assailing their House, the Governor was made acquainted, Nanhiun. who would have them indicted by the Fathers (which they did very sparingly, thieves. whereas the China manner is to add excessively) and he put them to torture; and forced them to confess: Their sentence one whose Hat or head covering falling off had bewrayed him, he condemned in Capital sentence; the other to be sent to the Galleys, or amongst the King's Slaves: which sentence was to pass to Superior Governors, and so to Sciauchin, and Father Ricius must go thither about it, which happened well for the new Converts which had for the most part grown wild. From thence he went to Amacao to speak with the Visitor, and returned to Sciauchin, where the Parents of the thieves procured him their Advocate which should have been the Plaintiff. Amongst the China Magistrates is one which hath his name of Pardoning punishments: He is sent in the Name of the Queen Mother, into each Province one. Their Office is to visit Prisons, to exempt the smaller offenders and to mitigate Sentences; for which the Magistrates hold them in great esteem. Queen's pardoner. But he would not succour these men, though the Father entreated. The Provincial Visitor only remained, who alone doth last of all revise the Sentences, and they despaired that he would revoke the judgement of seven or eight Magistrates. Hereupon they conspired fifty of them conjoining in an impious Sacrifice in a certain Temple to expel ours from Xauceum. But none of the Magistrates of the City subscribing (except one, who did it, to offend the Father's greatest friend) they better bethought themselves, and entreated Ricius to be their Intercessor; whereby the Visitor was persuaded to pronounce them Dicers and not thieves, and to exchange their sentence into twenty stripes a piece. Rioters. Theft ignominious. For the name of thieves would have been an ignominious brand to them and to their Kindred for ever. Yet would they have renewed their accusation to the Visitor, but he would not hear them. About that time the Precedent of the Court of Rites at Pequin, passed that way towards Hainam his Native Country, Pequin Precedent. who hearing of Ours (which he did not to the Visitors) visited them with gifts, and spent a whole day with them, promising at his return to carry Father Matthew to Pequin with him to correct their Kalendars. In November 1594. Father Francis de Petris died, and Father Lazarus Cataneus succeeded, Ricius bethought him of another course: for howsoever they had shaken off the name of Bonzi, yet because they shaved their beards like the Portugal Priests, Bonzi infamous. Popish and Ethnic priests like in sh●uing and habit. and cut their hair, and lived single, had their Temple and set prayers, they could not free themselves of that infamous title which made them unfit for greater Designs. He advised the Visitor, that by this means they were accounted as the Idol Priests, and that it were fitter to let their hair and beards grow, and to wear the habit of the Learned men, each of them having a garment of Silk to visit the Magistrates, without which they might on equal terms amongst the Chinois, confer with them: also that it was fit to remove their residence from this unwholesome air of Xauceum, or to divide it. Jesuits alter their habit. To all these the Visitor yielded, undertaking to acquaint the General of the Order and the Pope. For howsoever for virtue and learning (wanting to their Bonzi) the Magistrates had always showed countenance to Ours, yet the vulgar held them in that vulgar respect; neither might the Magistrates break their custom, to give them equal entertainment. Nor did they now bear themselves for Learned men of China, but for European Learned, imitating the habit of that Country. Scilan. The next year, 1595. the Chief judge of the Council of War, by the Chinois called Scilaù, which is far above the dignity of Viceroy, (who before had after diverse Dignities betaken himself to a private life) upon occasion of the invasion of Corai, was by the King of China (which sent in defence thereof an Army of eighty thousand) called back to the Royal City. He had a Son of twenty years old, who for grief that he had lost the first degree of their Students, lost his wits. He sent a Captain for the Fathers, thinking they could recover his Son which he had with him, and gave them such entertainment, that the Magistrates were amazed. Mount Muilim or Moilin: See sup. Ex. Almeida. He caused a Charter to be given to Ricius for going to Naugau, chief City in Chiansi, where he hoped to do good on his Son. He passed Mount Moilin, which lieth betwixt the two Provinces and the two Rivers, a day's journey, and the most notable thoroughfare in the whole Kingdom. For at the foot thereof to the South, the River of Nanchiun becomes navigable, which runneth into Canton and the South Sea. On the other side of the Hill at the City Naugau, ariseth another great River, which visiteth the Provinces of Chiansi and Nanquin, and many Cities before he enters the Sea Eastward. Thus what comes from foreign Kingdoms to Canton, is this way conveyed to the inland Kingdoms, as also from those hither: Horses and seats, or Chairs for carriage on men's shoulders, Beasts for carriage and Porters, being almost innumerable every day, yet all in good order. The Mountain is common to both Provinces, which are distinguished by a Gate erected among the stony precipices. All the way is set with Trees, paved with stones, frequent with Hostries, as secure by night as by day, both by the guards of Soldiers, and frequency of Travellers: neither are their overflowings by raynes. On the Hill top is a neat Temple, and therein a Garrison, both Provinces thence offered to the view. Naughan. Naughan signifieth the Southern Inn. He went in one of the Precedents Ships, till he came to the City Canceu; by the way often entering into his own Ship and discoursing with him of European affairs, Sciences, and Religion. But so many visitations for Magistrates hindered all dealing with his Son in this journey, so that by his Father it was deferred. Canceu. Great Viceroy and Greater Precedent. In this City Canceu, resideth a Viceroy greater than the Viceroy of that Province, they call him the Viceroy of four Provinces, Chiansi, Fuchien, Canton and Vquam: not that all those Provinces are subject to him, but because he governeth two adjoining Regions, or less Provinces out of each of them. The cause of appointing this Viceroy extraordinary was, the multitude of thieves in those parts, which bordering on so many Provinces, could not easily by ordinary course of justice be apprehended; whence two Regions out of each were committed to one, Stately entertainment. who by Military forces repressed those insolences. And because the military Magistrates are subject to that Council of War at Pequin, the Precedent was here received with greater State: above three thousand men were sent to meet him a league off, with their Captains, Colours and Arms, many with Handgunnes mixed, shooting off as he passed, making a fair show on both sides the River, which there is not very large. When he was come into the City, the Viceroy with other Magistrates visited him with Gifts, Provisions, Banquets; and some companies were set to guard the Ships: which was also done every where, such is the China veneration of such Magistrates by their inferiors. Boat-bridge. here was a Bridge of Boats, opened but once a day for Ships passage which have paid their customs. Sciepathau, that is 18. streams. It seems so many in that space flow into it. Lying vanities After they were past this City, another River adds itself to this, whence they come into a place called Sciepathau, about thirty miles long, in which are many Rocks dispersed, on which the impetuous force of the water causeth many shipwracks, goods lost, and men drowned; and requireth expert Ship-men; a strange thing to see a River full of shelves and sharp rocks, in the midst of the continent. In the entrance of this dangerous passage is an Idol Temple, wherein the passengers devoutly commend the safety of their fortunes to these vanities, which Scilan also here did in vain: for although with multitude and industry of Sailors his Ship avoided the Rocks, yet was that broken in which his Wife and Children were carried, though they escaped drowning, by reason of her high building, every one getting up into the highest deck, which lifted up itself above those shallower waters. They cried pitifully, and Father Matthew having then gotten a Boat for himself came first and received them, going himself into another less, which went before to conduct the way. Scilan sent for another Ship presently to Canceu. Father Matthew was taken into another Ship of burden, which was in a gust overthrown, john Barradas his boy was drowned, and he hardly recovered: the Commodities by diving were gotten again, though much hurt by the water. They came to a noble and populous City called Chiengan, where the wind by night was so violent, Chiengan. that it dispersed all the Fleet, which hardly escaped wrack. Scilan terrified with this disastrous passage by water, purposed to go by land to Pequin, King's Posts. which is done at the King's cost; in certain places there being Horses, Lighters, Porters, provisions ready provided. Now thinking to send back Ricius to Xanceum, lest some might accuse him in a time of war for bringing Strangers to the Court; he showed some the wonders of his triangle Glass, The Glass esteemed a great jewel, given to Scilan, Nancian Metropolis of Chiansi. which he was willing to give the Precedent if he knew he should hold on with him in the journey. They acquainted their Lord, and he gave him licence to go to Nanquin, and to enter those two Provinces of Cequion or Cechien, and Nanchin or Nanquin. He was carried thither with two of Scilans' servants, still having Soldiers from all places to guard him, they thinking that some of his Sons were there carried. When he came to that Mother City (for before he seldom went forth, to prevent all lets) which is in twenty nine degrees, to the Northermost part of the Province, he made show of himself as one of Scilans' household servants: and not knowing whither to go to deliver his Letters, he first went into a Temple of note, which bears name of the Iron Pillar. This seems to agree with Pintos Muchiparom. sup. pag●. 274. For they fable that one Huiunsin, had some hundreds of years ago, brought perfect Silver out of Quicksilver, and had delivered this City from a huge Dragon, whom he overwhelmed in the ground, and tied to that Iron Pillar, and then flew with his whole house, Mice and all, into Heaven. The building of this Temple is worthy the view, against which are perpetual Fairs, in which nothing is lacking to be sold. The Priests are those which they call Thausu, which let their hair and beards grow. When he entered that Temple, much concourse of people came about him to see a Stranger, a strange sight there, yea, reputed holy, for they had thought that the fame of that Idol, had brought him thither from far Countries. But when he did no worship thereto, he was admonished to do that which the greatest Magistrates refused not; then threatened, after they would force him, till one of the Ship said, he worshipped no Idols. But seeing the multitude still flocking about him, he returned to the Ship, and signified that he came with the Precedent, whom every man knew. The servants visited their Master's friends, and received gifts of some, especially of the Viceroys Physician. Scarcely had they sailed out of the chief City, Admirable Lake: see the new Map. when they meet with a Lake admirable for the greatness and other things: on all the banks as far as a man can see, are innumerable Towns, Castles, Villages, great Houses; thence they may pass into Fuchien, and thence to the Sea Eastward. Amongst other Towns there is one City called Nancan, at the foot of a Hill called Liu, in which Hill are diverse Anchorites, each in his own Cell, macerating himself with afflicting his body. Those Houses are said to be as many, Mount Liu: this perhaps so that Calemplui in Pinto 262. or some like place as are days in the year: and they tell as a miracle, that the Sun shining clear round about, that Hill is always covered with Clouds and mists; so that that Hill (so near) cannot be seen out of the Lake. The course of the River is to Nanquin, but in that breadth the stream hath small force, and easily may with the wind be sailed any way. After you are out of the Lake, a great River out of Vquam Province, runneth thither and therein loseth his name and waters. For the greatness, it is thenceforward called Yamsu, which signifieth, the Son of the Sea, being in many places two or three miles broad, dangerous also for tempests like his Father, River Yamsu or Seas Son, beyond the Lake. and they say the waters are so whirled therein, that swimming can little profit those which fall thereinto. The Chinois sail it with great fear, and are there often wracked. Great Ships sail therein, and happily our Ships (not the greatest of all) and our Galleys might sail hitherto from the Sea. Many other Rivers pay their tributes to it. They sail it not by night, but betake themselves to some Port, which they may readily do also in a storm. To this Lake the spring-tidings at Change and Full come, at other times not observable: at Nanquin every day, but it is fresh water. When he was come to Nanquin the Precedents servants left him. §. V. Nanquin described; RICIUS expelled thence, he settleth at Nancian, thence goeth to Nanquin again, and to Pequin; description of it, the way thither, the King's Palace, and of Suceu, and Hamceu. Nanquin. (which Polo calls Quinsay) described. It was then greater, as being the Royal residence, which removed and wars together have diminished it: perhaps also that Lake decaying and d●ying up; or not rebuilt after the Tartars expelled. NAnquin or Nanchin by the Portugals is called Lanchin: for they heard of it by the Inhabitants of the Province Fuchian or Fuquian, which use L for N. It is called also Intienfu, because the Governor of the Region there resideth. This is that City, which in the Chinois opinion excelleth all Cities of the world, both in greatness and goodliness: neither may many be compared to it. For it is full of very great Palaces, Temples, Towers, Bridges, which all yet are exceeded by those of the same kind in Europe. It excelleth also in temperature of the air, fertileness of the soil, goodness of wits, gentleness of manners, elegance of speech, multitude of inhabitants of every rank, of People, and Learned, and Magistrates: these also holding equal rank with those of Pequin, in number and dignity, howbeit by the absence of the King, that equality is made unequal. And so in all the Kingdom of China, and the bordering Kingdoms, it is commonly (all things considered) judged the first or chief City. It is compassed with three Walls; the first, that of the King's Palace exceeding stately. That is also compassed with a threefold wall, in manner of a Tower, with ditches filled with water. It hath four or five Italian miles in circuit. And I dare boldly say, that no King any where hath a more excellent Palace (not if you weigh particulars together, but) comparing all things. The second wall encompasseth the Palace, and the principal part of the City, opened with twelve Gates, which are fortified with Iron plates, and Ordnance planted over against them within the City. Second Wall twelve Gates. Third Wall. This second Wall comprehendeth eighteen Italian miles compass. The third Wall and uttermost is not every where continued, but where need is, Art hath added supplement to Nature's fortification. City wall two days journey on horseback. The circuit thereof can hardly be known. The Inhabitants say, that two Horsemen in a whole days riding, having gone out of the same Gate, met together at night: whence the prodigious quantity may be observed, especially the form of the City being Circular, and therefore most capable. Although within the walls are great spaces of Mountains, Lakes, Groves, Gardens, Garrison 40000. In 32. or 32. degrees, 15. min. yet the greatest part is very frequently inhabited. The garrison Soldiers (which one would not believe, had not eye-witnesses confirmed it) which keep the City alone, are forty thousand. The Pole is elevated 32. degrees, and so it is seated in manner in the midst of the Kingdom, from North to South. The River runneth by it at the West, exceedingly both enriching and beautifying it. Nor doth it only pass by, but is in many places brought into the City by Channels (whereby greater vessels may enter the City) being enlarged by Art. In times past it was called the chief City of the Kingdom, and may seem to have been anciently more glorious. Large Suburbs Ricius went aland in the Suburb, which is without the three Walls, and is so large and frequently inhabited, that it may seem another great City. There a Physician of the Viceroy of Schiauchin knew him, and he visited the Viceroys son, and by his means grew acquainted with others. When he went into the City, he used to be carried in a close Chair, to prevent novelty, and for more authority, and because the length of the way to friends houses often required it. There he thinking to fix a residence, learned of one Sciutagin a Magistrate of his former acquaintance, to whom he had before given a Globe and an Hourglass, receiving promises of much kindness. Miserable Churl. To him he went full of hope and not empty handed: but he being both miserably covetous, and ambitiously hunting after new places, was offended with his presence (he pretending that he came to see him) sent for his Host, and threatened him terribly, causing him to ship away his new Guest; having also agreed with the Notary of his Court to give evidence against him, as a troublesome and dangerous man formerly expelled from Sciauchin. Thus against the stream both of his affection and the River, is Ricius forced (loath to displease Magistrates) to return to Chiansi Province. In the way full of thoughts, he had a vision (as the Story saith) in which God appeared to him, and promised to be propitious in both the Cities Royal to him. Nancian. In Nancian the chief City of Chiansi he abode. This is as great in circuit, but not in Merchandise as Canton, and though none of those portentous great Cities, yet is it famous for the number of Learned men, which thence are advanced to diverse parts: the people are thrifty and contented with little, Fast from flesh, fish, eggs, and milk. and many of them observe that first aforesaid. Of the Learned men there is also a Society, in which on set days the more learned do Lecture or discourse touching virtues in very modest manner. The Physician aforesaid, famous for his Art and well respected by the Viceroy, was visited by him. He now used his Silken vest and Cap used by the Learned, somewhat like but higher, then that which Priests in Spain wear, (for he had learned to keep state and not to deject himself too much) and carried two servants with him in long garments made of calico, and his gestatorie Chair: without which pomp a man cannot be taken for a Learned man, the poorest Students using them, and otherwise contemned. The Physician entertained him kindly, and after invited him to a Feast, where were many Students, Many of the Royal blood at Nancian. and some of the Royal blood (of which that City hath very great store) which were glad of his acquaintance; and when he had once mentioned his staying there, the Physician was so eager in desire thereof, that he feigned that the Precedent Scilan had written to him, to procure him residence there, China lying is prudence. because in the former abode he had not his health. The Chinois esteem such lies to be wisdom. He soon got credit amongst them by Mathematical lectures and instruments, and by his artificial memory especially. Ricius his artificial memory For the Chinois above all others commit whole books to memory with unwearyed pains, and in the first years of their studies do nothing else. He repeated the most confused and independent Characters in order, yea, backwards as well as forward. Many desired to learn it, and some he entertained. Physicians being of no great authority, he sought to insinuate into favour of the Magistrates; but a certain Student had counselled him to neglect their licence, and thereupon enquiry being made by the Viceroy, this his friend and landlord very friend-like, would needs throw him suddenly out of doors, Fortune friend and he was forced by force to defend himself. But the Viceroy having received a Libel from him, testifying who he was, greatly rejoiced (having heard of him) and when he came to his Court, arose from the Tribunal to meet him, would not suffer him to kneel, and gave him good usage and magnificent Titles, inviting him also to reside there. Whose affections were after kindled into a greater flame by his Physicians, magnifying his Mathematics, Memorative, Books, three square Glass and other novelties. The Viceroy would have him make him a Dial, and teach his Sons, but for that admirable Glass, he would by no kind force accept the gift. And whereas time out of mind many of the Royal blood are there, Chiengan and Longan, Kings titular. two of them having the title of Kings, Chiengan, and Longan, sent their principal Servants or Courtiers, to invite Father Matthew to the Palace, which is fitting to Royal Majesty, both for Greatness, magnificence of Building, pleasure of Gardens, and other furniture of household and attendance. Chiengan first invited and entertained him, attired with a Royal vesture and Diadem▪ Father Matthew gave him a Dial with the Signs of the Zodiac, and a Globe with China characters, and other European commodities; which he recompensed with Silks, weight of Silver, and diverse viands. Nothing gave him such content as two Books of japon paper, smooth and hard bound in European manner: one containing Maps and other Mathematical representations, with an explication in their Language; the other was a tractate of Friendship, Ricius his China Book of friendship. wherein Dialogue-wise (as Cicero in his Laelius) he bringeth in the King, questioning what the men of Europe thought of Friendship, and set down the sentences of Philosophers, Doctors, and other Authors; a work to this day read there with great applause and admiration, Printed in diverse Provinces. Chiengan continued his friendship and left it as a legacy to his Son, who used when the Father visited him, to pay the Porters, and to give money to his servants, a token with them of great welcome. The Society also of Learned men grew acquainted with him, and the chief of them, Token of welcome. hearing him complain of multitude of visitors, wished him to command his Servants to say he was not at home: which officious lie he affirming to be by our Law unlawful, bred in him and the rest much wonder. In the mean while at Xauceo they sustained abuses, and Sebastian Fernandus was used ignominiously by the calumnies of their quarrelsome neighbours, and sentence of a partial judge, Cavils. which caused two Servants to be whipped unheard, and Fernandus to stand as in a Pillory, with his head in a board an ell and half square, therein a hole fitted for the neck, Pillory board. to be opened and shut; so that a man cannot put his hand to his mouth: and this forsooth for beating the Bachelors. This was written as the cause of his punishment. He afterwards sought the Jesuits favour, ashamed of his fact, invited them, and set up an Edict for their safety. Fernandus was sent hereupon to Ricius, and Cataneus continued alone without any Father, till the year 1597. and fell sick: Aroccia and Longobardus, then going to Amacao (Father john Aroccia was sent in his place) he returned with Father Nicholas Longobard a Sicilian. Father Matthew was appointed superior of the China mission by the Visitor Valignanus, without subjection to the Rector of Amacao. To him precious watches were sent, and Images with other things, which might further their China proceedings, the Portugals of Amacao continuing their liberality herein. Father Matthew minding to try all means to pierce to the Court, assayed Chiengan in vain, who feared to raise any suspicion of himself. Hearing therefore that Guan (which had as you heard) visited the house of Xauceo, in his way to Hainan, was thence called by the King to Nanquin to be Precedent of the first Council, called Li Pu, that is, the Council of Magistrates: The Couns●ll Li Pu so called of creating Magistrates▪ in his way at Nancian they visited him with a present, (in which nothing so pleased him as the trigone Glass) and took opportunity to signify to him, their desire of presenting the King with some European rarities. He approved thereof and said, they should not only go with him to Nanquin, but to Pequin also; whither within one month of his coming he was to go. Ricius with Cataneus attend him (leaving two of the company at Nancian) with two brethren of the company, Custom of Converts names in Baptism. Anno 1598. Seb. Fernandus, and Emanuel Pererius, of China parentage in Amacao: who of their Godfathers take usually both Christian name and Surname, using also their China names in dealing with Chinois. They set forth from Nancian on Midsummer day, 1598. and when they were come to Nanquin they found all full of fear, by reason of the japonian war in Corai, so that none durst give us entertainment, grievous Proclamations having lately forbidden to receive men any way suspicious, by occasion of japonian Spies taken. Even the Precedent himself, feared to be author in so troublesome time of bringing Strangers: and Ricius when he visited him, Writing well in China brings credit and gain. used his Gestatorie seat. They gave eight pieces of Gold to a cunning Clerk to write their Petition (so dear do Learned men there prise their labour) which when they gave the Chancellor (which sends Petitions from Nanquin to the King's) he would not meddle with it, but put it off to the Precedent, that he should carry them with him to Pequin. He being to be there to gratulate the King at his Birth day, in name of the six Tribunals or Counsels, sent his goods by water and the Jesuits with them, but went himself by land. When this Precedent came to Nanquin, other Magistrates visited him with presents after the manner, Viceroy of Nanquin, a lover of Geographie. and one the Viceroy of that Province with a Map of Ricius his invention, concealing the name of the Author in a new impression; which he showed to Ricius, who soon knew and challenged his own. This the Precedent intimated, that the Author was going with him to Pequin. He presently sends the Captain of the Soldiers, to desire the Precedent that he might have sight of a man whom he so much admired; sending withal a Chair, and Porters with Horses also. For the Viceroy of Nanquin resideth not in Nanquin, because in that High Court are higher Magistrates, which would seem to eclipse his Greatness. So Cataneus went with the Ship, Honour to an Image. Ricius to the Viceroy, whom he saluted with European gifts. He stayed with him ten days, so great desire he had to confer with him. And when he showed him the Image of Christ, he would not take view of it there, but would first ascend to a neat Chapel which he had on the top of his House, therein after the rites of their Learned, to worship Heaven; with three doors to it, Chapel. from the South, East, and West: about it round was a Gallery distinguished and canceled. There he caused an Altar to be erected, and thereon Wax-lights and Incense to be fired; and then the Image being set thereon, he came in his most sumptuous attire and did worship four times, after their accustomed rites: after which he would not stand before it but besides it, to take view, which he did a good space. After him, his family did likewise: and every day they reiterated the same, one also being appointed to keep perpetual Odours burning before it. He brought other Magistrates also to see the same: and when he might not detain the Father longer, he sent him away with great weight of Silver, which came fitting to their necessity. He gave advise also touching their design, and told them of that frustrate success which followed. He went with him to the River, and sent one with him till he had overtaken his companion. The Chinois call that River jansu-chian, Chian signifying the greatest River; other Rivers they call Cho. Chian or Quian See Polo sup. 90 River of Nanquin: one cut from it for Pequin. Yellow River see the Map. That River of Nanquin which I called (Yamsu or) jansu, the son of the Sea, goeth Northward to Nanquin, and then returning somewhat Southward, runneth into the Sea with great force; forty miles from which it passeth by Nanquin. And that from hence to Pequin there might be passage by Rivers, the Kings of China have derived a large Channel from this to another River, called the Yellow River, such being the colour of that troubled water. This is the other famous River of that Kingdom, in greatness and note, which ariseth without the Kingdom to the West, out of the Hill Cunlun, conjectured * Such conjectures as this and those in Pinto of this Lake seem ill grounded. Lake of Constellations. to be the same whence Ganges ariseth, or one near to it. Where it first breaks forth, it maketh a Lake which they call of the Constellations: thence it pierceth into the borders of China in Sciensi, the most Westerly Province, and goeth out again out of the Northern walls into the Tartars Countries: after which it returneth to the South, and that Province whence it had come, and washeth another Province named Sciansi, and another named Honan: then turneth into the East and entereth the Eastern Ocean, not far from the Son of the Sea. This River against their laws for Strangers, entereth China from Barbarous Regions, and as in revenge of their malice to Strangers, often over-floweth great part of the Kingdom, and shifteth his Channel being full of Sands which it moveth. Certain Officers or Magistrates designed do sacrifice thereto, or to the Spirit of it (for they set Spirits over diverse things) with many rites: Magistrate's sacrifice to the River. and they fayne that it clears the troubled waters, but once in one thousand years; whence it is proverbial of a ●ild-seene thing▪ When the yellow River shall be cleared. They that sail therein, must therefore keep the water many days till it settleth, the third part proving mire and sand. Before the ingress and egress of this River, are Channels which give passage to Ships that carry provision to Pequin. Those Ships are said to be ten thousand, 10000 Ships of the Kings for five Provinces sent only out of five Provinces, Chiansi, Cechian, Nanchin, Vquam, and Sciantum. For these Provinces pay their yearly tribute in Rice and Corn, the other ten in Silver. Besides these, there pass innumerable Ships of Magistrates and of private Merchants: but private men are forbidden to go out of the Hiansu into those less Rivers (those only pass which dwell within such Rivers to the North) lest the multitude of Ships should hinder the passage, or be able to do harm to Pequin. Yet is there such store of Ships notwithstanding, that they are forced to stay sometimes diverse days, one hindering another, especially at some seasons when water is scarce, for remedy whereof, they have locks and stood-gates, which opened make way from one to another of them, with great labour and tedious lingering. The crossness of winds and labours of drawing with ropes, I need not mention. Some ships are overwhelmed at the opening of those locks. Cranes to draw ships. Tempestuous seas and Pirates on that coast. See Pinto. They have wooden Engines on the banks to draw the ships of Magistrates, at the King's cost, against the stream all the way. And in fitting this River to Navigation, a million is spent yearly; the fear of the Sea and Pirates, have made them take this course rather than that by Sea. In all this way, many Cities most worthy note appear, of the Provinces Nanquin, Sciantum, Pequin, and besides the Cities there are so many Towns, Villages, Houses on the banks, that all the way may be said to be inhabited; so that the Sailors no where want to furnish themselves with Corn, Rice, Fish, Flesh, Fruits, Herbs, Wine and the like, at a very cheap rate. By the same River, Wood, Timber, Board's, Timbers for the King's buildings. Two thirds of the King's house burnt by Lightning. Pillars (for the Chinois make reckoning only of those of wood) are carried for the King's works: especially, then when the King's Palace had been on fire, which consumed two parts of three thereof. In all the journey, ours found great ranks of Timber-trees tied together, and of other wood, which many thousands of men drew with huge toil, and scarcely could get forwards five or six miles in a day, and from the Province Suscuen, which is furthest from the Court, such Timber-trees were in going up, two or sometimes three year's space: whence every pillar made of them prodigiously arose each to three thousand pieces of Gold: and of those Timber-rankes they encountered one, seeming longer than the rest, which was esteemed to reach two miles in length. The Bricks also (which the Chinois prefer before Stone) for the King's Palace, Bricks preferred to stone. were carried this way fifteen hundred miles, and many Ships had no other use, so many as might seem sufficient, not for a Palace but a great City. Out of the Southern Provinces, are yearly sent those things which in the more barren Provinces of Pequin are wanting; as Fruits, Fish, Rice, Silks, clothes and other things: and a day is set them, at which if they be not there, they incur grievous penalties. Of the Ships called Horses, the King's eunuchs have command. Swifter ship● called Horses. By this River they sail almost only when the Rivers swell over their banks, peradventure by the melting of the Snows from the Hills whence they spring. By the heat in that journey of a month, and sometimes two months, the viands which they carry, Heat and cold. are often corrupted before they come to Pequin, for which cause they cool them with Ice, and in all those ways much Ice is preserved for that purpose, and distributed to the passengers, and so all things are carried fresh to the Court. The eunuchs of those Ships, sell empty rooms to the Passengers for their gain: for the Chinois think it a glory to send that which goeth to the King in many ships, & not to give them their full lading, which is also profitable for that sterility of Pequin, Merchants by these convenient fraights making nothing to want there where nothing grows. Ours hired a room in like manner for their ease. By reason of the great heat they all fell sick, yet by Gods help recovered. When they were to pass out of the River, in the Province of Sciantum, they met with a hand-made River, which runs out near Pequin, to the Tower Tiensin. Hand-made River. Tiensin. Another River from Pequin or rather from Tartary, meets it, and runs together with it into the Sea, or into that Bay, betwixt Corai and China, after they have run together one day. In this Tower there was a new Viceroy extraordinary, by reason of that invasion of Corai from japon. He provided a huge Fleet for defence of Corai, They come to Pequin. by which means that whole River was full of Ships of war and military tumult. Ours went thorough the thickest of them without let, and at length came to the Port or Bank rather of Pequin, which bank is a day's journey from the walls of Pequin. And although by Art they have made a huge Channel to the walls, yet lest it should be filled with multitude of Ships, they suffer none but the King's burdens to go that way, the others being carried by Carts, Beasts, and Porters. They came to Pequin on a festival day, the Eeven of the Virgin's Nativity. The chief Mart Towns in this way were jamcheu in Nanquin Province, in thirty two degrees thirty minutes. Hoaingan in thirty four not all so much; jamcheu. Hoaingan. Sieucen. Zinim. Licin. Sinceu in thirty four degrees thirty minutes. In Sciantum Province Zinim in thirty five degrees forty minutes. Lincin in thirty seven degrees forty minutes. In Pequin Province Tiencin in thirty nine degrees thirty minutes. Pequin in forty large. They are deceived which elevate it to fifty. Now from Canton (which is two days from Amacao) are of China furlongs (five of which make a mile, and fifteen a league) by River to Nanhiun, one thousand one hundred and seventy. Thence to Nancian eleven hundred and twenty. From that to Nanquin, one thousand four hundred and forty. Length of the way. And thence to Pequin three thousand three hundred thirty five, in all seven thousand sixty five: which makes of miles, one thousand four hundred and thirteen. PEquin is situated in the Northern border about one hundred miles from the wall against the Tartars. Pequin described, compared with Nanquin. Nanquin exceeds it in greatness, composition of the Streets, hugeness of Buildings, and Munitions: but Pequin exceedeth it in multitude of Inhabitants, and of Magistrates. To the South it is compassed with two walls high and strong, so broad that twelve Horses may easily run abrest oin the breadth without hindering one the other. They are made of Bricks, save that on the foot it stands all on huge stones, The walls. the middle of the wall is filled with Earth: the height far xceeds those in Europe. To the North is but one wall. On these walls by night is kept as vigilant watch as if it were time of war: Watch and Ward. in the day eunuchs guard the gates, or rather exact Tributes, which is not done in other Cities. Palace. The King's Palace riseth within the inner Southern wall, near the City gates and extends to the Northern walls, seeming to take up the whole City: the rest of the City running forth on both sides: It is somewhat narrower than the Palace of Nanquin, but more goodly and glorious; that seeming by the King's absence, Streets. as a carcase without soul. Few of the Streets are paved with Brick or Stone, so that in Winter dirt, and dust in Summer, are very offensive: and because it raineth there seldom, the ground is all crumbled into dust, and if any wind blow, it enters every Room. To prevent which they have brought in a custom, that no man of whatsoever rank goeth on foot or rideth without a Veil or Bonnet hanging to his breast, All go and ride veiled. of that subtlety that he may see, and yet the dust not annoy him: which also hath another commodity that he may go any whither unseen, so freed from innumerable tedious salutations, and also he spares attendance and cost. For to ride is not magnificent enough with the Chinois, and to be carried in their Seats is costly, with Attendants especially; and in that time of War it fitted with ours to pass unknown, being Strangers. Commodity of Mules and Mulletters. Muletters stood at the Palace, and City gates, and in every Street to let Mules, themselves also attending the Hirers whether they would in the City; which leading the beasts by the bridle, in that frequency made way, being also skilful of the ways, knowing most of the great men's Houses: Book of Pequin. all at a reasonable rate. There is a Book also which truly relateth all the Streets, Lanes, Regions of the City: Porters also with Seats to carry Men, and Horses are everywhere found, but dearer then at Nanquin, or other places. See Polo sup. 88 All things are to be had in abundaace, but brought thither and therefore dearer. Wood is scarce, but supplied with Mine-coles (we call them Sea-coal) necessary to that Region, cold beyond what the Glimate usually exacteth: their Beds are so made with Brick-workes, that they by a new kind of Stones admit the heat of those Coals: a thing usual in all those Northern Regions. China, Cathay. See Pantoia. These Northern Chinois are somewhat more dull, but better Soldiers than the other. Here they learned that this Kingdom is Cataio, and the King of China the great Can, and Pequin Cambalu. For the nine Kingdoms (of Mangi) are those Southerly Provinces which are under the great River jansuchian, and six upon it make up the fifteen, so great that some one of them is as great as all Italy. Anno 1608. whiles we write, it is forty years since two Turks or Moors out of Arabia brought to China a Lion (a beast seldom here seen) by Land, which had an Office given by the King to them and theirs, to keep the Lion, and that they should carry no Tales thence. They in conference called this Kingdom great Catay, and this City Camhalu the like we heard of others which had comen from Persia. The Chinois also have heard of that name, Camhalu the great Tartar of the North. and still call the Tartars Lu., and the North parts Pa and Pe: to which Can the Tartarian Title added easily makes Canpalu or Cambalu with others; for the Chinois seldom use B. and Marco Polo coming in with the Tartars called it by their name. And at this time without the walls of China is found no Catay. The Portugals called it China, borrowing the name as may be supposed from the Siamites, and hence Cosmographers made them two Kingdoms. But Goez his journey by Land to Catay Hath taken away all scruple. Goez sup. cap. 4. To return to ours now come to Pequin, the Precedent gave them entertainment, and procured an Eunuch to undertake the business for the Presents, which were a Clock, two Pictures, two Trigone-glasses and a Bell: Alchemy and base covetise. all pleased the Eunuch, but his mind ran more on making Silver of Quicksilver, which he had heard they could do, and which would be more grateful to the King. And when he saw that would not be undertaken, neither would he undertake to acquaint the King, in this time of Corayan Wars; and ours also were taken for japonians, or near unto them, they not knowing how by true names to distinguish Nations. The Precedent also began to be fearful and purposed to carry them back with him to Nanquin. Yet they stayed a month after him (he being at a certain day by Law to depart) and when they had tried all ways in vain, none daring to acknowledge Strangers, they returned to Nanquin. They had a Bill of Exchange from Amacao to take up money at Pequin, Cozening Merchant. but the Merchant had played the Merchant and Chinese too, none such there to be found. They hired a ship at an easy rate for their return (because they go empty) but not easy in this respect that the Owners poverty made the journey tedious for what of helps. This benefit they made of this journey to learn the Language better, China Language and Accents. making a Dictionary, observing their Accents with Points devised; (that speech consisting wholly of Monosyllables, the want of skill in those Accents had caused that they neither did, nor were understood) Cataneus sk●ll in Music helping to distinguish those sounds. What course Ricius and he instituted, that the Company still observe in their Writing. All the Rivers in China use to be frozen in the beginning of Winter, that ships cannot pass by water, and Carts by Land are safer. Rivers' frozen▪ Ric. goeth by Land. They agreed that Father Matthew should go by Land with two Servants, to try if he could settle at Nanquin, the rest and the burdens to stay till the River were thawed. He purposed also to go to Suceu whither Chiutaisu had often invited him, being his Country. Passing thorough Sciantum, he visited Siuceu and Yamceu famous Marts, and passing the River Yamceu, at Chinchiamfu, Siuceu and Yamceu. the chief City of that Province he entered into a hand made River, by which is sailed to Suceu and to the chief City of Cechian Hamceu. This River being Southerly and near frozen over, is so narrow that multitudes of ships cloy it so sometimes that they cannot pass forward or backward. He was forced therefore to go by another way, which is a Coach or Wagon of one wheel, so builded that one sitting in the midst, Coach of one wheel. and two on the sides, the Coachman behind with wooden Levers or Bars drives it forwards both surely and swiftly; that in short time he came to Suceu. This Noble Mart is one of them whereof is the Proverb, That which is in Heaven the Seat of the Blessed, that in Earth is named Suceu, and Hamceu: in splendour, wealth, Suceu described. Another Venice. frequency remarkable. It is built in a calm freshwater River, and quite thorough one may go, as in Venice, by Land or Water, but herein it excelleth Venice that the water is fresh. The streets and buildings stand upon piles of Timber, the Wares from Amacao and other parts are most sold here. It hath one ga●e to the Land, the other are water-wayes. The Bridges are innumerable, & Magnificent, Ancient, but of one Arch in those narrow Channels. Butter and White-meats are plenty, Rice, and the best Wine, which thence is carried to Pequin and other parts. It is scarcely two days from the Sea. It is well fortified, the chief City of the Region, which hath eight Cities. Huge Tribute. One of the Princes held this, when the Tartars were expelled, against this Royal Race; whereupon it still payeth a great Tribute, to wit, the half of ●ll things growing, (so that some two whole Provinces pay less than this one Region to the King against whom it had stood out) it is still also awed with a frequent Garrison. Chiutaiso was then absent at Tanian a Neighbour City, Tanian. who received him with great humanity. He abode in a Monastery, and resigned his bed to his Master, who tired by travel fell sick, and was likely there to have died. Recovered by his care, he gave him a Triangle Glass, which he put in a Silver case with Gold Chains at the ends, and adorned it further with a Writing that it was a fragment of that matter whereof the Heavens consist. Glass glazed. One was said to offer him five hundred pieces of Gold soon after for it, which till Father Matthew had presented his to the King he would not sell: after that he set a higher price and sold it. At the beginning of the China year▪ all are busied in sending Presents to their friends, feasts and salutations. New years day. They went to Cinchian to the public Solemnity where Chiutaiso was well known, and by his speech Father Matthew and from thence they went to Nanquin, in February, 1599 Before we come thither we will look back to our Canton jesuits. §. VI Letters from Father LONGOBARD and TAISO. RICIUS his entertainment at Nanquin and Residence there. The Chinois unlearned Learning. FAther Nicolas Longobard wrote unto Claudius Aquaviva the jesuitical General, Letter of F. Nic. Lombard. the eig●teenth of October, 1598. that in the Kingdom of China there were then seven jesuits distributed into two Residences and one Mission: at Nancian, Father john Soerius and johannes à Roccia; himself and Francis Martin's a Chinese at Sciauceum in Canton Province, Ricci and Cataneus, and Sebastian Fernandez a Chinese, were then gone to Pequin: that China condition and conditions agreed so well with him, that he seemed to be in the midst of Italy: that much respect had accrued to them in conceit of the Chinois together, with that Habit of their Learned, which they had taken, the Bonzi and their Habit esteemed base alike. He also much commends Thaiso or Taiso, China Learning. This comparison with that time of the Romans seemeth perhaps not the best, th●t being the best of Heathen Rome; Varro, and Cicero, and Virgil, as the Roman Trium viri for Learning, besides, Sa●●s● Caesar, etc. (Chiutaiso before mentioned) who much everywhere commended the jesuits and their Learning, as much exceeding what ever had been taught in China. And truly, saith he, the Chinois Learning exceedeth not the Science of the Romans in the time of Cicero. They are much exercised in a kind of writing and speaking brief and pithy Sentences: their Books express well Ethics and Politickes, but are rude in Natural Philosophy. When I had lately run thorough two of their Books, which they esteem as their Metaphysikes, or first Philosophy, one of their learned men gratulated my proficience; when as I found therein no more difficulty then in Tully, or Titus Linius. They say, none but the Chinois can understand them, Father Ricci useth to add none better than the Europeans. A Letter of Taiso to Ricci he addeth thus inscribed. Thaiso * Thaisos Letter. To their superiors and equals they write not in the first person, but the name for the pronoun (ay). younger Brother which stand at the * This (as to sit at the feet, with the jews) signifieth to be a man's scholar: taken from their sitting at the side in Lectures. Suceo. North of China the best. Scingin is the greatest title of honour amongst the Chinois, intimating a holy birth, greatest learning that he may be Master of all, as was their Confusias: such an one they 〈◊〉 comes every 500 year, and now Ricius. Probabilities for the Gospel. side to learn, do submit my head to the ground, and exhibit honour and reverence to the elder Brother, Master and Father Matthew Ricci, a famous Peer, and Master of the most choice flowers of the great Law, and cast down myself at the feet of his Seat and Chair. The Letter followeth. After our departing (it being four years since sight of each other) there hath not been a day in which I have not set before mine eyes the excellent virtue of your Worship. I gave two years since to Sciauchin, my Countryman, a Merchant, Letters to your Worship, thereby to learn where and what it did. I know not whether they have attained that, to come to your magnificent hands, etc. When I went from your Worship I said it must go into the North parts, if it would behold the splendour and magnificence of this Kingdom, that my Country had nothing singular, that Nanquin Court was troublesome, and mixed of all sorts: that Chiansi Province was fit only for dwelling, because there were learned men in it of excellent virtue, and of a true and solid spirit to receive the Law— This year gathering together those things which your Worship taught me, I made a Book, and exhibited it to the Society of learned men, of which there was none which did not admire and subscribe, saying your Worship was Scingin, that is, a Saint of these times. Those things which I have added haply may be erroneous, and I fear lest they contradict its sounder and higher learning: and therefore have sent my servant to bring it to your Worship to read, which I most humbly entreat, and to correct, to approve the truth, to blot out the false, to illustrate the obscure, writing all in another Book, and sending it by the same servant in few days, because I would presently commit it to the Press, that your Worship's learning might be known thorough the World. In these places are of greatest reckoning the Books of Hothu, Coscui, Pequa, Queuscieu, Thaiquitu, and other like, which have written of a Point, Line, Extremity, and Thickness. All these learned make of a Line a Circle: but according to your Worship's teaching, of a Line is made the termination of a Circle, and a Circle consists therein. From which principles the conclusions brought of Thaiquu, that is, of God, do far exceed the Commentaries of all our learned men. And they are enough to illustrate a thousand obscurities of antiquity, which hitherto have not been pierced. This one thing afflicts me, that my writing and stile is mean and abject, and most unfit to illustrate and enlarge the most excellent conceits of its mind. Mean while I much long, and as it were on tiptoes look about every where, if haply I may see your face. From Suceo the two and twentieth of the fourth Moon, and the four and twentieth of the Reign of Vanlia. Subscribed; Thaiso younger Brother again bends his head to the ground, etc. Lombard proceedeth in his Letter, and showeth the commodiousness of one King which ruleth all, of one Mandarine Tongue, of the common industry and cheapness of provisions (not as in the poverty of japon, where the workmen's maintenance must come from other parts) all fitting to bring in the Gospel. China Monasteries. There are, saith he, almost infinite houses of Bonzi maintained by the King, besides gifts which they receive of others which yet repose no great confidence in Idols: what would these do if they believed to receive a hundred for one, and eternal life? Their composition of body, complexion, condition, rites; no use of weapons, not so much as a Knife carried (but by Soldiers in Garrison, not in the way or at home) their habit long, and anciently used, with their hands always hidden in their long sleeves. except in use of their fan, which all, even the meanest carry with them; their quarrels, if any happen in the vulgar, ended in a few boxes or brawls; their seemly behaviour equal to the European; yea, in some things to the Religious there; Universities in our sense with Professors and public Schools are not in China: but for taking degrees as in our Universities, a man's private studies, and the Cities public examinations have some resemblance. Many things in which the Jesuits and Chinois concur. their studiousness of learning the only foundation of dignity and greatness, as many Athens there as great Cities, each having a School or University without mixture of other Regions) their politic and moral Rules and Laws; all these might be furtherances to the Gospel. Their tenacity also of their own customs and jealousy of Strangers, might better secure them from Heresies. He commends also their works of Piety, and Charity, Alms, Hospitals for poor, voluntary chastisements of the body to subdue the affections, as fastings (in which they abstain from Flesh, Fish, Milk, and Eggs, but eat other things as oft and as much as they will) liberties and gifts by Magistrates to Widows which contain themselves from second marriages; trial of a man's self in all his actions commended in their Books, especially of those things which other men cannot know; and hereupon the liking of a solitary and contemplative life in the Country, and restoring themselves to the first state, as they say, wherein the Heaven created them; for which purpose are congregations of learned men, together in Villages addicted to contemplation, and fleeing public Offices (as the ancient Fathers had their conferences in woody and mountainous places) in which also their women are as forward as the men, many of them living in Nunneries, governed by an Abbess; and all China women live so enclosed, as if their own houses were Cloisters: These he commends in them, as also that of all virtues they give the first place to Obedience to Parents as in which consists a man's perfection. And that no man may be ignorant of his duty, if they cannot read (of which there are but few) they have a short Sum (or Catechism) for publishing whereof there is a man appointed at public charge, every full and change, A fortnight Sabbath. to publish the same in every street of the City, so that on the same day & hour, a little before Sunrising the same doctrine is propounded in all the Cities of China, and thorough all their streets. This is six Articles or Principles, which are, First, Obey Father and Mother: Secondly, Six precepts of China. reverence Betters and Elders: Thirdly, make peace among Neighbours: Fourthly, teach Children and Nephews: Fifthly, let every man well discharge his office: Sixthly, commmit no offence, that is, not to kill, steal, fornication, etc. which in manner comprehend the second Table of the Decalogue. As for the first Table, the Chinois, especially the learned are Atheists, little regarding Idols, whereof their Houses and Temples are full; little minding the rewards or punishments of the life to come, or the soul's immortality, which yet are easily found in their books touching the punishments at least of Holy Pao (so they call God) in Hell. Of rewards of blessedness there is not such evidence, as Thaiso affirmed. And although many difficulties happened to ours in the Bonzian habit, yet is it now far otherwise. As for Canton Province, the Mandarines which come this way, ask us why we stay amongst these Mangines, that is, Rustics and Barbarians: We must, Cantonians Mangines. say they, leave the Bark and pierce to the pith and marrow of the Kingdom, if we would see the China splendour and polity. He writes for Labourers, Books, Images, and Pictures, for consolation of new Converts: the Ethnics worship that of the Virgin, Blessed Virgin honoured. and call her Scin mu nian nian, that is, holy Mother, and Queen of Queens: and ends with imploring the patronage and intercession of all the heavenly Choir, specially of the blessed Virgin, the Apostles, the Angel's guardians of China, to obtain of the holy Trinity happy success to their endeavours, etc. But we will return to our best acquainted in China, Ricius, whom we left newly arrived at Nanquin. The case was now altered at Nanquin, Nanquin. Cingensu a great Abbey. they went on foot without impediment to their lodging, which was in a huge Monastery, called Cinghensu, in which is great resort of guests which there hire lodgings, being built in the centre of the City. The japonians were now beaten from Corai and Quabacondono was dead, which had so terrified that unwarlike Nation. He heard that they had heard of his going to Pequin, and that the Corai war was the frustrating of his designs in that unseasonable time. The Precedent was very glad of his coming, and exhorted him to buy a house there, and sends two of his followers to look out for one. Scarcely had he and Chiutaiso gotten home to their lodging, when the Precedent followeth to visit them, which he did with the solemnest Rites. And when they were set in the Hall, The Precedent supreme governor of Full Moon fireworks. the Abbot came to offer them the wont potion, kneeling to all three (to the Precedent he was bound as supreme governor of Temples) and the Precedent invited the Father to spend two or three days in his house, to see the Fireworks, which that full Moon, the first of the year would be to be seen, which strange devices of lights that and the following nights; which he did and beheld that which without wonder cannot be beholden, the Nanquiners herein exceeding as may be thought the whole world. When it was reported that the Precedent had visited him, all the Majesty of Magistrates did the like, yea some whom he had not visited. The Precedent of the Court of Criminal Causes, and the Precedent of the Treasury (which is the second Tribunal) came with rites & gifts, as also did others; yea he which a little after was the High Colao at Pequin, which all urged him to buy a house; and he now went thorough all Streets and Palaces without gainsaying (which he knew from a vision he before had had thereof) and procured a house which the Precedent helped to furnish. So much admiration and respect had the opinion of European science acquired to him, these being to the China wits baits for the Gospel's fishing. Now first did they hear that the Earth was round (for they conceited the Heaven round and the Earth square) that the Centre drew all heavy things to it, that the Universe was inhabited round, that there were Antipodes, Mathematics baits to the Gospel. that the Earth's interposition caused the Moon's eclipse (some saying that the Moon opposite to the Sun was dazzled or amazed; others that there was a hole in the Sun, against which the Moon opposed lost her light) that the Sun was greater than the Earth; and that the Stars also, this was out of measure paradoxical: the like was the solidity of the Orbs, and their number; the fixed posture of the Stars, the Planets wanderings, the elevation and depression of the Pole according to the various Climates; China learning how unlearned and likewise the inequality of the days, without the Tropikes Geographical Maps in plano, and Globes, Meridian's, Parallels, Degrees, the Line, Tropikes, Poles, Zones, Spheres, Sun-dialls, they had not at all understood, with other points of European learning. A Doctor of theirs confessed himself ashamed; For, said he, you may think of me as we do of the Tartars and barbarous outlaws; for you begin where we end (which he spoke of the study of eloquence, which takes up our childhood, their whole life.) They numbered five Elements, Metal, Wood, Fire, Water, Earth, one of which they said was procreated of the other: the Air they did not acknowledge for one, because they see it not, placing a vacuum or emptiness where we place the air: as incredible it was that the fiery Element was the highest, and that Comets and Exhalations were there with fired. Father Matthew writ a book of the Elements in their language much applauded, Hanlin College in Pequin. and often by them reprinted. diverse became his Scholars; one sent from his Master in Hanlin College in Pequin (the chief place for China learning, to be admitted into, which is a great dignity.) He was very witty, and without any Master attained the first book of Euclid, and exacted of Father Matthew Geometrical demonstrations. Wit of a Chinese. And when he added some things of Christianity, you need not, saith he, confute that Idolatrous Sect, it is enough to teach the Mathematics. Bonzis, dotages. For these Bonzi would also be Philosophers and Mathematicians. They said the Sun hid himself by night behind a Hill called Siumi, rooted in the Sea four and twenty miles deep. Eclipses. And for the eclipses, they said that the God Holochan caused that of the Sun covering it with his right hand, and that of the Moon with his left. Not at Pequin alone, but at Nanquin also is a College of China Mathematicians of better building then Astrological Science. College of Astrologers. They do nothing but bring their Almanacs to the rules of the ancients, when they mis-reckoned, they ascribed it to irregularity of nature, not theirs, devising some prodigious event to follow. These at first were afraid that Father Matthew would have deprived them of their dignity; and freed of that fear, they visited him friendly, and he them, where he saw a strange sight. There is an high Mountain, on the top whereof is an open Plain or Floor fit to contemplate the Stars. In this open space one every night is appointed to watch, and observe if any Comets or other alterations be in the sky, thereof to give the King notice, and what it portends. In this place, of cast mettle are Mathematical Instruments, Mathematical huge Instruments. admirable for their greatness and neatness, the like whereof we have not seen in Europe. They have continued there in all chance and change of weather near two hundred and fifty years without damage. A Globe. Of them were four greater, the one a huge Globe distinguished by degrees with Meridian's and Parallels, as great as three men can fathom: it stood on a huge Cube of brass likewise, upon his Axletree: in the Cube was a little door, sufficient for it to pass when need was. On the utter superficies was nothing graven, neither Stars, nor Regions, whereby it appears that it was either unfinished, or purposely so left that it might serve both for a Celestial and a Terrestrial Globe. A Sphere. The second was a huge Sphere, the Diameter whereof was a fathom; with Horizon and Poles, and in stead of Circles, certain double chains, the space betwixt them representing the Circles in our Spheres: all these were divided into three hundred and sixty degrees, and a few minutes. In the midst was a Globe of the Earth, but a certain pipe hollowed like the barrel of a Piece, which might be turned any way, and set in any degree and elevation for trial of the Stars very artificially. A Dial. The third was a Dial two fathoms high in a huge & long Marble set to the North, with a channel about the table to hold water, whereby to try if it stood plain or no: the stile placed perpendicular, both it and the stone distributed into degrees: it seems, for exact trial of the shadows of Solstices and equinoctials. Astrolabes. The fourth and greatest was an engine or instrument of three or four huge Astrolabes set one by another, each containing a Geometrical pace in a Diameter, with their Fiducial line, or Halhilada, and Dioptra: one of them represented the aequator inclined to the South, another (which made a cross with the former) to the North; another stood erected to the South, perhaps for knowledge of the Vertical Circle, but turned about to show any Vertical: all had the degrees marked with iron knots standing forth, that they might be known by feeling in the night. The Chinois number 24. constellations of the Zodiac. This Work of Astrolabes was set in a plain floor of Marble also, with channels about. In every of these Instruments was expressed in China Characters what every thing signified; the four and twenty Constellations of the Zodiac, answering in the number doubled to our twelve Signs. There was in them this one error, that they were set in the six and thirtieth degree of the Pole elevated, whereas Nanquin stands without all doubt in two and thirty and a quarter of a degree. The like Instruments at Pequin. They seem to have been made to be placed somewhere else, and placed here by some unskilful Mathematician. Afterwards Father Matthew saw the like, or the same Instruments rather at Pequin, cast with the same hand, at that time when the * This time agreeth with the time of Tamerlane; which giveth authority to Alhacens former story of him: besides the Chinois call the last Tartar which ruled them Temor. Cuiceu. Quocum, the Nobility of China. Tartars ruled over the Chinois, by some expert of our sciences. The greatest Magistrate desired Father Matthew to reuise the Universal Map, which he had made in Canton Province, and make larger Commentaries, and he would print it at public cost, which he did, and with an elegant Proem commended the Author of the work. This was published and carried into all parts, and in other places reprinted. The Viceroy of Cuiceu Province printed it with another method, making to every Kingdom a proper Commentary in a book, adorning the Author also with his praises. Besides, the Precedents of the six Tribunals (equal except for the King's presence, in the government of their Province, to these of Pequin) he had three other friends, yet unmentioned. There is a certain hereditary dignity derived to the eldest sons, from those Captains which expelled the Tartars: they are called Quocum; their posterity are honoured by the King, most of all the eldest, which in process of time have grown into a numerous Family; and although they bear no public office, except some military commands, yet have they great dignity and wealth: and these only do truly resemble the Nobility of Europe. One head of this Family is at Nanquin, living in great pomp, with Palace, Furniture, Gardens, all like a King. He one day invited Father Matthew, Artificial rock. and entertained him in the best Garden in the City: in which, besides other pleasing rarities, he saw an artificial Mount or Rock of diverse unpolished Marbles, hollowed into Caves; it contained Chambers, Halls, Stairs, Fishponds, Trees, and other things, Art wantonising with Nature to engender pleasure; especially in time of heat to cool themselves in their studies or feasts with this Cave-retiring; which although it comprehended no great space of ground, yet would it ask the space of two or three hours' time to visit all the parts, the egress being by another gate. This Nobleman was young, and desired to see some things of Europe. Another which became familiar with Father Matthew, Captain of the City Garrison. was the Commander of all the Nanquin Soldiers, which had also another great Office, called Heu, who often visited him, and became his great friend, whose friendship gave us security, to whom the watch and ward, and security of the City belongeth. Besides, I will name the chief Eunuch, Chief Eunuch. Thousands of Eunuches at Nanquin. which hath great authority over the Nanquin Eunuches, whereof are numbered some thousands, who is Ruler over the King's Palace, and hath command of all the City gates, and over the military Musters together with the former Captain, with other parts of authority, and expresseth the same with great pomp. He was almost decrepit, and after the Eunuch's fashion there, not so gentle; and when Ricius came to him, his Courtiers commanded him to give him a title which answereth to Highness with us. I explain it thus; when they speak to the King, Van, van, siu, as to the Babylonian Monarch's, live for ever. Dan. 5.10. they wish to him ten thousand thousand years of life in these three syllables, Van van siu, which is all one with the title of Majesty: to others in the Palace, the Queens, or Children of the King, they with inferior title pray, one thousand years. Now the Eunuches are so arrogant that they expect this thousand years' wish, and to be saluted on the knee. Father Matthew could not do this safely, lest he should do more to him then to the chief Magistrates; but he had learned not to neglect in China their rites; and he being deaf, one that hollowed in his ear made up what the Father wanted. He gave him a great gift, which he refused, and denied him the trigone Glass: yet this caused the other Eunuches to honour him. At that time lived in Nanquin one which had obtained the first place in the declaration of Doctors (which is a very great dignity) who lived here in this Country private, A principal Doctor, a Preacher. but all great esteem of all. He had degenerated to become a Preacher of the three China Sects, and professed great knowledge of them. He had at his house a famous Votary, or Bonzi-Monke, A Mandarine becomes a Bonzi. who renouncing the public Offices which he had borne, had shaved his head, and (which is not usual in China) of a Learned Man, had become a Minister of the Idols. And because he was both learned in the China Sciences, and grown seventy years old, he had acquired much same and many Disciples, professors of that new Sect which he devised. These visited Father Matthew, to the wonder of all; that Literate-apostata confessed the truth of our Law, and presented the Father with a Fan with two elegant Epigrams therein. Two other visited him, Epigrams. one of which counterfeited himself to have lived three hundred years, whom the China Grandes much followed, as doting on the study of long life, the precepts whereof he read to his Scholar's. He also boasted of Geomancy. The other was a Physician, and companion to the other, each blazing the others Science: and whiles both preferred the Father, some suspected that he had lived some Ages (which they use to affirm of Strangers differing in countenance from them) and would not let it be known. The Chinois have one day solemn to Confutius the Prince of the Learned, in which they make a kind of Sacrifice to him, not as to their God, but their Master. They call it a Sacrifice, Confutius his holiday. but in larger extent of the word. Music was prepared against that day, at the trial whereof Father Ricius was present. The Priests of the Learned, called Tansu, ordered the Music; Music of China. and in the King's Hall (or Temple rather) dedicated to the Lord of Heaven, this trial was made. The Priests came forth in precious vestures, as if they would sacrifice, who after their wont rites to the Precedent, fell to their Music: in which were small brass Bells, Basins, other as it were Tabors, others of stone, stringed Instruments, Pipes, Organs blowed with the mouth, not with Bellowes; others resembled Beasts out of the hollow belly yielding a sound: all these sounded together with such discording discord as you may imagine; the Chinois themselves confessing the concord and harmoniacall consent to be lost; only the Instruments remaining from their Ancestors. That Temple was great and magnificent, built near the City in a Pine-grove, Temple royal▪ and magnificence thereof. compassed with walls twelve miles about. The wall of the Temple was of brick, the other parts of timber: it is divided into five Isles; the Pillars were round of huge timbers as great as two men could fathom, the height proportionable to that thickness; the roof is excellently carved, and all gilded: and although it be two hundred years since it was built, and the King resides not at Nanquin, nor sacrificeth there, yet is it little decayed from the first splendour. In the midst of the Temple is a more eminent place of most precious marble, in which is a double Throne, both of marble; the one for the King when he sitteth to sacrifice, the other is left for him to ●it by, to whom the sacrifice is made. The Cloisters without are beautified with most elegant windings, and lest the Birds should defile all, the windows are all netted with Iron wires (which is usual thorough all the Palace:) all the gates of the Temple are covered with Brass plates gilded, and wrought with neat Visages of the same metal. Without the Temple were many Altars of red marble, which represented the Sun, Moon, Stars, and Hills of China▪ Lakes and Seas, intimating that that God which is there worshipped made the rest, which are placed without, lest they might be worshipped for Deities. It is prohibited by grievous penalties, to cut the trees of that Grove, or any bough thereof, whence they are great and old. In the circuit of the Temple are many Cells, which are said to have been Baths for the Kings to wash in when they were to sacrifice. jesuits habit. The Father used the Habit of the Learned (as is said) of those especially which profess themselves Preachers of the Law; the Habit modest, and the Cap not unlike ours in Cross fashion also. He confuted both the Sects of Idolaters, and commended that of the Learned, praising Confutius, which was rather silent, then would devose any thing touching the next life, and taught good Rules for the Life, Family, and Republic. A great man flourished at Nanquin then (which had some thousands of Disciples) in opinion of Virtue and Learning, and had set days in which to hear and to be heard every month. Chiutaiso brought the Father, and this Father together, and in some reasoning Ricius wrung from him that some corruptions were in the Idol Sects, Societies of Learned. which he followed not, holding that only (he said) which was good. It being a fashion that Learned men met in their Societies to confer of Moral Virtues, in one of those meetings this man learnedly confuted Confutius, which another Magistrate took heinous, and cried out, it was intolerable that the Sect of Idols brought out of other Countries should be preferred before Confutius, whom the Learned Ricius also admireth, refelling the Idol-follies. He answered, he had spoken with the man, but he was not yet well acquainted with China business, and he would instruct him better. Soon after he invited him to a Feast (for the Chinois usually in such meetings determine Controversies) and there he met Sanhoi a famous Idol-Priest, Conference or disputation 'twixt an Idol-Priest and Ricius. a Learned Philosopher, Orator, Poet, and well skilled in others Sects also. When they were set, this Priest and the Father together, the Priest began showing his desire to confer of Religion. Ricius first asked what he thought of the first beginning of Heaven and Earth, and the Creator of things whom we call the Lord of Heaven. I deny not, said he, that there is such an one, but he hath no Majesty nor Deity, but I am equal to him, and so are all others. Canst thou (saith Ricius) make those things which he hath done? he granted. Make then such a Chasing-dish (one stood before him) this, said the other, was an unworthy demand. Thou (saith he) art an Astronomer, and makest new Suns in thy mind when thou reasonest thereof. That, saith Ricius, is but an Image or likeness which the mind from things seen conceiveth, as in reflection of a Glass whereon the Sun shineth, yet doth not the Glass create a Sun. The Host for fear of further quarrel parted them. At Dinner the Chinois disputed of a Question of humane nature, how it came bad (they want Logic and cannot well distinguish betwixt moral and natural good, and never heard of original sin) they discoursed thereof a whole hour: after which Ricius repeating what had been said, entered into dispute with Sanhoi, who laughed at his and their Reasons and answered all with a Tale of I know not what Flood, according to his Sect; but he straitened him with Arguments, so that he and this Disputation grew famous. They conceive that God and the Creatures are all of one substance, and that God is as a great Soul of the Universe; which opinion from the Idol-sects hath infected the Learned. Ricius writ a summary of that point, which gave men good satisfaction, and his Law seemed not so barbarous as they imagined. Oppression. Mines of Gold and Silver stopped by ancient Kings & forbidden to be opened to prevent robberies. The King's Treasure was exhausted by the Corayan War, whereupon contrary to the Laws he caused the ancient Mines which were said to be stopped, to be sought, and opened, and imposed new Tributes, that in all Provinces, Merchandizes should pay two of a hundreth: which had been tolerable if gathered by Magistrates; but his eunuchs, sent to every Province, without shame or mercy exacted on the people, and raised a worse combustion then that of Coray. So many Impostors, Counterfeits, thieves were everywhere: if a man dwelled in a good House, they would dig it up to search for a Mine, to force composition from the owner. Some whole Cities and Provinces compounded with these Caterpillars to free themselves from their vexations; the money so gotten they gave the King as taken out of their mines. This caused Dearth, and in some, Commotion. The Magistrates petitioned the King against these abuses, but sweetness of gain had not only stopped that ear, but procured grievous penalties to those which withstood his Catch-poll-Eunuches, which by those punishments grew more insolent. Ours which wintered at Lincin, happily escaped these Harpy-clutches, who with their Presents arriving at Nanquin rejoiced to see a Residence so prepared there. These Presents intended for the King, bred such an amazement in the beholders that others were ready to offer force to see them. They still minding to present the King, (the weather now more clear and peaceable) Cataneus went to Amacao; where was much rejoicing for these hopes, but soon quenched with sorrow for loss of their ship which tradeth to japon, men and goods lost, on which ship all their Commerce dependeth. They found themselves therefore unable to maintain three Residences: the Jesuits Rector scraped all he could for that purpose, and added a Watch and Image of the blessed Virgin, and Trigone Glasses, Houre-g●afles and other Rarities to their Presents. Didacus or jacobus Pantoia. Father Diego Pantoia a Spanish Priest also accompanied Cataneus to Nanquin, and thence went with Ricius to Pequin, with Sebastian and Emanuel. Father john was called from Nancian to reside with Cataneus at Nanquin. They went with an Eunuch then going to Pequin with six ships, who showed them much kindness. Zinin. In Zinin a City of the Province of Sciantum is a Viceroy which is as High Admiral over all the ships, whether they carry provision or other things, High Admiral, which gave kind entertainment to Ricius▪ telling him at parting, Sithai (that was Ricius his China name) I also desire to go to Paradise, intimating that all his Heaven was not in earthly honours, but that he minded also what the other p●eached. Presently with great pomp and state he followed him to his ship and there visited him with usual Rites of Urbanity and a Present, and wondered much at the sight of those Presents they carried for the King. He sent an Officer also to make him a readier way. One Liciu had made way to this Viceroys friendship, who soon after killed himself, hearing that upon some complaint of his Books, Liciu killeth himself. the King had commanded him to be imprisoned and his Books to be burned; preventing so the study of his Adversaries to put him to some shameful death. Amongst those eunuchs which the King had sent to oppress the people, was one Mathan, Mathan a great and base Eunuch. which dwelled at Linci●, whose exactions had raised the people and Soldiers into mutiny, which burned his Palace and killed his Servants, himself escaping disguised, but the Captive and Slave of Covetousness no less than before. Our Eunuch addressed himself to him, Treachery, but could not till the third time be admitted, because his Gifts were not answerable to the others appetite. He to make way for himself betrayed Ours to this Harpy, they not knowing it, saying, that in one of his ships were strangers with precious Gifts for the King, which he showed closely to his Officers▪ with these he might get the King's favour. The Governor which in that and the Neighbour Cities had great command was his great friend, of whom Ricius asked counsel: he told him that now the eunuchs reigned, and they almost only were the King's Counsellors, nor could the greatest Magistrates withstand their injuries. Yet the countenance of this Magistrate was a great help to him, this being the man whom of all the Governors he most feared; a man so well deserving that his Citizens erected to him a Temple, Image, and Inscription; who now also both countenanced Ricius what he might, and gave him the best advice how to carry himself to this Eunuch, and perhaps but for him they had lost all and themselves to. Great and glorious ship. This Capon had erected Palaces and Temples, and had built a huge ship in which the King himself might have sailed; so many were the Cells, Chambers, Hals, and other commodious Buildings thereof; the Windows, Galleries of undecaying wood carried with many Meanders, * Turnings. all shining with Varnish and glittering with Gold. In this ship was he carried to ours, where Ricius met him. He viewed and liked all, and down on his knees to the Virgin's Picture, promised to procure her a place in the Palace. Ricius modestly refusing his service for them to the King, saying, many Magistrates of best rank had undertaken that kindness: he smiled, saying, none of them could do so much as he with the King: the King answers my Petitions the same day, to them or late, or nothing. The Eunuch which brought ours was sent away, and all the Presents put a-board his ship. He carried the Jesuits with him to the Tower of Thiensin, Thiensin. whither he went to send thence the six months Tribute to the King: he feasted them, Comedies, Rope-runners, Tumblers, Vaulters, and Mimic Ape-men attending the cheer with such disports as they had never seen in Europe. One cast three great Knives into the Air one after another, China Players. and Feat-workers. and catched them again in their sheaths: another lay on the ground, raising his feet over his shoulders, with which he tossed up and tumbled too and fro an Earthen Pitcher in such sort, as hardly could be done with the hands; the like he did with a Drum on a Table. A Comedy was acted only with gestures, of disguised Giants in glorious habits; one from the Theatre pronouncing all their parts. A Boy danced admirably, and then as it were falling, laid his hands on the ground, and another Boy of Clay came forth, which using his hands for feet, imitated all the pranks of the other, and fell to wrestle with the living Boy, as if both had been alive. We will leave you Spectators here, and now bring you forth another Actor, which having in little while traveled much, and learned more of his Fellows; suddenly sent into Europe these Relations not unworthy your view: which I have therefore examined with the Original Spanish, and the Latin Translation, and cut off some superfluities to give you more full content and to prevent Repetitions; the rather because be descendeth to many particularities which Ricius looking higher and knowing more, hath omitted. CHAP. VI A Letter of Father DIEGO DE PANTOIA, * This Book I have both in Spanish printed 1606. in Valencia: and in Latin at Mentz 1607. one of the Company of JESUS, to Father LVYS DE GUZMAN, Provincial in the Province of Toledo; written in Paquin, which is the Court of the King of China, the ninth of March, the year 1602. §. four Difficulties of entering China, their dwelling at Nanquin, going from thence to Paquin, with Presents for the King, troubles in the way by an Eunuch. RIght Reverend Father in Christ, the peace of Christ be with you. I think I do not satisfy the duty which I owe unto your Worship, for the love which you have always showed unto me, and the Obligation wherein I am bound to so many most dear beloved Fathers and Brethren of this Province, if being as I am in this great Kingdom of China, procuring the good of these Pagans, (whereunto it pleased our Lord to choose me) I should not give you some brief Relation of the things that concern this our new Mission, and of some things also concerning the greatness of this Kingdom, the Customs, Government and Policy thereof. Being come, as heretofore I wrote to your Worship, to Macao a City of the Portugals, adjoining to the firm Land of China, College of jesuits. where there is a College of our Company: and there attending till the Persecution, Tumults, and Wars of japon, would permit ten or twelve Fathers of us to pass thither, which stayed expecting fit opportunity: when we were ready to depart, within few months, it pleased our God to change my Lot, and Enterprise which I had before mine eyes, and to send me to enter into China, whereinto I entered in the end of the year of our Lord 1599 There were in this Mission at this time, only five Fathers divided into three Houses. For though it be twenty years since they first began to enter, yet the entrance of Strangers is so hard and so straight forbidden, Entrance into China difficult. and their state and perseverance is so difficult, that in all this time there never passed above five or six Fathers, and those which succeeded since, though by little and little, did discover the Country; But their entrance was by stealth and secretly. Considering that all passages were shut up, and that in all China there was no man that could or durst presume to give licence to preach the Gospel; we always sought to get some access unto the King, either by way of Embassage, or by way of Present, and Gifts, and to seek to obtain this in part, Means sought to enter China. or in the whole, to this end and purpose. The Fathers always sought to obtain some Ambassage of the Pope, or of the Catholic King. But perceiving they could not obtain this, they procured it by way of giving a Present, not so much of precious things, Embassage. Present. for they had none of that kind, as of strange things never seen before in China. And having procured this for many years' space, without having any means to obtain it; the Divine Providence ordained one in the year of our Lord 1590. which was this: The Father's being in Xaucheo, (a Residency of the Province of Canton) there passed that way a great Mandarin, called by the King, to give him an Office in the Court, which among us is like unto a Precedent of one of the chiefest Counsels, which had known the Father's long time; and now seeing themselves with him, and signifying unto him the desire which they had to go to Paquin, to give a Present to the King, and that if he would do them the courtesy to carry them along with him under his shadow and protection, they would always remain thankful, and exceedingly bound to serve him. After this and other motives which they presented unto him, did that follow which wrought most effect, which was a good Present, with hope of other things afterward, whereupon he showed himself very tractable to grant their request, and to take them with him to Paquin. Being glad of this resolution, they prepared themselves for the Voyage, and took the things which they desired to give the King, which hereafter I will mention. It pleased God to bring them to Paquin, in the company of so great a Mandarin, without the hindrance of any body. Being come to Paquin they began secretly to negotiate their business: because they durst not, neither was the Mandarin that brought them willing that they should show themselves abroad. But though they attempted all possible means, neither with gifts, nor any thing else, there was not any man that would meddle with this business, because it was a matter that concerned Strangers, considering what might hereof happen unto them. After they had spent certain months, and saw they profited nothing, and fearing some innovation, they determined to return to their Residencies from whence they came. Having returned three hundred leagues, they came to the great City of Nanquin, which was the ancient Seat and Court of the Kings of China: and now (though the King reside not there) yet is it the most noble, great, strong, and beautiful of all this whole Kingdom, and retaineth her being the Royal Court, with all the same Offices which the City hath where the King resideth. They desired greatly to get an entrance into this City, because, as I have said, it is a famous place, and hath such store of grave persons in it, thereby to make themselves known, 100000. Garrison Soldiers in Nanquin. Ricius saith 40000. perhaps the other 60000. are for the Country adjoining, or for the Navy and Sea-guard: or Ricius might speak of the ordinary at other peaceable times, Pantogia of this troublesome time while the japonian war continued. Mandarins' houses are public. House possessed. and here to procure with more facility an entrance or access unto the King. But it seemed a thing impossible, because it is a City straight guarded, especially for Strangers, for whose guard and Watch it hath ordinarily above one hundred thousand Soldiers. And if they went about to get licence, it seemed impossible to obtain the same of so many great Mandarins, as governed the same. But our Lord (to whom every thing is alike possible) vouchsafed to comfort the Fathers for their travel and small fruit which they had reaped of their journey to Paquin: and by the counsel of some friends which they had there, and with the protection of the Mandarin had carried them to Paquin, which at that season came unto this City, they dwelled in Nanquin, without the contradiction of any Mandarin, although all of them knew thereof: howbeit, as a very great man said, which afterward became our great friend, he was ready to send to apprehend the Fathers, until he understood that they were peaceable people, which had long time abode in China. After they were purposed to remain there, there was another difficulty to get leave to dwell and have an House within the walls. But the Divine Providence gave them a very sweet and easy mean for all this, as here I will declare. The Mandarins live in this City in houses which are not their own, but belonging to the Offices which they bear: and when one hath ended his Office, he that succeedeth him, succeedeth him in his Houses, which are all builded at the King's cost. At this time a great Mandarin had builded one of these, wherein by his Office he was to dwell: But when he had finished it, it pleased God, that he enjoyed it not: and he sent many Devils to enter into it, as they did in deed, which with fearful shapes did terrify those which dwelled in it, especially by night: and this continued so long a time, that all men left it, and none would dwell in it. As Father Matthew Riccio (who was the party which negotiated this business, as the Procurator of all this Mission) went about to seek to buy an House, by way of jest they asked him, whether he would buy an house full of Devils? The Father answered, that he took it not for a jest, but that if the house liked him, he would not vary for that; for he served a God whom the Devils feared and dreaded, and that trusting in his help he was nothing at all afraid of them, but that they did rather much fear him, because he was the Servant of such a Lord. They went to see the House, which presently liked him: and as they sold it good cheap because of the bad report that it had, in two words they agreed together: and the Mandarin that sold it was so glad, that he gave us Patents to possess it perpetually in China; jesuits Patent for China habitation. a thing which in no place could be obtained of any other Mandarin. Forthwith they went to it, and at their coming in they blessed it according to the Rite of the Holy Mother Church; and by the grace of God there was never dream of any evil thing that troubled the same. All men looked what would become of this, and what success they should have with the Devils. And when they saw the great quietness, without any show of Spirits, they were greatly astonished, saying, that without doubt this was a great God, Fame of jesuits sanctity. and that he sought to dwell in that House, and that therefore he had commanded the Devils to dwell there, and not to suffer others to enter therein; and that when he came they went their way. To this so good beginning the progress from thence forward was answerable: Fame of their Learning. for the grave Mandarins' understanding, together with the fame that they were Learned men, that they had many Books, that they were men of a good life, and that they had some things of their Country, which were never seen in China (as certain Clocks with Wheels, and Images in Oil, Watches admired. and other pretty things) all of them setting fear apart, and other respects, came to visit the Fathers in great estate, because they were the greatest Mandarines of all China, but with much humanity, respect and courtesy, with Presents of things to eat, and Banquets as they use with their equals. They were so well pleased with all that they saw and heard, that all of them became their great Friends and Patroness: and gave so good report of them, that all men sought to do the like: and for continuance of their amity they came oftentimes to visit them, and oftentimes invited them to their Palaces: and with this fame and honour of the gravest sort of people, all the rest of the inferior and base sort used them with much reverence, no man daring to do, Their credit & good usage. or say unto them any discourteous thing. This was the state of things when it pleased God to choose me for this Mission, and when I entered into it we had three Residences, one in the Province of Canton, another in the Province of Quianci, which is somewhat more within the Land, another in the City of Nanquin, which is in the midst of the Kingdom, and three hundred leagues from Macao. I entered secretly, as all the rest did (I say without particular Licence of any Mandarin.) But my secrecy continued but a while, as hereafter I will declare. I came at the first, without staying in any other House, to Nanquin, where three Fathers of us were four months; Father Matthew Riccio our Superior, Three jesuits. Father Lazarus Catanio, and myself, and a Brother a Chinois, one of the two which are received into this Mission, and every thing goeth well. But as in matter of strangers the Chinois are exceeding scrupulous, more than your Worship can believe, so there were many which spoke of our abiding in Nanquin, considering that now we had three Houses in China. We began with much more earnestness to procure another better foundation, and to return to Paquin more openly, and seek access unto the King. And because in Nanquin there be Mandarines to whom this belongeth, and some of them were our Friends, we began to speak of this point. But it was not needful to spend many words; for strait way we met with a Mandarin, to whom by right this matter appertained, Leave for Paquin granted. who frankly and freely offered us Patents, Dispatches, and whatsoever was needful to accomplish this business. The promises of this Mandarin were not vain: for when the time came that the River was unfrozen, (which all the Winter is frozen over) and Barks began to go for Paquin, he performed his word faithfully, The River of Nanquin over-frozen all the Winter. giving us Patents and Passports needful for the money; and besides, he sent us a Bark of the Kings to carry our Present and our own things. Being glad of these good news and dispatch, we consulted how we should deal in certain things which offered themselves in this business, and who should go: There was no question but Father Matthew Riccio should be one, but who should be his companion: for whom they choose me, and the Brother. The particulars of the Kings Present. Gilded Dragons or Serpents (so Cruz calls them) the King's Arms. Pinto saith a Lion, perhaps his conjecture for the frequency mentioned also by Polo, sup. p. 89. etc. or perhaps this might then be, and Serpents since, the Royal Ensign. Besides a Lion is the Arms of Canton Province, and perhaps of some others which might be mistaken for the King's Arms. They began their journey from Nanquin 1600. the 20. of May, stilo novo. We set our things in order, particularly those which were of the Kings Present, Which were two Clocks with Wheels, one great one of Iron, in a very great Case made fair with a thousand ingraued works, full of gilded Dragons, which are the Arms and Ensigns of this King, as the Eagle is the Emperors: another little Clock very fair, above an handful high, all of golden Metal, of the best Work which is made in our Country, which our Father General had sent us for this purpose; which was set in a gilded Case, as the other was: and in both of them in stead of our Letters were graven the Letters of China, and an hand that came forth did point at them. Besides these there were three Images in Oil, two great ones of an Ell high, and one little one. The greatest was the figures and portraiture of Our Lady of the Poplar, of Saint Lucar: The second was of our Lady with the Babe jesus, and Saint john: the third, was a Picture of Christ, which was the least; all of them were of excellent Worke. Besides this, there were certain Looking-glasses; two Triangle-glasses (which though among us they be of no account, yet are they esteemed here among them) adorned with Chains of Silver, and set in an excellent Case of japon, which was of twenty times more value than the Glasses, to them that know what Glasses are. A Book of The Theatre of the World, and a Breuiarie exceeding fairly bound, with an inscription, That that was the Doctrine of the True God, whose Images they did present him withal. A very fair Monocord, because it is an Instrument whereat the Chinois do wonder much, and other pretty things of less importance. All which things being set in order, and embarked, we took our leave of the Christians of Nanquin, (which at our departure came to our House with a Banquet with great joy) and of the Mandarins our friends, which with great sorrow, and shows of love took their leaves of us, and sent us Presents for our journey, and many Letters of favour to the great Mandarins of Paquin. We departed with this good dispatch from Nanquin in the year 1600. the twentieth day of May. And knowing not how the King, and the Mandarins of Paquin, and those of the King's Court, would take this our journey, because we were Strangers, we sought to prepare ourselves for that which might fall out: in great hope that we should find aid either in all or in part to obtain our desire, which we had for the establishment of our Company in this Kingdom, and to procure the opening of an entrance thereunto for the preaching of the holy Gospel. We began to sail up a very great River, whereof hereafter I will speak somewhat; and when we had sailed certain leagues, we entered into another small River made by hand above two hundred leagues, only to carry in Barges the Tribute which the Provinces of the parts of Nanquin pay unto the King, and other things which these Countries yield (which are the best, and most plentiful of all things which are in China) because it seemeth impossible to carry it by Land with Millions of people, 300. leagues as it were one pathway of shipping. being in Rice, Wheat, Silver, and a thousand other things very great: And the Vessels which are employed about this business are so many, that without doubt it is no Hyperbole to say that from Nanquin to Paquin, which is three hundred leagues, all the Summer time it seemeth to be a path way of the King's Barges. We were all aswell Mandarins as particular men very well entreated all the way, whither many Mandarins came out of the Villages and Cities, desiring to see the Present which we carried, and ourselves; bringing us many Presents for our journey. Having traveled two hundred and thirty leagues in forty days, Lincin. we came to a very famous place and Mart Town in China, which is in the Province of Xantun, which is next unto the Territories of Paquin, called Lincin. Where, because of the great Traffic of Vessels and Merchants, which go and come from the Court, who pay to the King a very great tribute, he hath placed one of his chiefest Eunuches, which serveth to gather up his Customs: which lived there in great estate, and much attendance. Whensoever he goeth abroad he is always carried in a Chair, upon eight men's shoulders, Mathan the King's Eunuch, his pomp. which is a very great honour in China, with great store of Horsemen before and behind, with certain Basins of Copper, which make a great sound when they be played upon, to signify to the people that he cometh that way, that all may go out of the way; as the custom is with all the great Mandarines in the Cities of their jurisdiction. Which Eunuch understanding of us, and of the things which we brought for the King, and of many other things which they put in his head that we brought, to wit, precious stones, and others of that kind: he sent us word, that he knew what we had brought for the King, and that he desired much to see it, and that the same day or the next he would come, praying us that we would make it ready. He came at the appointed time, and having seen the things which we brought for the King, and making account of them to be precious, and that the King would greatly delight in them, he sought means to cause them to be presented to the King by all means, as things that he had dealt with us to bring, to please him, and thereby to obtain some suit for himself: and besides this, with desire and hope that we would give him some precious stones (whereof the Chinois are very greedy) he determined wholly to meddle in this business. He sent us a Present of things to eat, and a very courteous message, that we should pass in one of his Barges, that shortly he would send us to Paquin, with Soldiers of his house, a Petition made with his own hand to the king; that we should consult together, and bethink ourselves what we desired to obtain of the King, whether it were to be Mandarines, or to have lands or houses, or all together, because there should be no difficulty in any thing. The message came with all this courtesy. And we made answer with the like, returning him a Present for his answer with general words. For though he came with so great offers, yet we knew that these Eunuches, Eunuch's base minded. for the most part, are base and covetous people. It happened at this time that the chiefest Mandarine of this City, which was our great friend was come from Nanquin, from whence they had fetched him for that Office. We determined that Father Matthew Riccio should visit him with a small Present, according to the use of the Country, to relate unto him this business, and to ask his counsel what we were best to do. He received the Father with much courtesy and love, and kept him two days in his house: which, after he had heard the whole matter, answered, that he was very sorry that we had met with this Eunuch, because we could look for no goodness of his baseness, covetousness, and bad means of proceeding; and that he could perform nothing that he had promised, and that his intent was nothing but covetousness; that he would advise us to take as little as we could of him: but for all this, that we should not refuse that which he offered, but rather to make a virtue of necessity, and to thank him with a very good continuance for that which he promised, because we were in his power, and he might and would hinder our passage, if we did not so, and take away our Present from us, and give it himself with his own hand to the King, Not subject to ordinary Magistrates. without making any account of us, without controlment of any man, because he was not subject to any Mandarine. This seemed unto us to be very sound counsel, and a forcible enducement to follow it. So we followed the same, and applied ourselves unto him in every thing, answering the Eunuch according to his desire, and passed in a Bark of his. He desired much forthwith to carry the Kings Present to his house, saying, that he would trim them to give them to the King, and this we courteously denied him, saying, that we durst not depart with them till we had delivered them to the King, neither that it seemed reasonable, that when we did give them, another should trim them; especially, that these pieces were not such as had need of more trimming, since in themselves they were so precious: with which answer he seemed to remain satisfied. At the first he made us great banquets, sport, and cheer: but as in very deed his purpose was nothing but to do himself good, and to look for his own profit, and not for ours, he began quickly to discover himself: for he stayed certain days, Conceit of gems. looking that we should give him some precious stones, which some body had told him that we had brought with us to please him, for some things that they looked for at his hands▪ and when he saw the days were passed, within which he thought we would have given him them, he began to be out of hope, and to grow cold in our entertainment: yet for all this, he came to visit us with great pomp at our embarking: He dismisset● them. and after fifteen days he dispatched us for our journey to Paquin with men of his own house, and with a Petition to the King, signifying unto him how he had met us on, the way, and what our intent was, and what things we brought. We were very honourably entertained in his journey, and in all the Towns and Cities of his jurisdiction whereby we passed, he commanded them to give us without delay refreshing of Fleshmeate, Fish, much Fruit, and Wine. We traveled eight days, and came to the last place of his jurisdiction: which is three days journey from the Court of the King. We stayed there with company that did wait upon us, watching day and night about the Bark with their Sentinels and Bells, as they are wont to do with the great Mandarines, and especially because there were there things belonging to the King, and the rest of the servants of the Eunuch went to Paquin, to deliver the Petition to the King, and to know his pleasure. They delivered the Petition, and we looked for an answer thereof within three or four days, as he had told us. But God had disposed otherwise for the exercise of our patience and hope in him: and that was, that the King made no answer as we looked for: whereupon he was somewhat ashamed of the great brags that he had made to us without performance of any thing: and he and we were all in suspense, when we saw the King returned no answer, which is wont to be a token that he liketh not the Petition that is made unto him. Silence of denial. Fifteen days after we arrived in this place, the Eunuch came thither; to send from thence to the King a third part of the tribute which he had gathered. He came accompanied with great store of Vessels, and that wherein he was, was such, as assuredly your Worship hath not seen the like in all your life. Eunuch's pompous Barge. The form is very much different from ours: for it is like unto an high House, wholly divided into chambers and halls very high, full of carved works round about, with hangings of Silk, of many figures, and round about full of galleries to walk up and down without being driven to enter in. Glorious Varnish. And on the outside it was all covered over with a kind of Oil like Varnish, which runneth out of certain trees, which they make with tempering of all sorts of colours, Abundance of all colours in japon and China. (whereof in japon and here there is great abundance) and the Portugals call it Charan; it is a very fair, shining▪ and durable thing: and the things that are coloured with it, do shine like Glasses, if it be of the finest: and besides, though it be not costly, yet it is as fair and fairer, because it is more natural, and very neat and fine, wherewith they paint diverse figures, Painted Figures. trees, and flowers; and if it be of the right, it doth not decay, and loseth no whit of his lustre. Herewith was the Barge trimmed without, with diverse figures painted on the hull of the Barge: from the hull upward the windows and the walls of the Halls and Chambers was full of carved works, knots, and carved flowers, some gilded, others of diverse colours, agreeable to their natures, which made a very pleasant show: within it was of the same work with more excellency, and the most part was gilded, and the floor of boards was painted with very shining Charan or Oil. It was as long as a good Gallie, little more or less, and somewhat broader, Very great Oars and the excellent use of them. Music. but far higher, and in such sort, that when wind faileth they use very great Oars after the manner of China, which serve, and are managed as Fishes use their tail to swim. And because they be of this fashion they use them with much facility in every Vessel how high soever it be. This was the fashion of the Vessel wherein the Eunuch came with much Music of Trumpets, Drums, and Fifes, and other Instruments which I omit for brevity's sake. Manner of petitioning the King. When he was come to this place, seeing the King sent no answer to his first petition, he sent another to put him in remembrance, and to solicit an answer to the first: wherein he answered nothing to this point, although he answered to other things. And though it be true, that sometimes the King maketh no answer, through forgetfulness and confusion, because the petitions be infinite which are daily given him from all the Kingdom: yet most ordinarily when he giveth no answer it serveth for an answer, either that he will not do, or liketh not of that suit that is made unto him. And therefore because there came no answer, the Eunuch was much grieved that he had meddled in this matter, Eunuch estranged. out of which he could not withdraw his hand because he had given a Petition to the King, until he had seen some answer of his, fearing some damage, or displeasure of the King, that hereof might ensue: and hereupon he began to estrange himself from us, and sought not to see us, not to have to do with us, and sent six men always to stay in our Barge, under colour to serve us, but in very truth to watch us day and night. They stayed three months. In this suspense we continued three months in the extreme heat in a Barge, not knowing what would become of us. At the end thereof news was brought us, that the King had sent to the Eunuch, that he should see what things they were (for until then he had not written to him but in general) and signify it unto him, and if he thought them worthy, he should send him a Petition touching that matter. We were somewhat more joyful with this message, which was so indeed. And Father Matthew Riccio went to the Eunuch's lodging to receive the King's answer, with such ceremonies and reverences as they are wont to receive the messages that come from the King. And to put this commandment in execution, he came to our Barge accompanied with many inferior Mandarines, as witnesses, and in the King's name he took all these things into his hands: which he sent unto his house. There he fell to reason with us, persuading us that we should conceal none of the precious things that we had brought (whereof his mind did so greatly run) because the King would be greatly displeased, if he knew that we had any good things and would not give them him. We told him plainly the truth, putting him in plain words out of that imagination which we knew he had conceived. And after many compliments on both parts he returned to his lodging. He wrote to the King what things they were which we had brought, looking that he would strait have sent for them. But it fell out as it did at the first, that he returned no answer, and the cause thereof seemed to be, that they were things that he made none account of. We were now the second time in like case as we were at the first, not being able to go back nor forward: for they would not suffer us to go to Paquin, nor to return back. The Eunuch being ready to return to the City of Lincin, where we first met him, Lincin. having need of the Barge wherein we were, commanded us to be removed unto an house in the City, there to stay until some message came from the King, either good or bad. We removed with great pleasure, for the desire that we had to say Mass, whereof we were deprived many months. This was the thirteenth of October. After we were come on shore, we set up our Altar whereon we said Mass every day, preparing ourselves for that which might betide us. This Eunuch could not be dissuaded from that which covetousness had persuaded him, Covetousness injurious. to wit, that we had brought some precious thing with us. And seeing it seemed unto him that he could not get us by another way, to give that which he desired, and we had not; he became shameless, and two days before his departure, he came with a great company to our house, as though it had been to visit us in friendship, we thinking nothing of any such thing: and when he was come in he began to speak unto us, and put us in great fear, ask us, how we durst come so far into the Kingdom without leave of the King? and that other Eunuches had advertised him from the Court, that we had many other things, and that we would not show them, nor give them to the King. While he was thus talking and dealing, he commanded his men to seize upon all our stuff, which we had in four or five Hampers, and to lay them all out upon a bank, which with great celerity above an hundred Officers which came with him performed, and in two words, they undid and opened all, and with his own hands he opened as many papers as he found, to seek that which he desired: Images. and seeing he could find nothing that he looked for, he took that which he found, which was an Image of our Lady, being one of the two small ones which we had reserved, that which he left was better without comparison, and very excellent, on which also he had cast his eye: he took also certain Glasses, and other small things, of small importance, because there were no better: A Cross and Relics. but that which grieved us much was, that he took from us a Cross of very good and great Relics, and a Case of Relics likewise, and the Chalice wherein we said Mass, A Chalice. which because it was of Silver and gilt (which that year they had sent us of Alms from Maaco) did please him; and when we prayed him not to touch it, because it was a thing consecrated to God, which the Kings of our Country durst not presume to touch, he made a jest of it; and the more it was told him that he should not touch it, he handled it the more with scorn, saying, that though we told him he might not touch it, yet we saw he held it in his hands without any difficulty or danger. By the intercession of a Mandarine that favoured us, he gave us the Chalice again; but we could never get the Relics again out of his fingers, as we desired, for of all things else he would depart with none. As he and those that aided him so willingly were searching with much curiosity, and every one catched what he could, because all things lay tumbled on the ground: at last they met with a Case wherein was a carved Crucifix, which was mine. A Crucifix. He began to look upon our Lord jesus Christ being bloody and wounded, being a very fair and pleasant sight to our eyes and heart, but very strange, foul and offensive to his sight. He used certain gestures not saying any word, until he was astonished, and turned his head, and asked what it was? We told him, that that was the true God which made Heaven and Earth, whom all the World ought to worship, who died for our sins, and to give us life, and afterward rose again by his own power, and ascended into Heaven. He would not hear many reasons; for it seemed unto him that we were deceived in worshipping a God that in his eyes was dead: again, he looked wistly upon it; and the final conclusion that he made was, that that which he suspected was true, Suspicion. that we were very lewd fellows, because we had the shape of a man misused with so great inhumanity, nailed on a Cross, and all besprinkled with blood, as that was, and that it was nothing else but some witchcraft to kill the King; And though in this second point he was deceived; yet in the first he had great reason, though he knew not wherefore, since our sins and evil deeds made Christ to be used on that sort. That which the Eunuch said in our house, he uttered also abroad: in so much that certain grave Mandarines which favoured us, retired themselves from us, and sent us word, that from henceforth we should leave that crucifixed man, and that seeing now we remained in China, we should wholly conform ourselves unto them, for as long as we kept it they durst not speak in favour of us, because the report went that it was a device to kill the King. But our China Boy which was a Christian before he brought us the message, answered before the Mandarine, saying, That this was the true God: wherefore not only we, but himself that was a Chinois would rather die then deny him one jot: whereat the Mandarine was amazed, Dying dreadful. seeing him speak resolutely of dying; a thing so much abhorred of the Chinois, even to speak of it: and so he sent us a moderate message, bidding us to hide that Figure, that no body should see it, for the report that went of it. The Eunuch gave out many threatenings against us, saying, that whether the King received the Present, or not, the least displeasure that he would do us was, to thrust us out of the Kingdom, as wicked fellows, writing a Petition to the King against us, Besides this we remained thrust into an exceeding bad and naughty house in the greatest force of the Winter, The force of Winter. always with many Soldiers within and without doors, the gates being shut with hanging Locks, without suffering our Boy to go forth to buy any thing, without two Soldiers to go with him. In which kind of living (though still with some remission of the rigour that we were kept in at the first) we continued above two months and an half without any kind of comfort or rest at any time of the day to say Mass. This was till the beginning of januarie, 1601. At the end of which time, the Eunuch returned to the same place. We verily thought that our coming out of that place should not be such as it was, at the least we thought we should be thrust into a perpetual Trunk or Prison, or in some worse place, as the fame went, and the good will which the Eunuch showed us. §. II. The King sends for them, is delighted with their Clocks and Pictures; they are shut up, after take a house, are admired for learning; Christianity of China. AS the cause of our trouble was the Kings not dispatching of our business, and our conceiving that he misliked of our coming, so all was ended by his remembering by chance to ask where the strangers were, which certain months past they had told him had brought him certain Images, and certain small Bells which strike of themselves (for so they call Clocks) and wherefore they brought him not those things, The King sends for them and that they should fetch them quickly; and he gave the charge of dispatching our business to a great Mandarin of Paquin, to whom it belongeth to deal with Strangers. These news were brought to the Eunuch and us, who for the executing of the King's commandment (whose Letter they obey without reply) sent us word that we must go to Paquin, because the King sent for us, and sent us eftsoons all the Pieces which he had in his possession, and the most part of those things which he had taken from us, that we ourselves should put them in order, that they should receive no hurt by the way, and gave us many men to carry all our stuff on their shoulders, Their journey and Horses for all our company, and a Mandarin to accompany us. We were lodged all the way in the Palaces of the Mandarins very honourably. Having traveled four days, we came to the walls of Paquin, and they lodged us in an house without the walls. They came to Paquin, in 4. days travel. And because the King had referred the business to the Mandarin, which I spoke of, the Eunuch feared that he should lose the thanks, which he thought to receive of the King for that present, if another Mandarin should meddle with it. That day he caused all things to be made ready of the Petition and remembrance, which therewithal he was to give unto the King, and early in the morning with other things and much Silver of the revenues which he presented, being all guarded with many Horsemen and Footmen, he carried it to the King's Palaces. Who having the memorial delivered unto him, The present is delivered to the King. commanded his men to receive all things. They received the same: and when he had seen all those strange things, the like whereof, or of so great excellency, he had never seen before; they say that he rejoiced greatly, considering and viewing all things a very long while, Clocks and Pictures admired. with great show of admiration, especially of the Pictures and Clocks. He commanded them to bring us to his Palaces, and to inquire of us what kind of thing those Clocks were, and what thing was needful, for to have them to go well. We answered to the point. And from the place where we were on horseback, by post on two Horses which we mounted, They are sent for to the Court. and with the like speed we came to the Court. At the same of our coming, and for to see us an infinite multitude of people assembled, (because Strangers are no ordinary thing in China:) and when we came to the Court, those which had the charge of us, were enforced to make room with staffs. When we were come to a certain place, a great Eunuch accompanied with above two hundred small ones, came down to demand of us what the King commanded him, and to see how we did handle those Clocks: They saw how we used them; but we answered to the question, that it was needful to appoint some body of good capacity to learn, which in two or three days would learn how to use them. When they had returned the answer, the King appointed four eunuchs of his principal Mathematicians, eunuchs are taught to use the Clocks. to learn it, and command them to receive us in the mean while in his house with●n his own Palace. They received us with much respect and good entertainment. A great multitude of eunuchs came to see us, and every one to inquire what came in his mind. But the King, which all those days was occupied in rejoicing for those new things, commanded the Images to be placed in a principal Hall, The Pictures. whether, as the eunuchs told us, the chief Queen went to do them reverence: and they told us of the King, that he durst not keep them near him, being afraid, because they seemed unto him to be alive. Often times he sent eunuchs unto us, The King of China his questions. to inquire diverse things concerning our Country, whether it had any King, what manner of Apparel he wore, and what kind of Hat? (for in China they make great difference of the apparel of the King, from the foot to the head, and of other men) and if we had any Picture of him that we should show it. We had a picture wherein was the Pope with his triple Crown, and the Emperor, and the King with their Ensigns, kneeling before the name of God, and we gave them it for a show, declaring that those were three kind of Kings, and that all of them did worship the true God, which made Heaven and Earth, whose Image we had given him. They carried it unto him, and because it seemed to be small, Three kinds of Kings. he commanded them to draw another greater, in colours by it. Afterward he sent another to demand questions of the things of our Country, particularly of the King's Houses. We had a Map of the Escurial, newly cut in Copper, and a picture of the Place of Saint Mark in Venice, both which we gave them. The Escurial Though we suspect that they delivered but the second, saying, that they durst not give the other, Saint Marks. because strait in haste he would command them to paint them great, and there was none that durst take it upon him, though we know not whither they delivered it afterward. He willed them further to inquire; after what manner we buried our Kings: Sepulchers. because in the matter of Burials and Sepulchers, the Chinois are great Soothsayers, and put a great part of their felicity in a good manner and place of their Burials. At that time we received a Map of the Death of his Majesty, Death of King Philip the 2. (who liveth with God in glory) and of the manner of his Funeral, and so we answered him, as it was in the Map, to wit, that they made him a Coffin within of Lead (which continueth long) and without of excellent Wood, and put these coffins in a Sepulchre of stone, and for this purpose, there was a Church builded of purpose. They enquired many things of us of this kind these few days, where unto we answered, advancing the things that belonged to the service of our Lord God, as much as we might, and concerned our Europe, as far as the truth would permit us, because that we deemed it to be convenient for the service of our Lord. They told the King so many things, that it seemed he greatly desired to see us: But on the other part, The King never suffereth himself to be seen of the common people. he thought it would be too great a courtesy, and much beyond his custom, who never suffereth himself to be seen of his own people, but of his Eunuches, and Wives that serve him, and sometime very seldom of some one of the greatest Mandarins: yet, though he would not suffer himself altogether to be overcome of this temptation, yet he suffered himself in part, and he sent to take our Pictures: which two Painters did, each of them by themselves as well as they could. Yet in truth I neither knew myself nor my companion in that picture, but as it was they carried it away. Bad Picture-drawers. It was not after such figure and manner, as your Worship hath known me, but with a Beard an handful long, and a garment of a Learned honourable Chinois, though down to the foot, and very modest: but from the head to the foot far differing from our fashion. After the eunuchs had been instructed three days, the King in haste sent for the Clocks, which they carried, and set in order before him; whereat he took such pleasure, eunuchs preferred. that he increased their Dignity, advancing those four which had learned this skill, to a greater place of their Order. The King asked them many questions of us, what we did eat, and how much, and many other trifles. Whereunto the eunuchs answered (as they told us afterward) as we could desire. They gave us all the welcomes of humanity which the King did show us, appointing us all to be Mandarins (which is the reward and felicity of the Chinois) which we always refused, saying, that we came not for that purpose, but only to dilate the Law of God, Jesuits offered to be Mandarins. neither could we take that office upon us: But we were so near to be made Mandarins, that they told us the King would bestow Dignity upon us, that we were enforced to beseech the eunuchs, that when occasion was offered, that his Majesty did ask them any thing, they would tell him plainly that we sought no kind of Dignity, nor could become Mandarins: who told him so much; whereby our Lord God delivered us out of much trouble, which we should have endured in refusing the same, if the King had bestowed it upon us. We continued in these demands, questions and answers, goings and comings to the King's Court: for now we had lived a whole month abroad: in which time every day I at least was there, when we could not go both, because Father Matthew Riccio was occupied with other Guests and visitations. They enquired and asked us, what we would demand of the King? We told them, A Month▪ that we sought no profit at all; but if the King would give us under his hand, some certain place and a House to dwell in, we would be very glad; because we had none other intent, but to stay in some certain place, and to seek to dilate the Law of God. For though it be true, that our purpose did stretch itself further (as I have said in the beginning) yet we found things in so different a disposition from that which we imagined, that it seemed an exceeding great error, to make any motion to give an entrance for more company and Fathers: for it was certain that we should do no good, nor should find any, which by any means durst presume to move it to the King, and assuredly should lose all that we had done, and at last should cast ourselves wholly out of the Kingdom: and therefore it was not convenient that we should be known, that we had any companions. And many of our friends gave us counsel, that we should not seem to seek to dwell here; for in that very point, they would have us in suspicion. Yet nevertheless, we went as far as we could, and as we thought might be brought to pass, which was, that we might have the King's licence, that no Mandarin might (if he would) cast us out. The Mandarin, to whom the King at the first had referred our business, seeing the Eunuch had wholly meddled in the same without him, being much offended therewith, did frown altogether upon us, and made a warrant out, to take us wheresoever they found us, uttering certain grievous words against us, Mandarin offended. because that being Strangers, and remaining in the Court, we presented not ourselves unto him, to whom of right belonged all the business of Strangers. They were at the lodging where we lay, and they shut up our Boys; for they never durst offer any discourtesy to Father Matthew Riccio, (which at that time was there.) At that time I was at the King's Court, whither they sought to send me word to speak with the eunuchs, and that they, if they could, should advertise the King thereof, that they had apprehended us. But they hindered with exceeding great care and diligence the going forth of any body, and they stayed for me till I came home, (which came home thinking no harm at all) and when I was come in, they shut the door without. We road the next day very honourably on Horseback to the audience of the Mandarin, and signified unto him, They are shut up some three months. that in that we did not present ourselves, was not our fault; he used us w●ll, and honourably; but they put us in an house with a Guard, where we continued some three months, yet so that certain Mandarins came to see us. This Mandarin gave the King a remembrance that he held us there: Mandarins' Petition. But that as our purpose was good to serve him with that present, it was reason to give us some reward, setting down that it would do well to give us the Ensigns of the Mandarins, and to pay us for that which we had given him Royally; but that it was fit to send us away speedily into our Country, or to Canton (where until then we had dwelled:) for it seemed not well, that Strangers should dwell and that in the King's Court, entering into the Palace of the King every day, being a thing so unusual. And in very deed he had reason: for to suffer us to enter into the Palace, or to stay and lie there, they did us such a favour, that of long time the King of China hath never done to any Stranger. We feared some trouble by this Petition. But our Lord which had given us this bitter morsel, afterwards made it sweet to us again, because the King made none account of it. And albeit diverse times afterward, the said Mandarin delivered four Petitions concerning this point, he made as small account of the last as of the first. And diverse times the eunuchs told us, that the King's meaning was of all likelihood, that we should stay here, A Turk kept there. For fear lest we should return into our Country, to give news and knowledge of his Kingdom; as they dealt with a Turk, which hath been here above forty years. True it is, that he answered as little, in performing nothing that was in the Petition: But we took it for good satisfaction, that he did not yield to that, that we might not lose the other thing, which was the principal. When three months almost were spent, seeing the business would be prolonged if we attended the King's answer, and being shut up we could do nothing, nor negotiate any thing that we intended, nor deal in God's matters, as we desired; we sought to get out of this place, and to get a licence to take a House, They higher an House. and there to stay waiting till the King would give some order: and we handled the matter so well, by means of certain Mandarins which favoured us, and principally by the grace of our Lord, that we obtained our whole desire: And we took an house in the chief situation of this City: all that which they gave us at the King's cost in that place, which was sufficient for our sustentation, after we were gotten out they gave us the same allowance in like manner. Many Mandarins of this Court, heard great fame of us and of our things: and understanding that we were come out of that place, Visited by Mandarins. b●gan to come in great numbers and concourse with much honour and respect, courtesy and presents to visit us, and to inquire diverse things which they desired to know. For the fame that went of us, that we knew all Countries, and the things and customs of the World, and the material and spiritual things of Heaven, was great: and therefore every one came to inquire that which he desired. China ignorance o● the world. Use of Maps. And though our knowledge be but little, in comparison of the knowledge which is in our Country: yet being compared with theirs of China, which knoweth nothing of the world, save their own Kingdom, which by a common name thy call, The World: of God, and of the things of Heaven nothing, and of other things little, it was somewhat, and was sufficient to send them home amazed, and always with a desire to return. Ill cosmography. They saw a very fair and great Map of the world which we brought with us, and we showed them how big the world was, which they thought to be so little, that they imagined that there was not so much more in all the same, as their Kingdom: And they looked one upon another, Ignorance mother of arrogance. and said, we are not so great as we imagined, seeing here they show us, that our Kingdom, compared with the world, is like a grain of Rice, in comparison of a great heap. They also thought, that there was no other Writing, nor no other Books in the world but theirs: and when they saw ours, which at the least they saw in outward appearance, to be much better than their own, they were astonished, and put out of their error, doing us always more and more honour: and chiefly they were astonished, when we showed unto them certain things in the Mathematics which they knew not, Mathematics giving Clocks to certain persons, which for this end we made of purpose: and by these and other means, and principally by discoursing with them of Moral virtues, (whereof they write, speak▪ and have many Books) and of God's matters, there ran so great a fame, ethic. that the greatest Mandarins of all this Kingdom (which are the greatest persons ne●t the King) sought to converse with us, and to seek our friendship: and so many sent us presents, and others came to visit us, with great numbers of people: others with much courtesy invited us to their houses: so that in four months space, we had gotten the greatest Mandarins of Pequin to be our friends, and ready to favour us is all things: Four months And he which at this time particularly doth favour and honour us, i● the Precedent of that Audience▪ which hath the charge of us, and at the first approved us: so that we remain Inhabitors of this City, with all liberty that we can desire, to deal with all such as are willing to hear the things that belong to our holy Law, and their salvation. And by this good success, our Lord hath made us forget all that is past. And though it be true, that hitherto we have gotten no dispatch, nor resolution of the King, yet we content ourselves in that he letteth us stay here, although he never grant us more. For albeit by this our journey, we have not obtained all that we desired, yet we hope that this our firm abode here, shall tend greatly to the service of our Lord, and the good of this Mission. They be commonly of good understandings, so that easily they fall into reason, and are capable: they have not in the government of this Kingdom, Hopes of Christianity. any thing that forbiddeth them to follow what Law they list, nor any Law nor Obligation, which is contrary to our holy Law. They have none which effectually and with authority doth exhort them unto other Laws, and withdraw them from the truth. The baseness of the Bonzi. For the Bonzi (which are dedicated for this purpose to Idols) are in the common conceit of all men, the most base, contemptible, and worst people in all China, whose least care is, to exhort them to any thing more than to give them somewhat: and thus they do not only not exhort them to follow Idols, but also with their bad manner of living, persuade them (as we have often heard of men of good judgement) that it is not good to serve them, since their Ministers be such. And so in this matter of worshipping of Idols, though there be many that worship them, and have many of them, and use their Ministers for their Funerals, and other things, yet with very small affection, and devotion thereunto, we easily make them say that they are naught, and that it is not fit to worship them. Yet, though these things and others which I 〈◊〉, do help them with ease to follow the Law of God, the counterpois is great, and commonly it weigheth down the balance on that side. For first because the matter of Strangers is so odious in China, and the dealing with them so suspicious, one sort because they disdain it, as the Princes, who albeit they now conceive better of us, yet to learn of Strangers, and to receive a Law which is not of their own means, they hardly persuade themselves: others for fear, as the base people. The second difficulty, and perhaps the greatest, i● a natural oblivion, that all this Nation hath of another life, and of immortality, and of salvation or condemnation of the Soul: Indevotion. and not only an oblivion, but also an aversion from all these things, wherein we have likewise found them to differ from all other Nations. And it is a thing to be noted, that since it is a thing so natural to Man to reverence some God, either false or true, and to fear or love him, and to conceive or imagine what shall follow after this life: Those Chinois, (which on the other side are of so good capacities in humane things, and so witty therein) be as though they were deprived thereof; for they are almost all Atheists, not knowing nor worshipping neither false nor true God, nor never thinking what shall follow after this life: Almost Atheists And those which a man would think are most bound hereunto, which are the Learned men, are they, which have least knowledge hereof: yea, rather one of the chiefest things that they commend, is, not to believe any thing that concerneth another life, Hell, nor Paradise, which they wholly place in this life. The Books which they study from their Childhood, do them much hurt, Books of Philosophers, above 2000 years old. Sacrifices to Philosophers. which are of certain Philosophers above two thousand years old, whom they esteem little less, then if they were their God, to whom every year they offer Sacrifices: of whom they hold so great an opinion, that they think not that any thing more may be known, than They knew. And oftentimes they have asked us, whether we had not these Books in our Country? What other Books might we have, that might compare with them? And as these Philosophers, as Gentiles, spoke nothing of the other life, but only of good Government, and Moral virtues, they thought they might attain so far, without believing that there could be another life. By reason hereof, and of the common vices which Paganism draweth with it, which in this Country increase exceedingly, by reason of the fatness, abundance, and fruitfulness thereof, they feel great difficulties to undergo the yoke of Christ, (though it be so sweet) so contrary to their appetite, which taketh from them the liberty which they have, in keeping as many Wives as they are able, and in a thousand other things. These later years in the residencies of Canton, Nanquin, and here in Paquin, were made some true Christians, which overcame all these difficulties, and go on forward with great integrity, Some Christians made there. constancy and fervour. In the Province of Canton, in a residency which we have in Xaucheo, a principal City, have been Baptised within this two years, about three hundred persons, which according to the Letters which even now we received, do all continue with great example and zeal. And the Mandarins and graver sort of people, moved by the good example which they give, do favour them much: and especially, our Lord hath showed many tokens of his favour, in having showed great plagues upon such men, as persecuted them for becoming Christians. And above all, God hath showed his aid upon the Women: who, besides the men, are very hard to be won to receive our holy Law, Closensse of Women. which is, the great privateness which they use, because it is not lawful to see them, no not for their kinsfolks. But as I say, herein the grace of our Lord God showed itself very mighty, seeing it overcame this difficulty, and so many of them were Baptised, after they had been very well Catechised by the Fathers. On Sundays and Holidays, because they cannot come to Mass with the Men, yet at least in this beginning, they meet in places appointed for that purpose, Some relations of Conversions are here for brevity omitted. and there they Pray, and reason, and entreat of Divine matters. The men for the exhortations that they make unto them, have days appointed of themselves, and with their own consent, to confer and repeat that which they have told them: which going home they repeat to their Wives and Daughters. Every day some be Converted in Nanquin: grave and learned men do enter. here in P●quin while we have been here, we have Baptised some, and some great Mandarins come to hear. If our Lord do help them, and shed his blood upon these Chinois, (as he hath done in japon, and in other places) there will be settled one of the most famous and learned foundations of Christianity, that is in all the world. For the greatness of this Kingdom, their Laws and Government conformable to reason, their being so studious as they are, and given to Learning, and to know so much as they know of Moral virtues, and their good capacities gentle, docile, and ingenious, and the great peace and quietness which they enjoy, without having any body to trouble them with war, promise much and give great hope, that the v●ntage which they have over other Nations lately discovered, in the gifts of Nature (being assisted by the grace of God) will help them in God's matters. And I assure your Worship, that if the door were opened to Preach freely and to Baptism, I say not that the Fathers and Brethren of our Company which might be spared, but without any amplification at all, half the Religious men of all Europe, were needful to attend so many Cities, Towns and places: and so infinite numbers of people as there are: albeit when Christianity is once begun indeed, Multitude of people. there is such abundance of grave people and of much estimation, that many of them might be made Priests, Preachers, and Bishops, without feeling any want of those of Europe: since as now they be Gentiles, and their hope goeth no further than to this life, there be many very great Mandarins▪ ●hose chief delight is to discourse of things concerning Virtue, Desire of Learning and Moral virtue. and oftentimes they meet together as it were in Fraternities to treat thereof; And the graver sort do make Orations, and Conferences together, persuading one another, and delivering the means to govern well, and to follow virtue. And without doubt, the more we see of this, and the more zeal in these Christians, so much the more our heart is ready to burst to see them so destitute, Mark this zeal. and to have so few means to obtain necessary remedy and help. §. III. The description of the Kingdom of China: of Catay and Musk; the division into Provinces; Cities and Towns described, Rivers, Shipping, Commodities, Diet, and feeding. NOw by the help of our Lord I will say somewhat that I remember, touching the Customs, Policy, and Government of this Kingdom, but not in such order as were requisite, because I have no leisure, and therefore I will only write as things come unto my mind, though things be not linked well together, because I cannot first write one Copy, and afterward dispose it in order, with such distinction as were needful; reserving that (as I said in the beginning) until our Lord grant me a better opportunity. This great Kingdom of China, is almost four square, as the Chinois themselves describe the same: China four square. The Description. it runneth North and South from the Province of Canton, which is the most Southerly part of it, beginning seventeen or eighteen degrees under the burnt Zone, unto fotrie two degrees, which is the most Northerly part of it: it containeth from Canton by water, above six hundred leagues: but in a right line it is four hundred and fifty, on the East it confineth with Corea, which joineth with the same, and with japon, and with the Ocean Sea, by which they come from Peru, and Nucua Espana, to Manilla: On the West with certain small Kingdoms, which lie between Bengala, the Lands of Mogor and Persian; On the South, with the Isles called Philippinas, and the Maluca●, and others, and more South-westerly, it hath Zion, Pegu, and other Kingdoms. On the North part, it hath those people which in our Countries we commonly call Tartars, with whom they have always had War, and once they won all the Kingdom from the Chinois. For the Readers better satisfaction I have here presented him Hondius his Map of China, not to show it, but the erroneous-conceits which all European Geographers have had of it: A more complete Map of China I shall present after, as by comparison will appear. HONDIUS his Map of China. CHINA map of China This Kingdom standeth in an excellent climate and situation; for besides the things which it hath in itself, it standeth very near unto India, and other Kingdoms, from whence cometh with great facility that which it desireth and wanteth. And before I pass any further, because I have spoken of the situation and height of China, I will note for their sakes which would be glad to learn, and also it may serve to mend two notable errors, Two notable errors of our newest Maps. Paquin in 40. degrees. which our newest Maps have. The one is, That they make China a third part bigger than it is, placing this City of Paquin in fifty degrees, being in very deed but in forty only, as we saw, which twice took the height thereof with a very good Astrolabe: And the limits and end of this Kingdom, which are three days journey or less distant from this City of Paquin, are at the most but two degrees more: The Kingdom of China goeth not past 42. degrees Northward. China and Catayo are all one. Cambalu and Paquin a●e all one▪ And so those great walls so famous in our Europe are in two and forty degrees; and this is the greatest height of the Kingdom of China. The second error is, that our Maps make a Kingdom above China, which they call Catayo, whereas indeed it is none other but this self same Kingdom of China: and the City of Cambalu, which they put for the head thereof, is this City of Paquin wherein we are. We find this here to be true very plainly by occasion of certain news which lately were spread over diverse parts by the way of Mogor, which gave out many things, and great matters of Catayo, which seemed to be so peculiar and proper to this Kingdom of China, that they made us doubt that it was not a several Kingdom. After we were come to this City of Paquin we met with two Cafilas or Caravans, one of Moors of certain small Kingdoms bordering upon China, another of Turks with their Turbans of the Countries of Mog●r, and of the great Ishmael Sophi, (for with this very name they call him) and of other parts▪ which had knowledge by fame of Spain, Italy, Venice, India, and Portugal. Very Merchants. These Turks and Moors are wont to come hither every five years by Land, in the name of their King, to acknowledge and pay Tribute to the King of China: for which purpose they sergeant certain Letters, wherewith they easily deceive the Chinois, which think and hold that all the Kings of the World do acknowledge obedience unto theirs. But the truth is, that they come to use their traffic and merchandise, and therefore the Chinois admit them willingly: howbeit many now do know, that their paying of Tribute is a feigned thing: In which their traffic they speed very well. It is so in Moscovie. For the King doth maintain them very plentifully from the time that they come into his Kingdom, until their departure; and they took all their Chists of them, whereof this year they brought a thousand. The King took of them at an easy price a great part of the merchandise which they brought, and afterward he gave them rewards. The thing of greatest bulk of merchandise are a kind of stones, which themselves call jasper stones; which is white, yet somewhat duskish, so that it inclineth to grey (which seemeth to be that jasper which so often times in the holy Scriptures is called Precious stone. jasper stone a great merchandise· ) It cometh in pieces unhewen, but whole like peeble stones; which stone for many ornaments the Chinois esteem much; especially the King: and they buy every pound of the best at eighty Ducats: and of that which is worse, at fifty or sixty Ducats, whereby they gain greatly. I have seen these stones of other colours in our Country, but not of this which the Chinois esteem. When these men come to this City of Paquin, they put them into a great house, which there is for this purpose; (wherein we were two months) and suffer them not to come forth. We asked these men certain questions: and one was this of Catayo, enquiring of them, How they called this Kingdom of China in their Country? They answered, Catayo, and that in all the Countries of Mogor, Persia, and other parts, it had none other name, and that they knew none other Kingdom that was called so. We asked them how they called this City of Paquin? They said Cambalu, which, as I have said, is that which our men set down for the head City of Catayo. Whereby it appeareth, that there can no doubt be made, but that we are here resident in the Country which must be Catayo, if there were no fault in the Maps; and we know that there is no such Country, nor Cities, but a few contemptible Moors and Gentiles. We understood also of their x Almizcte Span. the Latin hath Musk. Civet or Musk, whereof they brought some, which is, as it y Como buche Span, Latin Stomachum. were the maw (or stomach) of a Beast somewhat bigger than a Cat, which they kill to cut away this maw. They breed wild in the field, and in a Country very near to China, though not of this Kingdom. I had read when I departed out of Spain, a Book which is printed of the things of China, which writeth of this Civet, and of other things, which I have seen with mine eyes: it reporteth many errors by half informations, which he which wrote it should have been better informed in, although in many things he tell the truth. They brought also great store of very good Rhubarbe, Rhubarb. See before in Chaggi Memet. p. 164 A Sea of sand. which here we bought of them of the choice, at ten Maravedis the pound: it is a wild root like unto Navewes, whereof, they say, the fields are full. These men say, That there is a Sea of sand (which our Maps do place in Arabia) near unto China, which divideth it from Mogor, and other Kingdoms: And this should seem to be the cause, why these Kings, which hear great fame of this Kingdom, of the greatness thereof, and of the weakness of the people, do not seek to invade the same, being not very far off; because it would be very difficult to pass over the same sandy Sea, with a great Army. Division. The Chinois divide this Kingdom into thirteen Provinces, and two Courts, which are, as it were, two Provinces. Every one of them have their Metropolitan City; and every City her division of so many Towns. chorographical Books. It is known very particularly by Chinish Books which are written of this argument, how many Cities, Towns, and places there are in all the Kingdom, how many houses every one hath, and commonly what numbers of people, what every Country severally yieldeth, and how much Tribute it payeth to the King, and many other things: but I do not set it down here: because I could not get those Books these few days past, to take a view thereof: At some other time, God granting me life, I will do it more at large. Only I say in general, Chin● populous that all the way which we traveled, we met with so many Cities, Towns, and Villages, that to believe their greatness, it was necessary to see them. For your Worship will hardly believe, that we spent two or three hours in sailing still by the walls of one City. After which there still followed many Towns and Villages, one within sight of another. And after this manner all this way continueth, even to Paquin. Yea, the Villages are very great, and full of people, and of much traffic. For though we give them this name (which among us signifieth some small matter) The Chinois do not distinguish them by great or small, and so their Villages are bigger than others which we call Towns. All the Cities and Towns are very well enclosed with high walls. And because, as I said, Villages as great as Towns. Walls. Nanquin in 32. degrees and an half. Three walls. I defer this until another time, I will only speak of Nanquin, whereof I had some sight. This City standeth in two and thirty degrees and an half, eight or ten leagues from the Sea, unto which it hath a mouth, and a mighty River. It hath three walls of Brick very high and fair, with very great and beautiful gates, which they shut up very timely before night. This City, of old time, two hundred years past, was the habitation of the Kings of China; and so it continueth in very good condition: The streets are very broad, and all paved with very great square stones, or set with bricks. It hath exceeding long streets of two leagues, Streets long. and two leagues and an half, and in the midst of the City are the King's Palaces, Palaces. which are very great. The Chinois declare the circuit of this City, Circuit. that two Horsemen going in the morning both out of the same gate, and one going on the one side, and the other on the other, going all the day they meet at night in the gate opposite to that which they went out at. The very truth is, that it is at least eleven or twelve leagues in circuit, and seemeth to have above two hundred thousand houses of people. It seemed to all of us that were there, 200000. houses that Nanquin and this City of Paquin, each of them have as many people or more, than four of the most famous and populous Cities of all our Europe, as Rome, Lisbon, and others of the greater sort. For whereas these two whereof I speak are in themselves so great Cities, not one nor two streets, but the greater part of the City every day doth swarm with people. There are about this City many others within one or two days journey, Hancheo and Sucheo. and very famous for greatness and traffic; among which there are two, one named Hancheo, the other Sucheo; and this is very great and like to Venice, whose streets are half water and half land. The Chinois call these City's Quinsay, Civitas coeli. Paradise, to express the goodness, abundance, and cheapness of all things that are in this Kingdom, and come from other places. And Sucheo is so full of people, merchandise, and traffic, that a Book which is printed (wherein all things are set down which the Provinces and Cities pay to the King) saith, Revenue. that this only payeth one year with another in Silver, Gold, Rice, and Silk, and other things, wherewith it doth greatly abound, twelve millions: so that there be whole Provinces that amount not to so much by a great deal: which though it seem an incredible thing, yet they write it for a certainty: and he which knoweth what these Cities are, will believe it. Yet for all this, these Cities have no notable things, Building not beautiful, compared with European. neither sumptuous Temples nor buildings, which are wont to be those things which do beautify a City: for the houses are not beautiful outwardly; nor they use no great Porches, as they do in our Country. And he that hath seen the things of our Country, and is skilful in architecture, shall find it here very little. For the houses are low, and without galleries, lofts, windows, or sight into the street; yet they have fair yards, and are very neat within, and painted with diverse colours, with that Charan, or liquid Gum, whereof I made mention before. And that which I speak of Nanquin touching the abundance of people, traffic, and manner of houses, is after the same manner in the other Cities which we saw. For the Chinois are so like, and so uniform in all natural and artificial things, that he that hath seen one of the principal Cities, Uniformity in China Cities. findeth no new thing to be seen in the others. And albeit that other Cities are not comparable to these in bigness, yet in multitude of people proportionally there is little difference. This Kingdom is commonly very fertile of all things that are necessary for the use of man: Fertility. and a great cause of the fertility and abundance thereof proceedeth of the great number of exceeding great Rivers which it hath; Commodious Rivers. which besides the profit that the Rivers yield by the fishing, and besides the profit in watering of the grounds, wherein they stand the Chinois in great stead, they are occasion of great traffic and communication of one Province with another with great ease by water, which is an enriching to them that use it, and of great plenty in every City of all things that are in the Kingdom. From our departure from Macao, In 600. leagues but one day by land. This is more exactly measured by Ricius, a more exact and mature observer of all things. sup. §. 5. cap. 5. Mighty River, perhaps Qu●●n mentioned by Polo. Fishing with a kind of Ravens or Cormorant's till within a little of Paquin, which is, as I said, six hundred leagues, we traveled not passed one day by Land (because we would not fetch too great a compass about by water) we traveled a great part of this way unto Nanquin by the greatest River that ever I saw in my life: which in some parts is above three leagues broad, and very deep: which the Chinois, for the greatness thereof do call, The little Sea; and that with good reason. For though it were an hundred leagues from the Sea where I entered into it; yet there is great abundance of fish of those kinds which breed in the Sea; as Porposies, fishes with sharp beaks, and others which I have seen. I saw in this River near the banks thereof men fish with certain Fowls as big as small Gee●e, like unto Ravens, with a long beak, and bending downward like a crooked hook, which the Chinois teach to fish: They have a very long neck, which they bind in such sort that the fishes cannot go down into their stomach, but they fill their throat with them, if they be small fishes, and when they come out of the water, they make them cast them out: and if the fish be great, he fighteth with him, and beateth him with pecking, assaulting him with his bill, until he drive him up that the Fisher may see him; which cometh quickly with a small Net like a Wheel upon a staff, and he taketh him under the water. And after this sort we saw this Fowl take Fishes sometimes of a pound, and a pound and half weight; and they say they take bigger. And because this fishing is so gainful and so certain, they pay a certain Tribute to the King for every one of these Ravens (or Cormorants.) Muddy River. We met with another River as great as this, which seemed to be rather of mud than water, because the water was always mingled with earth, which whence it should come for so many years, I wot not. They cannot drink the water without they clarify it, which they do with Alum. Alum used in clarifying of water. Shipping. Besides these two Rivers all the rest is made by hand for vessels to pass to Paquin. The Vessels which we saw in all the Cities which we passed, is one of the greatest things that belong to this Kingdom. For in every City there are two sorts of them, one sort of vessels for burden, and another sort for houses. Some of them are very fair, and as fit to dwell in as houses themselves: and many of them also serve for houses for poor people, wherein they have their whole household, Ship-houses. and bring up Hens and Hogs, and gain their living in them. I remember that the same morning that we entered into Nanquin there went 500 Vessels or more before our Bark, to enter at the same hour, with their sails up most pleasantly to behold; many of them being laden with diverse things, all for the provision of that great City: and on this manner they continued all day long in going and coming. Multitude of ships. The Barges of the Mandarines (which are all made at the King's cost) are the most costly, and are most for the sight, and very great. They would much rejoice in our Europe to see them: because it seemeth that there is nothing comparable to these in beauty. The excellent beauty of the Mandarines' Barges. Most commonly these have Trumpets, and Drums, which they play upon when they pass by the City, and when they meet with others, that all may give them place. They are commonly as long as Galleys, and as broad or more, but very high, so that to get up into one of them is above a fathom high from the water, and therefore they carry a great burden. Tributes in money and in kind. And because I spoke before of those which carry the King's Tribute, I will here speak more particularly. Many Provinces from whence they cannot carry Rice and other like things with ease to Paquin, because they are far off, pay their Tribute in Silver: but those Provinces from whence they may pass by water, pay a great part in Rice. For which occasion all the Cities have great and strong Vessels made of purpose for this service. And when the time of their departure is come, every Cafila or Company departeth from their City with a Mandarine that hath the charge of them. 10000 Vessels at Nanquin for Tribute of Victuals, and 1000 for other Tributes: and others many for works. Pathway of ships. Sluices or locks. And they say that those Vessels which go from this part of Nanquin, in all amount to ten thousand, though they go not all every year: yet they have always more for years of greater plenty; and because many cannot return in time, to go back again the next year. I know not certainly how many they be; but this only I know, that all this way from Nanquin to Paquin, seemed to be a pathway of these Vessels, whereby we passed: for they went all along, and because they went so deeply laden, oftentimes they wanted water. To help this want of water (for because it is no natural River it never overfloweth) it hath floodgates like Sluices, wherewith it keepeth in all the current three or four or six hours: then opening the same, many do pass with great ease, and they may go very well until they come to such another place. Besides these Vessels of victuals, they carry to the King every year many others, which bring him particular things, and dainties, whereof this Country of Nanquin yieldeth great store, and also for the service of the King's house. Some Cafilas or Caravans of these are of pieces of Silk for the King's house, which may be some dozen of Vessels; others carry many things to eat: and with one of these Cafilas we passed. They were nine great and fair Vessels, which carried pieces of Silk, Silks and perfumes. and other things which they are wont to burn in the Sacrifices which they make unto the dead, and before their Idols. They say, that these Vessels for particular things are a thousand: and as soon as they come within the King's house, the eunuchs take the charge of them. From Nanquin unto the midst of the King's Palaces, Vessels may pass by this River: to come to the place which they go unto, they pass thorough the midst of the Palaces. In all these Rivers, when they want wind, the Mariners draw the Barks with great facility, and six or seven are sufficient easily and merrily to draw one of these Vessels laden. Vessels for works. We met likewise upon this way a very great number of Vessels which came from far, laden with Bricks for the King's works, and greater store this year to build a great piece of an house which fire from Heaven had burned: for this purpose they carried great store of timber for beams, and boards, and other lesser timber which are carried from the parts of Nanquin unto Paquin, some an hundred and two hundred paces long, and one log fastened upon another, so that these rafts grow high and great: they carry upon them frames of dwelling houses ready made, wherewith there goeth an inferior Mandarine, which hath the care of it, and sometimes the Mariners go with all their household, and breed of Hogs, Hens and Ducks: for sometimes they stay above a Summer in going to Paquin. These seven or eight years this provision of timber, Bricks, and lime, and other things hath continued. The fertility of this Kingdom is great, of all things that seem to be needful for the use of man's life. And if there be any other Nation which liveth commodiously without needing traffic with foreign Kingdoms, they are the Chinois. And though it be true that some things come unto them from foreign Countries, yet are they not the necessary things for the life, and which all men use. The most that cometh out of foreign parts, and they desire, is Silver: And that which all men carry from thence is very much, and very good merchandise: as Silk, Silver in greatest request in China▪ Gold, Musk, Porcelanes, pieces of wrought Silk, raw Silk, cloth of Cotton wool, all kind of work in Copper, Iron, and Latin, Quicksilver, Sugar, Honey, Wax, Cinnamon, works made of fine wood, and gilded, as Bedsteads, Ink-horns, Cabinets, The great store of merchandise in China. and an infinite number of other things, whereof there is so great abundance, that although they send out many ships laden for japon, India, Manila, and other parts: yet without doubt they might provide ten times more: and if more would come to buy, they would always have the more to sell. All things are very cheap, without all comparison cheaper than in our Country. Cheapness. A pound of Sugar is worth eight or ten Maravedis, and sometimes six: and if they buy any quantity at once, an hundred pounds' weight are worth nine or ten Rials of Plate: And here at the Court (where all things are dearest) a pound is worth twenty, or four and twenty Maravedis. There is great store of Wax and that very good, which we buy here in Paquin for the service of our Altar, a pound for a Rial and a quartile: and the pounds here are greater than ours; for every one of them weigh sixteen Ducats of Silver weight. Honey likewise is very good cheap. Of Copper and Latin there is exceeding great abundance: and Latin made and wrought into any work that a man would have, with the fashion and all is worth a Rial and a quartile the pound. Needles an hundred a quarto, and if they buy many together, better cheap. And I have set down for example these small things to know the particular price, and of other things (though they be not so cheap) after the same proportion. A caution for strange Merchants. Howbeit those which come from foreign Countries to traffic with them, had need to be very heedful: for the Chinois lose not opportunities to raise the price of them, when they may. The abundance of things for food is likewise great, to wit, of Oxen, Wethers, Sheep, victual store and cheap. Goats, and more than of all others of Hogs, because they are the common food that they live of, Dear, Hares, which they catch with Hawks, whereof here and in other parts there are many. And when they are dearest here, one of them is worth four or six Quartos': they be as great as they be in our Country, and they are found at all times. Hens, Geese, Ducks, and sundry sorts of wild Fowls, and all other flesh is exceeding good cheap. We came to a very great City, where Beef, Mutton, Hens, all was of one price a pound, which was four Maravedis. And in Nanquin (though the Court be there) a pound of Hen's flesh was sold for three halfpennies, Fishes after the same manner, or better cheap, because it stands upon the River. And I saw a Fish of ten pound weight sold for a Rial of Plate, and we bought great Trout at three Maravedis a pound weight. Eggs ten, twelve, sixteen, eighteen for one Conduren, Six pence. One halfpenny. which in our Country is a penny halfpenny farthing. Fruits are of the like cheapness. In our journey, which was when Abricockes began to be ripe, which are here very good, they gave us two hundred for ten Maravedis. They are very much given to eat fresh Herbs and Salads, and Pulse. At every banquet and good feast, there is always Flesh or Fish. Herbs. There are many Nuts, Chestnuts, filberts, and Pine-nuts though but few, Figs, though not of our kind, and yet as good or better, and many. And although they have all these things, yet every Province and Country doth not yield them all: but that which one wanteth another supplieth. Their common food in stead of Bread is Rice sodden only in water, whereof we all did feed, although at the first we had much ado with it. Commonly they have every year two Harvests, and in some places three. Two and three Harvests in one year. And the Land hath great Plains with Rivers to water the grounds: for the fields of Rice do much desire to be covered with water. From our entrance into Canton unto this City of Paquin, we met with few Hills, and especially from Nanquin hither very few. We passed by a Plain above an hundred leagues, Plain Country. Plain of 100 leagues. farther than we could ken. I saw likewise much Wheat, whereof they make rolls without leaven, sodden in the reek or vapour of seething water, and so without crust, good for old folks that want their teeth. Although that it be true that the fruitfulness of this Country is very great, yet without doubt other things, save Rice would not be sufficient, Spare feeding. if the Chinois were as great feeders as our people, and did not feed so sparingly as they do. They all eat commonly thrice a day; once, betimes in the morning; the second time, at two in the afternoon; the third time, very moderately at night. And besides, the rich Mandarines, few others which are of good ability, do commonly eat either Flesh or Fish, but Pulse, Salads, Herb-eaters. and Herbs which cost almost nothing, and their chiefest food is Rice, or Millet, and hereof they fill their bellies. They have many Horses, Mares, and Mules, whose flesh they eat, Horses eaten. Wines diverse. though I have not heard report that the greater sort do feed upon them. They have much Wine of diverse sorts; all made of Rice: but herein they may not compare with the Wine of our Country: Whatsoever they drink, be it Wine or Water they drink it always hot. They are neat in feeding, for they touch none of their meat with their hands, therefore they use neither Table Napkins, nor Table-clothes. Neatness. All their meat is served to the Table finely minced. They use to feed with two small sticks of ivory, Ebony Wood, or such like, wherewith they take up all their meat very handsomely. And herein, I confess, they have a great advantage of us; because this manner of feeding is very commodious, and such as every man that hath trial thereof will much delight in it: Jesuits. Benefit of hot drink. and therefore our Fathers and Brethren in japon and Macao use it. Their always drinking their drink hot, and eating little fruit (for they are not so greedy of it as our men are) doth keep them from many infirmities and sicknesses, and therefore they live healthfully. They have no Olives, yet have they abundance of Oil. The best is of a kind of Herb, which they call in Spain, Oil made of an herb. Alegria, which signifieth joy or Mirth. I say not that it is as good as ours, but I say, I find no fault in it, nor I do not desire it, nor much less the Chinois, which can eat nor smell no kind of Oil, because the smell thereof pleaseth them not, as sometimes we proved by a little of ours which we had: and they call their stinking Oil odoriferous, so great a force there is in custom. As the Chinois are divers in diverse Provinces, so are their Fruits: and those which grow in the Province of Canton, Cold Provinces. are not in all these colder Provinces. There are the best sweet Oranges which hitherto we have known, which are eaten with the skin. §. four Their Monies, Apparel, Persons, Trades, Wealth, Learning, Marriages, Superstitions, Rites, and Opinions. Timber plenty THere is in this Kingdom great store of Timber; for proof whereof we need no more but to see the multitude of Barges laden therewith so good cheap as it is. And therefore I think a man may build a ship with all things necessary thereunto, three parts of four better cheap then in our Country. Much Gold to be bought in China. They use not Gold, though there be much to be bought, but all is Silver, which they do not coin in Money, but cast it in Bars, and when they would buy any thing, they cut it and weigh it in certain fine Weights like the Roman Weights in our Country: and therefore every body that will buy or sell, carrieth one of those Weights with them. Great store of Silver cometh out of foreign Countries. But the chief Mas●e of it is out of the mines of the Kingdom itself, as also the Gold. When they buy or sell, they try the Silver of how many Kiliates it is: and one is worth more, another less, according to the goodness thereof. It was very necessary for the Chinois to weigh and try their Silver, and not to coin it into money: for otherwise there would have been a thousand deceits, Brass money used in China. wherein the Chinois are very cunning. They use Brass Money, wherein also they try that which is true or false: for in all sorts there is deceit and mixture. They have the best Porcelain that hitherto hath been found, which is exceeding good cheap, and in such plenty, that besides all the Kingdom of China doth furnish itself thereof, they send forth as many ships ladings as they will. For their Apparel, though they have great abundance and cheapness, yet in goodness they may not compare with our Country. There is much Silk and that very good, but they know not how to dress it. They make good Damasks, razed Velvets, Taffetas, and other sorts: but the colours, though at the first sight they seem reasonable, are quickly lost and fade away. The ordinary apparel of the common people is of black cloth made of Cotton, or of certain shags of Silk, which are very great, far greater than a flock, which only serve for this purpose, and are very warm. Persons of Honour wear commonly an outward Garment of Silk which they use in Visitations, and other like Actions: And there are many which always go abroad apparelled in Silk, but not in such great number as that Book setteth down, whereof I made mention before. All men, even to the very Soldiers, wear their apparel long down to the instep of the foot, with very broad sleeves, open before, and fastened to the sides beneath the arm. They be so well contented and pleased with their manner of apparel, that they think there is none in the World comparable to theirs. And in very truth they be grave and modest, and especially those of the Mandarins, which differeth from all others, saving the Bonzi, which shave their Beards and Heads. All the men and women let their Hair grow long, and the men truss it up, and wind it on a knot on the top of their crown. They wear certain Nets on their heads like Coyffes, made very cunningly of Horse-hayre: and in the Summer time many wear Caps and Hats of the same. There are many sorts of Caps or Hats (for I know not what their several names are) according to the state of every one. The basest sort which the common people use ordinarily is round. Their shoes, are of the same stuff that their Garments are of, very commonly of Silk made with many fair borders and knots. It is a discourtesy for a man to be seen (especially before any man of Worship) without a Cap on his head. They greatly esteem for the most part things of our Country, and they are very dear. And some pieces of Silk which the Portugal Merchants brings, especially Velvets of three Piles, are far more dearer than their own. All woollen cloth is much esteemed and very dear, likewise Chamblets, and fine Linnen-cloth, which they bring from India are very dear. Looking-glasses, and all things made of Glass, and many other things, which in our Country are very good cheap, are here dear, and in great estimation. The Chineses have commonly little Beards, small Eyes, and Noses, and all of them have black Eyes, so that they much marvelled at the colour of mine, which are * Sarcos la●. ferruginei. of Gray or Iron colour (which they never saw) and they find many secrets in them, and very commonly they say, that these eyes of mine know where stones and precious things are, with a thousand other Mysteries, so that they think they have Letters in them. To paint an evilfavoured man, they paint him in short apparel, with a great Beard, Eyes, and Nose. They are commonly all white, yet not so white as those of Europe: and therefore to them we seem very white. The Learned men are very grave, of very good capacity, and appear outwardly very modest and grave. There are Arificers of all Arts that are in our Country, and very many with the selfsame manner form of Instruments. Every man is free to follow what Trade he will, Trades. without being bound to follow his Father's Trades, as diverse times I have heard it spoken when I was in Europe: and those which will may study, forsake, or change that course of life. They work very good cheap: but in cunning and excellency ours most commonly excel them much, though in some things they be very skilful. The service of young men and maids is easy and good cheap, because there is great store of people, so that a years' wages is not above two Ducats, and meat and drink, Servants cheap. Sale of children vile. without apparel. As there are many poor people that have many Sons and Daughters, it is a very ordinary thing to sell them, and this the cheapest thing in China. For a youth of twelve or fifteen years without any natural blemish will cost not passed twelve or fifteen Rials of Plate, and in time of Dearth much less, and it is a common thing to buy them for service; though they use them well, and marry them at their time. Although the abundance and riches of this Kingdom be very great, as the people also is: yet there is no body that is very rich, None very rich. neither in any state of people may they compare in this point with our Country. You shall not find in China, which is able to spend twenty thousand Ducats of Rent, how near of Kin soever he be to the King, and very few, and those easy to be numbered that can spend ten thousand Ducats, and the ordinary is no more which they possess then that which their Lands and Offices yield them, which is not great. Yet as rich as ours very rich. But though it be true that those of our Country possess much more Silver, considering the cheapness of things in their Country, all cometh to one account. There are very few of the poor people idle, because all of them commonly take pains, Few idle. and earn their living. Though the multitude of the Nation be so many, and the Kingdom so great, yet the surnames of all the Kingdom are not above three hundred, and all of one syllable. Surnames. There are some, though very few, which may be called Knights, Knights. which for service to the Kings in some necessities have given them Offices in succession: but the common use is not to have any Nobility by Descent in China; neither can any man say, Nobility only in Learning. I am of a better House than you. But the honour and Nobility dependeth wholly upon Learning, and to obtain degrees and Offices of Mandarins. And therefore an House which now is in Office, and his Father be one, if he have a Son a Doctor, which is made a Mandarin, he is honourable, No Lord but the King. and the honour continueth as long as the Learned men and Mandarins do live. There is no man, neither Kinsman nor not Kinsman of the King which hath ever a Village of his own that payeth him Tribute: but all men pay it to the King; and he giveth stipends and wages to the Mandarins, so that they receive nothing of particular men by right, though they extort much continually by oppression. Extortion. Commonly the Chinois do marry from fifteen to eighteen and twenty years, and all of them do marry one Wife that is chief; and this is their lawful Marriage. Marriage. On the day of their Marriage, when the Bride doth pass to the House of her Husband, she carrieth openly before her through the streets all the things which she bringeth with her, and all her household stuff: But besides her they may marry (I say they may keep and do keep as many as they are able) as many Wives as they will, which for the most part they buy: and afterward when they will, Polygamy. sell them away again. They may not only not marry with any Kinswomen of their Wives, but with none of that surname, though they have no show of Alliance. The sons of the Concubines do likewise inherit, and there is little or no difference in their state and honour, to be the Son of the lawful Wife or of the other, neither make they any question of it. Inheritance: The thing wherein the Chinois are most observant, Ceremonious and Superstitious is in their Burials, Funerals, and Mournings: Funerals and mournings. for herein they show their obedience and love to their Parents, whereof their books are full. It is a very ordinary thing to have great respect to their Father and Mother, and the disobedient are grievously punished. Many grave men and Mandarins beg leave of the King to leave their Offices which they have, and to go home to keep their Father and Mother company, yielding for a reason that they be old, and that they would go to serve them. And it is a Petition in the sight of all men so just, that they grant it very usually. Three years mourning in white Linen. When the Father or the Mother dieth, all the Sons and Daughters (from the King to the meanest Peasant) do mourn for three years. The mourning colour, which among us is black Bays, among them is white Linen, whereof they make all their apparel even to the Cap. The first months they wear a very rough Sackcloth, girded with a Cord, like the barefooted Friars. And though he be never so great a Mandarin, without any exception (save only the Mandarins of the War) as soon as he heareth news of the death of any of his Parents, he is to leave his Office and Dignity, and all other Employment whatsoever of Government and Examinations of obtaining his degree, and is to go home for three years to bury his Father or Mother (and to mourn and bewail them. The grave men which have an house for this purpose, do not straightway bury their dead, but keep them two or three years in the house, Keeping the dead at home. in a Chamber which they keep for this Office, and it is not the worst in the house: and very usually or every day they go thither to make them a thousand Ceremonies and Reverences, and to burn Incense, and other sweet savours, and to set over the place where they be laid, meat to eat; and at several times, many of those Bonzi do meet, and with great Ceremonies begin their Service and Prayers, and their Sons, Kinsfolks and Wives make lamentation. The Mandarins do not only leave their Offices, Other Funeral Rites. and change their Weeds, but also all the things which they did use. Many sit not in Chairs, but upon low Stools: they visit, or suffer themselves to be seen very seldom: they change even the very Paper wherein they write, wherein they have a piece of another colour, in token of mourning: when they name themselves in their Letters, they use not the name which they did at other times, but others proper to the party, as when he nameth himself, he calleth himself disobedient, signifying, that by his disobedience to his Parents he did not preserve them alive. They use no kind of Musikce, and many change their ordinary Diet into courserfood. Upon the Funeral day they provide great company: Funeral day. many Kinsfolks and Friends meet together, all clad in white, with many Bonzi, (according to every man's ability) which sing with doleful Instruments. And by their apparel which they wear, and their time in singing, he that knew them not, would take them for Clerks revested, singing plain Song; for they much resemble them. Funeral Figures. They make many Beeres with men, of Paper or of white Silk, many Banners and other Ensigns. The place whither the Corpse goeth is adorned with many figures: the Corpse is put into a very great Coffin. This Nation holdeth a great part of their felicity, for them and their Successors to consist in these things of their Funerals, especially in two, the Coffin or Chest wherein the Corpse is to be laid, and the place of their burial. The stuff to make the Coffin of, Coff●n. wherein themselves are to be buried, and the making of the Coffin, they leave not to others to do after their deaths, neither then may the body look for much cost to make one of these Coffins, neither in this (as a thing of great importance) will they trust, no not their own Sons: but they themselves at leisure seek some kind of Wood that is least corruptible, and Planks which are commonly four, six, or eight fingers thick: which because they be so thick, and the Chists or Coffins very closely shut they can keep their Corpse in their Houses without any evil smell. Some spend in making their Coffin seventy, eighty, and an hundred Ducats. They hold it for a felicity to be able to get one of these that is good; on the contrary for a great disgrace, not to have a Coffin to bury himself in, and they are very few which fail in that one point. Burial place. The Sepulchre and place thereof is the thing for choosing whereof they use great Sorcery or casting of Lots, and do it with great heedfulness, and with the help of some that are skilful in this Art. For they hold opinion, that in making a good choice of the place dependeth a great part of their own good fortune and of their Posterity. And oftentimes they are a year in resolving whether it shall look toward the North, or to any other part. And therefore the greatest and most contentious Suits which are in China, are about places of Burials. These places of Burials are always without the walls in the fields, or Mountains wherein they build Vaults very well made and strong of Brick, stone, or other matter, wherein they lay the Coffin, and then close it up very surely: Unlucky to bury in the City. And afterward now and then they come thither to perform certain Ceremonies, & to bring things to eat. They hold it very unlucky to bury a dead man in the City: and if they know it, though he were the greatest man that is in China, they will not suf-him to bewail his dead Friends much, especially those which are women. There are many which believe the passing of the souls from one body into another: and therefore after the death of their Father and Mother, Transition of souls. Metempsuchicall Superstition, they will never kill any living beast, yielding for a reason why they will not do so, lest some of them should be their Mother or Father, or some other other person. And likewise many of them fast, because, that whereas some of them be poor; they desire afterward to be borne again in a rich and honourable Family. Although it be true that the most part of them believe not in Idols, and it offendeth them not to speak evil of them, yet commonly all of them at a certain time of the year do them some reverence, because it is the custom, though in no sort they worship them as Gods: Idolatry. and those which put most confidence in them, burn Paper, Incense, and sweet smells unto them, and kill beasts before them. Their Books of these Idols speak of Hell, and in many places, or in a manner in all the Cities there is set up a portraiture of Hell made with bodily shapes, and many Devils, as ugly as we paint them. It is very well set forth, but badly believed: for it serveth only there for a bugbear. And if any believe that which the Idols say of Hell, Of Hell. See in Pinto. that it is a place of torments, they say, that after so many years be passed, all men come out again, and are transformed into some beast. Those which believe in the Idols, come before them to cast lots to know what things shall come to pass: howbeit I have not heard in all China, Lots. that there was any answer of a Devil in an Idol, as is in other parts, in regard of the small belief that they have in them, and the lewdness of the Bonzi that serve them. Their houses wherein they set them, Wicked Bonzi. whereof as yet I never saw any good one, are commonly very filthy and stinking. And besides this consulting of Idols, Diviners and divinations. the Chinois are much given to Divinations to know things to come, and whether they shall have good or bad fortune; whether they shall have that which they desire or no: and there be an infinite number of these Soothsayers, and all of them pratlers, mumblers, and cooseners, whereby they deceive many. And though the Chinois be of good understanding, and know that these fellows know nothing, and every foot do take them in lies: yet for all this, there are very few that when any occasion is offered, do not consult with them. And though they seem to be but few, yet some of them are in league with the Devil, as oftentimes we gather by certain things. Many of these grave men of China, have commonly two follies, wherein they do err more then in other things. The first is, that they persuade themselves that they can much prolong their Lives; and for this purpose they use a thousand inventions, and take many medicines, Studies to prolong life. which indeed rather do shorten their days. There are many Masters and Books of this folly, which usually are grave and rich men. There are many that make themselves very old folks, whom the people follow like Saints to learn some rule of life of them, wherein they put all their felicity. Many do not believe that we are so old, as we say we be, and that we do dissemble: but that in deed we be an hundred years old, and that we know this rule to live for ever, and that we do not Marry because we would live long. The other folly is, that they persuade themselves that they are able, and go about to make Silver, whereof likewise there are many Books. Books of Alchemy. They use for this purpose many Herbs, and Quicksilver, wherein they spend that little Silver which they have, and remain beggars, but not persuaded but that it is feasible, but that it was not their good luck, and good fortune: and to obtain this, many of them fast many years. §. V. Their bad soldiery and Artillery; Degrees, Privileges, Honours and promotions of Learning. Their Authors and Books, and Printing. The Mandarins commended. THere are many Soldiers in many Provinces of this Kingdom: and though they have had Peace these many years, yet they still entertain them: Soldiers many and few. but because they be lovers of peace and quietness, the most contemptible state, except the state of the Bonzi, is the Soldier. And indeed it is a most base people, which hath no valour nor worthiness, much less any fortitude in them. Many of them are Porters, which bear on their shoulders, the Chairs wherein the Mandarins and honourable persons are carried. And at the time of Musters, which are made from time to time, they repair thither, to obtain wages, and thus they have no worth, nor jot of honour in them. The punishment wherewith their Captains punish them, is the same wherewith they punish all other people: they whip them as we do Children in Schools. According to the worthiness and valour of the Soldiers, Baseness. Armour and Arms. The barrels of their Pieces but a span long the beauty of their Armour, offensive and defensive is answerable, which is fitter to be laughed at, then to be reported. They have no Harquebuses that are worth any thing: and all those which I saw (and I saw many Soldiers with them) had their barrels but a span long: so that it seemeth that they bear it and the rest of their Armour for fashion's sake. And I marvel not: for by reason of the exceeding great Peace which they have so long enjoyed, The causes of bad Soldiers, disrespect, dis-use, and their choice from the ton●●e. they have none occasion to become valiant: but they are able men when occasion serveth, and it seemeth they will easily become valiant. The Mandarins of Soldiers, is also a thing of small estimation, and they are nothing comparable with those which they call the Mandarins of Learning, which are those, which take Degrees. The Mandarins or Captains of Soldiers, obtain not the same for Heroical arts or prowess, but they make a Discourse or an Oration, upon some matter concerning war, and they make choice of certain of those which had done it best. Likewise they shoot two or three Arrows, Exercises Military. No Ordnance to see if they be skilful in shooting. They have no use of great Ordnance. Albeit I saw in the Gates of some Cities, certain small short Pieces, as broad at the mouth as at the nether end, which I know not whether they shot off sometimes or no: I saw about six or eight of them upon the Walls. The defence of their Walls is their height, without any other Artillery. The greatest force and number of Soldiers, resideth in the confines of the Tartars. Tartarian conquest. It is four hundred years since a King of the Tartars won all China, (whereof Paulus Venetus writeth, which was in that Country) and they did also possess it two hundred years: at the end whereof, a Bonzo a very prudent and valiant man rebelled, and cast the Tartar out, and remained King, Fear of Tartars. whose issue continueth until this day. They always keep great Watch and ward upon this frontier. Many youths of these Tartars remained in China, and namely in these parts of Paquin, there are many which keep and maintain their Law of Mahomet, and have Mezquitas or Turkish Temples, Mahometans. and are much different in shapes and countenances from the Chinois. No weapons in houses. Except the Soldiers, there is none that keep Weapons in their houses: not because it is forbidden, but because there is no need of them: but rather the Learned and grave people, count it a dishonest thing to keep Armour: there is no use of them but in the time of war. For you shall never see them fight with weapons one with another as we do. But their fight is to buffet one another, to pull them by the hair of the head, and to draw them by the collar, Not bloody. and in two words to become friends again. Our men make no great matter of giving buffets and such like, for they kill one another. Studious. The Chinois are greatly given to Learning and study; for all their honour and riches dependeth thereupon. They have above forty thousand sundry Letters: though many of them be made one of another. Many Characters. They have no A, B, C, nor any thing like thereunto, as among us. But to signify every thing they have one Letter, and all divers. Their words are of one syllable, and no more, Monosyllable language. though their Letters be so many. Those which are commonly used every day, are eight or ten thousand. They begin to learn to write and read commonly, when they be seven years old: they write with Pencils. They have many little Books which encourage Children to study, Pensil-writing. exhorting them to take pains, with the reward that they shall grow to be Mandarines. They know not, nor study any Science, neither Mathematics, nor Philosophy, nor any such thing, Rhetoric sole Art. Here followed of their Degrees which is more exact in Trigantius, and therefore here omitted. Glory of Doctors. but only Rhetoric: for all the substance of their knowledge and fame of Learned men, consisteth in nothing else, but to know how to make a very elegant Discourse and Oration upon a theme, like as in our Europe the Orators used anciently. And as the Chinois have good wits, and by hope of reward are very appliable hereunto, they do it with great excellency, and occupy themselves with nothing else, and have no other knowledge to distract them from it. Every Doctor (after he hath obtained his degree) setteth up in his Country before the doors of his House a Title of very great letters, which saith: This is the House of a Doctor: which all men have in regard. And before the door, they set up many high Poles like masts, which every Mandarin of that City where he dwelleth sendeth him, with a Banner hanged up, and always they remain there. They make a very excellent Arch triumphal, to him that hath the first degree, at the gate of his House. The Chinois esteem more than we do, the skill to be able to write well, They Print yearly great store of books in China. and Print every year a great number of Books, whereof there is no examination nor choice, and every man Printeth what he list, good or bad, and so they make a book of nothing. The best which come forth are of no Science: for as I have said, they know none: but they are only of Moral sentences, to the advancement of good Customs and Government. Their manner of Printing is not like ours: for they join not their Letters, but for every leaf they make a table which hath letters on both sides, it would seem to be very hard, but with the custom which they have gotten, Easie Printing. they do it with great ease, speed and cheapness. I will send you some Book well printed, that your Worship may see it. They also print Letters in white, I say white letters, and the ground black. And though in the former they come not near us, yet in this they go far beyond us. They usually print these letters in Stones, and the letters stand not in the Stone upward to touch the Paper directly, but in the paper and the stone they stand all one way: Printing white and this is the order whereby they do this: They wet the Paper, and laying it upon the top of the Stone, they gently beat it with some very gentle thing, whereby the Paper which lieth upon the Stone sinketh into the hollowness of the Letter, and resteth lower than the other, then with a kind of Ink which they have for this purpose, they finely lay it over, whereby the Letters remain white, because they be deeper, and the rest remaineth black. I send you with this Letter certain papers thereof, that your Worship may rejoice in beholding the excellency wherewith it is done. One of our Books of equal volume with one of theirs, Most can write and read. containeth much more: for our letter is lesser than theirs. Though in China it be harder to learn to read and write, then in our Country, yet there be few but know ordinary Letters to deal between man and man. Likewise they make great account of Poetry, and also the graver sort give themselves much unto it. Pootrie. It is very ordinary with them to send us some Po●sie in praise of us, when we enter into friendship with any. Also they make much account of Paintings, Painting and Music. and playing upon Instruments. And albeit they know but little in the first, because they have no Art, nor paint the things with shadows, and know not how to paint in Oil: yet in the second they are very ready on their Instruments, and play gravely and leisurely. I heard certain sorts of Music, especially in the Palace of the King: to welcome me, the eunuchs his Musicians played unto me awhile, and they pleased me: although in this, little it seemeth unto me they may compare with our Country, yet it is certain, that they think they do far excel us. They have not above one kind of Instrument, which the graver sort use and make much account of, which is like unto our Harp, although the fashion and manner of playing upon it, differeth from ours, and from all our other Instruments. As in China there is no sort of people more honourable than the Learned men, and Doctors: Noble Spirit of the Mandarins. so there is no people of better condition, and of more Honourable and more Noble manner of proceeding. And albeit before they were Doctors and Mandarins, they were very poor and base people, and many of their Father's officers of vile Offices, (as it is very ordinary) nevertheless, after they have obtained the Degrees, they put upon themselves a more honourable spirit. And therefore albeit in China, we endured much trouble at the base people's hand, yet the Mandarins did always use us honourably and with much respect: especially now, for which cause now no man dare trouble us. And if there be any, which in title are like our Lords, Knights, and Courtiers, they are these. There are among them, men of much excellency and sincerity in their Office, which do seek the common good: And without doubt they make us wonder, Sincerity of some. that seeing they be but Gentiles, which do nothing for the zeal of God's honour, nor for his sake, they be of such sincerity, which they showed of late more than at other times, in having to do with this wicked, vicious, and covetous King, which they now have: The present King's disposition. who though he be so absolute a Lord, that with the same liberty, and in a manner with the same facility, he doth what he list with the greatest Mandarins of his Kingdom, as well as with the basest people thereof. Yet for all this, of late years there were many, who with great liberty and courage reprehended his faults by writing (which is the manner of speaking most publicly with him) that all men might read it. And though they might fear some grievous punishment (besides the losing of their Offices, for that was certain) nevertheless, there were many men of courage which wrote unto him: among whom there was one very renowned: The letter which he wrote to the King, began thus. That although he were assured, that he were to be hanged, and that the Fire were kindled to burn him, yet he would reprehend his vices and lewdnesses, Heroic zeal. and the evil example that he gave to all his Kingdom: And so he did, and spoke very freely, and put him in great fear. And it seemeth that for his sincerity and courage, the King had some regard of him, and though he punished him, yet it was very moderately. There fell out another accident in this kind within these few years, which because it is notable I will here set it down. This King hath many women besides his lawful wife, King's Wives and Children. which among themselves keep the order of first and second. He hath no Sons by his lawful Wife, but he hath one which is the eldest of the third or fourth, and others younger of the second. The Eldest by the custom or laws of the Kingdom, is the lawful inheritor, although he be of the fourth wife: but he bore more affection to the other and to her Son, and desired, by her persuasion, to advance him to be Prince, and would not have advanced the lawful Heir. Question of the Successor. The time being passed to perform the same, many Mandarins lost their Offices, for reprehending him of this disorder, and for seeking to make him advance the Eldest. But the principal Mandarins of the Court perceiving that he proceeded on, and would not do that which they requested, and which was reason, consulted together, and published a Proclamation, which commanded all the Mandarins which are in the Court (which are above some thousands) that under pain of losing their Office, they should all meet at such a day, and such an hour, Thousands of Court Mandarins. in such a place of the King's Palaces. When they were all assembled at the day appointed, with their Ensigns of Mandarins, they put up a Petition unto the King, saying, That since so often they had advised him of a thing so Just, and that he made none account of them, not seeking to advance the true Prince, that he should seek those that would serve him, that all of them would there give over their Ensigns of Mandarins, and would no longer serve. It seemeth the King was afraid of so great a resolution of the chiefest men of his Kingdom: And so he commanded an Eunuch to go forth unto them, and answer them, that they should resume their Offices in God's name, and that he would fulfil their request. Finally, they did effect so much, The Prince Proclaimed. that they caused him to do that which was reason; and so this year 1602. he advanced the true Prince, of whom hereafter I will speak somewhat. §. VI Of the Government of China: Of the Mandarins; the China Compliments and manifold niceties. NOw I have touched the state of the Mandarins, it offereth itself to speak of the manner of Government in particular; But I confess unto your Worship, that the multitude of Offices which they have is so great a frame, that I was not able to understand it, to reduce it into order. Only I will say in general, that they have many good things belonging unto Government, but not the execution: finally, it is a Government of Gentiles, Government good if well executed. Law's lawless with a thousand faults. There are no great store of Laws, but commonly they decide Controversies of their own heads, and make Laws in their jurisdiction after their pleasure, every one divers. And here your Worship may imagine, that the Government in the practice cannot be very just, since every one that can tell how to make a good theme or exercise, are not sufficient to be Lawmakers: And it is very ordinary among them to direct all things to their own profit, whereby of necessity, they commit many absurdities and wrongs, and take all that they can get: Bribes. Bribes are usual, and men use these more than any thing else: And though one of them know this fault in another, they all dissemble as being in the same fault, that others may wink at them. Dance in a Net naked. And though they seek to hide it one from another, yet it is like the secret of Anchuelus. The Mandarins are many in all Cities, but very extraordinary in the Courts of Nanquin, and Paquin. For in this City of Paquin, besides the Mandarins of Arms, whereof no great account is made, and are more in number then the rest; and besides those which always repair thither, upon the businesses of all the Provinces: Court Mandarins. Those that properly belong to this City and Court, are above two thousand and five hundred: who all, or the most part hear Causes ordinarily twice a day; so that we cannot imagine what businesses occupy so many Mandarins, nor what is the jurisdiction of every one. The most principal which are in all the Kingdom and here, are six, Precedents of six Counsels, being the chiefest of the Kingdom. There is one, which is the greatest, Chief Mandarin, or of Heaven. See or these after in the discourse of Riccius and Trigantius. The second. to whom belongeth the government of all the Mandarins of the Kingdom, to advance them to higher Offices that do deserve it, and as much as they deserve, to chastise and to degrade those which badly perform their Office: which because it is a place so great and honourable, the Chinois call him, The Mandarin of Heaven: who proposeth all these things to the King, as to promote, to advance, to disgrade the Mandarins, and the King confirmeth them: So that all the Mandarins how small soever they be; that are in all the Kingdom, are appointed by the King. The second hath the charge of all things belonging unto Ceremonies, as well humane of Courtesies▪ and ceremonies in all royal Acts, as in making the King, the Prince, and in marrying of them, etc. And all that which belongeth to the worship of the Sacrifices of the Dead, and others which the Kings offer to Heaven and Earth. There is another chief of the Council of War: The third, etc. another of the King's Treasure, which taketh the account of the King's rents: another Council is of the Works, as of the King's houses, provision for all things necessary, for the Walls of the Cities, etc. There is another of Chastisement, whereunto causes criminal and sentences of Death do belong. Counsel of State, or the Colai. Above these (six) there is only one Degree, which are absolutely the greatest, before whom whatsoever the King doth in any thing is consulted of. Although it be true, that these be rich and opulent in the conceit of the Chinois, yet none of them in any thing may compare with any of the meanest Lord of title, Their wealth and wages mean. of our Country. The wages which they have of the King is small: the attendance which they have, is of base people, and of small countenance, yet they are much respected and obeyed: And the common people kneeleth unto them, as to the Mandarins. The common chastisement which all the Mandarins do give, Whipping. is to whip them with pieces of Canes, of four or six fingers broad and thick, wherewith oftentimes they die, when it is laid on sound. Whipping is as common as it is to whip Children in the School: And sometimes for nothing they give a dozen stripes, as well to the Plaintiff as to the Defendant, and therewith they end the Suits, and they stay to give none other sentence, but say: Give him twenty stripes. State and pomp. Usually when the Mandarins of any State go through the streets, men go before them crying, or making a noise with Instruments, for the people to give place. And in particular Cities, when a great Mandarin passeth through the streets, all men hide themselves and go into houses, and the Handicraftsmen cease from their work, and that in such sort, that I saw once in a City in a street of great traffic, a Mandarin appear, and in a moment every body got away, even the very Dogs, with exceeding great silence: so greatly they be reverenced of all men. And many carry Chains trailing them before them, and other Instruments. But in the Courts (though the Mandarins be greater) the people run not away, they do no more but give way that thy may pass. In the Courts many Mandarins, though they be great, ride on Horseback, and others in Chairs: but besides them, all go in Chairs carried on men's shoulders, which according to their Offices are two, or four, or eight. Every Province hath a Visitor, which publicly visiteth the same every year, and taketh information of the Mandarines. There are secret and privy Visitors. Sometime one is sent: Visitors. But it is no usual thing, and as I have heard, it is long since it was left off. I speak this, because I always heard when I was in Spain, that the Chinois used this manner of Visitation. The Visitor only may give sentence of death. They be not cruel in punishments by death. Punishment by death rare. Only the King useth some cruel execution: and namely this King that now reigneth, which is a very wicked man. One of them is that which lately he caused here to be executed upon eight men, by the great frosts of Winter, for no great offence for so cruel a punishment, The great frosts of Winter in Paquin. and as they say, falsely imputed; And this it was: He caused their necks to be put through a thick plank, which taketh a great part of the head, and they set the planks to stand upon Forms, so that the man standeth upon his feet day and night in the midst of the street, with men to watch him. He condemned them to this punishment for three months: but they died before fifteen days, with their legs all rotten, and burst with standing always on foot: I myself saw them stand on this fashion, which pitied me extremely. I never saw nor heard of any other cruel punishments; though, as I have said, often times the Mandarines kill them with whipping, which is a very cruel thing. The Chinois are very curious in writing of news, which usually they set out in Print, and in a very short space disperse them through all the Provinces. Books of news. There are always Books wherein all the Mandarines of the Kingdom are written, as well their names as their Countries: And because they be changed every foot from one place to another, they blot out and put in the names as soon as they know them, with great facility. One thing among the rest is (wherein they be very dutiful and prolix) in their manifold courtesies, which are of many sorts, Compliments of courtesy and entertainment. That which is in a little letter is added out of Trigautius. according to the estate of him with whom they have to do. The usual fashion is when they visit one another, the stranger is set on the most honourable hand (which in some places is the right hand, and in the Northern Provinces the left) and putting one hand in the sleeve of the contrary arm, which is very long and wide, they lift up their hands so fastened together, then bending their (head and) body down to the ground, saying, Zin zin, which is of no signification but an interjection of urbanity, their bowing veneration they call, So ye: they change places to repay courtesies. After this the Guest sitteth down in * When they salute in the street, they turn to the North, side to side: at home to the head of the house, which is against the door, Northward also their Temples and Halls for entertainment being made with the door to the South. Cha or Chia a drink made with a certain herb. Paytre or visiting paper. These Libels consist of 12. pages of white paper a palm and hal●e long, etc. see Ric. pag. 66. Salutation or visitation-garments. the Chair of the Master of the house, and the Master of the house another besides that which the Guest hath, and each of them setteth them in their due place, which is the stranger's Chair in the highest place, distant from the wall, and the Chair of the Master of the house is set in the midst of the lowest place, one over against another. After this (when they have ended their salutations) they straightway cause a drink to be brought, which they call Cha, which is water boiled with a certain herb, which they much esteem, for this is a want of civility and courtesy: and at the least they must drink of it twice or thrice. He bringeth forth some Fruit or Sweetmeat, and a Spoon to take it up. If the Guest stay any time, strait without fail they will bring out some thing to eat, but with some preparation, answerable to the occasion and person: whereon they eat very little, unless it be at the ordinary hours of feeding, and then they eat somewhat more. When they visit one another (unless they be very great friends and familiars) a Boy goeth always before, which carrieth a Libel or Book of visitation, which they call Paytre, which is as much as, A Paper of visitation: And this name never faileth, for always they use it: wherein his name with modest epithets (as many perhaps as Visitors) are written, according as the quality is of them that visit, and those that are visited; so is the manner most different whereafter they write the same: to wit, with more humility, either as our better, or as an equal, or as an inferior, as a scholar, or as a master: for as the relations are many and particular, so the fashions and manners which they use are diverse. Of these things, and of all that hereafter I shall say touching this point, I will send you the examples in their own papers of visitations, which great Mandarins, and ordinary men brought unto us, setting down in our tongue upon every letter the declaration thereof. And I doubt not but your Worship, our most dear Fathers, and Brethren, and as many others as shall see the same will rejoice thereat. And when that Paper is brought, they carry news into the house to him that is visited, which prepareth himself to receive his Guest, which cometh within a while after. When they be not people which they see every day, they use not ordinary apparel in their visitations, but they have garments, proper for this purpose, of a far different fashion. And if by chance one come so apparelled, and another be not, he saith, that he durst not salute him, nor receive him before he had put on his apparel, so he getteth him away in great haste to put on his apparel, and then they begin to perform their compliments. When the Guest departeth, he always goeth before, and at their going out of the doors they use salutations, and offers of courtesy; according to the quality of the Guest, Taking leave. and the Master of the house, so he bringeth him more or less way, or unto the street: or if he go so far, he stayeth till he take his Chair, or his Horse, and then lifting up their arms and sleeves unto their heads they take their leaves and depart one from the other. When they are departed, the Visitor and he that is visited, each of them send a Boy to give one another thanks, one for his visitation, the other for his good entertainment and friendly usage. If he that is visited be not at home, they leave the Paytre at his house, which is a token that he came to visit him. He that is visited is bound to requite his visitation presently, or the next day, if he be a man of Worship, or if they be equals, within three or four days: which payment is performed after the self same manner: and if he find him not at home, it sufficeth to leave the Paytre there. If he that requiteth the visitation be a far greater person than the first which visited him, (as if he be some great Mandarin) he which first visited him, returneth the next day in person with a paper, wherein he giveth him thanks that he came to his house: and if they see one another, he giveth him thanks by word of mouth. Head place of the house. When the man which visiteth is of great Worship he sendeth word a good space before with a Paytre: and the Master of the house cometh forth to receive him, and to bring him into the house. All their Houses and Lodgings, have always an head and more honourable place (which is the highest part) where always they place the Guest. Great Letters for great persons. Likewise in their writing they use a great difference, according to the estates, Dignity and Age: and in their Letter, the greater the Mandarin is, they use the greater Letter: those that are equal, or inferior use a very small letter: likewise they observe the same order in speaking to every one according to his quality. When they meet in the streets, the ordinary courtesy, is, to put their hands into their sleeves, & closing them together to hold them up, & to use a common speech, which they have for this purpose. When a couple enter into new acquaintance, they do yet more, First acquaintance. and that is, they kneel down, and touch the ground with their head so often, and with so great ceremonies, that I dare not speak of them, lest I should never make an end. Sending Presents. When they send Presents, they write down all things which they send in a paper, as they do their speeches, with words of Honour: whereof I send likewise examples to see, of very grave persons which sent us Presents. And whether the party receive the Present or not, or only a part, he always sendeth back another paper with certain red lines (as herewith is to be seen) with a Letter which saith: I thank you much: And when he receiveth the Present, he always giveth some money to the youths that bring it: and hereby he remaineth bound to answer him, with another Present as great at the least: And herein they be very precise, especially persons that are not of the greatest account. A thing which I find very strange, and which doth put us to much trouble, to be driven equally to answer those Presents which the greater Mandarins do send us, for they always desire some thing of our Country, and here we are very poor. They send us sometimes from Macao some Clocks of sand, or Hourglasses, some Knives, some cases of tools for Surgeons, and other things: for they much esteem all things that come from our parts: and with these things, which in our Countries are little or nothing worth, here we procure friends, which stand us in exceeding great stead to confer with them of our holy Faith, and of the salvation of our Souls. Besides their Presents and visitations, they have Gossip and Banquets, whereunto very usually they invite one another. Banqueting. When these be very solemn, they set every Guest two tables for himself, one of Flesh and Fish, etc. another of Fruits and sweet Meats. When they be not so solemn, one table for every man, or two at every Table: they provide for these Guests great diversity of meats well dressed and seasoned, which they bring soft and fair one after another, that they may be hot. When they invite one to a Banquet, they send six or seven days before a paper, Inuitations. wherein they invite him against such a day. If he cannot come, he sendeth another paper, wherein he saith, I excuse myself: If he excuse not himself, he is resolved to come. This paper is sent with many words of courtesy, & with much honour. On the day appointed in the morning, he sendeth another to invite him again for the self same day: and at the appointed hour, he sendeth another to pray him to come: and then he goeth: If any of these messages should fail he would not go. When he is gone to the Banquet, they use many other ceremonies: But the most ado is, about their places, so that it is long before you can place them, and allot out the rooms how they shall sit, because they ever seek, or at least make show that they seek to give the chiefest room to others. Feasts to taste and bride it. They feed not as men use to do in our Country: neither seemeth it that the Feast is made to feed, but only they taste of some small thing for fashion sake; and they drink very sippingly in small Cups of Porcelain, each of which will contain five or six Thimbels-full of Wine; and herein and in devising, they spend five or six hours at a Banquet, and go home an hungered. And thus it happeneth unto us; although we seek to excuse ourselves from them as much as we can, because we lose much time, unless it be some great Mandarin, who we fear would take it evil, if we should deny his request. When the Banquet is ended, the next day every one of the Guests sends his Boy with a paper, wherein he thanketh his Host for his good cheer. Chinois Complimental and almost all compliment. New-yeere. here your Worship may see, wherein the Chinois spend the one half of their life. For the greatest business they have, and that wasteth most of their time, is in Visitations, Banquets, and sending of Presents. And the time wherein they most of all use the same, is their New-year, which lasteth fifteen days: their Birth day, which all of them keep with great solemnity: or when they go forth, or come home on a journey. And to end the whole year, I send you some Papers of visitation of all these things (whereof they have sent many unto us) that your Worship may see (though you understand not the outward Letter) the manner and fashion of this people, how far different Salutations, manners and fashions, we send you from the plainness of our Europe, and especially of our Company, But for the present, we all think it necessary to eat after this fashion, and to use their customs, to obtain more free access unto them, and to win them to Christ. There is a Turk here, a dweller in this City, which above forty years ago, brought one or two Lions to the Father of this King: who, A Turk disrespected. partly because he knoweth no Learning nor Sciences, and partly because he sought not to apply himself to the habit, customs, and manner of China, there is none that will deal with him, nor come near his house: And through the grace which God hath given us, and because they see us apply ourselves to their Apparel, Fashion, and Courtesies, all the gravest Mandarins come home to our house to visit us, and do us the favour, to hold us publicly for their Friends: which they use not to do, to their own Countrymen, of our quality and condition: praised be our Lord always, Amen. I will not omit to declare the great pleasure, wherewith these learned Chinois hear the great consent of the things and ceremonies, of our holy Faith in Europe, and that we have Bishops, and, as we call them here, Mandarins, and superiors in Spiritual things: and above all, they rejoice exceedingly to hear of our Pope, The Hierarchy applauded by Chinois. that being so great a personage they prefer a Learned and Holy man by way of Election, and not by Succession, and likewise the obedience and subjection which other Kings do yield unto him; and that there have been many (as we told them) who being chosen Popes, refuse it in good earnest, and by no means will accept the same: and that we have all things which concern the Law of God and good manners, set down in writing, with all other Books concerning him, or his Ministers. And although that which I have spoken hitherto of our high Priest, is a thing very apparent and true, and we delivered it for such, and they so understand it: yet oftentimes they have given us occasions of laughter. The first was, That when we told them, that some refused so great an Office: straightway they ask, where you say that they refuse it, is it not evident that their excuse will not be accepted? As who should say, if they would accept of it, who is there that would make an excuse? And thus they say, because they do so themselves: Ridiculous nicety. for when great Offices are bestowed upon them, eftsoon they offer up a Petition, making a thousand excuses to the King not to receive them: and they desi●e nothing less, neither can any thing happen so grievous unto them, as to accept their excuse. But usually they be not admitted: though sometimes they be, to their great grief of heart, as I myself have seen: But to excuse themselves, or to refuse with some danger, is the use so common, that they will not fail to do so: for if they should not do so, it were more certain that they should go without the Office. The second thing that made us more to laugh, is, that many of them tell us, that if we would return into our Country, without doubt they would make us Popes: The reason (though not openly) which they yield, is, that we have a great advantage above other men of our Country, to wit, that we have seen, and studied, and understand their Books; because that they only, in their opinion, can make a man perfect, and generally seen in all things. Such is the high conceit and reputation which they hold of their Books. §. VII. Of their Women: Of the Tartars Conquest, Acts and Expulsion. The greatness of the King, and neighbouring States. Of the Queen's eunuchs. I Will conclude this Letter with two points: the one concerning the Women, whereof I have little to say: and the last is of the King, and of his Palaces and Services. Palace. Every man (as I said before) may keep as many Wives as he will, and so they do: which is the cause of many tumults, quarrels, Polygamy litigious. and disorders in their houses among their wives, and among the Sons of diverse Mothers: and therefore when we tell them, that in our Country no man marryeth but one Wife, they never are satisfied in praising it in words, though nevertheless they do not follow it, nor put it in practice. And the discontentment which the Women have among themselves, and with their Husbands for this occasion, is like to prove a great encouragement unto them, to make them desirous to receive our holy Faith, and to persuade their Husbands to embrace the same, seeing that it doth not permit any more but one lawful Wife only. Of their other Conversation, Customs, and other things, we know nothing, Closeness of Women. neither is any thing to be learned: for they keep house all their life time, and go out of doors exceeding seldom to visit either their Mother or Sisters, or nearest kinswomen, for they go not to any else, no not in thought: And therefore as they have no conversation, (but always to keep home) I can speak nothing of their behaviour. Their Apparel seemeth unto me honest and comely: (for sometimes I have seen the Wives of Officers, and of the poor people, Apparel. for many of them do go abroad.) In some parts of the Country we have met many women upon the high way, in short garments, like to the men of our Country, without any difference, save on their heads, and their feet: for all the rest is all one kind of Apparel; but these are the common people only: One of the greatest ornaments that the Women have, is, to have very little feet, and they are so little, that they go very badly, and always they seem to go as though they would fall. Small feet. I could not know the cause, nor the Chinois themselves know not the original occasion, why this is counted for a beauty: albeit some say, it began not for a comeliness, but only with a purpose to cut off all occasion from them of going abroad. Histories of their Kings. The Chinois have been very careful in their Histories, and therefore they have histories of their Kings of above four thousand years. And if credit be to be given to that which their Books report, touching those times, and is gathered by diverse of their Histories; There are many more years from the Flood to our days (whereof they also have some knowledge in their Books) than the most followed and allowed Calculation among us, Knowledge of the Flood. which tr●ate of that matter, do allow of: for they say, it is six thousand years at the least. They say that they have continued Histories. But I leave this, because I have not well conferred the truth and foundation of the Chinish histories. At the least it is certain, that they have knowledge of their matters, and certain Kings within a little after the Flood, whensoever it was. They had many ancient Kings, Morality made a King, and Nature made a Mandarine contrary to innumerable Scripture, etc. which were very good men, which it may be were saved in the law of Nature, because the heroical works of Virtue, which they report of them were great, and there is no record that they worshipped Idols, but some, that they worshipped the Lord of Heaven and Earth. There were some that sought not to leave their lawful Sons to be their Heirs, because they thought them not fit for Government, but choose the wisest and best man, that they could find, and left the Kingdom unto him. This Kingdom in old time was divided into many small Kingdoms, until by little and little it was united. It is some four hundred years (as I said before) since a Tartar King possessed it wholly, and two hundred, since a Bonzo or Religious man of China recovered it. This Mahometan Tartar King, left some tokens of himself in things that he did. He left in Nanquin, Mathematical Instruments. certain Mathematical instruments of Copper, the like whereof for goodness peradventure are not in all Europe, at least not better. The China vindex. The Chinese Bonzo which expelled him out of the Kingdom, was a very valiant and wise man, and there be many Histories of his wisdom, and sententious sayings, and judgement in hard matters: and the manner and form of Government, which he ordained in this Kingdom, New Lords, new Laws. which continueth inviolable, doth greatly declare the same. He made new Offices and gave new Names to all of them: An usual thing when one house beginneth to Reign, to change all, even the name of the King, as also of all Offices, and also of many Cities. I omit the division of the Government into so many heads, and so good distribution, that it seemeth (and so the Chinois say) it is like to continue thousands of years, so that no man of the same Kingdom is able, nor hath any power to make any Rebellion of importance. For those which in former time revolted, were the Viceroys of the Provinces, and other great Mandarins, in whose power were the Government, the Soldiers, and the treasure. But he divided it in such sort, that those which had power over the Soldiers, Rebellion prevented by the policy. should have no money at all, neither should the pay of the Soldiers depend upon them: and those which keep the Treasure must have no superintendency and dominion over the Soldiers. Others which were mighty and rich, he impoverished and divided their Authority and Revenues among many; and so there is no man that can call himself Great. I remember that I had read in a Book, set out in the Spanish tongue, of the great power of certain Captains, and because the King did not trust them, he sent one of his house to will them to come unto him. All which relation, with many other things which he reporteth of the providence of the King, how he divideth his Authority among diverse Princes, is not so in truth, neither in truth, neither is there any appearance thereof, neither have the Captaynes much authority, neither are they very rich: for though they have many people, yet the government of them is divided into diverse heads, so that they can hardly assemble to raise any Rebellion, especially, because they remain always in the Kingdom, and near about the King. Revenue. The Revenue of this King, without doubt, is exceeding great, and until we have gotten it out of their Books (wherein every thing is set down very particularly) I will not presume to publish the same, not as though I knew not that it is so, since whilst a man knoweth more of this Kingdom, he doubteth less: Yet because I fear for all this that it will be hard to make one believe the same, which knoweth it not of a certainty; making the Accounts not very large, his Revenues are one year with another an hundred Millions in Silver, 100 Millions. others say, 150. Gold, Rice, and an infinite number of other things: although the greatest part is Silver. And he that considereth the greatness of the Kingdom, and that every man payeth Tribute to the King of their Persons, Lands, Trees, and other things (without carrying any Tribute out of the same) that which I speak will not seem excessive. Expenses. But as his Revenue is very great, so his Expenses are many. For those which in this Kingdom do live at the King's charge are many, to wit, all the Mandarins to whom the King giveth Wages, all the Soldiers, all the Kinsfolks of the King, his eunuchs, and an infinite number of people, whereby his charges are exceeding great, although always there remaineth a good deal for him to lay up: and there is no doubt but he hath it in store in exceeding great quantity. Many small Kingdoms round about acknowledge the King of China, and pay him Tribute, Neighbour Kingdoms. Corea or Corai. as Corea, and others, whose names I know not, on this Northern part: and on the side of Malaca and Macao, many others. And sometimes on these Northern parts they trouble him somewhat, in robbing and killing of people. It may be that your Worship, or some body else may demand, why the King of China being so great, subdueth not these small Kingdoms that lie about him to deliver himself of trouble? I answer, that he wanteth no ability: A Paradox. but I will say one sure thing, a Paradox to the people of our Europe, which is, That neither the Chinois, nor their King do seek, nor dream of dilating their Empire more than it is. Contentedness. And this their resolution is such, that although they would give them all these Kingdoms, they would not take them, & much less if they were farther off. For they hold it for one of the greatest miseries (especially the Mandarins & grave sort of people) to go out of their Kingdom to any other part. There is one of the best Examples hereof that may be given: which fell out of late, Corea joined to the Continent of China. and that was, that as by the danger which might grow to his Kingdom, if the people of japon should win the Kingdom of Corea, which is joined to China by the main Land, as they began to do; the Chinois aided the Coreans with many men: and the people of japon by the death of their King called Quabacondono, did wholly abandon it. The Kingdom remained in the power of the Chinois, and so continued two or three years. After which they wholly gave it over, without any other greater respect, then that there were none that were willing to go thither to govern it, nor that the King had any need to annex it unto his Estate. And without doubt, it seemeth that he would do the like with any other, although they would put it into his hands. And touching those Kingdoms which pay him Tribute, there is no great account made, whether they come or no▪ and their continual coming, is more for the profit of those which come, then that the King doth desire it. And therefore the Philippine Island which in former times paid Tribute to the Kings of China, were made none account of when they ceased to pay it. This King hath one lawful Wife (as other men have) in choice whereof they have regard to nothing else but to her good qualities and external beauty, for there is no Nobility to be sought for. Besides her he hath a great number of Concubines chosen after the same manner, whose Sons (if the lawful Wife's Children fail) inherit the Kingdom, which commonly falleth out, and such is he which now is King, and he which is to succeed him. Queen's closeness. When any of these women be once entered into the King's Palace to be his Wife, there is no name which may be compared unto her in being kept close; for they may not only not go abroad, no nor be seen of their Father, Mother, or Brethren. They have little or none authority, but such as they obtain of the King. Also the service of the King, of the Queen, and of his Concubines, is all by eunuchs, a service doubtless unworthy of a King. eunuchs. All these eunuchs (without any exception) are of the most base people which are in all the Kingdom, whose Fathers (because they cannot keep them when they were young) do make them eunuchs, in hope that one day they shall get into the Court to serve the King: the manner is far different from some which are in Europe: for these be like those which the Turks use. The yard and all cut away. Because their Fathers do this for poverty, it followeth that they have no excellency, for they have no means to learn it, and they are little or nothing Learned. They elect and choose these eunuchs from time to time to supply such as die, and this first year that I was here, they chose above three thousand, for which purpose there assembled above twenty thousaind (as they say) out of which number they made their choice. The Electors were a very great Mandarin (to whom, as I said before, Their numbers and choice. the King's private business belongs) and another Eunuch of the eldest and most private. The Examination and Election consisteth in two things, which are a good Countenance and a good Tongue: for proof whereof, they make them pronounce two words, wherein those that have not a ready Tongue do stumble. When they are chosen, and gone to the Court, they divide them in diverse Offices: Service▪ yet at their first coming, they are appointed to wait upon the old eunuchs as Boys, which make good trial of their patience, and obedience: and he that after certain years showeth himself towardly, they begin to employ in greater matters. Of these eunuchs, the King hath his Musicians and Mathematicians, who, to be brief, Ignorance▪ I say, have no sound understanding in th●se things at all, but only for compliment or superficially: yet some of them are bound to watch all night, and to look whether any Comet do appear, or any such like thing in the Sky, to inform the King thereof: and to perform other like Offices. They are usually very covetous, and as they are base, Covetousness if they rise to be private with the King, some of them be proud and uncourteous. They serve the King as slaves, obeying his will which way soever he inclineth. The King chastiseth them very sharply for every light offence: especially the King that now is, which is a very wicked man. He hath caused many to be whipped to death, for some small matter wherein they have offended him. Yet there are some of them good and discreet, which the King useth for dispatching of his business, and other matters of weight. Though the ordinary wages which they have of the King be small, yet it serveth them well to live of, and therefore they go very well apparelled in many Robes of Silk very finely wrought of diverse colours, and the manner of their Cap and Apparel differeth from all other peoples. There are of them in number, as they say, above sixteen thousand of them in the King's palaces. Hereby your Worship may see what Examples and Education the King of China observeth, which spendeth all his time with these and with women. Although it be the custom of these Kings, to show themselves from time to time to certain of the greatest Mandarins: yet they never suffer the rest of the people to see them, nor to speak with them; The common people never see nor speak with the King. Law of Nations contemned. and when he speaketh with any body, they enter not into the place where he is; but the King cometh forth to a certain place. If there be any Nation among whom the Law of Nations hath no place in many things it is this: for as they have no commerce with other Nations, so they have not the Law which is common to all men. And therefore they admit no Ambassador in China, unless it be by the way of giving some Present, the King not acknowledging any; neither do they think that there is any in the World, which is able to deal with their King by way of an Ambassador. Emb●assages. And if they bring any Message (as the japons brought within these few years, who came to entreat of certain agreements, by no means they are admitted to the sight of the King; neither doth he give them audience: but some Mandarin doth accompany them: and the entertainment which they give them, and honour which they show to all strangers which come unto them is very small. But as for the most part they have no great conceit of strangers, so their entertainment is like to their conceit. Whosoever he be that cometh into their Country, they shut him up in a very homely house, not suffering him to go abroad. Royal Palace. The King's Palaces are very great; and albeit in the excellency of Architecture they be not comparable to those of our Europe, yet they much exceed in the hugeness of Building. They have three walls four square, the circuit of the first may be as big as the wall of a good City. Between the first and the second wall, there is a wall which environeth the greatest part of the House, and here are many Houses of the eunuchs of the lowest sort, which exercise Mechanical Arts, or the like, as Porters, etc. Between the second and the third wall there are many pieces of the King's House, which is not joined altogether, but in diverse parts there be diverse Rooms, built for diverse purposes, one answering to another. These parcels of Buildings which are here (which are every one as long as the Career of an Horse, and very high) have no under Room, but a great Building raised up with foundations of great Bricks, as broad and long as all the Building, wherein there are Gates of Marble stone very well wrought to pass from one place to another. This house or Foundation is about eight fathoms high little more or less. Above these are guilded Galleries, Tarasses, Hals, and Chambers, which on the outside show very gallant (which is as much as can be seen; for no man can get in to see them.) The greatest part of them is of Timber, with many gilded Embossments, and many other pleasant Pictures. The Roofs are very well made. The Tiles are of a far better fashion, in mine opinion, then ours, and so even joined together that that they seem to be all one piece: Yellow is the King's Colour. they are all anneled with yellow, which is the King's Colour. To conclude, I say, that it seemed unto me in multitude of Houses and greatness a stately thing. River and Bridges. Also between these walls the River runneth which I spoke of: and to pass from one to another there are many fair Bridges of Marble made of very great stones: between these walls was one of the two fourth parts of the House, on which the fire from Heaven fell down within these few years, Fire from Heaven. and consumed it: and with the blows of the stones which fell down many very great Houses were broken down to the ground (as sometimes I beheld myself) and they remained with many signs of fire on them. They say, that when this fire fell from Heaven, No peace to the wicked. the King commanded his Son to kneel down, and beseech The Heaven to be merciful unto him, for he himself was too wicked, and that the Heaven would not hear him. Within these walls are many Lodgings of the gravest eunuchs, who like Fellows of Colleges live many in one House, Mounts and Groves. every one having his private Chamber. here between these walls are Mounts and Groves and other recreations whither the King repaireth to recreate himself. And the space of these walls is very great, for when I went to the Palace to teach the eunuchs which were in that place to trim the Clock, I passed before I came to their Lodging eight great Palaces, and on the other side there were many more. The Lodgings of the eunuchs usually are low and bad, for the King's Servants, yet very necessary. Third partition. Next after this followeth the third wall, where the King dwelleth, with his Wives and Children, and those which where his nearest servants, whereinto no man entereth but they. And therefore albeit I have heard that it is a very beautiful thing & very much worth the seeing, as in very deed it showeth to be: yet I cannot give any Relation of any thing concerning the same in particular. Only this I say, that when I was in the House of the eunuchs that were the Mathematicians, I went sometimes up into a Tower, from whence I might see the tops of the Houses, the Groves, and Orchards, and me thought that I never in my life saw so great a frame of Building, although I have seen many in mine own Country. And therefore there are always a great number of Officers of all Offices, some making new Buildings, and others repairing the old. The King never goeth abroad, especially this King, King a home Prisoner. Temple of Heaven and Earth. and his Ancestors some one time and no more, unto a Temple which they have builded to The Heaven, and the Earth, where every year they offer Sacrifice. And therefore I know not with what pomp he goeth abroad: But like as in his service he hath no men of quality, it cannot be such as our King's use in their going to Church: There is a barbarous custom among the Kings, that when the Prince is advanced to the Kingdom, within a short time after, all the rest of the old King's Sons are to depart out of the House to certain places appointed for them, which unto the third Generation are served like Kings, but they never come more in the presence of their Father, Mother, nor elder Brother: Barbarous usage of the King's Children. and therefore there is great lamentations of their Mothers at their departure. The Posterity of these do always remain as Kinsmen, and with the name of the King's Kinsmen. To all these (which are very many) the King giveth sufficient maintenance, which is no great matter. They never bear Office; and deal with other people, and marry with them, without doing themselves much good or none at all in being the King's Kinsmen, nor purchase any special authority thereby. Other Kinsfolks of the King, married with the Sisters, Daughters, or Cousins of the King, or Queen, although they have sufficient to live upon, yet have they exceeding small authority, and haughtiness. And herein, nor in any thing may they compare with the Mandarins. Here came to visit us one married with the Sister of this King that is now, in a Chair with three or four Boys to wait on him. Another came oftentimes married with the Sister of the Wife of the Prince that is to inherit, on Horseback with one Boy only attending on him; and he entereth into the Examinations that he may proceed Doctor and become a Mandarin: So little is the benefit that groweth unto them by the Consanguinity or Affinity of the King which are joined unto him thereby. Here the time faileth me, though neither matter, King's Affinity and Consanguinity, little worth. nor desire to give contentment to your Worship, and the rest of my most dear Fathers and Brethren, neither doth nor shall ever fail me. And therefore if I shall understand, that they take this in good worth, I will give Relation of that which shall fall out here by the help and grace of our Lord, to whom I humbly beseech all of them to commend me. I send here withal two Maps of this Kingdom of China, Maps of China. which came to my hand after I had written this Letter, and Relation. I sought to translate all that which is contained in the China Letters; which is all the Rent which every one of these Provinces payeth to the King of China; and to make a description of all the Houses which every Province hath, and how many people, and many things else: But your Worship may believe that by no means I had leisure: and therefore I send you only the figure, and another year (if it please our Lord God) I will send you the same with the declaration thereof. All the rundles and squares which are therein are Cities, or Fortresses of many Inhabitants, both of them walled about. There is no Town here set down that it is not walled: the others are many more. The Rivers are well distinguished. The great lines are the limits of the Provinces: the other small lines, and of little circuit are the juridisdictions of some one principal City. We print here another Map of all the World of our manner with Cornish Letters, which because we want time to declare the Letters, I send not till the next year, which then we will send if our Lord grant us life. I send you many other Papers, that your Worships may see the fashion of the Letters of these people of China, and what Characters we committed to memory. From Paquin, being the Court and Royal City of the King of China, the ninth of March, 1602. CHAP. VII. A Discourse of the Kingdom of China, taken out of RICIUS and TRIGAUTIUS, containing the Country, People, Government, Religion, Rites, Sects, Characters, Studies, Arts, Acts; and a Map of China added, drawn out of one there made with Annotations for the understanding thereof. §. I. Of the Name, Scite, and Greatness; the Tributaries, Commodity, Arts, Printing, Seales, Ink, Pencill-pennes and Fans. Here in the author begins l. 1 cap. 2. the first being a place. The diverse names of this Kingdom. THis utmost Empire in the East, hath been made known to Europe by diverse appellations, as that of Ptolemey, Sina; that later of Marcus Paulus the Venetian, Cathay; and that most usual received from the Portugals, which call it China. I doubt not also that this is the Region of the Hippophagis, or Hors-eaters, a meat there as common as Beef here: as also that this is the Region Serica or Silken; forasmuch as there is no Kingdom of the East where Silk is found in that quantity: and the Portugals ship it thence for japon, and all India; the Spaniards also of the Philippina Lands, fraight their ships therewith for all the American World. Moreover, I find in the China Chronicles that this Silkeworke was there two thousand six hundred thirty six years before the Birth of Christ: whence it passed to the rest of Asia, to our Europe and to Africa. But in this variety nothing seems so strange to me, as that all these names are so strange to them, not known or once heard of, although the change of names be not strange to that Country. For as often as the Empire passeth from one Family to another, according to the vicissitude of humane Affairs: He which attaineth the Throne, imposeth a name at his pleasure. So hath it been sometimes called Than (which signifieth exceedingly large) another while Thou, that is, Rest▪ after that successively Hia, The China custo●● of changing names & yet this name China▪ Sina▪ or Cathay, unknown to them. or Great; Sciam, Adorned; Cheu, Perfect; Han, The Milky way in Heaven, etc. And since this Family, called Ciu, which now holdeth the Sovereignty, hath reigned, it is called Min, which intimateth Splendour, and by usual addition of one syllable Ta-min, that is, the Kingdom of Great Splendour, Brightness or Glory. Yet do few of their Neighbour Nations observe these changes of Names, whereby each of them almost, style it by several appellations. Those of Cocin, Cauchin-china, and the Siamites call it Ciu; the japanders', Than; the Tartars, Han; the Western Saracens, Catay. Also amongst the Chinois themselves, besides that arbitrary name so imposed by their Kings, it hath some common to all Ages. Such are Ciumq●●, that is, the Kingdom; and Chiumhoa, which signifieth a Garden, a name arising from their Geography, Conceit of the Earth's form. believing indeed the roundness of the Heaven, but a squareness of the Earth, and their Kingdom in the midst thereof, a conceit grown out of conceit now, by better instruction of the jesuits. Their King is called Lord of the World, and they supposed accordingly that their Kingdom contained the principal part thereof; The King's Title. not deeming the Neighbour Kingdoms worthy to be called Kingdoms, which yet before their Commerce with Europeans were all they knew. And not unworthily is the name Great prefixed to their Kingdom's appellation, being the greatest Kingdom in the World, which at this day carrieth One Name, or hath done in former times. For Southward it beginneth in the nineteenth degree, at the Isle which they call Hainam, that is, Largeness of the Kingdom of China. the South-Sea; and runneth into the North to the two & fortieth, even to those walls which divide the Chinois from the Tartars. The longitude beginneth from the one hundred and twelfth (reckoning from the Canaries) in the Province Yunan, and extends Eastward to the Sea in one hundred thirty two. These Dimensions we have observed in diverse places of the Kingdom where we have passed, by Astrolabes and other Mathematical Instruments; adding also the observation of Eclipses in their Almanacs, where the Moon's Change and Full are justly described, and specially by authority of Cosmographical Plains. Yet if others which shall come after us shall more exactly observe the longitude (which I dare say will be no great matter) I shall not unwillingly yield. Hence may be observed that this ample Kingdom is for the most part within the temperate Zone; neither doth it extend so far Northward as some Maps have described by many degrees. The temperate Climate. And lest any should think that some great parts of so large a Dominion be desert, I will here translate out of a China book entitled, The Description of that Kingdom, there printed, 1579. that which followeth. In the Kingdom (of China) there are two Provinces Royal, Nanquin the Southern Court, and Pequin the Northern, and thirteen others. In these fifteen Provinces (you might call them Kingdoms) by another division are numbered one hundred fifty eight Regions or less Provinces, called by them Furio; the most of which have twelve or fifteen Cities of reasonable quantity, besides Villages, Hamlets, Castles and Towns. In these Provinces are two hundred forty seven greater Cities, called Cheu (howbeit sometimes distinguished from other Cities rather in dignity then largeness) of vulgar Cities, which they call Hien, 1152. Of men grown to ripe age, which pay tribute or poll money to the King, were then fifty and eight millions, five hundred fifty thousand, 801. In all which the female sex is not reckoned: and of the Masculine are omitted, Boys, Youths, Eunuches, Soldiers, the Royal kindred, Magistrates, Students, and very many others. And of the Soldiers, although there be a Supine peace (except some Tartarian assault sometimes) there are maintained in the King's pay, and in perpetual Arms, above ten * Some say many more see the Map and notes. hundred thousand. For the three Northern Provinces are almost half in pay. In that book are numbered Kingdoms adjoining to that of China and tributary; to the East three, to the West fifty three, to the South fifty five, to the North three. Yet I observe that nothing so many do in these days pay tribute, and those which do, carry more from China, than they bring thither: and therefore the Chinois care not much whether they continue loyal or no. To the worth of this Kingdom, may be added, the fortification by Nature or Art round about it. To the South and East, the Sea washeth it, and so many Lands guard it, that hardly can a Fleet of Ships approach the Continent. To the North, steep praecipices are joined together, with a continued Tract of 405. leagues, and exclude the Tartars assaults. To the Northwest is a sandy desert of many day's journey, which prohibit passage of an Army, or minace their burials. The South-west hath great Mountains and little Kingdoms to prevent fear on that side. From this largeness of Territories proceeds such diversified variety of things growing in that Kingdom, some in the torrid, others in the colder or in the temperate Zones: Chap. 3. The commodities of China. whatsoever is required to the necessity or delicacy of food or raiment being there natural; nothing being here in Europe but either is there, or a better supply: Wheat, Barley, Panike, and other Corn; Rice, Pulse (in some Provinces two or three harvests yearly) fruits and Apples of the best (Nuts and Almonds excepted) Figs and others unknown in our world, Fruits of all sorts. as the Licyas and the Longanas in Canton Province only; the Sucusina or China Fig, or Apple so called, because they may dry it as they do Figs, & liker to a Peach red, without hoariness or stone: in Oranges, Citrous, Lemons they exceed all places. So do they in goodness and variety of Gardens, Herbs, as being there much used, some for religion, others for poverty eating nothing else. Flowers have there taken up their bowers, admirably varied, more respected for sight then sent; the Art of distilling sweet-waters being there unheard of. In the four Southern Provinces grow Betre or Betele leaf, and the tree Arequa or Arequeira, so much used in India, and chewed all day long for their stomach and teeth. Sesame Oil is both odoriferous and plentiful. Wine is not there so good as in Europe (the Grape being neither pleasant nor frequent) made of Rice and other things. Hogs-flesh is common food: they have Buffalls, Muttons, Goats-flesh; Hens, Ducks, Geese, innumerable: Horses also, Asses, Mules, and Dogs-flesh are food, Flesh for food. and shamble commodities. In some places superstition abstaineth from Beef and Buffalls, Venison, especially red Deer, Hare, and diverse domestic creatures are common; all cheap. Their Horses and Beasts of labour are not so goodly as in Europe, but more in number, and therefore in cheapness. The whole Kingdom is very commodious for passage by Rivers both natural and hand-made: Passages by water. whence the number and kinds of shipping is incredible; insomuch that a modern Writer hath averred, that there are as many which keep on the waters as on the land; an Hyperbole, yet not so exceeding the truth to such as sail these Rivers, as may be seen to others. I am of opinion, that there are as many Ships in this Kingdom, Store of shipping and water dwellers. as are in all the world beside in fresh-waters: for their Sea-shipping is fewer and not comparable with ours. But to return to their Horses, the Chinois know not how to manage and break them but by gelding; so that their Horses for service are innumerable, but so unserviceable, Horses. that they will not endure the neighing of the Tartarian Horse without flight. They snooe them not with Iron, so that in rocky and hard ways they fail. Besides the Seas plenty of Fish and Rivers, they are stored also in Lakes, Fish. seeming for their depths and largeness petty Seas. They have more store of Fishponds also, then in these parts, whence the Market is daily furnished. Their Woods have no Lions, but store of Tigers, Bears, Wild beast's. Wolves, Foxes. Elephants there are not, but for pomp some kept at the Court in Pequin, brought from other places. Flax they have not, but are supplied with abundance of Cotton, the seed whereof was brought thither four hundred years since, and hath so liked the soil, Cotton. that the whole world, as may seem thence might have sufficient. Of Silkeworkes we say no more. Of Hemp, and of some other Herbs, they make many clothes, Sale of cloth. especially for Summer use. They milk not their Sheep; they shear them, yet make no cloth of the Wool (notwithstanding, woollen-clothes brought thither by Merchants is well sold) but light Summer clothes for blankets and other sleight uses. The North parts, though nearer the Sun than some Regions in Europe, are colder, the great rivers and lakes frozen over, of which we can give no reason, but the neighbouring Mountains of Tartary: against which they are furnished with choice Furs. Metals. All sorts of metals are there found. They make besides Brass and Copper, another shining like Silver, as cheap as the yellow Brass. Of molten Iron they make Kettles, Caldrons, Bells, Mortars, Ordnance, and other things. Their Gold is cheaper than with us. Silver they use for money, distinguished not by stamp but weight, in all bargaining using the balance, which is made the more incommodious for the differing goodness of the Silver, and frequent allay and fraud. In some places are Brass farthings. Plate and Gold vessels are used by the greater, but nothing so much as in these parts. The women spend much Gold and Silver in ●heir head-tires. The vulgar use earthen dishes, Porcelain. called, I now not why, porcelain; the best whereof is made in the Kiamsin Province of a yellow earth. It endureth without riving hot meats, yea as wooden dishes here with a wire, they sow the rifts and make them hold liquor. They make Glass, but therein are short of the Europeans. Glass. Buildings. Their houses are of Timber commonly, even the King's Palaces, the walls which serve for partitions of rooms being sometimes of Brick, but the roof sustained by Timbers: which together with their shipping argues their plenty of trees. Oaks are rare, but supplied with a hard and everlasting wood with them used for coffins, in which their curiosity will sometimes spend a thousand Ducats. Hard Timber and Reeds. There is also store of a kind of reed, which the portugals call Bambu, of almost Iron hardness, the roundness scarcely compassed with both hands, and serves for smaller posts; the lesser of them for Lances and other uses. For fire they use Wood, Coles, Reeds, Straw, and a bituminous substance called Mui (a kind of Mine-cole or Sea-coal) which is most and best in the North, Sea-coal. digged out of the earth. Rhubarb, China, Musk. Of medicinable herbs they have diverse, specially Rhubarbe, sold for ten half pence the pound: China Wood, or holy Wood growing in deserts naturally, and thence taken for no other price but the labour: Musk; Salt both made of Sea-waters, and of others easily in the Continent; Salt, Sugar, Home-waxe. Sugar more common there then Honey, though both plentiful: Wax both of Bees, and another whiter and burning better made by certain worms, which therefore are nourished in trees; Paper. another also made of a certain fruit: Their paper is not so during as ours, nor can endure the press on both sides. I omit their particoloured Marbles, their gems, colours for paintings, odoriferous Woods, etc. Their drink Cha, Chia, or Cia. I cannot pass by some rarities; as their shrub whence they make their drink Cia. They gather the leaves in the Spring, and dry them in the shadow, and keep it for daily decoction, using it at meats, and as often as any guest comes to their house, yea twice or thrice, if he make any tarrying. They sup it hot, bitterish to the palate, but wholesome: not of ancient use, for they have no ancient Character in their books for it. The japanders' pay dear for it, ten or twelve Ducats a pound for the best, and use it otherwise, putting the powder of the leaf to hot water, as much as two or three spoonfuls: the Chinois put the leaves themselves into the hot water, which they drink, leaving the leaves behind. They have also a bituminous substance like milk, Sandaracha, a rich Varnish. strained out of the bark of a tree, of pitchy cleaving, whence they make Sandaracha, a varnish for their houses and household, ships, and other things: yielding a smooth touch to the hand and glassy splendour to the eye with long continuance. Thus can they more than sergeant the colours of any wood, and hereby are provided against provisions of Nappery, this serving for Table linen; they recovering any greasy contagion with a little rinsing of water. They have an Oil also pressed from an apple not unlike it in use, but not so resplendent. Spices: They have Cinnamon and Ginger growing, Pepper and other Spices are brought from other parts. They have store of Gunpowder, not so much for Artillery (which they can use but meanly) as for Fireworks in pompous spectacles, thereby representing, Trees, Fruits, Battles, and other things with great Art and cost. We saw at Nanquin, in the first month of the year, as much this way spent as would have served a continued fight two years. Chap. 4. Of their Arts in China. This is not to be understood of Temples, etc. as may appear by Nanquin Temple, etc. Printing. Antiquity and manner of it. For Mechanical Arts, they are not comparable to our men's Architecture, whether ye regard the beauty or continuance of their buildings, they not so much as conceiving or crediting the stately magnificence or long durance of some in these parts. They either make no foundation, or very sleight, and think a man's age to be age enough for a house, and that scarcely without reparations: their houses being also of Timber, and where the walls are Stone, they have Timbers to bear up the roof, that the wall may easily be repaired or renewed without meddling with the supporters. Printing is ancienter there than here; some think before the Incarnation, and most certain above five hundred years old: much differing from ours because of the multitude of their Characters. They grave or cut these Characters in a table of Peartree, Appletree or Zizyphus. In this Table they lightly glue on a whole leaf written, and then cunningly shave the dry paper, that they make very little transparence; after which they cut the wood, that only the prints or lineaments of the Characters are eminent: which done, with great facility and celerity they print off leaves at pleasure, one Printer often 1500. in one day; so ready also in cutting, that to me Ours seem to spend as much time in composing and correcting. This course is more accommodated to their great Characters then to ours, whose little letters are not easily cut in wooden Tables. They have this commodity also, that keeping these Tables by them, they may with little labour add or take away words or sentences: and need not at once print off any more Copies than present use or sale requireth. We do this with Books of our Religion or European Sciences, printing them at home by our China servants. Another way. They have another way of printing Characters or Pictures printed before in Marble or Wood, laying on a leaf of Paper moist, and on that a woollen Cloth, whereon they beat with a Hammer till the Paper insinuates itself into the void spaces and lineaments of the Characters or Picture: after which they lightly colour that leaf with Ink or other colour, those delineations only remaining white, and retaining the Prototype-figure. But this is for grosser Portraitures. They are much addicted to pictures, but nothing so cunning in painting, founding, graving, Painting, graving, founding. as Europeans. They make magnificent Arches with figures of men and beasts, and adorn their Temples with Idols and Bells, but their Genius otherwise generous and ingenious enough, for want of commerce with other Nations, is herein rudely artificial. Shadows and Oil in picturing are to them unknown, and their Pictures therefore have no more life of Art then Nature. In Statues, themselves seem Statues for all rules of Symmetry any further than by the eye, and yet will be doing in huge (indeed) Monsters of this kind, in Earth, Brass, and Marble. Their Bells have all wooden Hammers, which yield a wooden sound, Bells. not comparable to ours, nor seeming capable of those of Iron. Musical Instruments. They have variety and plenty of Musical Instruments, yet want Organs and all that have Keys. Their Strings are made of raw Silk, and know not that any can be made of Guts. The Symmetry of their Instruments is answerable to ours. All their Music is simple and single-toned, utterly ignorant of consort in discord-concord: yet much applaud they themselves in their own Harmony, howsoever dissonant to our ears. But this pride seems to grow (as usually it doth) from ignorance, and it is likely they would prefer ours if they knew it. They have scarcely any Instruments for measuring of (that which measures all things) Time; Want of Hour-glasses, Clocks, and Dial's. such as they have, measure by water or fire, but very imperfectly, as is also their sun-dial, which they know not to fit to differing places. They are much addicted to Comedies, and therein exceed ours; some practising the same in principal Towns, others travelling thorough the Kingdom (or roguing, if you will) being the dregs of the Kingdom, buying Boys whom they frame to this feigning faculty. Their Comedies are commonly ancient, Comedies. whether Histories or devices, and few new written. They are used in public and in private Solemnities; as also in Feasts, whereto being called, they offer to the Inuiter a Book, in which to take his choice, the Guests looking, eating, drinking together; and sometimes after ten hours feasting, they will spend as much succeeding time in a succession of Interludes one after another. Seales. Their pronunciation is with singing accent, and not with the vulgar tone. Seals are of great use with them, not only for Letters, but for their Poems also, Pictures, Books, and many other things. These contain the name, surname, dignity, and degree: neither content they themselves with one, but have many, inscribing sometimes the beginning and end of their works; not imprinting them in Wax, or such like substance, but only colour them red. The chief men have on the Table a Box full of Seals, which contain their diverse names (for every Chinese hath many names) and those of Wood, Marble, ivory, Brass, Crystal, Coral, and better stones. Various substance esteemed l●berall. There are many workmen of that Seale-occupation, their Characters differing from the vulgar, and savouring of Antiquity and Learning. There is another Art not unlike, of making Ink for all writing, Inke-making. made into little Cakes or Balls of the smoke of Oil. For their estimation of exact writing makes the making of Ink also to be holden an Art not illiberal. They use it on a Marble smooth stone; with a few drops of water rubbing those Balls, and colouring the stone, Pencils in stead of Pens. thence taking it with a Pencil of Hares hairs wherewith they write. Fans also are in much use by both Sexes for the causing of wind to cool them in Summer. No man may go abroad without a Fan, although the weather be cold, Fans. and the wind already be importunate: the use being rather for ornament then necessity. They are made of Reeds, Wood, ivory, Ebony, together with Paper or Silk, and a certain odoriferous Straw, in round, oval, or square form. The chief men use them of Paper gilded with plaits to be let in or out, and therein inscribe some pithy sentence or Poem. These are the most common gifts or presents (as Gloves in Europe) and we have a Chest full of them sent us by our friends. In other things the Chinois are liker ours, using Tables, Stools, and Beds (which the adjoining Nations do not, but sit on Carpets on the floor) to eat or sleep. §. II. Of their Characters and writing downward: their studies, ethics, Astrology, Physic, Authentic Authors, Degrees how taken both Philosophical and Military. Cap. 5. Monosyllable Language, as also our proper English is almost wholly. NOw, for their more liberal Arts, and Literate-degrees, this Kingdom differs from all others: in which their Learned bear principal sway. The China words are Monosyllables, not one otherwise, howsoever two or three Vowels sometimes are conjoined into one Diphthong, to speak after our manner; for they have not Consonants nor Vowels, but diverse Characters for so many things, and as many of them, as there are Words, so that a Word, Syllable, Letter, are the same; and when we join diverse Syllables to make one Word, it is after our fashion, because they signify the same thing; with them each Syllable is a several word. 70000. Characters. And although the number of things and Characters seem the same, yet do they so compound them together, that they exceed not seventy or eighty thousand: and he which knoweth ten thousand of them, hath the most necessary: to know all is in manner for any one man impossible. Of these Characters the sound is often the same, the figure and signification differing: so that no Language is so equivocal; nor can any Speech be written from the Speakers mouth by the Hearer, nor can a Book be read to the Hearers understanding, except they have the Book before them, Equivocations by their eyes to distinguish the equivocations which their ears cannot. Yea, in speaking accuratly, the Hearer often understands not without repetition and writing either with Ink, or water on the Table, or forming the Characters in the air; and this most happens in the most elegant and polite discourses (the stile of Books and Inkhorne-dialect of their learned, Five Accents. wholly differing from the vulgar Idiom.) This equivocation and paucity of sounds is in some sort eased be Accents, which are five, and not easy to distinguish; by which of one Syllable (as we account it) they make it with differing tones five fold in differing signification: and there is no Word which is not pronounced with one of these Accents. Hardness of China Speech. Hence is the Language so difficult as none else in the World for Strangers to learn to speak and understand; which importunate labour of ours hath yet attained. The reason I conceive to be that they always have laboured to adorn their writing more than their speech, their eloquence still consisting in writing and not in pronunciation, Eloquentia fine eloquio. as Isocrates is commended amongst the greeks. This multitude of Characters, as it is burdensome to the memory, so it hath this commodity, Many Nations and Languages have the same Characters. Court Language. the commerce with diverse Nations of different Linguages by community of writing; japon, Corai, Cauchinchina, the Leuhiees, understanding and reading the Characters, each into his own Language, which the other understand nothing at all. Each Province also hath its own, and all have one common Tongue besides, which they call Quonhoa, or the Court Language (the Magistrates being all foreigners, and none bearing Office in his Country Province) used in their Courts, and by the Learned: this only did ours learn, nor is the other used by the civiller or learneder in conference, except privately by Countrymen: yea, children and women learn this Court-speech. I hear that the japonians have an Alphabet also of Letters after our fashion, besides these Characters; but in China they have none, so that from their Cradle to the extremest age they are learning their Characters, as many as profess Learning: which howsoever it takes up time from better Sciences, it doth it also from idle youthful vanities. Hence also riseth a kind of writing with them, in few Characters expressing that which would cost us long discourses. Their writing. Their course of writing is from the right hand, the line downward, ours contrary from the left and sideways. Moral Philosophy. Of all the noblest Sciences they are best skilled in moral Philosophy (natural, they have rather obscured) and being ignorant of Logic, they deliver those Ethicke precepts in confused sentences and discourses without order by mere natural wit. Their greatest Philosopher is called Confutius, Confutius. His heroic honours. whom I find to have been borne 551. years before the coming of Christ, and to have lived above 70. years, by example as well as precept exciting to virtue, accounted a very holy man. And if we mark his sayings and doings, we must confess few of our Ethnic Philosophers before him, and many behind. But with the Chinois, his word is authority, Mathematics. and no speech of his is called in question; the Learned, yea the Kings also, ever since worshipping him, not as a God, but as a Man; and his posterity are much esteemed, the head of that family inheriting by grant of Kings a title of great honour, with immunities and revenues answerable. They have some knowledge also of Astrology, and the Mathematics: In Arithmetic and Geometry anciently more excellent, but in learning and teaching confused. They reckon four hundred Stars more than our Astrologers have mentioned, numbering certain smaller which do not always appear. Phoenomena. Of the heavenly Appearances they have no rules: they are much busied about foretelling Eclipses, and the courses of Planets, but therein very erroneous; and all their skill of Stars is in manner that which we call judicial Astrology, imagining these things below to depend on the Stars. Somewhat they have received of the Western Saracens, but they confirm nothing by Demonstration, only have left to them Tables, by which they reckon the Eclipses and Motions: Colleges. The first of this Royal Family forbade any to learn this judicial Astrology, but those which by Hereditary right are thereto designed, to prevent Innovations. But he which now reigneth maintaineth diverse Mathematicians, both eunuchs within the Palace, and Magistrates without, of which there are in Pequin two Tribunals, one of Chinois, which follow their own Authors, another of Saracens which reform the same by their Rules, and by conference together. Both have in a small Hill a Plain for Contemplation where are the huge Mathematical Instruments of Brass before mentioned: One of the College nightly watcheth thereon as is before observed. That of Nanquin exceeds this of Pequin, as being then the Seat Royal. When the Pequin Astrologers foretell Eclipses, the Magistrates and Idol Ministers are commanded to assemble in their Officiary Habits to help the labouring Planets, which they think they do with beating brazen Bells, and often kneel, all the time that they think the Eclipse lasteth, Eclipses. lest they should then be devoured (as I have heard) by I know not what Serpent. Their Physic Rules differ much from ours; they examine the Pulse alike. Physicians. They succeed well in their Prescriptions, which usually are Simples, Herbs, Roots, and the like. They have for it no public School, but each learns it of his own Master, yet in the two Royal Cities Degrees of this Art are given after Examination, but cursorily and without any respect acquired by his Degree, because all may practise which will. Neither doth any study Mathematics or Physic, which is in any hope of the Ethic glory, but such as want of wit or means hath deterred from studies more sublime. chose, that Ethic Science is the Ladder of China felicity. Confutius brought into order the Books of four former Philosophers, Confutius his five Books. Tetrabiblion. and wrote a fifth himself, which five Books he called Doctrines: in which are contained Moral and Politic Rules, Examples of the Ancients, Rites and Sacrifices, diverse Poems also and the like. Besides these five Volumes, out of Confutius and his Disciples are brought into one Volume, diverse Precepts without order, Similes, Sentences Ethic, Oeconomike, Politic: this Book for the four parts is called the Four Books. These nine are the ancientest China Books, whence the others most what are taken, and contain most of their Characters. And the ancient Kings enacted that they which profess Learning, should take the foundations of their Learning from those Books, not only to learn the proper sense of the Text, but to be able on the sudden to write fitly of any sentence, for which cause that Tetrabiblion is learned without Book. Neither is there any University or public School (as some of ours have affirmed, No University. the Masters or Professors whereof have undertaken to read and expound those Books; but every one gets a Master at home at his own choice and cost (of which there is a huge multitude.) In this Science are three Degrees bestowed on them which offer themselves to be examined and are judged meet. Degrees. That Examination is almost wholly in Writing. The first Degree is conferred in every City in that place which is called the School, by some learned man designed to that Office by the King, Tihio the Proposer. Sieucai a Bachelors degree, or as Master of Art with us. who is by that place called Tihio; the Degree is termed Sieucai. A threefold Examination is premised. First, at his coming to any City of his Province, all that stand for that degree in that City, and the confining limits thereof resort thither and are examined by those Masters which are set over the Bachelors till they have attained further Degree, maintained by the King's stipend. In this Examination every one is admitted, perhaps four or 5000. assembled to that purpose. The second is by the four Governors of the City (for none are admitted to Government but the Learned) which present out of all that number 200. of the better Writers to the Tihio, and he in a third Examination chooseth 20. or 30. of the best, which he entitleth Bachelors: their Ensigns are a long Gown, a Cap, and Boots, which none else may wear, Ornaments. Their Privileges. & in all places they are much respected as in a rank above the vulgar Citizens, and enjoy also diverse Privileges, being in manner subject only to the Master's aforesaid and the Tihio, other Magistrates scarcely meddling with them. This Tihio not only hath authority over these new created Bachelors, but over those which were made before to re-examine them: and these according to their writing he divideth into five ranks; the first he rewardeth with some public Office in the City, the second with some inferior honour, the third he neither rewards nor punisheth, the fourth he causeth to be publicly whipped, the last he degradeth and maketh again Plebeians. The second Degree is called Kiugin, and may be compared with our Licentiates, and is conferred but once in three years, and that in the Metropolitan City about the eight Moon with greater Majesty. The second degree, Kiugin, as Licentiates or Bachelors in Divinity, if we compare them with ours. And the degree is not conferred to all, but to a certain number of the worthiest, according to the dignity of each Province: Pequin and Nanquin have each 150. Cequian, Quamsi, and Fuquian 95. others fewer. Only Bachelors, but not all, are admitted to this Examination, the Tihio sending out of each City or School 30. or at most 40. of the best, which number yet ariseth in some Province to 4000 of those Examinates or Probationers for this second degree. A little before the eighth Moon (which often falls in September, the Pequin Magistrates present to the King 100 of the most esteemed Philosophers in the Kingdom, who thence pricketh or nameth thirty, for each Province two, Examiner's▪ to take charge of the Examination of these Candidates. One of these two must be of the Hanlin College, the Collegians whereof are most famous thorough the Kingdom. The King doth not name them till that nick of time when they must presently pack to their Province, diligently guarded also that they speak with none of that Province till the Act or Commencement be past. In the same Province also are chosen the best Philosophers to assist these two Examiner's. Palace of examination. In every Mother City is a huge Palace built for this purpose, compassed with high walls, with many stations for the Examiner's separate from noise; and four thousand Cells or Studies besides in the midst of the Palace, wherein is a stool and table for one man, that none may see or confer with any other. When the Examiner's scent by the King, and those of the Province are come thither, they are presently shut up in their stations before they can speak with other men, or with each other, during all the Examination time. Night and day, meane-whiles the Magistrates and Soldiers guard the Palace from Colloquies. Days of Examination. Three days (the same thorough the Kingdom) the ninth, twelfth and fifteenth of the eighth Moon, from morning to night are appointed for their writing, the doors being shut. A light refection provided the day before is given to the Writers at public cost. When the Bachelors come to the Palace, they are thoroughly searched whether they have any Book or Writing with them, and are admitted only with the Pencils which they use in writing, their Plate, Paper and Ink; these also and their Garments searched to prevent all fraud, which found causeth the twofold punishment both of loss and sense. When they are admitted, Thames' given. the doors shut and sealed, the two Royal Examiner's out of the Tetrabiblium propound three Sentences for so many Themes to every of them; and four out of the five Books of Doctrines for so many other Themes. These seven Writings must be made for elegance of words and weight of Sentences according to the Precepts of China Rhetoric; Seven writings neither must any Writing contain above 500 Characters. Two days being passed for the Examinationn of these; the next day out of the Chronicles, or other three Cases of Polity are propounded, wherein each which three Themes or Writing express their mind, or Libel-wise admonish the King what were fittest to be done. The third day three Law Cases, such as happen in the Magistrates, Offices are propounded, for each thereof to express his Sentence. These in great silence, each in his appointed Cell, having written their Themes, subscribed with their own, their Fathers, Grandfathers and great Grandfather's names, and sealed so that none but men appointed may read them, offer them to certain Officers, which before the Examiner's see them; Care to avoid corruption. cause them to be transcribed by certain thereto appointed: which Copies to be distinguished from the Originals are written in Red Ink, without the Author's names (the Originals laid up safely) that none might by the hand or name know the Author. In this Examination the Assistants first reject the worst & present unto the two Examiner's twice so many as are to be chosen Licentiates; as if one hundred and fifty are to be chosen, three hundred are tendered to pass their last scrutiny: who first lay by the best, so many as are to be elected (and thence take the first, second, and third, and set them accurately in order, and then confer them with the Originals, thence taking the names which they cause to be written in great Cubitall Letters, in a huge Table, which they expose about the end of the eighth Moon in great concourse of Magistrates, and applause of the new Elects Friends and Kindred. The Privileges and Ornaments of this Degree are more than of the former, Creation and Privileges. and if they intent to proceed no further, they are hereby capable of very good Magistracies. After the Act, the King's Examiner's publish a Book of their proceedings, the names of the Graduates and their principal Writings, especially his which is as the Elder Brother (they call him Quiayven) and whose Themes were best liked. The Bachelors of other Provinces may not here be admitted; some only except of the King's School in Pequin and Nanquin. Third degree as of Doctors called Cinfu. The third Degree is like our Doctorship, called Cinsu, which is conferred every third year also, but only at Pequin, and always is the next year after that Commencement of Licentiates. Only three hundred chosen ou● of the whole Kingdom obtain it, although the Licentiates of every Province are admitted to the Examination. This Act is in the second Moon on the same days that the former and in like form, saving that the diligence is greater, as for a greater degree, and the Colai, the chief Magistrates of the Kingdom are Examiner's. Colai. The Doctors being pronounced in the same Palace, where the Licentiates use to be; all of them in the King's Palace, before the chief Magistrates of the Court (yea anciently the King was wont to be present) make a Theme, according to the judgement whereof, the order of the Magistracies which they are to bear, is declared, being distributed in three Ranks. He that in Examination of Doctors had the first place, hath in this second Examination the third place without question: but he which hath the first or second enjoyeth a great dignity during his life, besides the greatest Offices in the Commonwealth; and might (compared with ours) be as a Duke or marquis, if it were Hereditary. These Doctors presently have their peculiar Vest, First and second place gloriou. Cap., Boötes, and other Ensigns of Magistrates, and are preferred to the best Offices, such as the Licentiates may not attain, and are as the prime men of the Kingdom. Those Licentiates which are rejected from the Doctorship, Ambition will be highest or nothing. if they mean to proceed no further, are preferred to Magistracy▪ but if they list still to stand for that degree they betake themselves home to their Books afresh, till the third-yeare-examination returns, so that some stand ten times, continuing so long private to become more public. A Book is also published of them and of their success. Another is yearly set forth containing the Names, Country, Parents, Offices of all the Doctors; and where they govern, whereby a man may know how any hath risen or descended all his life, as is there usual after their merits. It is remarkable also how the Licentiates and Doctors of the same year respect one the other as Brethren ever after, and love the Friends also of their Colleagues, and honour their Examiner's as Fathers. Military degrees. They use to grant at the same times and places the same Titles (in the Moon following) to Military Professors, but with less pomp, because soldiery is of no such reckoning with them, and few stand for them. This Military trial is threefold, in the first they shoot nine Arrows on Horseback running; in the second they shoot as many at the same ma●ke standing: and he which hath hit the Mark with four on Horke-backe and two Arrows on foot, is admitted to the third trial wherein they have some Theme of Military matters propounded, Threefold trial. and the judges examining this Triple trial out of the whole number pronounce about fifty Licentiates in every Province. And when the Doctoral Act is at Pequin, one hundred of the choice of these after a Triple Examination are made Military Doctors. These Doctors are more easily admitted to Military Prefectures (but scarcely without Bribes) than the Licentiates. Both the Philosophical and Military, over their doors, set up in great Letters this their new attained dignity. All the Examiner's, whether of Mathematical, or Military, or Philosophical degrees, are of those Philosophers, without assistance of any Captain, Mathematician, or Physician, as if thereby they were enabled to all things. §. III. Of the Tartarian Conquest; Of HUMW the Establisher of the present Government. The Revenues. Magistrates in the Courts Royal, Provinces, Cities, Orders, Exaltations, Visitations, Deprivations. THe Government of China is Monarchical. In times past, Chap. 5. Polo hath related the Conquest of Mangi by Cubla? Can, whose successor (and perfecter haply of that Conquest) was Temur or Tamor, sup. 83. & 126. about 100 years before Tamerlane, yet it seems they were not fully subject (for Mandevile served in the war● of Echiant Can against Mangi sup. 135) till Tamerlane; of whom, se● sup. 154. But to ascribe it to Tamerlane, and to end the Tartars Reign at 1368. argues small skill in History of the Tartars, Tamerlane then being but young, if so soon borne. The time (how ever) is 〈◊〉 ●●●-reckoned. there have been Lords of Title, as are Dukes, Marquesses, and Earls in Europe, but taken away eighteen hundred years since. It was never subdued by any Foreigners before the Tartarian Conquest. The Jesuits ●hinke that that Conqueror was Tamberlane: for the Chinois call him Tiemor, and say that he had before subdued Persia and Tartary. He (whosoever he was) conquered all the Chinois and left them to his Posterity till the year 1368. At that time the Tartarians growing weaker, diverse Captains arose in diverse parts of the Kingdom which shook off that yoke. Amongst them all the most famous was of the Family Ciu, whom afterwards the Chinois called Humvu, a famous Captain, or rather a Flood of Arms. He of a common Soldier grew to such greatness, that he first expelled the Tartars, and then repelled the Rebels thorough all the Kingdom, and possessed that Sovereignty which still continueth in his Line. For the Crown there goeth by Inheritance: only two or three of the Ancient Kings have commended it to others, their own Sons seeming unworthy; and the people have by Rebellion sometimes raised a new Family, diverse yet losing their lives rather than acknowledging that Faction, this being Proverbial in their Philosophy, An honest Woman hath but one Husband, and a faithful Servant but one Lord. There are no ancient Laws, but the first Founder of any Royal family makes new Laws, which his Posterity are not easily permitted to transgress. So the present Laws of China are no ancienter than Humvu, who either made new, or confirmed the old. Out of ignorance of other parts of the world, they think their King Lord of the World, and call him Thiencu, the Son of Heaven, or (which is all one in their Theology) of God. His usual title yet is Hoamsi, that is, supreme Monarch: whereas they style other Kings Guam, an inferior title. To prevent Rebellions and Factions. Humvu ordained t●at none of the Royal blood should intermeddle with Government. Those Captains which had aided him in expulsion of the Tartars, he gave military Commands with revenues and titles, to descend to their Heirs. The Royal race he gave the titles of Guam, as petty Kings, with large revenues to be yearly paid out of the Exchequer, and commanded all Magistrates to reverence them. Their Posterity he honoured with inferior Honours and revenues, so much less as further from the original, and after certain generations to have no more than might well maintain them without labour. The like in Marriages and Titles were provided for the Royal Daughters. Those assisting Captains he honoured with a plate of Iron like a Charger, in which are engraven those their exploits for deliverance of the Kingdom; which being shown to the King, is privileged with pardon of any penalty, though mortal, three times, except for Treason which forfeiteth presently all Privileges. Every time it obtains any pardon, it is engraven in the Plate. The Sons in Law, and Fathers in Law of the King, and some which have extraordinarily merited of the State, enjoy like Honours and Revenues with the same diminution of time, as before. Magistrates. He also ordained that all Magistracy and Government should belong to those Licentiates and Doctors, whereto neither the favour of the King or other Magistrates are necessary, but their own merits, Quonfu and Lau Ye or Lau Sie. Mandarin a Portugal name. except where corruption frustrates Law. All Magistrates are called Quonfu, and for honour's sake they are styled Lau ye or Lau sie, that is, Lord, or Father. The Portugals call them Mandarins. These have some representation of aristocraty, in that Government: for though they do nothing but first petitioning the King, he also determines nothing without their solicitation. And if a private man petitions (which is seldom, because Officers are appointed to examine Petitions before the King sees them) the King, if he will grant it, sends it to the Tribunal proper for that business, to advise him what is fit to be done. I have found for certain, that the King cannot give Money or Magistracy to any, except he be solicited by some Magistrate: I mean this of public Revenues; which doubtless do exceed one hundred and fifty Millions yearly, King's Revenues 150. Millions. & are not brought into the Palace Treasury, nor may the King spend them at his pleasure: but all whether Money or Rice and other things in kind, are laid up in the public Treasuries and Storehouses, in all the Kingdom. Thence the expenses of the King his Wives, Children, eunuchs, Family, and of all his Kindred are in Royal sort disbursed, but according to the ancient Laws, neither more nor less. Thence the Stipends of Magistrates and Soldiers and all Officers thorough the Kingdom are paid: How dispensed the public Buildings, the King's Palace, Cities, Walls, Towers, Fortresses and all provision of War are thence sustained, which cause new Tributes sometimes to be imposed, this huge Revenue notwithstanding. Of Magistrates are two sorts, one of the Court which rule there, and thence rule the Kingdom; and other Provincial, which govern particular Cities or Provinces. Of both sorts are five or six Books to be sold every where, Books of Officers. printed twice each month at Pequin, as by their course of printing (you have seen) is easy; containing nothing else but the name, Country, and degree of the Magistrates; and therefore printed so often because of the exaltings, shift, setting lower, death of Parents (which suspends three years to mourning in private) their own deaths or deprivations. 1. Li pu, or Court of Magistrates. Of the Court Tribunals are reckoned six; the first, Li pu (Pu is as much as Tribunal or Court, and Li, as Magistrates) to which it belongeth to name the chief Magistrates of the Kingdom, bringing up from the lower to the higher according to the Laws prescribed, or if they deserve it, abasing or quite depriving them. For those Licentiates and Doctors continually ascend, except their own faults deject them, wherein a deprivation makes for ever uncapable. The second is called Hopu, 2. Hopu. that is, the Exchequer Court, or that of the Treasury; which exacts and disburseth the King's Revenues. 3. Lipu. The third is the Lipu, or Court of Rites, which ordereth the public Sacrifices, Temples, Priests, Kings, Marriages, Schools, Examinations, Festival Days, common Gratulations to the King, Titles given to the well-deserving, Physicians, Colleges of Mathematicians, entertaining and sending Embassages, with their Rites, Presents, Letters; 4. Pimpu. the King holding it abasing to his Majesty to write to any. The fourth, is the Pimpu, or Military Court, which rewards the meriting, and takes from the sluggish Soldier; ordereth their Musters and gives Military degrees. 5. Cumpu. The fifth is Cumpu, which hath care of the public Buildings, Palaces for the King or his Kindred, and the Magistrates; Ships for public burdens or Armadas, 6. Himpu. Bridges, Walls of Cities and all like provisions. The sixth Court is Himpu, which inquireth into Criminal Causes and sentenceth them; also all the public Prisons are subject hereto. All the affairs of the Kingdom depend on these Courts, which therefore have Magistrates and Notaries in every City and Province, to admonish them faithully of all things, the multitude and order facilitating this so weighty a Design. For first, in every Court is a Lord Chief justice or Precedent called Ciam Ciu, The Precedent or Ciam Ciu. Cilam. who hath two Assistants, one sitting at his right hand, the other at his left, called Cilam: their dignity in the Royal Cities is accounted principal. After these every Tribunal hath diverse Offices, each of which hath diverse Colleagues, besides Notaries, Courtiers, Apparitors, and other Servants. Besides these Tribunals there is another the greatest in the Court and Kingdom; they call them Colaos, which are three or four, sometimes six which have no peculiar businesses, Colai, or Counsel of State. but take care of the whole Republic, and are the King's Privy-counsell in all Affairs. These are daily admitted into the King's Palace, and there abide whole days, and answer as they see cause to the Petitions which are put up to the King (who was wont to define matters with these Colai in public) and showing their answer to the King, he altars or approveth the same, and sets his hand thereto for the execution. Choli and Zauli Magistrates extraordinary. Besides these Orders of Magistrates and others not mentioned (as like to our own) there are two sorts not usual with us, the one Choli, the other called Zauli. In each of these Orders are above sixty choice Philosophers, men approved for their wisdom and courage before experienced. These two Ranks are used by the King in Court or Province businesses of greater weight, with great and Royal power, which causeth to them great respect and veneration. These by Libel admonish the King if any thing be done contrary to the Laws in any parts of the Kingdom, not sparing any of the Magistrates, nor the King's House, nor the King himself; to the wonder of other Nations. And although the King sometimes be touched to the quick, and toucheth them to the quick again, yet cease they not still to rip the sore till it be cured. Other Magistrates may do it, yea any private man, but these men's Libels or Petitions are of most worth, as proceeding from their peculiar Office. The Copies of them and of the King's answers are printed by many, so that the Court and State Affaires fly thorough the Kingdom, and are by some written in Books, and those of most moment transcribed into the Annals of the Kingdom. Of late when the King would for love of a second Son have excluded the eldest, so many by Libels reprehended the King, that he in anger deprived or abased one hundred of the Magistrates. They yet ceased not but one day went together into the King's Palace, and offered up their Magistracies if he persisted to break the Law. See Pantoia. Lately also when the chief of the Colai did not observe the Law, in two months space about one hundred Libels were put up, notwithstanding they knew him a great Favourite; and he died within a while after, as was thought, of grief. There are also besides Magistrates, not a few Colleges instituted for diverse purposes, but the most eminent is that called Han lin Yuen, Colleges. Han lin Yuen. into which none are chosen but choice Doctors after due Examinations. They which live in that Royal College, meddle not with Government, yet are of higher dignity than the Governors. Their Office is to order the Kings Writing, to make Annals of the Kingdom, to write Laws and Statutes. Of these are chosen the Masters of the Kings and Princes. They wholly addict themselves to their studies, and in the College have their degrees of honours, which they attain by writing. Thence they are preferred to great dignities but not out of the Court. Neither is any chosen to be a Colao, but out of this College. They gain much also by Writings for their Friends, Epitaphs, Inscriptions and the like; which all seek to have of them, their name giving credit and reputation of Elegance. These are the chief for Examinations of Licentiates and Doctors, who hold them for Masters and send them Presents. All these Pequin Magistrates are found also at Nanquin, but obscured by the King's absence. Hum vu had fixed his Seat at Nanquin, but after his death Yun lo one of his Nephews, Cause of the removing the Seat Royal from Nanquin to Pequin. who in the Northern Provinces defended with an Army those Borders against the Tartars, perceiving Hum-v●● Son but weak, thought to deprive him of the Kingdom, which he effected by help of the Northern Provinces, and with force, fraud and largesse obtained his Uncle's Throne. And because he was strongest in the North parts, and most fear was from the Tartars there, he there fixed his Residence, where the Tartar Kings had wont to abide and called that City Pequin, that is, the Northern Court, as Nanquin signifieth the Southern, leaving to this the former Offices and Immunities. The Government of the other thirteen Provinces depends on two Magistrates, the one Pucinsu, the other Naganzasu: the former judging Civil Causes, the later Criminal; Provincial Government. Pucinsu. Naganzasu. Tauli. Division of Provinces. Regions or Shires. Ceu and Hien. both residing with great Pomp in the Mother City of the Province. In both Courts are diverse Colleagues and they also chief Magistrates called Tauli, which governing other Cities often reside in them. The Provinces are all distributed into diverse Regions, which they call Furio, each of which hath a peculiar Governor called Cifu. These Regions are subdivided into Ceu, and Hien, that is the greater or more eminent Towns, and those which are more vulgar, which are not less than our Cities, if you except our greatest. These have their special Governors called Ciceu and Cihien. The Governors of Cities and Regions have their four Assistants and Colleagues as Auditors, and judges to help them. As for the opinion of some that think those only to be Cities, which are called Furio, and Ceu, and Hien to be Towns, Title fu mistaken. Cifu, Cihien and Ciceu. Appeals. it is an error: for the City wherein the Governor of the Region resides, is also called Hien, and hath its peculiar Governor called Cihien, and Assistants; and the Cifu hath no more power there then in other places of his jurisdiction; which is the first Appeal to him as Superior from the Cihien or Ciceu. The second Appeal is to the Pucimfu and Naganzosu and their Colleagues in the Metropolitan Cities, which Cities likewise have their Cihien and Cifu, aswell as the Subordinate; all in incredible Symmetry. And because the whole Provincial Government hath reference to Pequin, therefore in every Province besides these, are other two superior to them sent from the Royal City, the one fixing his Residence in the Province, called Tutam, which may be compared to our Viceroy, Tutam. Cia yven or Chaen. having command over other Magistrates, and in Martial affairs: the other is yearly sent from the Court, and is called Cia-yven, as a Commissioner or Visitor, which reviewes all the Causes of the Province, the Cities also and Castles, inquireth of the Magistrates, and punisheth some of the meaner sort, acquainting the King touching the rest, how every one demeaneth himself; and he only executeth Capital punishments. Besides these, are many others in Cities, Towns and Villages: and beside them, many which have command of Soldiers, especially in the Confines and on the Coasts in supinest Peace, watching and warding in Ports, Walls, Bridges, Castles, Military commands. as in the hottest Wars, with Musters and Martial exercises. All the Magistrates of the Kingdom, are reduced to nine Orders, whether you respect the Philosophical or Military Senate: to all which out of the Treasury is proportionably distributed monthly pay, Money or Rice; Magistrate's fees. yet little answerable to that their Magnificence (the highest Order not having one thousand Ducats yearly) and equal to all of the same rank, the supreme in matters of War having as much as the supreme in the literate Order, if you look to that which the Law alloweth. But much more accrueth extraordinary than this fee or stipend, besides what any man's industry, Robes and Ornaments. covetise, fortune, bribing addeth, by which they oft attain to great wealth. All the Magistrates use the same Caps, both Mercurial and Martial, of black Cloth with two Ears or wings, of Ouall figure, which may easily fall off, which being a disgrace, causeth the more modesty and steadiness in carriage of their heads. They all wear like Vest, and like black leather Boots of peculiar fashion; also a Girdle wider than the body, about four fingers broad, adorned with circular and square Figures: On the breast and back, they wear two square clothes Embroidered: in which and the Girdles is great variety, according to their diverse Degrees; by which the skilful know their rank and place. The clothes intimate it by the figures of Flowers, Fowls, Beasts; the girdles by the matter, of Wood, Horn, Sweet wood, Gold or Silver; and the best of all of that jasper before mentioned, called Tutor ce, brought from Cascar. Their shadows or Sumbreroes, by their Colours and numbers intimate like difference. They have other Ornaments, See in Goes. Banners, Chains, Censors, Guards with Cries to make way, that in most frequent streets no man appeareth, Cap. 4. Vmbelle. more or less, according to the Magistrates Dignity. The Chinois having plenty of all things, care not for subduing the neighbour-Nations, better keeping their own, Contentedness less caring for others Countries, than our Europeans: their Chronicles of four thousand years not mentioning any care of enlarging their Empire. And if any China impressions or foot-prints be, it is from men voluntarily going to other Countries, not from the King's ambition sending them. Philosopher's Empire. It is also remarkable that Philosophers bear all the sway, the Soldiers and Captains being subject to them, and sometimes beaten of them as Schoolboys by their Master: even in Military matters, the King more using the advice of Philosohpers than Captains; whereupon every haughty spirit rather affects mean places in the Literate Order, then great in the Marshal. Yea these Literate are more magnanimous, and more contemn their lives in zeal of the public than the soldiery. Beauty of Order. No less admirable is the Symmetry and Order of Magistrates in their subordinate Orders, in Obedience, Reverence, Visitations and Presents; the Inferior giving honourable Titles to the Superior and kneeling to them. No Office above 3. years. Appearing at Pequin. None bears any Office above three years, except the King confirm it. And the chief Magistrates of Provincces, Cities and Regions, every third year must appear at Pequin, and do their Rites to the King, at which time severe inquiry is made of the Magistrates, and they thereupon rewarded or punished. Severe justice 4000 judges judged. I have also observed, that the King dares not alter any of those things, which in this public Disquisition are ordered by the judges. Anno 1607. we read four thousand Magistrates condemned, that being the Search-yeere, and a Book published thereof. 1. Covetous. These Condemned are of five sorts; First, Covetous which have taken Bribes to pervert justice, or have usurped the public or private men's fortunes: these are wholly deprived of all Offices for ever. The second are the Cruel, which have too severely punished, which are also deprived of their Places and Ensigns: 2. Cruel. The third are the Old and sickly, and the Remiss and negligent; 3. Remiss. these are deprived, but permitted the Immunities and Ensigns. The fourth sort, are the rash, 4. Rash. headdie, and unadvised, which are put in lower Offices, or sent to more easy places of Government. The last are such, as have not governed themselves or theirs, worthy of that place of Government; 5. Vngoverned these are wholly deprived. The like Inquisition is made every fifth year of the Court Magistrates, and the same time also, of Military Commanders. None may bear Office in his native Province, except Military. The Sons also or Domestic servants of Magistrates, Care to prevent rebellions, factions, and bribes. may not go out of the house lest they should be Factors for bribes: but all services without doors is done by Officers, designed to his place: and when he goeth out of his House he sealeth the doors, whether private or public, that none of his Servants may go out unwitting to him. Strangers. They permit no Stranger to live with them that minds to return to his Country, or is known to have Commerce with foreign Nations: and no Stranger although of a friendly Nation and Tributary, may have access to the inward parts of the Kingdom, a thing whereof I have seen no Law, but Custom: neither have I ever seen any of Corai in China, except some Slaves which a Captain brought thence, although a tributary Nation which useth in manner the China Laws. And if a Stranger steal into the Country, they punish him not with Death nor Slavery, but permit him not to return. They most severely punish those, which without the Kings leave have commerce with Strangers: and hardly can any be persuaded to be sent abroad with Mandates; and such are rewarded with some Dignity at their return, None bear Weapon in Cities, not the Soldiers or Captains, but in their trainings; nor have any men weapons in their Houses, Weapons. except some rusty blade which they use when they travel for fear of thieves. Their greatest Brawls go no further, then scratching or pulling by the hair; he which flees or abstaines from wrong is esteemed both Wise and Valiant. Brawls. Succession and royal kindred. When the King dyeth, none of his Sons are permitted to remain in the Royal City, but the Heir; and it is Capital for them, being dispersed in diverse Cities to stir thence. Some principal amongst them, compounds their strifes and rules them; in Cases with others, they are subject to the Magistrates. §. four Their manifold rites in Salutations, Entertainments, and other Civility: to the King and Magistrates: Of Buryals and Marriages, Birthday's; their Men, Women, Names and Games, Habits. Courtesy or Civility, is reckoned one of their five Cardinal virtues, Cap. 7. Courtesy in mutual veneration and circumspect behaviour to others. much commeded in their Books. (Their common Rites ye have had largely in Pantoia.) When greater respect is used, as after long absence, or on a Solemn day, after the common bowing, both fall on their knees with the forehead to the ground, and then rise and down again in like sort three or four times. When they do this reverence to a Superior, he stands at the head of the Hall, or sits, and at all those prostations joining his hands, bows a little and sometime for greater modesty he goeth to the side of the Hall, whose head is Northwards as the door is Southwards. The same rites they perform to their Idols; and sometimes as the Servants to their Master, or the meanest of the people to honourable persons, Side-reverence. which is presently to kneel and knock the ground thrice with their forehead: they stand at his side when their Master speaks, and kneel at every answer. When one speaks to another, they use not the second person, nor the first person when they mention themselves, except to their inferior, Respect of persons. See Thaosos Epistle. sup. 344 and have as many forms of depressing themselves, as of exalting others, the lowliest of which is to call a man's self by his proper name, in stead of (I.) When they speak any thing of another man's, they use a more honourable form; Of their own, or theirs, a more modest: which a man must learn both for manners sake, and to understand their meaning. The Visitors send their Libels or papers of visitation, so many that the Porter is fain to keep a note of their names, and where they dwell, lest we should forget; Visiting one another. and if the party to be visited be not at home or at leisure, that libel is left with the Porter for a testimony. The more honourable the Visitor, the larger he writes his name. In sending Presents they use like libelling; setting down also each gift in a line by itself, part of which may be sent back without offence, which is done with a like libel of thanks. They often send money or pieces of Gold for presents. They have Garments proper for visitations. The chief place in both Royal Courts, is given to Strangers, most remote especially, which made us commonly to be preferred. The servant, when they are set, brings as many little Cups of Cia as are Guests. When they part, near the Hall door, they reiterate their bowings, then at the Door, and at the passing out, Tedious courtesy. and after they are in their Chair or on Horseback, again without doors; and lastly, a Servant is sent after in his Master's name, to salute them, and they send their servants likewise to resalute. Their Banquets are not so much commessations as Compotations; for although their Cups be as little as Nutshells, yet they drink often. China banqueting. Their Civil and Religious affairs are therein handled, besides the demonstration of kindness. In eating they have neither Forks, nor Spoons, nor Knives; but use small smooth sticks, a palm and a half long, Feeding. wherewith they put all meats to their mouths, without touching them with their fingers. They bring all things to the Table cut in little pieces, except it be of softer condition, as Eggs, Fish, and such things as their sticks will divide. They use to drink hot, even in hottest weather, whether their Cia-decoction, or Wine, or Water: which it seemeth is profitable to the Stomach; for they live long, Hot drink. and are strong at seventy or eighty years: Neither is any of them troubled with the Stone, The Stone unknown in China, which so tormenteth Europeans, both in the Kidney, ureters, Bladder: this last deprived me of my honourable Patron and best friend, B. King, Anno 1621. and Anno 1622. Master Bifield my neighbour, the painful Minister at Thistleworth died of a Stone, which I weighed, and found (a miracle in Nature) much above 32 Ounces, whiles these our China relations are in the Press; therefore here mentioned. Myself also having stone passions, am therefore not stony in compassion. which I suppose is occasioned by our cold drink. When any is Invited, a Libel is sent a day or more days (if it be to a solemn Banquet) before, signifying, that the Inuiter hath prepared a Banquet of Herbs, and hath washed his Cups, that at such a day and hour (which commonly is near night) he may hear and learn somewhat of him: At the day they send another like Libel (on the outside of these Libels, there is a red paper added with the more honourable Name of the invited, which the Chinois use besides their proper name) in the morning to each Guest, and a third at the hour. Their furniture is not Hangings (whereof they have no use) but Pictures, Flowers, Vessels; to each Guest his Table, and sometimes two to one, the one before the other. These Tables are some Cubits long and broad, but more in length, and covered with a cloth as our Altars. The Seats shine with their Varnish, adorned also with Pictures and Gold. The first entertainment is with Cia in the Hall: and thence they go to the Feasting-roome. Before they sit down, the Inuiter salutes the principal Guest with a low courtesy, and holding a cup of Wine: then goeth to the door or porch, and first making a low courtesy, turning his face to the South, pours out that cup on the ground, offering it to the Lord of Heaven, and bowing down again, returneth, and filling another cup goeth to that principal Guest, and bowing salutes him in the place in which the rites of salutation are used: and then they go together to the Table where the chief Guest must sit. The midst of it is the chief place; there with both his hands he sets a dish with great veneration, and taking the two sticks (which usually are of Ebony, or ivory tipped with Gold or Silver, where they touch the meat) lays them by, and taking a seat, brusheth it with his sleeves lightly, and sets it in the midst; after which both go back and bow themselves in the midst of the Room. Thus he doth to every one, placing the second on the left hand, the third on the right. Lastly, he which shall have the chief room receiveth of his servant the Inuiters Dish and Cup, The Guests courtesy to the Host. and bids Wine to be filled, and together with the other Guests and the Inuiter, boweth down and placeth the Dish on his Table (which is placed in the lower part of the Hall, with his back to the South, and face to the chief Table) with the sticks and seat, as he had done before to him; and then all go again to their place, with great ceremony, to fit them better with both hands, he to whom the rite is done, standing by the side of the doer with his hands in his sleeves, and modestly bowing with thanks. They wash neither before nor after. After all this, they perform the last rite of inclination to the Inuiter together, Sipping oft, not drinking one draught. and then each to other, and then sit down. When they drink, the Inuiter with both hands takes the Cup in the Dish, and lightly lifting it up, and then letting it down invites them to drink, all turning to him at the same time, and beginning to drink, or to sip rather, four or five times setting it to his mouth, not as we use with one continued draught. After the first Cup the Dishes are brought in, of which the Inuiter beginning, all with their sticks apply a bit or two to their mouths, diligently observing, not to lay down their sticks before the principal Guest hath laid down his: and then the servants fill his, and after every man's Cup, with hot Wine: and the same rite is again and again repeated, but more sipping then eating. Meanwhile some discourse, or Comedy, or Music continue. The grace of their Feast is variety, a little of each, Flesh also and Fish mixed, taking off nothing, but setting one Dish on another like Castles and Towers. Bread, and Rice (which there supplies our Bread) comes not in solemn Banquets. They have games also, in which the loser is fined to drink, with others disport. None is compelled to drink above his strength. Their drink is tipsy, boiled like our Beer. Their solemn Banquets last all night, the remainders given to the Guests servants. near the end of the Feast they change Cups. In eating they are more moderate. King observed. The King is observed with more Rites than any other in the World. None speaks to him but his eunuchs, and those which live in his Palace, Sons and daughters. None of the Magistrates without the Palace (the eunuchs also have their degrees) speak to the King but by Petition, Petitions. and those with so many forms of veneration that none can make them, which is not well exercised, New year. New Moon. though he be learned. Every new year which begins with that New Moon which next precedeth or followeth the Nones of February, out of every Province a Legate is sent to visit the King, which is done more solemnly every third year. Also in every City on every Change day, all the Magistrates assemble to one place in their City, where the King's Throne and Dragon-ensignes are carved and gilded, often bowing and kneeling before it with peculiar composition of the body to veneration, and wish ten thousand years of life to the King. The like is done on his Birthday yearly, Birthday. the Pequin Magistrates and Provincial Legates, and the King's kindred make their appearance there and presents. All also which are named to any Office by the King go to give thanks to the Throne (for the King is not there) with rites prescribed with habit peculiar to that purpose, with an ivory Table covering their mouth as oft as they speak before the King: the King was wont to come forth to a window, with such a Table in his hand, and another on his head, over his Crown hanged, about with threads of gems, his face hidden in presence from the beholders. King's colour yellow, Sunlike. Dragons. The King's colour is yellow (forbidden to others) of which his garment is wrought with many golden Dragons, which are carved or painted in all the Palace, and Vessel, and furniture; in the roof also; whence some have thought the Tiles to be of Gold or Brass, being of a yellow Earth, each nailed to the Timber: with Nails gilded on the heads, that all may appear yellow. It were treason for another to arrogate that colour or Arms, except he be of the Royal lineage. The Palace and gates. The Palace gates are four, to the four corners of the World. They which pass by, descend from their Horses or Seats, and go on foot till they be passed, the greatest soon alight, and that at Nanquin also, where no King hath of long time resided. The gates to the South both inner and outward are three, the King only going in and out at the middle (which otherwise is shut) others at the other gates on the right and left hand. King's gate. Time. Title. Their computation of time is only by the King's Reign. Sometimes the King bestoweth a Title on the Parents of the principal Magistrates by a certain writing, made by the King's Philosophers in the King's name; esteemed wonderfully, acquired with any cost, and kept in the family as a thing sacred. The like opinion is of other Titles given to Widows, expressed in two or three Characters, Widows. given to Widows which to their old age have refused second marriages; Old men, or to old Men which have lived an hundred years, and in like cases. They set these Titles over their doors. Magistrates also do the like to their friends. To good Magistrates Arches are erected at public cost, of Marble: Arches. by Citizens also to some of their Citizens which have attained any notable dignity. The most precious Artifices thorough all the Kingdom are yearly sent to the King to Pequin with great costs. The Magistrates of the King's City go abroad with less pomp, on horseback; Pequin. and few of the principal in Seats, and those carried but by four Porters: all in reverence of the King. Four times in the year, once a quarter, all the Court Magistrates assemble at the Sepulchers of the ancient Kings and Queens, and make there their offerings: Funerals of Kings. giving the principal honour to Humvu. They prepare to this solemnity certain days fasting at home and surceasing of s●its. Next to the King they honour their Magistrates, both in forms of words and visitations, Honour of Magistrates. to which none aspire but Magistrates; and they which have been deprived lose not all honour in this kind, but sometimes come forth in their habits, and are respected by their City Magistrates. If one be preferred to another dignity, which hath well executed his Office, they honour him with public gifts, and reserve his Boots in a public Chest, with Verses in his praise. To some they erect Temples also, and Altars with Images, and some are deputed to keep lights there burning, and odours, at public Rend charge perpetually, with huge Censers of Bell-metall, as they do to their Idols. Yet do they distinguish betwixt this and Divine worship, of their Gods ask many things, whereas these Rites are only memorial, though many of the vulgar * As in the doulia and latria of Saint's worship and that of God. confound them together. Cities are full of such Temples, by friends often erected to unworthy men, to which at certain times they go and perform kneeling and bowing Rites, and offer Meats. Their Books are full of precepts for observing Parents with due honour, and in outward show no Nation performs so much. They will not sit over against them but on the side, speak to them with great reverence, they sustain their poorer Parents with their labour in best manner they are able, and in nothing are more curious than their funerals. Honour of parents. The mourning colour is white, See in Pantoia of Funerals and mournings. and all their habit from the Shoes to the Cap of a strange and miserable fashion. The cause of three years mourning for Parents, is because so long they carried them in arms with so much labour of education: for others as they please, a year, or three months, as they are in nearness: For the King they mourn three years thorough all the Kingdom, and for the Lawful Queen. Their funeral Rites are written in a Book which they consult on that occasion, all the parcels of the habit there pictured. Mourning by book. When a man of rank is dead, the Son or next Kinsman sends Libels to the friends within three or four days: all the Room is white, with an Altar in the midst, on which they place the Coffin and Image of the dead. Thither all the friends come in mourning one after another, & offer Odours and two Wax-candles on the Altar; whiles they burn, making four bend and kneel, having first censed against the Image. The Sons stand at the side, and the women behind, covered with a Curtain, mourning the while: the Priests also burn Papers and Silks, with certain rites to minister Clothes to the deceased. They abstain from wont Beds (sleeping on Straw-beds on the ground near the Corpse) from flesh and other daintier food, Wine, Baths, company with their Wives, Banquets, not going out for certain months, remitting by degrees as the three years expire. On the funeral day the friends are by another Libel invited, Burial. to which they go in Procession form, in mourning; many Statues of Men, Women, Elephants, Tigers, Lions, of Paper all going before, diversified in colour and gilding, which are all burnt before the Grave: a long rank of Idol Priests, Prayers, and Players on diverse Instruments observing diverse rites in the way; huge Bell-censers also carried on men's shoulders; after which follows the Hearse under a huge carved Canopy adorned with Silks, carried with forty or fifty men. Next the children on foot with staffs, and then the women enclosed within a white gestatory Curtain, that they may not be seen: followed by women of the kindred in mourning Seats. The Graves are all in the Suburbs. If the Sons be absent, the Funeral pomp is deferred till their coming. They bring (if it may be) the declassed in another Country to lie by his friends. The Graves are adorned with Epitaphs in Marble magnificently. Thither on certain days yearly the kindred resort to cense and offer, and make a funeral banquet. Their Marriages and Spousals are with many rites, done in their youth; Marriages. the Contracts compounded by the Parents without their consent; they observe equality in years and degree in the lawful Wife. In their Concubines, lust, beauty, price bear sway. The poorer also buy their Wives, and when they list sell them. The King and his kindred respect only beauty, Magistrates appointed to make the choice. One is his lawful Wife; the King and his Heir having nine other Wives a little inferior, and after them six and thirty, which are also called Wives: his Concubines are more. Those which bring forth Sons are more gracious, especially the Mother of the eldest. This is also familiar to other families thorough the Kingdom. Their first Wife sits at Table: others (except in the Royal families) are as Handmaids, and may not sit, but stand in presence of either of them: their Children also calling that lawful Wife their Mother, Sur-names few. In England anciently were few or none. See Cam. Remains. Affinity and consanguinity. Portion. and for her (though not the true Parent) observe triennial mourning. In Marriages they are curious not to take any of the same surname, of which sur-names there are not a thousand in all that vast Kingdom. Nor may any man frame a new surname, but must have one ancient of the Father's side, except he be adopted into another family. They respect no affinity or consanguinity in a differing surname, and so marry with the Mother's kindred almost in any degree. The Wife brings no portion, and although when she first goeth to her Husband's house the street-fall of household attends her, yet is all provided by his costs which sends money some months before as a gift to her for that purpose. Birthday. Every man's Birthday is festivally celebrated with Presents, Banquets and jollity: especially after the fiftieth year explete (at which time they are reckoned amongst old men) and then every tenth year. The Children then procure Emblems of their friends, and Epigrams, and some write Books. That day is also festival in which they are of age to take the Man's cap, which is about twenty years, Virilis pileus. till that time wearing their hair lose. But the first New and Full Moon of the year is most generally festival; each man then having ingeniously devised Lights or Lamps made of Paper, Candlemas. Glass, or other matter, the house seeming by the diversified Lights to be on a light fire. They run up and down also with great stirs in the night with Dragon-fashioned Lights, Fireworks. and make great shows of Powder-fire-workes. Cap. 8. Chinois persons described. The Chinois are white (but nearer the South more brown) with thin beards (some having none) with staring hairs, and late growing; their hair wholly black; eyes narrow, of Egg form, black and standing out: the nose very little, and scarcely standing forth; ears mean: in some Provinces they are square faced. Many of Canton and Quamsi Provinces on their little toes have two nails, Women. as they have generally in Cachinchina. Their women are all low, and account great beauty in little feet, for which cause from their infancy they bind them strait with clothes, that one would judge them stump-footed: this, as is thought, devised to make them housewives. Hair. The men and women both alike let their hair grow without cutting: but Boys and Girls till they are fifteen year old, are cut round, leaving a lock only on the crown: after which they let it grow loose over their shoulders till twenty. The most of the Priests shave head and beard every eighth day. When they are men they bind up their hair in a Cap or Coif made of horse or man's hair, or in a silken Cawl; and in Winter of woollen: on the top it hath a hole, where the hair comes forth, and is tied in a neat knot. The women wear not this Cap, Rings. but bind up their hair in a knot, and make it up with a dress of Gold, Silver, Stones, and Flowers. They wear Rings on their ears, but not on their fingers. Apparel. The men and women wear long garments. The men double them on their breast, and fasten them under both the armholes; the women on the midst of the breast. They wear wide long sleeves; but the women's wider, the man's straighter, at the wrists. Their Caps are artificially wrought. Their Shoes are much differing from ours; the men wear them of Silk with diverse works and flowers, exceeding the elegance of our Matrons. Shoes of Leather none but the meaner sort wear; and scarcely admit they Leather soles, but of Cloth. The Caps of their Learned are square, of others, round. Every one spends half an hour at least in combing and trimming his hair. They wind also long clouts about their feet and legs, and therefore wear their Breeches lose. They wear no Shirts, but a white Coat next the skin, and wash often. They have a servant to carry a Shadow or great Sumbrero over their heads against the rain and Sun; the poor carry one for themselves. Name-ceremonies. Women have none. Father's name. For Names, besides the surname of which is spoken, the Father gives one to the Son (for females have no name but the Father's surname, and called as they are borne, first, second, third, in order of the Sisters:) by this name they are called by the Father and Elders; others call them likewise from that order amongst the Brethren, as is said of Sisters. They in their writings call themselves by that which their Father gave them; but if others either equal or superior should so call them, it were both uncivil and injurious. When a Boy goeth to School his Master giveth him another name, School-name. which is called his School-name, whereby only his Master and Schoolfellows may style him. When he hath his Man's cap put on, and marrieth a Wife, some more honourable person gives him a more honourable name, Letter-name. which they call, the Letter: by this any man may call him, but those which are subject to him. And when he is now at the full growth, Gr●●t name. he receiveth of some grave person his most honourable name, which they call Great, whereby any may call him present or absent: but his Parents and Elders still use the Letter-name. If any profess a new Sect, his Instructor calls him by a new name, which they call, of Religion. Religious name. Greater th●n Christian name. And when one visits another, he will ask what is his Honourable name, to style him thereby: and we were therefore fain to take a Greater name than that which we received in Baptism, for them to call us by. They are studious of Antiquities: much value old Trivets of Bell metal, Pictures in black and white Characters and writings, sealed with the Author's seal (for there are many Counterfeiters.) The Officers have all a Seal proper to their place given by Humvu, Seals of Magistrates. which they use only sealing with red colour: and if they lose the Seal they lose the Office, and are besides severely punished; and therefore they carry it with them, in a sealed and locked Box, and never leave it out of sight, at night keeping it under their Pillow. Grave men go not on foot thorough the streets, but are carried in a seat closed, except they list to open the forepart, whereas Magistrates seats are every way open. Matron's seats are altogether closed, Seats in which they are carried on men's shoulders. Boats & ships but easily known from men's by the fashion. The Law forbids Coaches and Litters. Some Cities are in the midst of Rivers and Lakes, in which they have very neat Boats to pass the streets. And because they go more by water then ours, therefore there Shipping is more convenient and elegant. But the Magistrates, built by public cost are as commodious as Houses, with diverse Lodgings, a Hall, Kitchen, Cells, so neat as seeming Great men's houses, rather than Ships; and therefore they make their solemn Banquets a Shipboard, passing along the Rivers and Lakes for further pleasure. All within shines with Ciaram or shining Varnish in diverse colours, and the Carved works gilded in places, with combined sweets to the Eyes and Nose. They honour their Masters more than with us, Master's respect. so that if a man have been another's Scholar but one day in any Art, he calls him Master ever after, and never sits in any meeting but at his side, and doth him all honour. Diceplay and Cards are common with them: Chess also with the graver persons, not altogether unlike ours: but their King never removes but to the four next rooms, Games. Chess. and the Bishops have their Queens. They have also which they call Powder paunes, which go before the Knights and follow the Paunes. They have a grave Game in a table of three hundred rooms with two hundred men white and black, in which Magistrates spend much time, and the cunning skill whereof gets much credit to a man, although he can do nothing else: and some choose such their Masters with wont rites. Theft is not punished with Death: Theft punishment. the second fault therein, is branded with an hot Iron and Ink in the Arm, with two Characters, the third time in the Face, after with their terrible Whipping or condemning to the Galleys, for a time limited: so that there are abundance of thieves. Every night in Cities, many Watchmen at certain times beat Basins as they walk the streets, the streets also enclosed and shut, yet many thefts are committed, the Fox being the Gooseherd, and the Watch partners with the Thief. The Cities in greatest Peace in the midst of the Kingdom, are shut every Night, and the Keys carried to the Governor. §. V. Of their Superstitions, Cruelties, fears of Magistrates, of the King's kindred, of Strangers and Soldiers. Their Deities and three Sects: Priests, Nuns, Monasteries, Legends, Lies. NO superstition is so general in the Kingdom, as the observation of lucky and unlucky Days and Hours, Chap. 9 Observation of times. Two fold Almanac. for which purpose yearly is Printed a twofold Table of days by the King's Astrologers, in such plenty that every house is full of them. In them is written on every day, what may be done or not, or to what hour ye must forbear business, which may in that year happen. There are others more dangerous Masters, which make a living by this Wizardly profession of selling lies, or prescribing fit hours: whereby many differre the beginning of Building, or journeying till their appointed day or hour come: Impostors. & then how unfitting soever that proveth with cross weather, they set on nevertheless, though it be but a little little onset, that the work might thence appear to take beginning. The like superstitious observation they have of the moment of the Nativity, which they precisely set down, diverse professing by Astrology, or by superstitious numbers, or by Physiognomy, or Palmistry, Divinations and telling of Fortunes. or Dreams, or words in Speech, or posture of the body & by innumerable other ways to foretell future Fortunes▪ many Gipsie-jugling used to such impostures, as by a stalking Knave which shall profess his Fortunes exactly told him by the professor, or by learning out of printed Books which describe every City, Street and Family, what hath happened as an argument of the truth of that which they say shall happen. Yea, their credulity breeds such strong imagination, Strength of imaginations. that some being foretold of a Sickness such a day, will then fall sick of conceit. Many also consult with Devils and familiar Spirits, and receive Oracles from the mouth of Infants, or of Beasts, not without fraud. They are superstitious in choosing a plot of ground, Devils consulted. to erect a dwelling House, or Sepulchre, conferring it with the head, tail and feet of diverse Dragons, which live (forsooth) under our earth, whence depends all good or bad Fortune. Dreams of Dragons. diverse Learned men busy their wits in this abstruse Science, and are consulted when any public Buildings are raised. Geologers. And as Astrologers by the Stars, so these Geologers by inspection of Rivers, Fields, Mountains and scite of Regions, foretell Destinies; dreaming by setting a Door or Window this or that way, conveying the rain to the right or left hand, by a higher or lower roof, honour and wealth shall accrue to the House. Of these Impostors the Streets, Cities, Courts, Shops, Markets are full, which sell that which themselves want, good Fortune to all Foole-fortunate buyers: yea, Women and blind folks profess it, and some find such Chapmen of the Learned, Noble, King and all, that they grow to great riches by others little wits. All disasters public or private are attributed to Fate, and ill scite of some City, House or Palace. The noise of Birds, Augury. the first meeting in the Morning, Shadows caused by the Sun in the house, are their Fortune-guides. Cruel vices and unnatural Chinois. For other vices, some will make themselves Servants to rich men, to have one of the handmaids become his Wife, so multiplying issue to bondage. Others buy a Wife, but finding their family becomne too numerous sell their Sons and Daughters as Beasts, for two or three pieces of Gold (although no dearth provoke him) to everlasting separation and bondage, some to the Portugals. Hence is the Kingdom full of Slaves, not captived in war, but of their own freeborn. Child-selling. Yet is service there more tolerable than elsewhere; for every man may redeem himself at the price paid for him, when he is able; and there are many poor which with hard labour sustain themselves. Child-killing. A worse evil in some Provinces is theirs, which finding themselves poor, smother their newborn Babes, specially Females, by an impious piety and pitiless pity preventing that sale to Slavery, Pitiless pity. Transmigration of souls. by taking away that life which even now they had given. They pretend hereunto also their Metempsychosis, dreaming that the Soul of that Infant shall the sooner pass into some more fortunate body: and are not therefore ashamed to do this in others presence, yea not the meanest of the commonalty. Many more inhumanely kill themselves, either weary of a miserable life, Selfe-slayers. or willing after death to be revenged of some enemy, whiles to the Enemy of mankind many thousands yearly Sacrifice themselves, by Halter, Drowning, and Poison. eunuchs. Another immanity in the Northern Provinces is used upon Male Infants, whom for hope of Palace preferments their Parents make eunuchs; of which in the King's house are ten thousand, a dull and blockish kind of unkind unmanly men. Their Whip also take away more lives, Whip-killing. than the executions of sentences to Death; their Reeds slit two else long, a finger thick and four broad, at the first blow breaking the skin and flesh on the hinder part of the thighs: to prevent which many bribe the Magistrates, of whose domineering fullness of power they live in perpetual fear, Slavish fear. where calumnies and lies are so rife: which China perfidiousness made the Kings come so guarded abroad and unknown, and now not to come forth at all. The King's kindred are now grown to sixty thousand, and daily increasing become a burden to the public, King's kindred. China suspicions. Strangers contemned. and daily increase in idleness, impotence, numbers, the King being very jealous of them, and setting Guards, besides their perpetual exile from Pequin and Nanquin. No marvel if Strangers be no better trusted in China, where the Natives and Blood are suspected: out of whose Books they scorn to learn, and repute them little better than Beasts: and the Characters whereby they express them are taken from Beasts. How Legates are held as prisoners in public houses is elsewhere delivered. Commanders of Soldiers, which guard places are guarded and watched, and not trusted with the pay of their Companies: neither is there any more base than the Soldiery, Soldier's base. most Slaves or condemned persons, for their own or their Ancestors evils: and when they are free from exercises of war, they become Muletters, Porters, and of other base Offices. The Captaynes only have some authority. Their arms are worthless for offence or defence, and only make a show, the Captaynes being also subject to the Magistrates whip. Studies of Alchemy and long life. Their Alchimisticall vanity, and study of long Life, with precepts and huge books of both, I omit. The founders forsooth of these Sciences have gone body and soul to Heaven. The making of Silver hath made many spend their silver, wits and credit, cheated by professing Artists; and the great Magistrates (few in Pequin free) are taken up with the other Study; some shortening their life to make it longer. They write of one of their Kings which had procured such a potion of immortality, whom a friend of his was not able to dissuade from that conceit, enraged, by his sudden snatching & drinking his prepared potion: which he seeking by death to revenge, the other answered, how can I be killed, if this draught cause immortality? and if I may, then have I freed thee of this error. Touching the China Sects, I read in their Books, that the Chinois from the beginning worshipped one God, Chap. 10. which they call the King of Heaven, or by another Name Heaven and Earth. Beneath this Deity, China Gods. What pity is it that Lutherans and Caluenists, may not aswell be saved without the Pope, as these Idolaters without God and Christ, and worshipping that, which by Nature is not God? they worshipped diverse tutelare Spirits of Mountains, Rivers, and of the four parts of the world. In all actions they held Reason to be obeyed, which light of Reason they confessed they had from Heaven. Of that supreme Deity and his administering Spirits, they never had such monstrous conceits as the Romans, greeks, Egyptians, whence the Jesuits hope that many of them in the law of Nature were saved. Their Sects are reckoned three: The first of the Learned, the second of Sciequia, the third Laucu. One of these is professed by all which use their Characters. That of the Learned, is most proper to China and most ancient and all their Learned learn it in the course of their studies. Confutius is the Prince thereof. This Sect hath no Idols, worships one God, believing all things to be conserved by his providence. They worship in inferior sort the Spirits. The best of them teach nothing of the Creation: rewards and punishments, they confine in this life to a man's self or his posterity. Of the immortality of the Soul they seem to make no doubt, for they speak of the deceased living in Heaven▪ but of Hell they make no mention. The later Learned deny both, with the soul's immortality: yet some say, that the souls of good men are corroborated with virtue and made able to hold out, others dying with the body. The principal opinion seemeth borrowed of the Idol Sect, five hundred years ago; which holds that this whole Universe consists of one matter, God supposed the sou●e of the world and that the Creatures are as so many members of this huge body, so that every one may attain to the similitude of God being one with him; which we confute out of their own ancient Authors. Though the Literate acknowledge one supreme Deity, yet they erect no Temple to him, Persians had no Temples. nor any other place proper to his Worship, nor any Priests, persons or rites peculiar, nor have precepts thereof, nor any which prescribeth, or punisheth defect of Holies; nor any which privately or publicly recite or sing aught to him. Yea they affirm, that the Office of Sacrificing to the King of Heaven and his worship belongs to the King: and if any should take on him that Office, he should usurp the Kings, and be thereby a Traitor. For this purpose, Two Temples Royal. King high Priest: Magistrates inferior. the King hath two stately Temples in both Royal Cities, one dedicated to the Heaven, the other to the Earth: in which sometime he used to Sacrifice, but now in his place certain Magistrates have succeeded, which there sacrifice many Oxen and Sheep, with many Rites. To the Spirits of Mountains, Rivers, and of the four Regions of the world, only the chief Magistrates Sacrifice, nor are the people admitted thereto. The precpts of this Law are contained in the Tetrabiblion and five Books of Doctrines; nor are any other Books allowed, but only some Commentaries thereon. Obite. Nothing in this Sect is more of note then their yearly Obits, or parentations to their deceased Parents, common to all from the King to the meanest, observing their dead Ancestry as if they were living. Neither yet do they suppose that they eat of the meat which is set them, or need it, but they have no better mean to express their love. The Literate have a costly Temple to Confutius in every City, by Law appointed, Confutius' Temple and Rites. in that place where the School is, and adjoining to the Magistrates Palace, which is set over the Bachelors or Graduates of the first degree. In a principal place of that Temple his Image is erected, or else his Name in golden Cubitall letters, written in a curious Table. Hither the Magistrates assemble every New-moon, and Full, also the Bachelors, with wont kneel, Odours and Wax-lights▪ to acknowledge their Master. On his Birthday and on other set times, they offer festival Dishes, thankfully confessing his learned works, whence they have attained their Degrees and Offices, but pray not to him nor look for aught from him; but as is observed of their dead Parents. Temple of tutelar Sprrits. Tribunal Temple. Oath of Magistrates. Other Temples also are seen of the same Sect to the Tutelare Spirits of each City, and to the Magistracy of each Tribunal, wherein they solemnly bind themselves by solemn Oaths, to observe Law and justice, when they first enter into their Office. In these they offer Dishes and Odours, but in differing Worship: for in these they acknowledge, there is a Divine power to punish the perjurious, and reward the good. The scope of this Literate Sect, is the peace and good of the Commonwealth, and of Families, and of each persons; their precepts agreeing with Nature and Christianity. Five combinations. Five Relations or Societies are observed by them, comprehending all duties of humanity; of Father and Child, of Husband and Wife, of Master and Servant, of elder and younger Brethren, of Fellows and Equals. They condemn Single life, permit Polygamy, and in their Books largely explain that precept of Charity, to do to another as a man would be done to. They deny this to be a Sect, but a certain Acadamie instituted for the government of the Commonwealth; and because it prescribes not, nor prohibiteth any thing touching the Life to come, many adjoin the other two Sects to this. The second Sect is called Siequia or Omitose, and by the japonians, Sciacca and Amidabu. Second Sect began A.D. 65. Both have the same Characters, and the same Totoqui or Law. It came to the Chinois from the West, brought from the Kingdom of Thienscio or Scinto, now called Indostan, betwixt Indus and Ganges, about the year of Christ 65. It is written that the King of China, warned in a Dream, sent Legates thither, which brought Books and Interpreters from thence, the Authors of them being dead. And therefore I see not how truly the japonians affirm that Sciacca and Amidaba pierced thither, and were Native of Siam. The Authors of this Sect, Democritians Sythagor●ans. have taken some things out of our Philosophers. For they hold four Elements, and manifold Worlds and transmigration of Souls, and other things. Somewhat it seems to acknowledge the Trinity fabling of three Gods becoming one; it acknowledgeth just rewards to the good in Heaven, to the bad in Hell. It extols Single life, so as it may seem to reject Marriage. Likeness of Popish ri●es and those of China, in opinion o● ●es●ite●. They leave house and friends and travel into diverse places Begging. The Rites of this profane Sect, have great affinity with our (Romish) Ecclesiastical: the Sing of men saying their service may seem nothing to differ from our Gregorian; they have Images also in their Churches; their Priests Garments are altogether like ours, which with an Ecclesiastical term we call, Plwialia. In their Service they often recite the name Tolome, which themselves confess to be ignorant of. But they deny eternity in their Heaven and Hell, ascribing a new birth after I know not what revolutions of time, in some other of their conceited Worlds, then and there to be penitentially purged; with other fooleries. They prohibit to eat of living creatures, but few impose on themselves this abstinence, and they find easy absolution from this and other sins, if they give to the Priests, who profess to deliver from Hell by their Prayers or Recitations, whom they will. This Sect came in at first with great applause, as clearly professing the Souls immortality: but nothing more disgraced it, then that that King and these Princes which first embraced it (which the Literate often object) died miserably with violent death, and public loss and misfortune followed. By writing of many Books they have entangled it in inextricable Labyrinths. Many and costly Temples, Steeples, Bells, Images. Their Priests many and miserable. The notes of Antiquity appear in the multitude of their Temples, and most of them sumptuous: in which huge Monsters of Idols of Brass, Marble, Wood, and Earth are seen; with Steeples adjoined of Stone or Brick, and in them huge Bells, and other ornaments of great price. The Priests of this Sect are called Osciami, they shave their head and beard, against the fashion of the Country: some travel, as is said, some lead a very austere life in Mountains and Caves, but the greatest part which amount to two or three millions, live in Monasteries, sustained with their antiently-given Revenues, and Alms, and also by their own industry. These Priests are accounted, and justly, the most vile and vicious in the whole Kingdom, sprung of the basest plebeians, sold in their childhood to the elder Osciami, and of Slaves made Disciples, succeed their Masters in Office and Benefice, a course which they have found for their propagation. For, few are found which voluntarily by desire of sanctity do adjoin themselves to those Monks. Ignorance also and illiberal education makes them liker their Masters, few of them learning Letters or civil rites; and daily growing worse. And although they have no wives, they are much addicted to women, and cannot but by grievous penalties be kept from them. The Colleges of the Osciami are divided into diverse Stations, in every of which is one perpetual Administrator, to whom his servants or as many as he brings up, succeed. They acknowledge no Superior in those Cells, but every one in his own Station builds as many Lodgings as he can (most of all places, in the Court) which after they let to strangers, so that they are rather Inns than Monasteries, Monasteries, Inns. Redemption of wild creatures. See P●n●●s River fair. Fasters. as full of tumults as empty of devotion. Although they be of base esteem, yet are they employed to Funerals and other Rites, by which wild beasts, and fowls, and fishes are set at liberty, by the professors of this Sect with opinion of great merit. In this our age this Sect hath much revived, and many Temples are built and repaired, by eunuchs, Women, and the rude vulgar, and especially by the Ciaicum, or Fasters, which all their lives abstain from Flesh, Fish, (Eggs, and Milk) and worship a multitude of Idols with set prayers at home, and are by hire to be called to any other man's. Nun's also observe the same Monastical rules, Nicu, or Nuns. being single and shaved; they call them Nuns, nothing so many as the Monks. The third Sect is called, Lauzu, derived from a Philosopher which lived at the same time with Confutius, Third Sect. Lie of Lauzu. whom they fable to have been carried 80. years in his parent's womb before he was borne, and therefore called, Lauzu, that is, the Old Philosopher. He left no Books of his Opinion, nor seems to have intended any new Sect, but certain Sectaries, called Tausa, made him the head of their Sect after his death, and wrote diverse elegant Books gathered out of diverse Sects. These also live single in their Monasteries, and buy disciples, base and wicked as the former. They wear their hair as the Laymen, differing herein, that where they wear their hair tied on a knot, these have a Cap on the crown of wood. Some also are married, and say over their Holies in their own houses. They say, that with other Idols they worship also the Lord of Heaven, Leus' Legend. whom yet they imagine Corporeal, and to have suffered many things. They tell, that the King of Heaven which now reigneth, is called Ciam, and he which before ruled was named Leu. This Leu came one day to the Earth riding on a white Dragon, and Ciam a Wizard entertained him with a Feast, See before of Leus' Hill, near the great Lake. where whiles Leu was eating, Ciam got up on the white Dragon, and was carried to Heaven, and excluded Leu from that sovereignty; only he obtained of this new King, that he might rule over a certain Mountain in his Kingdom, where they say he still liveth: thus confessing (as the greeks of jove) themselves to worship an Usurper and Traitor. Besides this Deity of Heaven, they acknowledge three others, one of which they say, Lauzu is, having some dream also, as the former of the Trinity. They also speak of places of rewards and punishments, but differing from the former: for they promise a Paradise for soul and body together, and have Images of some in their Temples which have so gone thither. Way to fool's Paradise. To obtain this, they prescribe certain exercises of sitting in diverse postures, set Prayers, Medicines by which the life is lengthened, if not made immortal. Their Priests exorcise Devils, and drive them out of houses, by painting horrible shapes of them in yellow Paper on the walls, and making horrible cries as if themselves were become Devils. They arrogate also to bring down or to stay Rains, and other public and private fortunes, most impudent impostors, either Liars or Magicians. They assist the King's sacrifices in those Temples of Heaven and Earth (thereby acquiring much authority) being Masters of the Music therein: and are called to Funerals, to which they go in precious vestments with diverse musical Instruments, making a pompous-procession show thorough the streets. The like pomps they use at the streets ends on certain times, hired by the dwellers. They have a Prelate called Ciam; which dignity he transmitted to his posterity 1000 years since by hereditary successions, Ciam Prelate. and seemeth to have taken beginning from a Magician which lived in a Cave of Quiamsi Province, where his posterity still continueth. Their Prelate liveth most commonly at Pequin, observed by the King, and admitted into the inmost Palace to consecrate and hollow the Rooms suspected to be haunted by ill spirits. He is carried in an open Chair, and with other pomp competent to the chief Magistrates, and is allowed by the King a great Revenue. But I have learned of a Convert that these Prelates now are so ignorant that they know not their own Charms and Rites. He hath no power over the people, but the Tansus (Priests) and their Monasteries, many of which are also Alchemists. Multiplication of Sects. These three Sects have diversified themselves into 300. in seeming, daily increasing and growing worse and worse. Humvu ordained that these three Laws should be kept for the good of the Kingdom, only the Literate to rule; whence it comes that they seek not to ruin each other. The Kings make use of them all for their purposes, often repairing the old, and building new Temples. The King's wives are more prone to the Idol Sect, and maintain whole Monasteries without the Palace, and buy their Prayers with Alms. The Idols are not only in Temples in this Kingdom, but in private houses in peculiar places, in streets, ships, Palaces, they are the first things you see, and yet put they little confidence in them. Their wisest men seek to mix all three Sects together, and so whiles they embrace all, are of none, and prove Atheists. §. VI Of Strangers, and foreign Religions in China. HOw inhospitall the Chinois are to Strangers, we have in part heard, neither permitting egress to the Natives, nor ingress to Aliens except in three respects. The first, such as come to pay their annual Tributes. The second, such as pretending honour and tribute, come (as we have heard) from the West with seeming tribute, a colour to their gain by merchandise. The third, such as in admiration of the Chinian virtues and learning, come thither (as the Queen of Sheba to Solomon) to learn the same, which is the Jesuits pretence: but these must here fix their habitation, nor may be suffered to return; such is their jealousy, of discovering their mysteries to others. And this made the Jesuits, after so long stay, free from fear of expulsion, which yet since complain of persecution. But it may not be known, that they have any intelligence or commerce with stranger: & therefore the Jesuits, which have obtained two so great privileges, the Eunuch's Palace for their residence, and the employment in correcting the China Calendar, both by Royal approbation; yet could not obtain leave to go into the Province of Canton, though with Mathematical pretexts for that Kalender-busines, to observe longitudes and latitudes of places, because they were said to be Countrymen to those of Macao. Yea, a Colao, or Counsellor of State, was deprived, for sending a message to a bordering King; a tempest of libelling complaints thundering and showering against him therefore. In the bordering Provinces they set narrow watch at Custom-houses, Bridges, and in the very Rivers, by ships of war thereto appointed. But if they be once gotten into the inner parts of the Kingdom, there are no such Officers, nor searches. Neither may any stranger pass out of the Kingdom, after once entering, without the King's licence. The Jesuits steal their ingress and egress by means of the Portugals, which had the Town of Macao assigned them by the Chinois, for traffic. These come usually twice a year to the chief City of the Province of Canton, which is not called Quantum, or Canton, (the name of the Province) but Quam ceu. This is also testified by Mons. de Monfart. All the day time they have free entrance in the City about their merchandise, but must lie on shipboard at night. In the midst of the River there is a little Island, and therein a Temple, in which they are allowed their Catholic devotions. There by Boat did they provide to steal in or out of the Country. The mahometans that come in by land, Many mahometans in China if they stay nine years (as is observed) may never return home again. Of these there are now many thousand Families in China, dispersed into the most of the Provinces and chief Cities. They have there their Temples very sumptuous, and their Circumcision. But as far as I could ever learn, they neither teach, nor care to teach, others their devotions, but are unskilful of the Saracens Tenants, and are contemned of the Chinois. It seems, that their coming in was in the time that the Tartars reigned here, which since have increased, and after so long continuance, are not held in suspicion, as other strangers. Some say, after the fourth generation they are reputed as Natives: yea, they are admitted to the studies of Learning, Degrees, and Magistracy, as well as the Chinois. But most of these, thus dignified, relinquish their former superstition, retaining nothing thereof, but abstinence from Swine's flesh, which rather by Nature, then for Religion, they abhor. Touching Christians in China, there is not so great certainty. Certain Mogores told Ricius of some in the Xensian Province, Christians. in the North parts of China, at a place called Xucheo, which were white, bearded, used Bells, worshipped Isa, that is, jesus, and Marie, and honoured the Crucifix; their Priests married, which cured diseases without medicines. A jew at Pequin gave more full intelligence, that at Caifumfu, and at Lincin, in the Province of Sciantum, and in the Province of Sciansi, there lived certain Strangers, whose Ancestors had come out of foreign parts, which worshipped the Cross which the Chinois express by the Character of Ten) and made the sign thereof with the finger on their meat and drink. They also made the same sign with Ink on the foreheads of their children, to preserve them from misfortunes. A jesuit also saw, in the hands of an Antiquary, a Bell, with a Church and Cross thereon graven, circumscribed with Greek letters. The jew also reported that those Crosse-worshippers had the same doctrine in their prayers which the jews held: this the Jesuits interpreted of the Psalter common to them both. See sup. in Pinto. 269. He affirmed that there were many of them in the Northern Provinces, which so flourished in Letters and Arms, that they grew suspicious to the Chinois, which he thought was caused by the Saracens some sixty years before. The Magistrates were so incensed hereby, that they for fear were dispersed, some turning jews; some Saracens; others Idolaters: and their Temples were also converted into Idolatrous Temples, one of which he mentioned in his Country. Ever since they hide their profession, and when the Jesuits sent one of their Converts to make enquiry, he could learn of none: which they thought proceeded from their fear, taking him for a Spy sent from the Magistrates. All these Sects the Chinois call, Hoei, the jews distinguished by their refusing to eat the sinew or leg; the Saracens, Swine's flesh; the Christians, by refusing to feed on round-hoofed beasts, Asses, Horses, Mules which all both Chinois, Saracens, and jews do there feed on. The Saracens called the Christians also Isai, as before; and Terzai, which is a name given in Persia to the Armenian Christians (as an Armenian affirmed to Ricius) whence he conjectured, that these Christians came out of Armenia. And by the report of Haiton the Armenian, which saith, their King came to the Great Can of Cathay (which we have before observed, at least the best parts thereof, See sup. pag. 115 to be the North parts of China) to persuade him and his to become Christians; which in great part also he affected, besides other Christians there reported to be, by Paulus; and those of Sarnau, subject to the Great Can, mentioned by Vertomannus, which seem to be near these in China. Sia●. The Malabar Christians have Chaldee memorials of China, converted by Saint Thomas; and their Metropolitan hath his style of all India and China. A certain jew at Pequin hearing of the Jesuits there, came to them to see and confer with them, Chaifamfu. jew at Pequin his report. imagining them to be jews. This jew was borne at Chaifamfu, the mother-city of the Province Honan, his name was Ngai, his countenance not resembling the Chinois; he neglecting judaism, had addicted himself to the China studies, and now came to Pequin to the examination, in hope of proceeding Doctor. There did he enter the Jesuits House, professing that he was of their Law and Religion. Ricci leads him into the Chapel, where on the Altar stood the Image of the Virgin, jesus, and john Baptist, kneeling; which he taking to be the Images of Rebecca and her Twins, did worship unto them, contrary (he said) to their custom. The Images of the Evangelists he supposed to be so many of Jacob's sons. But upon further questioning, the jesuit perceived that he was a professor of the Law of Moses: he confessed himself an Israelite, and knew not the name of jew; so that it seemed, the dispersion of the ten Tribes had pierced thus far. Israelites dispersion. Seeing the Hebrew Bible, he knew the Letters, but could not read them. He told them that in Chaifamfu were ten or twelve Families of Israelites, and a fair Synagogue, which had lately cost them ten thousand Crowns; therein the Pentateuch in Rolls, which had been with great veneration preserved five or six hundred years. Jews at Hancheu. In Hamcheu the chief City of Chequian, he affirmed, were many more Families with their Synagogue; many also in other places but without Synagogues, and by degrees wearing out: his pronunciation of Hebrew names differed from ours, as Herusoloim, Moscia; for Messia, jerusalem. His Brother, he said, was skilful in the Hebrew; which he in affection to the China preferment had neglected; and therefore was hardly censured by the Ruler of the Synagogue. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 THE 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 MAP 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 OF 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 CHI 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 NA 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 map of Chinese provinces As for the Christian Religion thither carried by the Jesuits, you have heard the whole substance of their own large Histories; I mean not of Miracles, and other like stuff and stuff, but the means of conveying the Gospel to the Chinois, which are merchandise, money, & gifts, Mathematiks, Memorative-art, Morality, which to China Covetousness and Curiosity with their conforming to Confutius ethic, and China Literature, Habit, Names and officious Rites, were good Orators, and made way with much ado to that little which is done; a mutual exchange in many things, of Romish for Chinois Beads, Shaving, Vests, Songs, Mumsimus, Tapers, Censers, Images, Legends, Monks, Nuns, Processions, Pilgrimages, Monasteries, Altars, he and she Saints, 1. Tim. 4.8. and other things innumerable pertaining rather to bodily exercise which profiteth little, then to Godliness, or God-likenesse, who being a Spirit, requireth men to worship him in spirit and truth; and by foolishness of preaching saveth them that believe, Io. 4.23, 24. not by wisdom of words, in elegant writings, and those more of Arts than Christianity. 1. Cor. 1.21, 17. The great Doctor of the Gentiles took another course, not with excellency of words, saith he, or wisdom; yea, he esteemed to know nothing among the learned Corinthians but jesus Christ and him crucified: 1. Cor. 2.1, 2, 3. neither stood his word in the enticing speech of man's wisdom, but in plain evidence of the Spirit; not the wisdom of the World, but the wisdom of God in a mystery, etc. Which I speak not as denying the service of Arts to Divinity, but of Divinity in manner to Arts, where the profession is not as of a Tentmaker to live that he may preach, but as of an European Philosopher, where Hagar domineereth, and Sara at some times whispers a little, and except in Images and Shows scarcely shows herself, as more fully appeareth in the foregoing History. Haiton, c. 1. But would God any Arts or any Preachers may occasion the opening of their eyes, which were wont to brag of two eyes, and say Europeans had but one, when as they have but this one natural eye, and in spiritual things are blind: and would God the Chinois might as generally acknowledge themselves thankful to jesuitical labours in professing the Gospel, as I do here myself for this Historical light of China. §. VII. The Map of China, taken out of a China Map, printed with China Characters; illustrated with Notes, for the understanding thereof. THe original Map, whence this present was taken and contracted, was by Captain Saris (whose industry and acts have both here and elsewhere enriched this work) gotten at Bantam of a Chinese, T●m. 1. l. 4. c. 1. & 2. & 3. in taking a distress for debts owing to the English Merchants: who seeing him careful to convey away a Box, was the more careful to apprehend it, and therein found this Map, which another Chinese lodged at his house, lately come from China, had brought with him. The Chinois jealous of Strangers. The greatness of the danger at home (if known) made him earnestly beg for that which was on the other side as earnestly desired and kept. Master Hakluyt procured it of the Captain, professing his intent to give it to Prince Henry of glorious memory, who being suddenly advanced to a higher view in Heaven, and Master Hakluyt following, this Map came to my hand, who sought to express my love to the public in communicating what I could thereof. For it being in China Characters (which I think none in England, if any in Europe, understands) I could not wholly give it, when I give it; no man being able to receive, what he can no way conceive. And as in greatest things our little understandings easier apprehend negations than affirmations, and can better tell what they are not, than what they are; so this Map easily tells at first, Benefit of this Map in confuting others. even without Commentaries, the comments and conceits of our Geog●●phers, Ortelius, Mercator, Hondius, and whatsoever other our Authors of Maps, and Globes, who all have herein failed, giving nothing less than China in their China; whether we regard the general figure and shape thereof, or the particular Rivers, Hills, Provinces, Wall, Latitude, and if we believe the Jesuits) Longitude also. They present it in form somewhat like a Harp, whereas it is almost four square; they make Hills, Rivers, Lakes, Lands, (Coray also for one, Coray no Island. which is part of the Continent) Cities, Provinces, every thing out of due place. Whose industry I commend; but industry guided by fancy, and without light, is but the blind leading the blind, or like a seeled unmanaged Horse, the more spurred, the more ready to carry his Rider into precipices, or out of the way at least. Our Geographers have indeed paid the Chinois in their own Coin: for they, as before ye have read, knew nothing in manner of the other parts of the World, and expressed them as fansifully in their Maps; and we likewise knowing nothing of them, have entertained, and been entertained with Fansi-maps, in stead of those of China. As therefore by Sir Thomas Roes honourable industry we have given you Indus and India before, which no Geographer before had done (they all bringing Indus thorough Cambaia, and some seeking for Ganges at Canton in China) so here we give you a true China, the Chinois themselves being our Guides, and the Jesuits their both Examiner's and Interpreters. The Original is above four foot one way, and almost five foot the other, whereof a yard and some four inches square is the Map itself; the rest are China Discourses touching the said Map in their Characters and Lines (running downward, and beginning at the right hand to be read, after their manner) which are here omitted, as not understood. Yet have we some understanding (as where we see a man far off, whom we know to be a man, and can observe his habit, gesture, motion, though we see not the proper complexion of his face) by that which Pantoia hath told us before; namely, that those China Characters contain all the Tributes of each Province, yea the number of Houses and persons in the same. And in the Map (of which we have given an extract) he saith the Rounds and Squares are Cities and Towns of principal note all walled; adding that the Rivers are distinctly delineated; and the great Lines are boundaries of Provinces, (we have here expressed them after our manner in little pricks,) the lesser express the chief City's jurisdiction. Ours hath no such less Lines, but those mentioned Rounds and Squares, which perhaps he meaneth; for therein are many others in Characters, without such lines round or square, and therefore as I suppose without jurisdiction; and in this extract we have left them out, because we exactly knew not their meaning, and perhaps sometimes are Cities, sometimes Castles or Towns, or Hills, or some other thing: and silence seemed better, then labour to express an unknown Character, or boldness to express our own folly or to occasion others, deceiving and being deceived. These Rounds and Squares also have their Characters in them, and those greater Squares with Crosses, have, some three others four Characters. Besides Pantogia, another hath helped further to the particular understanding, namely our famous Countryman Master Candish, who in his voyage about the Globe, brought home certain references taken out of the Map of China, near whiah he sailed, and it seems by some skilful of the Languages both of China and Portugal, had the same interpreted to him. That the Provinces bear other names then in our Map or discourse is no wonder; for both the Chinois themselves in diverse Provinces speak diverse languages, and in all have the Court language besides the peculiar: and the China Characters are the same to many Nations, each of which reads them into his own language, dialect and appellation. Thus what one Province calleth Lanquin (wanting the N.) by diversity of Dialect, is elsewhere called Nanquin; Pequin, Paquin, and Puckin; yea, by other language Taybin, and Cambalu, and Suntien, or City of Heaven. I durst not interpret all, choosing rather to give an uncertain truth, then to hazard a certain error. Master Candishes Notes are these. 1 THe Province of Cansas * Perhaps this is Sciansi. hath 4. great Cities, and 20. small Cities, and 77. Towns and Castles: it contayeth in length 55. leagues n These leagues seem doubtful. Pequin. it hath 362000. Houses of great men that pay Tribute and 13900. men of War, and hath 47000. Horses which are the Kings, kept for his dfeence. 2 The great City of Paquin where the King doth lie, hath belonging to it 8. great Cities, and 18. small Cities, with 118. Towns and Castles, it hath 418789. Houses of great men which pay Tribute: it hath Horsemen for the War, 258100. this City is in the latitude of o This note of degrees is false, if the jesuits be true: and I think rather ●he guess of the Portugal Interpreter, then that there was any such note in the Map. For the Chinois were scarcely so good Cosmographers to observe degrees. 50. degrees to the North-wards, being there as cold as it is usually in Flanders. 3 The Province of Soyebin hath 7. great Cities, and 16. small, with 12. Towns and Castles, and one great City, to which many repair to fight against the Tartars: it hath () leagues in length, and hath 164118. great Houses which pay Tribute, and 96000. men of War. 4 The Province of Santo p Sciantum. hath 6. great Cities, and 14. small, with 90. Towns and Castles; it is 82. leagues long, and hath 77555. great Houses which pay Tribute: 63808. horsemen, and 31000. footmen of War. 5 The Province of Oyman q Honan· hath 7. great Cities, and 14. small, with 90. Towns and Castles; being 470. leagues long, and 132958. great Houses that pay Tribute, 82800. men of War. Out of this Province cometh Copper, Quicksilver, and Black-lead. 6 The Province of r Or Quicheu. Nannuin. Cutchew hath 8. great Cities, and 12. small; and 83. Towns which make Armour to fight with the jews which do inhabit beyond Cauchin-china: it is 100 leagues broad, and hath 32920. Horsemen and Footmen with 405670. great Houses which pay Tribute whereof the men of War are paid. 7 The Province of Languyn hath 14. great Cities, and 17. small, and 95. Towns and Castles: it is 120. leagues over, and hath 962818. great House's which pay Tribute: it hath in it 208900. men of War. Whereof there are 52500. Tartar Horsemen that take wages. 8 The Province of Vquam hath 14. great Cities and 19 small, 150. Towns and Castles, and is 210. leagues broad; and 53161. Houses that pay Tribute: and 71600. men of War. 9 The Province of Some hath 7. great Cities, and 11. small, and 105. Towns and Castles; and is 200. leagues broad: and hath Houses that pay Tribute 139567. and men of War 345632. 10 The Province of Essiram hath 11. great Cities, and 75. small, and 80. Towns and Castles, and is 440. leagues broad, and hath great Houses that do pay Tribute 1242135. and 339000. men of War. 11 This Lake lieth behind Siam, and before Champa, and doth join with the Lappians, and from thence cometh all the water that serveth the Kingdom of China: and the Indians and the Chinians do report this Lake to be the whole World, and so they paint the Sea, Iac●● Con●●ell●tionum. the Moon and the Stars within it. 12 The Province of Lansay, hath 13. Cities and a chief City, and 73. Towns and Castles, and is 260. leagues broad, and hath great Houses that pay Tribute 1393629. and 12700. men of War. 13 The Province Cua●sa hath 12. great Cities, 45. small, and 51. Towns and Castles, it is 260. leagues broad, and hath great Houses that pay Tribute 1306390. and men of War, both Horsemen and Footmen 100100. 14 The Province of Vanam hath 14. great Cities, and 36. small, and 34. Towns and Castles, and is 88 leagues broad, and hath great Houses that pay Tribute, 589296. and 15100. men of War. 15 The Province of Fuguien hath eight great Cities, and one principal City, and 54. Towns and Castles, and two great Cities of Garrison to keep watch upon the japons, and is 200. leagues broad, and hath 5009532. great Houses that pay Tribute, and 4003225. men of the Kings Guard. 16 The Province of Canton hath 40. great Cities, and seven small, and 77. Towns and Castles; and a City that putteth forth hundreds of ships for the keeping of Cauchin-china, and is 380. leagues in breadth, and hath 483383. great Houses which pay Tribute, and 39400. men of War. 17 The Province of Enam hath seven great Cities and 13. small, and 90. Towns and Castles: and is 88 leagues broad, and hath 589296. great Houses that pay Tribute, and 15100. Soldiers. The Spanish Friars of the Philippinas, as Mendoza recordeth, thus out of the China Books relate the names of the Provinces, Paguia, Foquiem, Olam, Sinsay, Sisuan, Tolanchia, Ca●say, Oquiam, Aucheo, Honan, Xanton, Quicheu, Chequean, Susuam and Saxij; ten of which are seated on the Sea-coast. He also adds that Paguia or Pequin hath forty seven Cities (styled Furio) and one hundred and fifty others termed Cheu. Canton hath thirty seven of the one, and one hundred and ninety of the other, and so proceedeth with somewhat differing account, reckoning in all five hundred ninety one Cities entitled Furio, and 1593. of the Cheu Cities, which he makes Towns: whereas the jesuits have taught us that Furio is the Title of a Region or Shire, in each Province, which are subdivided into Ceu and Hien, those the more, these the less principal, but yet equal to our Cities, as before is observed. Again, in a Dialogue printed at Macao, in the Confines of China, 1590. by the Portugals, these Provinces are thus reckoned, Six upon the Sea, Coantum, Foquien, Chequiam, Nanquin, Xantum, Paquin; the other nine Inland Provinces, Quiansi, Huquam, Honam, Xiensi, Xansi, Suchuon, Queichen, junan, Coansi. Perera reckons them thus, Fuquien in which Cinceo is the best known City; Cantan, Chequeam, Xutiamfu, Chelim, Quianci, Quicin, Quanci, Confu, Vrnan, Sichiva, etc. all which diversity proceedeth partly from ignorance, partly from different Language and Dialect in the expounding these Characters. And it must needs be so, the Chinois wanting use of, and Characters to express b.d.r. and all their Characters being of things not Letters; in proper names is very great difficulty to express ours in their Characters, or theirs in our Letters; insomuch that one jesuit doth not perfectly agree with another, nay, often dissents from himself, as in janseu, Yamceu, Hianceu, for their great River which Polo calls Quian; and Chi, and Ci, and Qui I find often confounded in their syllables, as also x and sci, as Xauchin, Sciauchin, and the like. Yea, such is the difficulty, that the jesuits can scarcely devose to express in China Characters, the form of Baptism, to put the Latin words thereof, into China Characters, that Baptism might uniformly be administered after the Romish Rite, as themselves confess. Touching their Soldiers, I thought good, Trig. Epist. Note of Soldier's Pieces. Pantoia mistaken, perhaps the Printers fault. Pictures. to add this note for their Pieces whose Barels Pantoia saith, are but a span long, that Captain Saris being asked told me, he saw many of them, and they were as long as Pistols, but the Cock such as makes them of little service. I have added these Pictures of a Man and Woman of China, not by guess, but out of certain in China Pictures made also in China in very good Colours, but with Art mean enough, fine cloth inserted in strong Indian Paper; of which Captain Saris communicated many to me. Their little Eyes and Noses, long Hair bound up in knots, women's feet wrapped up, long wide-sleeved Garments, Fans, etc. I have (taking diverse parts out of diverse) presented to thee. A taste of the China Characters thou hast in the Title. That of Ricius I have added from the jesuits, in thanks for his great pains, and to show the habit of the head, etc. Provinces and their names. The names of the Provinces I have hunted out of the Jesuits journeys and other Relations. In the most I am sure I am right, in the other * Three or 4. to the South-west. Degrees. you have my conjecture; for neither know we their Characters, nor have any given us a particular Geography or Chorography, but only the names of the Provinces. I have added names also to some Cities and Rivers of principal note. As for the truth of the Map I find well to agree with the jesuits' journeys; but it hath not European Art, it being neither graduated, nor Hills, nor Woods, or other differing places presented to the view; only having Characters, Lines, Lakes, and Rivers. I have adventured to add Degrees to help such Readers as cannot do it better themselves, following the jesuits prescripts in general, although I cannot but marvel at that longitude, so far differing from the general opinion, and could almost doubt, that herein these Portugals are minding that division agreed on betwixt the Spaniards and them, which hath anciently caused such contentions, and wherein you have read some Offices of the jesuits in these China Discourses. But I will not contend, where themselves speak faintly. Now for Quian which Polo hath mentioned, as the greatest River in the world (it is here called jansu, Quian. or Hiansu, or Yamsu, that is, the Son of the Sea, and jansuchian) and another called Caramoran (Cara signifieth black, * Mandevile & o●hers speak of the irregularity of Caramoran. and this great Northern River is always thick and troubled) and their Marriage by Art, is here viewed; and more than two hundred Cities (one of Polos Wonders) communicating their Merchandizes by that Quian, or Chian, as they now term it jansuchian, chian signifying the chief River. For the name Cathay to be given by the Tartars to China, Goez his journey hath made it out of doubt; also that Pequin is Cambalu, that is, the City of the King. I do conceive that Polos Mangi was the nine Southern Provinces of China; the Northerly before conquered was known by the name of Cathay; a name by the Tartars given to diverse Countries, as Cara Catay and Catay Calay and Great Catay. This Great Catay is China. Polo and other Authors speak of Cathay and Mangi as two; perhaps the Tartars so accounting them; the one, to wit, the North parts being formerly subject to them, and called by their ancient name, the other called Mangi in contempt; as the Romans called the subject Britain's of this Island by their former name, and the others Picts and Barbarians; and as our Ancestors called those Britons which withstood them Walsh or Welsh in a kind of disgrace. Nay still the Northern Chinois call the Southern Mangines, that is, rude or barbarous, as the Jesuits have taught us. But neither Cathay, nor Mangi, was then the name which they assumed, but was given them by the Tartars, as China is a name unknown to them now. If any will find no other Cambalu, nor Cathay but Pequin and China, I will not contend, though my Reasons elsewhere given out of Polo, P. Pil. l. 4. c. 12. §. 2. and Chaggi Memet, and others, with the former Relations of Pinto and Alhacen, make me scrupulous, and still to believe some greater Prince or Can with his Cambalu or Court in the more Northerly parts of Asia, than the jesuits could learn of; which the China jealousy, admitting no intercourse of Strangers, and the many quarrelling. Tartar Princes in the way have concealed from us hitherto. The great black space on the Northwest hath in the Original certain Characters in it which express it: whether it intendeth Mountains which their Art could no better express, and the Rivers thence running may import; or that sandy Desert on the Northwest, I cannot so well determine. The jesuits say, that ab occasu qui Aquiloni vicinior est, conterminus visitur arenae sitientis ager, qui multorum dierum penuria advenarum exercitus ab Sinarum Regno aut deterret, aut sepelit. I rather think that it is Cara Catay or Black Catay, before often mentioned, both Mountainous, and Desert, and perhaps coloured blackish, as the name intimates, by black sands, or as health grounds with us: it was the first Tartarian Conquest, and beginning of the greatest greatness which this World hath yielded; the Country before of Presbyter joannes Asiaticus. The wall is in this form in the original, not in the Picture made up of Mountains, wherein I think they had not art to imitate Nature; the Art in the whole Map much resembling our old Maps, of wooden prints, save that I see not one Mountain presented in swelling fashion to the Eye. The Lands are very many with their Characters, but poorly delineated, their names here omitted for their uncertaynties: so little (and yet how much more than any other?) do we give you of China, till Time give us more. The degrees are not so perfectly accommodated to the Map, by reason that we must at once follow the Chinian Map which had no degrees (nor could their Art without degrees give every place his just longitude or latitude) and the jesuits Rules: yet we have comen somewhat near, as may be seen. Other things appear in the History. CHAP. VIII. A continuation of the jesuits Acts and Observations in China till RICIUS his death and some years after. Of Hanceu or Quinsay. An Extract of MON●ARTS travel. THus having with Pantogias eyes taken some view of the King's Palace, and with Ricius of their whole Government▪ I hold it fit not to leave this China Apostle (so Ricius is called) till we have seen some fruits of his labours until and after his death. Ri●ij Expedition. l. c. 13. He tells us that three days after they had been shut up in the Palace of Strangers as ye have read, they were brought forth into the King's Palace so perform the wont Rites to the King's Throne. Atrium. This is done in a large and glorious Court or Porch, where 30000. men might be contained; at the end whereof is a high Chamber, under which by five great doors is a passage to the King's Lodgings; in that Chamber is the King's Throne, where anciently he sat to hear and dispatch businesses and Embassages, and to receive the Rites of Magistrates, rendering thanks for their Preferments. King's Throne reverenced and guarded. But in the present solitariness of the King, those Rites are done to the Empty Throne, many there gratulating the King every day. In this Court, environed with stately Works, 3000. Soldiers watch every night, besides others watching in Towers without, a stones cast from one another. In each of the five Gates is an Elephant, which with the Soldiers go forth when it is day: Elephants. and those are admitted which come to gratulate the King. These come in a peculiar Habit of Red, with an ivory Table in their hand to cover * See the like sup. 23. Rites to the Throne. their mouth, and exhibit their kneel and bowings to the Throne, as they are taught by Officers of Rites or Masters of Ceremonies: one crying out to that purpose at the performance of each gesture. The Governor of Strangers having shut them up, first petitioned the King sharply against Mathan the Eunuch and them, but seeing no answer, he petitioned more gently but would have them sent from Pequin; which the King liked not, yet without Petition from the Magistrates would not detain them. The eunuchs also laboured their stay for fear the Clocks should miscarry beyond their skill. The King's Mother hearing of a selfe-striking bell sent for it, and the King sent it, King's politic piety. but to prevent her ask it, caused the Wheels to be loosed, so that not seeing the use, she sent it again. When the Ritual Magistrates could get no answer to their Petitions, for not touching their stay at Pequin; the Praefect sent to Ricius that he would make a Petition to give him leave to stay there in pretence of Sickness and Physic, which he did, and the other presently answered, giving him liberty to hire a House; continuing also his former allowance, with four servants to bring it every fifth day, (Flesh, Salt, Rice, Wine, Herbs, Wood,) and another servant in continual attendance: so that now they recovered liberty and credit. The eunuchs also told them of the King's approbation of their stay; Their liberty and allowance and they had out of the Treasury eight Crowns a month, which their goeth much further than here: and the Captain of Strangers by open Sentence gave them full liberty. One of the Colai, and then the only, became their great friend, with his Son, after some European Presents, which he bountifully rewarded: likewise the supreme Precedent of the Court of Magistrates, and other of the Grands, besides the eunuchs of the Palace, and some of the Queens and Royal family. Fumochao. Amongst others was Fumochan a great man, who for withstanding the Eunuch's capacity in Vquam Province, was deprived, whipped, and three years Imprisoned; but by others honoured with Temples, Odours, Images, and Books in praise of him, as a Saint, and the King wearied by multitude of Petitions for him, granted him again his liberty. Also Lingoson a great Magistrate and Mathematician as they accounted, became Ricius his Scholar, and was baptised Leo, borne at Hanceu, the chief City of Cechian, of which afterward. Yet had Ricius a great enemy of a great Learned man of Hanlin College, One of Hanlin College turneth Idol-Priest. who in zeal of the Idol-sect had put away his Wife, and professed himself one of their Votaries or Shavelings, drew many Disciples after him, and writ many Books against the Literate Sect; and writ also against Ricius his books. One of the King's Admonish●rs accused him to the King by Petition, and the King rescribing severely, he slew himself: yea, the King ordained, that if the Magistrates would become Apostata shavelings, they should leave their Robes and get them to the Deserts; many accordingly choosing rather to leave their Offices, than their Idols. One Thacon was so famous, that the chief Queen daily worshipped his habit, Thacon a famous infamous Priest. (having no other mean of intercourse) and so proud that he sent to Ricius to come and visit him, with the rites of kneeling. But on occasion of search for a Libel against the King, he was found guilty of writing ill of the King, for not professing Idols, and of ill usage to the King's Mother, for which he was Whipped so, that before they could add bonds, he died. One which by torments confessed himself author of the Libel, had 1600. gobbers plucked from his flesh and then beheaded, a Death most (for the division of the body) abominable to the Chinois. Xauceum residence. Hoaquan a three eyed Monster. In the Xaucean Residence some stir happened, whiles they brought to the jesuits house their Idol Hoaquan, made with three Eyes, one in his forehead (for though the Chinois have no Idols representing any forms but humane, yet they admit Monsters) as their God of Eyesight, for whom they intended to build him a Temple, and carried him from house to house a begging to that purpose; the Jesuits refusing to give them. Rumours also of Mathans' detaining the Presents were soon apprehended; Portugal customs odious to Chinois. as likewise certain Stage-players which coming from Amacao, set forth in Pictures those things which the Chinois hated in the Portugals, as their short Garments (seeming to them ridiculous) praying on Beads by men in Temples, with Swords girded to them, kneeling on one knee; their quarrels one with another and combats, Women going with Men in company, and the like; a Magistrate also accused the Jesuits to the Tauli, who spoke for them and visited them. It happened also that by occasion of a great Drought, Processions and Fasts were commanded, Fasts and processions. and the Shambles shut up, the Governor and people in diverse places appointed thereto, begging rain with their bowings; and when this prevailed not, they brought an Idol out of the Suburbs, called Locu, which was carried about, adored, offered too, with no better success. Hereupon they consulted a Witch, which said the Quoay● or Goddess was angry, Locus unluckiness. that her back was daily scorched (spoken of the Converts burning their Idols) which caused some conspiracy, quenched with the Taulis favour and the rain following. At Nanquin one borne at Scianhai, and first pronounced Licentiat in the examination 1597. was Baptised by the name of Paulus, who converted his whole Family. Anno 1604. he was made Doctor, amongst three hundred and eight, of which number four and twenty were chosen of Hanlin College, after the China course of best Writing, of which he was the fourth: this Choice of four and twenty is but for probationers, for at the most after long trials by the Colai, but twelve or fifteen are set in possession, in which examinations he was still a principal. I thought to add this by the way, that Ligotsun a learned friend of the Jesuits, had been put from his great place into I know not what petty Office, Severity. for too light demeanour and too frequent Chess-play, which continued three years. The Hollanders much impoverished the Portugals by taking the japan Ship of Amacao, Hollanders take a Portugal ship Hell Passport. Inferni directorium. the fuel of the Jesuits beneficence. At Nancian they Converted three of the Blood royal, Baptised by the names of Melchior, Gaspar, Balthasar, and their Mother a woman much addicted to Idols, and observing the China Fast; who sent them a Charter, called the Directory of Hell, which the Shaveling Impostors had sold her, written to the Infernal King, to give her good entertainment, and remit her punishment. The Jesuits exchanged their Images for her Idols, and their Ecclesiastical Fast for that Pegan. At Nanquin, Chiutaiso was baptised by the name of Ignatius, striking the ground four times first with his forehead, Chiutaiso Baptised. and reciting the profession of his Faith, which he delivered in writing to the Fathers; the contents of which and of Paulus, are expressed in our Author. The Hollanders sought entrance into China, to be admitted Trade in Fuquien Province, but were denied notwithstanding both promises and threats. Fear of them made the Portugals at Amacao begin to build a Tower and to fortify. But a quarrel falling betwixt a Regular, and a Secular Priest, one fleeing to the jesuits Rector for refuge, jesuitical uproar. there grew such a combustion that the Chinois fled to their Country, persuaded that Cataneus then there intended to get the Kingdom, whereof he had such expense; at Canton was such terror, that above one thausand Houses without the walls were pulled down, the Gates toward Amacao filled up with Lime and Stones, all commerce with Amacaons' prohibited, The jesuit Martinez whipped to death. great Watch kept; Francis Martinez betrayed by a false brother a Convert, as a Spy, was twice so Whipped that he died soon after the stripes, as he was entering the Prison. At Nanquin three thousand were found, Anno 1606. to have conspired the Death of the Magistrates, and to invade the ancient Treasuries. Those which were taken were put in those Pillory boards, Traitors. which force them to stand till their Legs rot, some of them holding out a Fortnight, as was thought by bribing the Executioners: the suspicion hereof was by some cast on the Jesuits. Two Guides or Fraternities were erected of China Converts. Ziu Paulus the learned Convert, being to leave his place for three years, to mourn for his Father at Scianhai his native Town, Scianhai in Nanquin Province described. he obtained Cataneus to be sent thither with him, where he stayed two years. This is one of the meanest sorts of Cities which they call Hien, one hundred forty and four Italian miles from Nanquin, and in that Province, in twenty nine Degrees, over against Corai and the japonian Lands, within a little of the Eastern Sea. The name Scianhia, signifieth on the Sea; and it is fortified with Garrisons and a Fleet against the japonians, being a passage with a good wind of four and twenty hours' sail. The walls are two mile's compass, the Suburbs contain as many Houses as the City; so that there are numbered forty thousand Households (by this you may measure the frequency of great Cities,) the Territory is an even Plain, and so cultivated that they seem a City of Gard●●s, full also of Villages, Hamlets, Towers, containing twenty thousand Families in this Town's jurisdiction, there being in that Circuit 300000. men. This jurisdiction alone, payeth to the King the yearly value of 150000. Golden Crowns, in the weight of Silver, and as much in Rice, in all 300000. (whence the incredible revenues of this Crown appear also credible) the Ground being fertile of Cotton, whereof there are reckoned 200000. Weavers, 200000. Weavers. Pequin and other parts being hence served with clothes. There are many good wits and Students, a good Air, and they live long, eighty, ninety, and a hundred years. We are now come to the Death of Father Ricius (the Author of our jesuitical Discourse of China hitherto; occasioned by multitude of business that year, five thousand Magistrates coming to visit the King, and five thousand others standing for their Doctorship, of which about three hundred only are chosen. Wearied with his Ecclesiastical Fasts also and labour of building a Church, he fell sick and died, May 11. 1610. having much propagated the Gospel by his writings, and furthered it by his Mathematics. For all Sects have been there more increased by Writing then Preaching. He died leaving much sorrow to his friends and care also in that China scrupulosity, how and where to inter him. It was the counsel of their friends, to put up a Petition to the King, whereupon they resolved, and Pantogia by Doctor Leos help, thus Petitioned in behalf of Ricius his Corpse. I james Pantogia, subject of the Kingdoms of the great West, Offer a Supplication in behalf of another Foreigner now deceased. I humbly beseech your great Clemency for a place of Burial, that your Royal beneficence may extend to all, even Strangers of remotest Regions. I james Pantogia am a Stranger of a most remote Kingdom, but moved with the virtue and fame of your most Noble Kingdom, have in three years' sail, with much trouble, passed hither above six thousand leagues. In the eight and twentieth year of Vanlie, (for so, as we, they account their years by the King's reign) in the twelfth Moon, I, with Matthew Ricius, came into your Court; where we presented some gifts, and have since been sustained at the King's charge. The nine and twentieth year of Vanlie, in the first Moon, we Petitioned your Majesty for a place of residence, and have many years enjoyed the Royal bounty. In the eight and thirtieth year of Vanlie, the eighteenth day of the third Moon, Ricius died. ay, a Client of the Kingdom of the great West, remain a fit subject of pity. The return into our Country is long, etc. And I now, after so many years stay, suppose that we may be numbered to the people which followeth your Royal Chariot, that your Clemency, like that of Yao, may not contain itself in the Kingdom of China alone, etc. He was a King of old, accounted a Saint. So proceeds he to set forth the good parts of Ricius, and with a long supplication to beg a place of Burial, some Field, or part of a Temple; and he, with his fellows, should observe their wont Prayers to the Lord of Heaven, for thousands of years to him and his Mother. This Libel was written with peculiar form, Characters, Seals; many Rites herein necessarily observed. Before any be offered to the King, it must be viewed of some Magistrate; and they got this to be allowed by one which is Master of Requests, which sent it presently to the King. They must also have many Copies thereof, to show to those Magistrates, to whom it appertains; which they did: one of them affirming, That Ricius deserved a Temple also, with his Image to be there set up. This message he sent them by another: for when they favour a cause, they show great strangeness. The King commonly answers the third day (except he mislike, for than he suppresseth) and sends it to the Magistrate that had presented it, who shows which of the six is the peculiar Court, which judgeth of these things: This being sent to the Ritual Tribunal. Their answer is sent to the King within a Month (which there is a short space) and repeating the Petition verbatim, and the King's command to the peculiar Office, answers what the Law saith in that case, and concludes the Petition to be agreeing to justice, and earnestly pleads and sues for confirmation. The King sends this answers to the Colao, which subscribed his approbation; which being sent again to the King, he subscribed with his own hand Xi, that is Fiat, or be it done, which the third day after was delivered them. The Jesuits having so speedy and prosperous success, bethought of gratifying their friends, which had furthered this design with Dial's, especially to the Colao, which used Pantogia very kindly and writ to the Governor of Pequin to look out a place fitting. Three or four were offered to their choice, one of which much pleased them. It was above a quarter of a mile from one of the City gates, built by an Eunuch, who now was condemned for some crime; and left his Palace which he had here builded, with the expense of above fourteen thousand ducats (which in China is a great sum, Place assigned to the Jesuits. in that cheapness of all things, far beyond European computation) should fall into the hands of spoilers (the goods of eunuchs in this Kingdom, usually becoming his which first can catch them) he consecrated his Palace, and made it a Temple, maintaining therein one Priest. Spoilers spoilt. Such Palaces many of the Magistrates have near to the Cities, as retiring places and Tusculans for their Muses. The portraiture of this whole House, with the Garden, and other appurtenances, Trigautius hath set forth in Picture; being after the China building, with the door Southwards, and so running a great length into the North, with four great Halls one beyond another; in the middle parts, and on each side, Chambers and other Rooms; beyond all the Garden, the pillars of Timber bearing up the roof; the walls and pavement of Brick. The outmost of these Halls was converted into a Temple or Idoll-Chappell, in which was a great Altar of Stone and Brick cunningly fretted, painted red (a colour forbidden to private Houses) and upon the midst thereof sat a huge Monster of Earth, gilded from top to toe, of massy quantity. Chapel of T●cam the China Pluto. The Chinois call it Ti came, the God (as they fable) of the Earth & Treasures, as Pluto in the Poets. In his hand was a Sceptre, on his head a Crown, not unlike those used by our Kings. On each side stood four ministers of the same matter: His Image or Idol. on both sides of the Room two great Tables, and on each of them five Kings, or great Officers of Hell. On both the walls were painted the same Officers, or judges, sitting on their several Tribunals, giving sentence on wicked men, every one according to the condition of his Court. Devils & Hell. Minos, Aeacus, Rhadamanthus here have two other assessors. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Balances like those in diverse Legends, as of S. Francis, in M. Paris, etc. Styx. Elysian fields. Before them stood many Devils, more terribly form then with us. The pains of Hell also were so deciphered, that could not but strike terror to the beholders; some roasted in iron Beds, some fried in scalding Oil, some cut in pieces, or divided in the middle or torn of Dogs, or otherwise tortured. The first those judges examined the faults, which they said he saw in a certain Glass. Those which he found guilty, were sent to the other judges, according to the quality of the crimes. One of these was judge in Cases of Transmigration, which sent the souls of cruel men into Tigers; of unclean persons, into Swine, and the like: or if their crimes were smaller, into the poorer sort. There was a great Balance; in one of the Scales, a man laden with sins; in the other, one of their Hypocritical prayerbooks, which counterpoised the other Scale, and freed the Sinner. There ran through the midst of Hell a discoloured River, which carried away many. For over it were two Bridges, one of Gold, the other of Silver; by which, those passed over, which had been devout Idolaters, carrying in their hands Ensigns of the same: these were guided by the Priests, which led them through the midst of Hell to fair and pleasant Groves and Gardens. In another part were painted the Dungeons of Hell, with horrible Serpents, Flames, Devils. To the Brazen Gates thereof there comes an Idolatrous Priest, which in despite of all the Devils delivers his Mother from those flames. There was no infernal punishment painted, but had such an Inscription: He which shall pray to such an Idol a thousand times, shall be free from this punishment. The Jesuits beat the Earthen Idols to dust, and burned those of wood, wherein the Chinese Converts were the forwarder, because the Country custom is to fill the hollow bellies of these Images with devoted Money or jewels. They demolished the Altar and plastered over the Pictures, and in place thereof erected the Image of Christ. No private man may erect a Temple by Law, which yet the mighty Eunuches transgress. A little before this exchange of Idols into Images (after their distinction, and a * The Jesuits say, that the Chinois maintain their Idolatries, saying they worship not the Idol, but God thereby represented, etc. Trigaut. silly one it is) some took their last leave of Ti came: one kneeling and bidding it farewell; another chase, said; Thou mass of Dung and Earth, if thou hast no power to maintain thy Temple and thyself, what help may I look for at thy hand? Neither art thou worthy of any honour at mine. Others said, that this had sometime borne the name of some other Idol, and therefore was avenged for that change. Ricius, having thus taken possession of China by his dead body, and living name, we shall briefly out of the jesuits Epistles add some later accidents, and so leave our China Discourses, which if they have seemed tedious and troublesome, remember that China is both excessively ritual, and also inhospitall to Strangers; and I have but imitated my subject, in long and wearisome entertainment. These tell us of the King's unkindness to his Heir, proclaimed, as ye have seen against his will, scarcely allowing him necessary sustenance, nor permitting his Mother at her death to be mourned for with wont Rites. Prince and his Mother disrespected. He is indevout, his Mother egregiously Superstitious, maintaining many Priests, erecting or repairing Temples, that it is a Proverb, In the Court the Priests, in the Provinces are Magistrates observed. In that their study of long life One had been so mad, that he being a Licentiate, bought children whom secretly he killed, of their blood making compositions for that purpose; Long life-study cruel shortner of life. Dry winters. which coming to light by one of his Concubines, he was put to a deserved death, three thousand pieces of flesh first cut from him. In their Winter is greatest scarcity of water in the Rivers, and many shelves than cause many shipwracks. As they want b. d. r. so they end no word in any other Consonant but m. and n. The China Converts are very zealous in selfe-whipping penance, and fasting, altered from their form to the Ecclesiastical, which is hard to them accustomed to eat thrice a day: Their Priests use Beads, mumbling thereby their Devotions and many things alike. They built a Church at Nanquin, Anno 1611. Chequian sometimes the Imperial Province. The Province of Chequian yields only to the two Royal, Nanquin and Pequin, being more excellent than any of the rest. Neither hath it lost other Provincial Ornaments howsoever it hath lost the seat of the China Empire, but is still the best of thirteen. On the East it is washed with the Sea, which the winds favouring admit passage to japan in four and twenty hours: on the West it confineth with the Provinces of Nanquin and Kiamsi (or Chiansi) on the South with Fuquian: to the North is Xanto (or Sciantum.) It hath twelve Cities of principal note, which are the heads of sixty three less; besides innumerable Towns, Castles, Villages. The soil is the most fertile of the Kingdom pleasantly interlaced with Rivers, many of them produced by Art in imitation of Nature, in commodiousness no whit inferior, yielding a spectacle of amazement to the amused Posteritic, how humane force could effect such wonders. These Rivers for further commodity are towered with innumerable Bridges of huge massy stones arising into diverse Arches, like to the European workmanship. You have already Almeidas' Epistle of his and Roger's going into this Province, to Xao Him, whence soon after they returned. The Chinois have a Proverb of Hamceu the Metropolis, and of Suceu, thien xam, thien tham, ti xam So ham, that which in Heaven is the Hall of Heaven (lactea via, as he elsewhere interprets it) that on Earth Suceu and Hamceu. The Country so aboundeth with Mulbery-trees and Silkworms, that China, japon and India are thence furnished. Ten Vests of Silk are there cheaper, then in our Country one of cloth. Hamceu stands from Nanquin South-eastward nine days journey, almost in thirty degrees elevation: about three days journey from Scianbai, where Cataneus was, who with Trigautius our Author were sent thither by Leos procurement. They went from Nanquin by the River jansu first, and then into hand-made Rivers, Cities, Towns, Villages, so frequent in the way, that nothing seems in the whole Kingdom more populous. Midway, where Nanquin and Chequian Provinces join is that famous Suceu, seated in the Continent, See sup. p. 34●. and seeming yet the Daughter of the Sea, like another Venice, but more happy with her fresh waters: the Ports so frequent, and ships so many, as if the whole shipping of the Kingdom were thither comen to some Fairs, which yet are in succession perpetual. When the Fathers were comen hither, the Chinois by I know not what rumour were conceited that their Foe or Gods were comen thither in Visitation. And a Magistrate sent to Leo about it, to know if, and how, he might visit them. But to leave their Fooleries, let us take view of their City. Hamceu, Hamcheu, or Hanceu. Hamceu is the chief City of this Province: yea, in all this Kingdom; less perhaps somewhat in compass of walls than Nanquin, but better peopled: no place in the City empty, nor occupied with Gardens, but all builded, and all the Buildings almost with diverse Stories, which in other Cities of China is not usual. The Inhabitants are so many, and the Tribute so much, that the Jesuits durst not relate that which hereof they had heard by grave testimony, for the incredibility: the description would ask a whole Volume. The chief street is almost half a day's journey in length, and cannot be less than admirable. For whereas the Chinois use to erect triumphal Arches, as Monuments, to well-deserving Magistrates, and Ornaments to their Cities; this one street hath at least three hundred such (besides very many others in other parts of the City) of massy stones and exceeding curious Workmanship, that if the Houses on both sides yielded the like splendour, the World could not show such a spectacle. But they occupy it all with shops, and build the most magnificence of their Houses inwards, and yet those not like the European Palaces. There is also a Lake close to the City, which the eye can scarcely measure, The Lake. See the Map. which sliding into a Valley encompassing, embossed with diverse Hillocks, hath given occasion to Art to show her utmost in the adorning the same, beautifing all those spacious banks with Houses, Gardens, Groves; a very Labyrinth to the bewitched eyes, not knowing whereat most in this Maze to be most amazed, wherein most to delight. And in delights do they spend their days, filling the Lake with Vessels, furnished with Feasts, Spectacles and Plays on the water. There is a pleasant Hill in the middle of the City, whereon is a fair Tower or Steeple, where they measure their hours by a strange device. Out of huge Vessels water droppeth from one to another, the lowest being very large, in the middle whereof is perpendicularly raised a Rule, distinguished with houre-spaces, which by the ascent or descent of the water, divide the rising and declining day, and declare the hours: every half hour some men appointed by Tables with Cubitall Letters, to give notice of the time to all men. From this Hill is a prospect over all the City. All the streets being set with Trees, make show of pleasant Gardens. It is so full of Rivers, Lakes, Rils, Ponds, both in the City and Suburbs, as if a man would frame a Platonical Idea of elegancy to his mind. The Idol Temples are many and stately, which Idolatry where it is wanting in China, hath a worse Successor, Atheism. Let us stay awhile and gaze (for where have you such an Object?) Is not Quinsay (whilom the Royal Seat of the Kings of Mangi, as Venetus recordeth, Qainsay, ciuit●● cali. See it described, sup. 98. supposed by our Modern Geographers to be swallowed up with some Earthquake, or in Bellona's all-consuming belly) here raised up from the Grave? The Lake situate on the one b Hada una banda un lago, etc. side, (so Paulus reports of Quinsay) the Name Quinsay signifying the City of Heaven, and this called a Heavenly Paradise by the Chinois; and Han signifies Lactea via, in Heaven; and Ceu, perfect: yea, Quinsay, or as Odoricus calls it Canasia, and Han or Chançeu, not so disagreeing in sound, as different Dialects are wont: the excellency being chief City in the Kingdom, and this Province sometimes Royal, as Pequin now and Nanquin are: the situation, Southeast from Cinczianfu, c That which is before said▪ almost 2. day's journey, is to be understood of the Chinois journeys, which make slow passage, sometime but 6. miles a day. five and twenty miles from the Sea: the high Houses, and Shops underneath: the exceeding Trade, Revenue, Pastimes by water, multitudes, fairness, and length of the streets; all so conspiring to prove this Han or Hamceu to be that Quinsay, of Paulus. True it is, that Quinsay was then greater, being as Venetus saith, one hundred miles about: But the everting of that Farfur and his Family, then reigning, the diverting of the Court to Cambalu by the Tartars, and after to Nanquin by Humvu, and never returning hither, might lessen the same. And might not wars, in that long siege by the Tartars, in the recovery thereof by the Chinois, easily circumcise her superfluity? Besides, who knoweth whether all this huge Lake might be contained in that account of Paulus, still compassed about with Buildings? Or before those Wars, the Lake itself might (as Suceu now is) be builded on; which Time and War hath consumed; nor since the remooue of the Court were so necessary. Mandevill mentions Wars at Quinsay in his time; Nicolo di Conti (which was here about the year 1440.) saith, Quinsay was in his time new built, of thirty miles' compass. But that Quinsay of Conti and Ahacen, is perhaps Thiensin, being (as they lay it) nearer Cambalu. Thiensui sup. 314. Thien signifieth Heaven. I confess, much may be said for Nanquin to find Quinsay there, and I have given such a note * See pag. 338. upon it, to incite industrious search, because it was the Ancient royal Chamber: Neither could I find any other Royal City but Pequin, in Ricius or other Writers, till Trigautius' later Epistles intimated, that the Chequian Province hath been sometimes Imperial; which I conceive to be that time of Farfur mentioned by Polo, and Hanceu his Quinsay. Anno 1618. Trigautius writes of Persecution in China, raised by an Idolatrous Magistrate in Nanquin, and effected by bribes, which hath caused the Jesuits to be sent thence: but because our intelligence is little, we will leave them here (as much as lieth in our power) and visit some of the other Northern people; having first given you a brief view of a Frenchman's travel, Monsieur de Monfart, who having traveled thorough the Indies, saluted Canton in China, and Cauchinchina; whose knowledge therefore could not be so solid, as the Jesuits, nor yet is so contemptible that it should utterly be forgotten. We will therefore present his Service as a French Page, and one attending the Jesuits Gravity, and thus as it were bearing their train. Macao. FRom Malaca I went to Macao, (near a month's travel) which is a City situate on the Sea coast, at the foot of a great Mountain, where in times past the Portugals had a great Fort, and to this day, there be yet many that dwell there. This is the entrance into China, but the place is of no great importance; they are Gentiles, and there the Inhabitants begin to be fair complexioned. Cauchinchina. Thence I traveled two months to the Cochinchines, finding nothing by the way worthy of note; no not so much as necessaries, so that we were fain to carry our Victuals with us, the greatest part of the way. They are Subjects to the King of China, but sometimes they rebel and make War against him; And there is great number of Christians among them. Their King's treasure consisteth in a certain kind of Wood, Christians. Calamba for Beads. called Calamba: for which the Portugals pay one hundred Crowns a pound, to make Pater-nosters with. It is of a mixed colour, with black and yellow veins; the better sort of it is moist, so that being cut it expelleth a kind of fat oily liquor. It groweth out of a certain Tree, which they fell and let it lie a while a putrifying: then they bruise it, and within the same, they find this kind of Wood, like many hard knots. They are a very white people, because there it begins to be cold, low of Stature, flat Nosed, and little Eyed, with a very few hairs on their Chins, and Moustaches: none at all on their Cheeks, the hair of the Head they wear long like Women, tied up with a black silk hayre-lace, and wear a flat Cap upon them. They wear Cloath-breeches made very level, and a short Robe above them, like a Master of the chamber of Accounts. There are found a kind of Serpents that will swallow up a whole Stag; two Friars assured me that travelling in that Country, Huge Serpents together with sixteen other men, through a Fenniemarsh, about the dawning of the day, they met to their seeming, a great Tree lying along the ground, the boughs being lopped off, upon which they all began to sit down and rest themselves: but no sooner were they sat, but that which they took for a Tree, fiercely roused itself from under them, and left them all to pick straws on the ground, for indeed this was one of those Serpents. Their custom is (as they say) to put themselves in ambush among the boughs of a Tree, and when they espy their prey to draw near, be it Man or Beast, they fall upon him with open mouth and devour it. Wild Beasts: this of Lions is doubtful. There are also store of Lions, Leopards, and Tigers: and there the Fruits begin to resemble those of these parts: but the Fruit, which above all others aboundeth there, is the Mirabolan. Thence I sent forwards to Canton, the principal City of all China, (some three months travel distant) beyond which there is no passage, Canton in China. This is not the principal City, except, of that Province, and for travelling further, he sp●●kes true of ordinary courses, but other accidents and the Art Liberal of the Fathers have found admittance, as in the former Relations is seen. This testimony touching Jesuits is worth the noting: For some of Ours which upon great offers could not find means to enter China, have held that none have been there. say any body what he will to the contrary: for never any man proceeded further, except (as they say) six Jesuits, who dwelled twenty years at Canton, as well to learn the Language perfectly, as to let their hair to grow long, after the Country manner, of whom there was never since heard any news, nor is their hope ever to see their return. That people is very white, and apparelled as is abovesaid; they are likewise Gentiles, and worship the same Image with three heads. Their Women of the better sort, and quality which are able to live of their own without working, never go out of their houses but as they are carried in a Chair. And to that effect, from their Infancy, they put their feet into certain wooden Slippers, to make them stump-footed and impotent, in so much as they are not able to go: the reason they allege for it, is, that Women were made to no other end, then to keep at home. The Christians are not permitted to lie within the City, but as soon as Night approaches they must retire themselves to their Ships, being lawful for them to Traffic wheresoever they please by Daylight. And for their traffic, what rarities soever there be throughout all China, are to be had in this City, which are diligently brought thither, to wit, great store of cloth of Gold and Silk, Cabinets, wrought Vessels, Venus' shells, Massive gold, and many other things. They will exchange or barter Gold for twice as much weight in Silver; for they have no coined money, for when they would buy any thing, they carry with them a piece of Gold, and will cut off as much as they intent to bestow on what they take. They make carved Images of Silver, which they erect here and there through the Streets, and no body dares touch them. The City is governed by four Rulers, and each one hath his Government, or Circuit apart, secluded from each other: those of one quarter dare not go and labour in another, and those which cause themselves to be carried, from one part to another, must change their Bearers when they come to the Gate of the next circuit: those Gates are opened every morning, and shut every night, unless there be any complaint made of some misdemeanour, committed within the Circuit: for than they shut them suddenly, or if they be shut, they open them not, till the offender be found. The King bestows these commands on those who are best Learned. This is a most fair City, and well built, very near as big as Paris, but there the Houses are arched, and nothing near so high. There is so much Sugar in that Country, Silks and Silkworms. that it is by them very little set by, yet is Silk in fa●re more great abundance, but withal more course than ours, by reason of their store, being so great as they are constrained to make it abroad in the Fields, on the very Trees, in this wise; when the Worms are hatched, (whereof the Eggs are far greater than ours.) They observe what quantity of Worms each Tree will be able to feed, than they lay so many on it, leaving them there without any more ado, except it be to gather the cod, when they are ready to be spun, which is done as they gather Apricocks: for indeed a far off they appear to be so, and is a very fine sight to behold: they use a strange kind of Fishing with Cormorants. They tie their necks a little above their stomaches, See Polo, Perera, etc. of this Fishing. lest they should devour the Fish they take: then coming to their Master, he pulleth it alive, out of their throats: Likewise for water Fowle, they make use of great Bottles with two holes, which they leave floating up and down the water a good while, to acquaint the Fowls therewith: then some fellows will wade up to the neck in the water, thrusting their heads into those Bottles, and having a bag underneath, come as near the Fowl as they will, taking them with their hands, without the rest being afraid of it. VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF THE NORTH PARTS OF THE WORLD, BY LAND AND SEA, IN ASIA, EUROPE, THE POLARE REGIONS, AND IN THE NORTHWEST OF AMERICA. THE THIRD BOOK. CHAP. I. A Treatise of Russia and the adjoining Regions, written by Doctor GILES FL●TCHER * I have in some places contracted, in others mollified the biting or more bitter stile, which the Author useth of the Russian Governments that I might do good at home, without harm abroad. Lord Ambassador from the late Queen, Euer-glorious ELIZABETH, to THEODORE then Emperor of Russia A. D. 1588. THe Country of Russia was sometimes called Sarmatia. It changed the Name (as some do suppose) for that it was parted ●nto diverse small, and yet absolute Governments, not depending, nor being subject the one to the other. For Russ● in that tongue doth signify, as much as to Part, or Divide. The Ruff reporteth that four Brethren, Trubor, Rurico, Sinees, and Vari●●s, Chap. 1. The description of the Country of Russia, with the breadth, length, and Names of the Shires. divided among them the North parts of the Country. Likewise that the South parts were possessed by four other, Kia, Sci●k●▪ Choranus, their and sister Libeda: each calling his Territory after his own Name. Of this partition it was called Russia, about the year from Christ 860. As for the conjecture which I find in some Cosmographers, that the Ruff Nation borrowed the name of the people called Roxellani▪ and were the very same Nation with them, it is without all good probability, both in respect of the Etymology of the word (which is very far fetched) and especially for the seat and dwelling of that people, Strabo in his 7. book of Geoge. which was betwixt the two Rivers of Tanaia and Boristhones, as Strabo reporteth, quite another way from the Country of Russia. When it bore the name of Sarmatia, it was divided into two chief parts: the White, and the Black. The White Sarmatia, was all that part that lieth towards the North, and on the side of Liefland: as the Provinces now called Duyna, Vagha, Vstik, Vologda, Cargapolia, Nouograd●a, etc. whereof Novogrod velica was the Metropolite, or chief City. Black Sarmatia was all that Country that lieth Southward, towards the Euxin or Black Sea: as the Dukedom of Volodemer, of Mosko, Rezan, etc. Some have thought that the name of Sarmatia was first taken from one Sarmates, whom Moses and josephus call Asarmathes, Son to joktan, and nephew to Heber, Gen. 10. joseph. l. 1. c. 14▪ of the posterity of Sem. But this seemeth to be nothing but a conjecture taken out of the likeness of the name Asarmathes. For the dwelling of all joktans' posterity is described by Moses, to have been betwixt Mescha or Masius, (an Hill of ●he Amonites) and Sephace, near to the River Euphrates. Which maketh it very unlikely, that Asarmathes should plant any Colonies so far off, in't the North and Northwest Countries. It is bounded Northward by the Laps, and the North Ocean. The borders of Russia. On the Southside by the Tartars, called Chrims. Eastward they have the N●igaian Tartar, that possesseth all the Country on the East side of Volgha, towards the Caspian Sea. On the West and South-west border, lie Lituania, Livonia and Polonia. The whole Country being now reduced under the Government of one, containeth these chief Provinces or Shires. The Shires of Russia. Volodemer (which beareth the first place in the Emperor's stile, because their House came of the Dukes of that Country,) Mosko, Nisnovogrod, Plesko, Smolensko, Novogrod velica (or Novogrod of the low Country) Rostove, Yaruslave, Bealoz●ra, Bezan, D●yna, Corgapolia, Mes●hora, Vagha, Vstugha, Ghaletsa. These are the natural Shires pertaining to Russia, but far greater and larger than the Shires of England, though not so well peopled. The other Countries or Provinces, which the Ruff Emperors have gotten perforce added of late to their other Dominion, The Provinces or Countries got by Conquest. are these which follow, Twerra, Youghoria, Pe●mia, Va●●k●a, Bo●lghoria, Chernigo, Oudoria, Obdoria, Condora, with a great part of Siberia: where the people though they be not natural Russes, yet obey the Emperor of Russia, and are ruled by the Laws of his Country, paying customs and taxes, as his own people do. Besides these he hath under him the Kingdoms of Cazan and Astracan, gotten by Conquest not long since. As for all his possessions in Lituania (to the number of thirty great Towns and more,) with narve and Dorp in Livonia, they are quite gone, being surprised of late years by the Kings of Poland and Sweden. These Shires and Provinces are reduced all into four jurisdictions, which they call Chetfyrds (that is) Tetrarchies, or Fourth-parts. Whereof we are to speak in the Title or Chapter, concerning the Provinces, and their manner of Government. The breadth and length of the Country. The whole Country is of great length and breadth. From the North to the South (if you measure from Cola to Astraca● which bendeth somewhat Eastward) it reacheth in length about four thousand two hundred and sixty versed, or miles. Notwithstanding, the Emperor of Russia hath more territory Northward, far beyond Cola unto the River of Tromschua, that runneth a thousand versed, well nigh beyond Pechinga, near to Wardhouse, but not entire nor clearly limited, by reason of the Kings of Swed●n and Denmark, that have diverse Towns there, as well as the Ruff, plotted together the one with the other: every one of them claiming the whole of those North parts, as his own right. The breadth (if you go from that part of his Territory that lieth farthest Westward on the Naru● side, to the parts of Siberia Eastward, where the Emperor hath his Garrisons) is four thousand and four hundred versed, or thereabouts. A Versed (by their reckoning) is one thousand paces, yet less by one quarter then an English mile. If the whole dominion 〈◊〉 the Ruff▪ Emperor were all habitable, and peopled in all places, as it is in some, he would either hardly hold it all within one Regiment, or be over mighty for all his neighbour Princes, Chap. ●. THe Soil of the Country for the most part is of a sleight sandy mould, yet very much different one place from another, for they yield of such things as 〈◊〉 out of the earth. The Country Northwards, Of the Soil and Climate▪ towards the parts of Saint Nicholas & Cola, and North-east towards Sib●ria, is all very barren, and full of desert Woods by reason of the Climate, and extremity of the cold in Winter time. So likewise along the River Volgha, betwixt the Countries of Cazan, and Astracan; where (notwithstanding the Soil is very fruitful) it is all ●nhabi●ed, saving that upon the River Volgha on the West side, the Emperor hath some few Castles with Garrisons in them. This happeneth by means of the Chrim Tartar, that will neither himself plant▪ Towns to dwell there, (living a wild and vagrant life) nor suffer the Ruff (that is far off with the strength of his Country) to people those parts. From Vologda (which lieth almost one thousand seven hundred versed from the Port of Saint Nicholas) down towards Mosko, and so towards the South part that bordereth upon the Chrim, (which containeth the like space of one thousand seven hundred versed, or thereabouts) is a very fruitful and pleasant Country, yielding Pasture, and Corn, with Woods and water in very great plenty. The like is betwixt Rezan (that lieth Southeast from Mosko) to Novograd and Vobsko, that reach farthest towards the Northwest. So betwixt Mosko, and Smolensko (that lieth South-west towards Lituania) is a very fruitful and pleasant soil. The whole Country differeth very much from itself, by reason of the year: Difference of Russia in different seasons. so that a man would marvel to see the great alteration and difference betwixt the Winter and the Summer in Russia. The whole Country in the Winter lieth under Snow, which falleth continually, and is sometime of a yard or two thick, but greater towards the North. The Rivers and other waters are all frozen up, a yard or more thick, how swift or broad soever they be: and this continueth commonly five Months, viz. from the beginning of November, till towards the end of March, what time the Snow beginneth to melt. So that it would breed a frost in a man to look abroad at that time, The Cold of Russia. and see the winter face of that Country. The sharpness of the air you may judge of by this: for that water dropped down or cast up into the air, congealeth into Ice before it come to the ground. In the extremity of Winter, if you hold a Pewter dish or pot in your hand, M. Cole Minister to Sir Jerome Bows told me of a liquorish fellow, which taking a Pewter dish of some sweet sauce from his Master's Table in the next room, licked it, and paid the skin of his tongue for that sweet taste: a sour sauce to sweet sauciness. The case altered. Effect of snow. or any other metal (except in some chamber where their warm Stoves be) your fingers will freeze fast unto it, and draw of the skin at the parting. When you pass out of a warm room into a cold, you shall sensibly feel your breath to wax stark, and even stifling with the cold, as you draw it in and out. diverse not only that travel abroad, but in the very Markets, and streets of their Towns, are mortally pinched and killed withal: so that you shall see many drop down in the Streets, many Travellers brought into the Towns sitting dead and stiff in their Sleds. diverse lose their Noses, the tips of their Ears, and the balls of their Cheeks, their Toes, Feet, etc. Many times when (the winter is very hard and extreme) the Bears and Wolves issue by troops out of the woods driven by hunger, and enter the Villages, tearing and ravening all they can find: so that the Inhabitants are fain to flee for safeguard of their lives. And yet in the Summer time you shall see such a new hue and face of a Country, the Woods (for the most part which are all of Fir and Birch) so fresh and so sweet, the Pastures and Meadows so green and well grown, (and that upon the sudden) such variety of Flowers, such noise of Birds, (specially of Nightingales, that seem to be more loud and of a more variable note then in other Countries) that a man shall not lightly travel in a more pleasant Country. And this fresh and speedy growth of the Spring there, seemeth to proceed from the benefit of the Snow: which all the Winter time being spread over the whole Country as a white robe, and keeping it warm from the rigour of the Frost, in the Spring time (when the Sun waxeth warm, and dissolveth it into water) doth so throughly drench and soak the ground, that is somewhat of a sleight and sandy mould, and then shineth so hotly upon it again, that it draweth the Herbs and Plants forth in great plenty and variety, in a very short time. As the Winter exceedeth in cold, so the Summer inclineth to overmuch heat, specially in the months of june, july, and August, being much warmer than the summer air in England. The Country throughout, is very well watered with Springs, Rivers, and Ozeraes or Lakes. Russia well watered. Wherein the providence of God is to be noted, for that much of the Country being so far inland, as that some part lieth a thousand miles and more every way from any Sea, yet it is served with fair Rivers, and that in very great number, that emptying themselves one into another, run all into the Sea. Their Lakes are many and large, some of sixty, eighty, a hundred, and two hundred miles long, with breadth proportionate. The chief Rivers are these, 1. Volgha, The chief Rivers of Russia. that hath his head or spring at the root of an Alder-tree, about two hundred versed above Yaruslave, and groweth so big by the increase of other Rivers by that time it cometh thither, that it is broad an English mile and more, and so runneth into the Caspian Sea, about two thousand and eight hundred versed or miles of length. The next is B●risthenes (now called Neper) that divideth the Country from Lituania, and falleth into the Euxi● Sea. The third Tanais or 〈◊〉, (the ancient bounder betwixt Europe and Asia) that taketh his head out of Rezan Ozara, and so running through the Country of the Chrim Tartars, falleth into the great Sea lake, or mere, (called M●●tis) by the City of A●ou. By this River (as the Ruff reporteth) you may pass from their City Mosko to Constantinople, and so into all those parts of the world by water, drawing your Boat (as their manner is) over a little Is●hmus or narrow slip of land, a few versts overthwart. Which was proved not long since by an Ambassador sent to Constantinople, who passed the River of Moskua, and so into another called Ocka, whence he drew his Boat over into Tanais, and thence passed the whole way by water. The fourth is called Duyna, many hundred miles long, that falleth Northward into the Bay of Saint Nicholas, and hath great Alabaster rocks on the banks towards the Sea side. The fifth Duna, that emptyeth into the Baltic Sea by the Town Riga. The sixth Omega, that falleth into the Bay at Solovetsko ninety Versed from the Port of S. Nicholas. This River below the Town Cargapolia meeteth with the River Volock, that falleth into the Finland Sea by the Town Ya●a. So that from the Port of S. Nicholas into the Finland Sea, and so into the Sound, you may pass all by water, as hath been tried by the Russes. The seventh Suchana, that floweth into Duyna, and so into the North-sea. The eighth Ocka, that fetcheth his Head from the Borders of the Chrim, and streameth into Volgha. The ninth Moskua, that runneth thorough the City Mosko, and giveth it the name. There is Wichida also a very large and long River that riseth out of Permia, and falleth into Volgha. All these are Rivers of very large streams, the least to be compared to the Thames in bigness, and in length far more, besides diverse other. The Pole at Mosko, is fifty five degrees ten minutes. At the Port of Saint Nicholas towards the North sixty three degrees and fifty minutes. FOr kinds of fruits, they have Apples, Pears, Plums, Cherries, Red and Black, Chap. 3. The Native Commodities of the Country. (but the Black wild) a Deene like a Musk Milian, but more sweet & pleasant, Cucumbers and Goords (which they call Arbouse) Raspes, Strawberries, and H●rtilberries, with many other Berries in great quantity in every Wood and Hedge. Their kinds of Grain are Wheat, R●e, Barley, Oates, Pease, Buckway, Psnytha, that in taste is somewhat like to Rice. Of all these Grains the Country yieldeth very sufficient with an ouer-plus quantity, so that Wheat is sold sometime for two Alteens or ten pence sterling the Chetsird which maketh almost three English Bushels. Their Rye is sowed before the Winter, all their other Grain in the Springtime and for the most part in May. Rye. The Permians and some other that dwell far North, and in Desert places, are served from the parts that lie more southward, and are forced to make Bread sometimes of a kind of Root called Vaghnoy) and of the middle rind of the Fir-tree. If there be any Dearth (as they accounted this last year, Anno 1588. Wheat and Rye being at thirteen Alteens, or five shillings five pence sterling the Chetfird) the fault is rather in the practice of their Nobility that use to engross it, The chief commodities of the Country. then in the Country itself. The Native Commodities of the Country (wherewith they serve both their own turns, and send much abroad to the great enriching of the Emperor, and his people) are many and substantial. First, Furs of all sorts. Where in the providence of God is to be noted, 1▪ Fur. that provideth a natural remedy for them, to help the natural inconvenience of their Country by the cold of the Climate. Their chief Furs are these, Black Fox, Sables, Lusernes, Dunne Fox, Martrones, Gurnestalles or Atmins, Lasets or Miniver, Beaver, Wuluerins, the Skin of a great Water Rat that smelleth naturally like Musk, Calaber or Gray Squirrel, Red Squirrel, Red and White Fox. Besides the great quantity spent within the Country (the people being clad all in Furs the whole Winter) there are transported out of the Country some years by the Merchants of Turkey, Persia, Bougharia, Georgia, Armenia, and some other of Christendom to the value of four or five hundred thousand Rubbels, as I have heard of the Merchants. The best Sable Fur groweth in the Country of Pechora, Momgosorskoy and Obdorskoy, the worse sort in Siberia, Perm, and other places. The Black Fox and Red come out of Siberia, White and Dunne from Pechora, whence also come the white Wolf, and white Bear Skin. The best Wuluerin also thence and from Perm. The best Martrons are from Siberia, Cadam, Morum, Perm, and Cazan. Lyserns, Minever, and Armins, the best are out of Gallets, and Ouglites, many from Novogrod, and Perm. The Beaver of the best sort breedeth in Murmonskey by Cola. Other common Furs, and most of these kinds grow in many, and some in all parts of the Country. 3. Wax. The second Commodity is of Wax, whereof hath been shipped in foreign Countries (as I have heard it reported by those that best know it) the sum of fifty thousand Pood yearly, every Pood containing forty pound, but now about ten thousand Pood a year. ●. Honey. The third is their Honey, whereof besides an exceeding great quantity spent in their ordinary Drinks (which is Mead of all sorts) and their other uses, some good quantity is carried out of the Country. The chief increase of Honey is in Mordua and Cadam near to the Cheremissen Tartar: much out of Severskoy, Bezan, Morum, Cazan, Dorogobos●, and Vasma. 4. Tallow. Fourthly, of Tallow they afford a great weight for transportation: not only for that their Country hath very much good ground apt for Pasturage of cattle, but also by reason of their many Lents and other Fasts: and partly, because their greater men use much Wax for their Lights, the poorer and meaner sort Birch dried in their Stoves, and cut into long shivers, which they call Luchineos. Of Tallow there hath been shipped out of the Realm a few years since about one hundred thousand Pood yearly, now not past thirty thousand or thereabouts. The best yield of Tallow is in the parts and Territories of S●●lensko, Yarus●a●e, Ouglus, Novogrod, and Vologda, O●fer, and Gorodetskey. 5. Hide. Another principal Commodity is their Losh and Cow-hide. Their Losh or Buffe-hide is very fair and large. Their Bull and Cow-hide (for Oxen they make none, neither yet Weather) is of a small size. There hath been transported by Merchant's strangers some years, one hundred thousand Hides. Now it is decreased to thirty thousand or thereabouts. Besides great store of Goat's Skins, whereof great numbers are shipped out of the Country. The largest kind of Losh or Buffe breedeth about Rostove, Wichida, Novogrod, Morum, and Perm. The lesser sort within the Kingdom of Cazan. 6. Trane Oil. The manner of hunting the Seale-fish. An other very great and principal Commodity is their Trane-oyle, drawn out of the Seal-fish. Where it will not be impertinent to show the manner of their hunting the Seal, which they make this Oil of: which is in this sort. Towards the end of Summer (before the Frost begin) they go down with their Boats into the Bay of Saint Nicholas, to a Cape called Cusconesse or Foxnose, where they leave their Boats till the next Springtide. When the Sun waxeth warm toward the Spring, and yet the Ice not melted within the Bay, they return thither again. Then drawing their Boats over the Sea Ice, they use them for Houses to rest and lodge in. There are commonly about seventeen or eighteen Fleet of them, of great large Boats, which divide themselves into diverse companies, five or six Boats in a consort. They that first find the haunt, fire a Beacon, which they carry with them for the nonee. Which being espied by the other companies, by such among them as are appointed of purpose, they come all together and compass the Seals round about in a Ring, that lie Sunning themselves together upon the Ice, commonly four or five thousand in a shoal, and so they invade them every man with his Club in his hand. If they hit them on the Nose, they are soon killed. If on the sides or back they bear out the blow, and many times so catch and hold down the Club with their Teeth by main force, that the party is forced to call for help to his fellows. The manner of the Seals is, when they see themselves beset, to gather all close together in a throng or plumb, to sway down the Ice, and to break it (if they can) which so bendeth the Ice, that many times it taketh the Sea-water upon it, and maketh the Hunters to wade a foot or more deep. After the slaughter, when they have killed what they can they fall to sharing every Boat his part in equal portions: and so they slay them, taking from the body the Skin, and the Lard or Fat with all that cleaveth to the Skin. This they take with them, leaving the bodies behind, and so go to shore. Where they dig Pits in the ground of a fathom and an half deep, or there about, and so taking the Fat or Lard off from the Skin, they throw it into the Pit, and cast in among it hot burning stones to melt it withal. The uppermost and purest is sold and used to oil Wool for Cloth, the grosser (that is of a red colour) they sell to make Sope. Likewise Ickary or Cavery, a great quantity is made upon the River of Volgha, 7. Ickary. out of the fish called Bellougina, the Sturgeon, the Severiga and the Sterledey: Whereof the most part is shipped by French and Netherlandish Merchants for Italy and Spain, some by English Merchants. The next is of Flax and Hemp, 8. Hemp and flax. whereof there hath been shipped (as I have heard Merchants say) at the Port of narve a great part of one hundred ships small and great yearly. Now not past five. The reason of this abating and decrease of this and other Commodities, that were wont to be transported in a greater quantity, is the shutting up of the Port of the narve towards the Finland Sea, which now is in the hands and possession of the Sweaden. Likewise the stopping of the passage over-land by the way of Smolensko, and Plotsko, by reason of their Wars with the Polonian, which causeth the people to be less provident in maintaining and gathering these and the like Commodities, for that they lack Sales. Partly also for that the Merchants and Mousicks (for so they call the common sort of people) are very much discouraged by many heavy and intolerable exactions, that of late time have been imposed upon them: no man accounting that which he hath to be sure his own. And therefore regard not to lay up any thing, or to have it before hand, for that it causeth them many times to be fleeced and spoilt, not only of their goods, but also of their lives. For the growth of Flax the Province of Vobsko, and the Country about is the chief and only place. For Hemp Smolenksko, Dorogobose and Vasma. The Country besides maketh great store of Salt. 9 Salt. Their best Salt is made at Stararouse in very great quantity, where they have great store of Salt-wels, about two hundred and fifty versed from the Sea. At Astracan Salt is made naturally by the Sea-water, that casteth it up into great Hills, and so it is digged down, and carried away by the Merchants and other that will fetch it from thence. They pay to the Emperor for acknowledgement or custom three pence. Russee upon every hundred weight. Besides these two, they make Salt in many other places of the Realm, as in Perm, Wichida, Totma, Kenitsma, Solovetske, Ocona, Bombasey, and Nonocks all out of Salt-pits, save at Solovetskey, which lieth near to the Sea. Likewise of Tar they make a great quantity out of their Fiere-trees in the Country of Duyna and Smolensko, whereof much is sent abroad. 10. Tar. 11. Ribazuba. Besides these (which are all good and substantial Commodities) they have diverse other of smaller account, that are natural and proper to that Country: as the fish tooth (which they call Ribazuba which is used both among themselves and the Persians and Bougharians, that fetched it from thence for Beads, Knives, and Sword-hafts of Noblemen, and Gentlemen, and for diverse other uses. Some use the powder of it against poison, as the Unicorn's Horn. The fish that weareth it is called a Morse, and is caught about Pechora. These fish teeth some of them, are almost two foot of length, and weigh eleven or twelve pound apiece. In the Province of Corelia, and about the River Duyna towards the North Sea, 12. Slude. there groweth a soft Rock which they call Slude. This they cut into pieces, and so tear it into thin flakes, which natural it is apt for and so use it for Glasse-lanthornes and such like. It giveth both inwards and outwards a clearer light than Glass, and for this respect is better than either Glass or Horn: for that it neither breaketh like Glass, nor yet will burn like the Lantern. 13. Salt peeter and Brimstone Saltpetre they make in many places, as at Ouglites, Yaruslave and Vstug, and some small store of Brimstone upon the River Volgha, but want skill to refine it. Their Iron is somewhat brittle, but a great weight of it is made in Corelia, Cargapol●●, and Vstug Thelesna. Other Mine they have none growing within the Realm. 14. Iron. Their beasts of strange kinds are the Losh, the olen, the wild Horse, the Bear, the Woluering or wood Dog, the Lyserne, the Beaver, the Sable, the Matron, The strange beasts, fish, foul etc. that breed in Russia the black and done Fox, the white Bear towards the Sea coast of Pechora, the Gurnstale, the Laset, or Minever. They have a kind of Squirrel that hath growing on the pinion of the shoulder bone, a long tuft of hair, much like unto feathers, with a far broader tail than have any other Squirrels, which they move and shake as they leap from tree to tree, much like unto a wing. They skies a large space, and seem for to fly withal, and therefore they call them Letach Vechshe, that is, the flying Squirrels. Their Hares and Squirrels in Summer are of the same colour with ours, in Winter the Hare changeth her coat into milk white, the Squirrel into grey, whereof cometh the Calabar. Dear Horses: They have fallow Deer, the Roe Bucke, and Goats very great store. Their Horses are but small, but very swift and hard, they travel them unshod both Winter and Summer, without all regard of pace. Sheep. I have seen some of them in England breed twice a year; the Ram hath four horns, etc. Their Sheep are but small, and bear course and harsh wool. Of Fowl, they have diverse of the principal kinds: First, great store of Hawks; the Eagle, the Gerfaulcon, the Slightfaulcon, the Goshawk, the Tassel, the Sparhawke, etc. But the principal Hawk that breedeth in the Country, is counted the Gerfaulcon. Of other Fowls their principal kinds are the Swan tame and wild, (whereof they have great store) the Stork, the Crane, the Tedder, of the colour of a Feasant, but far bigger and liveth in the Fir woods. Of Feasant and Partridge they have very great plenty. An Owl there is of a very great bigness, more ugly to behold then the Owls of this Country, with a broad face, and ears much like unto a man. Freshwater fish. For fresh water Fish, besides the common sorts (as Carpe, Pike, Perch, Tench, Roach, etc.) they have diverse kinds very good and delicate: as the Bellouga, or Bellougina of four or five elnes long, the Ositrina or Sturgeon, the Severiga, and Sterledy somewhat in fashion and taste like to the Sturgeon, but not so thick or long. These four kinds of fish breed in the Volgha, and are catched in great plenty, and served thence into the whole Realm for a great food. Of the Roes of these four kinds they make very great store of Icary or Caviary, as was said before. They have besides these that breed in the Volgha, a fish called the Ribabela, or white Salmon, which they account more delicate than they do the red Salmon, whereof also they have exceeding great plenty in the Rivers Northward, as in Duyna the River of Cola, etc. In the Ozera or Lake near a Town called Perislave, not far from the Mosko, they have a small fish which they call the fresh Herring, of the fashion, and somewhat of the taste of a Sea-herring. Their chief Towns for fish are, Yaruslave, Bealozera, Novogrod, Astracan, and Cazan: which all yield a large Custom to the Emperor every year for their trades of fishing, which they practise in Summer, but send it frozen in the Winter time into all parts of the Realm. Chap. 4. The chief Cities of Russia. THe chief Cities of Russia are, Mosko, Novograd, Rostove, Volodomer, Plesco, Smolensko, jaruslave, Perislave, Nisnovograd, Vologda, Vstiuck, Golmigroe, Cazan, Astracan, Cargapolia, Columna. Mosko. The City of Mosko is supposed to be of great antiquity, though the first Founder be unknown to the Ruff. It seemeth to have taken the name from the River that runneth on the one side of the Town. Berosus, a suspected author, or rather that which now beareth his name. Berosus the Chaldean in his fifth Book telleth that Nimrod (whom other profane Stories call Saturn) sent Assyrius, Medus, Moscus, and Magog into Asia to plant Colonies there, and that Moscus planted both in Asia and Europe. Which may make some probality, that the City, or rather the River whereon it is built, took the denomination from this Moscus: the rather because of the climate or situation, which is in the very farthest part and list of Europe, bordering upon Asia. The City was much enlarged by one Euan or john, son to Daniel, that first changed his title of Duke into King: though that honour continued not to his posterity: the rather because he was invested into it by the Pope's Legate, who at that time was Innocentius the fourth, about the year 1246. which was very much misliked by the Ruff people, being then a part of the Eastern or Greek Church. Since that time the name of this City hath grown more famous, and better known to the World: insomuch that not only the Province, but the whole Country of Russia is termed by some by the name of Moscovia the Metropolite City. The form of this City is in a manner round, with three strong walls, circuling the one within the other, and streets lying between, whereof the inmost wall, and the buildings closed within it (lying safest as the heart within the body, fenced and watered with the River Moskua, that runneth close by it) is all accounted the Emperor's Castle. The number of houses (as I have heard) through the whole City (being reckoned by the Emperor a little before it was fired by the Chrim) was 41500. in all. Mosko●red ●red. Since the Tartar besieged and fired the Town (which was in the year 1571.) there lieth waste of it a great breadth of ground, which before was well set and planted with buildings, specially that part on the South side of Moskua, built not long before by Basilius the Emperor for his Garrison of Soldiers, to whom he ga●● privilege to drink Mede, and Beer at the dry or prohibited times, when other Russes may drink nothing but water, and for that cause called this new City by the name of Naloi, that is, Skinke or pour in. So that now the City of Mosko is not much bigger than the City of London. Novograd. The next in greatness, and in a manner as large, is the City Novograde: where was committed (as the Ruff saith) the memorable war so much spoken of in Stories of the Scythian servants, that took Arms against their masters: which they report in this sort: uz. That the Boiarens or Gentlemen of Novograde and the Territory about (which only are Soldiers after the discipline of those Countries) had war with the Tartars. Which being well performed and ended by them, they returned homewards. Where they understood by the way, that their Cholopey or Bondslaves whom they left at home, Pleasant History. had in their absence possessed their Towns, Lands, Houses, Wives, and all. At which news being somewhat amazed, and yet disdaining the villainy of their servants, they made the more speed home: and so not far from Novograde met them in warlike manner marching against them. Whereupon advising what was best to be done, they agreed all to set upon them with no other show of weapon but with their Horse whips (which as their manner is, every man rideth withal) to put them in remembrance of their servile condition, thereby to terrify them, and abate their courage. Like lips, like lettuce. And so marching on, and lashing altogether with their whips in their hands they gave the onset. Which seemed so terrible in the ears of their villains, and struck such a sense into them of the smart of the whip which they had felt before, that they fled altogether like Sheep before the Drivers. In memory of this victory the Novogradians ever since have stamped their Coin (which they call a dingoe Novogrodskoy, currant thorough all Russia) with the figure of a Horseman shaking a whip aloft in his hand. These two Cities exceed the rest in greatness. For strength their chief Towns are, Vobsko, Smolensko, Cazan, and Astracan, as lying upon the borders. But for situation jaruslave far exceedeth the rest. For besides the commodities that the soil yieldeth of Pasture and Corn, jaruslave▪ it lieth upon the famous River Volga, and looketh over it from a high bank very fair and stately to behold: whereof the Town taketh the name. For jaruslave in that Tongue signifieth as much as a fair or famous Bank. In this Town (as may be guessed by the name) dwelled the Ruff King Vlademir, surnamed jaruslave, that married the daughter of Harald King of England, by mediation of Sueno the Dane, as is noted in the Danish Story about the year 1067. The other Towns have nothing that is greatly memorable, save many ruins within their walls. Which showeth the decrease of the Ruff People, under this government. The streets of their Cities and Towns in stead of paving, are planked with Fir trees, plained and laid ven close the one to the other. Their houses are of wood without any lime or stone, The manner of Russee building. built very close and warm with Fir trees plained and piled one upon another. They are fastened together with dents or notches at every corner, and so clasped fast together. Betwixt the trees or timber they thrust in moss (whereof they gather plenty in their Woods, to keep out the air. Every house hath a pair of stairs that lead up into the chambers out of the yard or street after the Scottish manner. This building seemeth far better for their Country, then that of stone and brick: as being colder and more dampish than their wooden houses, specially of Fir, that is a dry and warm wood. Whereof the providence of God hath given them such store, as that you may build a fair house for twenty or thirty Rubbels, or little more, where wood is most scant. The greatest inconvenience of their wooden building is the aptness for firing, which happeneth very oft, and in very fearful sort, by reason of the dryness and fatness of the Fir, that being once fired, burneth like a Torch, and is hardly quenched till all be burnt up. THe surname of the Imperial house of Russia, is called Beala●: It took the original (as is supposed) from the Kings of Hungary. Which may seem the more probable, Chap. 5. Of the house or stock of the Ruff Emperor. for that the Hungarian Kings many years ago have borne that name: as appeareth by Bonfinius and other Stories written of that Country. For about the year 1059. mention is made of one Beala that succeeded his brother Andreas, who reduced the Hungarians to the Christian Faith from whence they were fallen by Atheism and Turkish persuasion before. The second of that name was called Beala the blind, after whom succeeded diverse of the same name. That their Ancestry came not of the Ruff Nation, juan vasilowich father to this Emperor, The house Beala not natural Russee. See sup. 56. where the Tartars destroyed these Countries then called Bulgaria mayor, many fled into Hungary: and after Ba●hus death, bo●h Hungary and this Bulgaria had better means to recover themselves, and perhaps either by Hungarian affinity with their Princes, or taking a Prince from Hungar●e th●n assisted with Germans, they began to recover of that Tartarian disease, whereof still some Symptoms remain. would many times boast, disdaining (as should seem) to have his progeny derived from the Ruff blood. As namely to an Englishman his Goldsmith, that had received Bullion of him to make certain Plate: whom the Emperor commanded to look well to his weight. For my Russes (said he) are thieves all. Whereat the Workman looking upon the Emperor, began to smile. The Emperor being of quick conceit, charged him to tell him what he smiled at. If your Majesty will pardon me (quoth the Goldsmith) I will tell you. Your Highness said, that the Russes were all thieves, and forgot in the mean while that yourself was a Ruff. I thought so (quoth the Emperor) but thou art deceived. For I am no Ruff, my Ancestors were Germans (for so they account of the Hungarians to be part of the german Nation, though indeed they come of the Huns. That invaded those Countries, and rested in those parts of Pannonic, now called Hungary. How they aspired to the Dukedom of Volodemer (which was their first degree, and engrafting into Russia) and whether it were by Conquest, or by Marriage, or by what other means, I could not learn any certainty among them. The advancement of the house of Beala. That from these beginnings of a small Dukedom (that bare notwithstanding an absolute government with it, as at that time did also the other Shires or Provinces of Russia) this house of Beala spread itself forth, and aspired by degrees to the Monarchy of the whole Country, is a thing well known, and of very late memory. The chief of that House that advanced the Stock, and enlarged their Dominions, were the three last that reigned before this Emperor, to wit, juan Basileus, and juan father to the other that reigneth at this time. Whereof the first that took unto him the name and title of Emperor, was Basileus father to juan, and grandfather to this man. For before that time they were contented to be called great Dukes of Mosko. What hath been done by either of these three, and how much they have added to their first estate by Conquest or otherwise, may be seen in the Chapter of their Colonies, or Purchases perforce. For the continuance of the race, this House of Beala at this present * Viz. A. D. 1588. Since the Sceptre hath been in diverse Families, with manifold combustions. is in like case as are many of the greatest Houses of Christendom, uz. the whole Stock and Race concluded in one, two, or some few of the Blood. For besides the Emperor that now is, who hath no child (neither is like ever to have, for aught that may be conjectured by the constitution of his body, and the barrenness of his wife after so many years marriage) there is but one more, uz. a child of six or seven years old, in whom resteth all the hope of the succession, and the posterity of that House. As for the other brother that was eldest of the three, and of the best towardness, he died of a blow given him by his father upon the head in his fury with his walking staff, or (as some say) of a thrust with the prong of it driven deep into his head. The Emperor unfortunately killed his son. That he meant him no such mortal harm when he gave him the blow, may appear by his mourning and passion after his son's death, which never left him till it brought him to the grave. Wherein may be marked the justice of God, that punished his delight in shedding of blood with this murder of his son by his own hand, and so ended his days and tyranny together, with the murdering of himself by extreme grief, for this his unhappy and unnatural fact. We have since had two which have assumed to be this Demetrius, and have obtained the State; thereof and of their lives dispossessed as Counterfeits. The Emperor's younger brother of six or seven years old (as was said before) is kept in a remote place from the Mosko, under the tuition of his mother and her kindred, of the House of the Nagays: yet not safe (as I have heard) from attempts of making away by practice of some that aspire to the succession, if this Emperor die without any issue. The Nurse that tasted before him of certain meat (as I have heard) died presently. That he is natural son to joan Vasilowich, the Ruff People warrant it, by the father's quality that beginneth to appear already in his tender years. He is delighted (they say) to see Sheep and other cattle killed, and to look on their throats while they are bleeding (which commonly children are afraid ● behold) and to beat Geese and Hens with a staff till he see them lie dead. Besides these of the male kind, there is a Widow, that hath right in the succession, Sister to the old Emperor, and Aunt to this man, sometime Wife to Magnus' Duke of Holst, Brother to the King of Denmark, by whom she had one daughter. This woman since the death of her Husband hath been alured again into Russia, by some that love the succession better than herself, which appeareth by the sequel. For herself with her daughter, so soon as they were returned into Russia, were thrust into a Nunnery, where her daughter died this last year while I was in the Country, of no natural disease as was supposed. The mother remaineth still in the Nunnery, where (as I have heard) she bewaileth herself, and curseth the time when she returned into Russia, enticed with the hope of marriage, and other fair promises in the Emperor's name. Thus it standeth with the Imperial Stock of Russia, of the House of Beala, which is like to determine in those that now are, and to make a conversion of the Ruff estate. If it be into a government of some better temper, and milder constitution, it will be happy for the poor people that are now oppressed with intolerable servitude. Chap. 6. Of the manner of crowning or inauguration of the Ruff Emperors. THe solemnities used at the Ruff Emperor's Coronation, are on this manner. In the great Church of Precheste (or our Lady) within the Emperor's Castle is erected a Stage, whereon standeth a Scrine that beareth upon it the Imperial Cap and Robe of very rich stuff. When the day of the Inauguration is come, there resort thither, first the Patriarch with the Metropolitans, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, and Priors, all richly clad in their Pontificalibus. Then enter the Deacons with the Quire of Singers. Who so soon as the Emperor setteth foot into the Church, begin to sing: Many years may live noble Theodore juanowich, etc. Whereunto the Patriarch and Metropolite with the rest of the Clergy, answer with a certain Hymn, in form of a Prayer, singing it all together with a great noise. The Hymn being ended, the Patriarch with the Emperor mount up the Stage, where standeth a Seat ready for the Emperor. Whereupon the Patriarch willeth him to sit down, and then placing himself by him upon another Seat provided for that purpose, boweth down his head towards the ground, and sayeth this Prayer: Oh Lord God King of Kings, Lord of Lords, which by thy Prophet Samuel didst choose thy servant David, and anoint him for King over thy People Israel, hear now our Prayers, and look from thy Sanctuary upon this thy Servant Theodore, whom thou hast chosen and exalted for King over these thy holy Nations, anoint him with the oil of gladness, protect him by thy power, but upon his head a Crown of Gold and precious Stones, give him length of days, place him in the Seat of justice, strengthen his arm, make subject unto him all the barbarous Nations. Let thy fear be in his whole heart, turn him from all error, and show him the salvation of thy holy and universal Church, that he may judge thy people with justice, and protect the children of the poor, and finally attain everlasting life. This Prayer he speaketh with a low voice, and then pronounceth a loud: All praise and power to God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. The Prayer being ended, he commandeth certain Abbots to reach the Imperial Robe and Cap: which is done very decently, and with great Solemnity, the Patriarch withal pronouncing aloud: Peace be unto all. And so he beginneth another Prayer to this effect: Bow yourselves together with us, and pray to him that reigneth over all. Preserve him (oh Lord) under thy holy protection, keep him that he may do good and holy things, let justice shine forth in his days, that we may live quietly without strife and malice. This is pronounced somewhat softly by the Patriarch, whereto he addeth again aloud: Thou art the King of the whole World, and the Saviour of our souls, to thee the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost▪ be all praise for ever and ever. Amen. Then putting on the Robe and the Cap, he blesseth the Emperor with the sign of the Cross: saying withal, in the Name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. The like is done by the Metropolites, Archbishops, and Bishops: who all in their order come to the Chair, and one after another bless the Emperor with their two fore-fingers. Then is said by the Patriarch another Prayer, that beginneth: O most holy Virgin Mother of God, etc. After which a Deacon pronounceth with an high loud voice: Many years to Noble Theodore, good, honourable, beloved of God, great Duke of Volodemer of Mosko, Emperor, and Monarch of all Russia, etc. Whereto the other Priests and Deacons that stand somewhat far of by the Altar or Table, answer singing, Many years, many years, to the Noble Theodore. The same Note is taken up by the Priests and Deacons, that are placed at the right and left side of the Church, and then altogether, they chant and thunder out, singing: Many years to the Noble Theodore, good, honourable, beloved of God, great Duke of Volodemer, Mosko, Emperor of all Russia, etc. These Solemnities being ended, first cometh the Patriarch with the Metropolites, Archishops, and Bishops, than the Nobility, and the whole Company in their order, to do homage to the Emperor, bending down their heads, and knocking them at his feet to the very ground. The Style wherewith he is invested at his Coronation, runneth after this manner. Theodore juanowich, by the grace of God, great Lord and Emperor of all Russia, great Duke of Volodemer, Mosko, and Novograd, King of Cazan, King of Astracan, Lord of Plesko, and great Duke of Smolensko, of Twerria, joughoria, Permia, Vadska, Bulghoria, and others, Lord and great Duke of Novograd, of the Low Country, of Chernigo, Rezan, Polotskoy, Rostove, Yaruslaveley, Bealozera, Leifland, Oudoria, Obdoria, and Condensa, Commander of all Siberia, and of the North parts, and Lord of many other Countries, etc. This stile containeth in it all the Emperor's Provinces, and setteth forth his greatness. And therefore they have a great delight and pride in it, forcing not only there own people but also Strangers (that have any matter to deliver to the Emperor by Speech or writing) to repeat the whole form from the beginning to the end. Which breedeth much cavil, and sometimes quarrel betwixt them and the Tartar, and Poland Ambassadors: who refuse to call him Czar, that is Emperor, and to repeat the other parts of his long Style. Myself, when I had audience of the Emperor, thought good to salute him only with thus much, viz. Emperor of all Russia, great Duke of Volodemer, Mosko, and Novograd, King of Cazan, King of Astracan. The rest I omitted of purpose, because I knew they gloried, to have their Style appear to be of a larger Volume than the Queens of England. But this was taken in so ill part, that the Chancellor (who then attended the Emperor, with the rest of the Nobility) with a loud chase voice called still upon me to say out the rest. Whereto I answered, that the Emperor's Style was very long▪ and could not so well be remembered by Strangers, that I had repeated so much of it, as might show that I gave honour to the rest, etc. But all would not serve till I commanded my Interpreter to say it all out. THe manner of their Government is much after the Turkish fashion: Chap. 7. The State or form of their Government. The Ruff Government tyrannical. which they seem to imitate as near as the Country, and reach of their capacities in Politic Affairs will give them leave to do. The State and form of their Government seemeth to apply all to the behoof of the Prince, and that after a most open manner: as may appear by the Sophismata, or secrets of their Government afterwards set down, aswell for the keeping of the Nobility and Commons in an under proportion, and far uneven balance in their several degrees, as also in their Impositions and Exactions, without any regard of Nobility or People: farther than it giveth the Nobility a kind of liberty, to exact upon the Commons and base sort of People in all parts of the Realm wheresoever they come, specially in the place where their Lands lie, or where they are appointed by the Emperor to govern under him: Also to the Commons some small contentment, in that they pass over their Lands by descent of Inheritance to whether Son they will: Gavill-kind give-all-kind tenure. Absolute Sovereignty. which commonly they do after our Gavill kind, and dispose of their goods by gift or Testament without any controlment. Concerning the principal points and matters of State, wherein the Sovereignetie consisteth (as the making and annulling of public Laws, the making of Magistrates, power to make War or League with any Foreign State, to execute or to pardon life, with the right of Appeal in all matters, both Civil and Criminal) they do so wholly and absolutely pertain to the Emperor, and his Counsel under him, as that he may be said to be both the Sovereign Commander, and the Executioner of all these. For as touching any Law or public Order of the Realm, it is ever determined of before any public Assembly or Parliament be summoned. Where besides his Council, he hath none other to consult with him of such matters as are concluded before hand, but only a few Bishops, Abbots, and Friars: to make advantage of the people's Superstitions, even against themselves, which think all to be holy and just, that passeth with consent of their Bishops and Clergy men, whatsoever it be. For which purpose the Emperors are content to make much of the corrupt state of the Church, as now it is among them, and to nourish the same by extraordinary favours, and Immunities to the Bishop's Seas, Abbeys and Friaries: as knowing Superstition and false Religion best to agree with a Tyrannical State, and to be a special means to uphold and maintain the same. Magistracies. Secondly, as touching the public Offices and Magistracies of the Realm, there is none hereditary, neither any so great nor so little in that Country, but the bestowing of it is done immediately by the Emperor himself. Insomuch that the very Diacks, or Clerks in every head Town, are for the most part assigned by himself. Notwithstanding, the Emperor that now is (the better to intend his Devotions) referreth all such matters pertaining to the State, wholly to the ordering of his Wife's Brother, He succeeded him. jurisdiction. the Lord Borris Federewich Godonoe. Thirdly, the like is to be said of the jurisdiction concerning matters judicial, specially such as concern life and death. Wherein there is none that hath any authority or public jurisdiction that goeth by Descent, or is held by Charter, but all at the appointment and pleasure of the Emperor, and the same practised by the judges with such awe and restraint, as that they dare not determine upon any special matter, but must refer the same wholly, up to the Mosko to the Emperor's Council. To show his Sovereignty over the lives of his Subjects, the late Emperor juan Vasilowich in his walks or progresses, juan Vasilowich cruel. if he had misliked the face or person of any man whom he met by the way, or that looked upon him, would command his head to be struck off. Which was presently done, and the head cast before him. Appeals and Pardons. Fourthly, for the Sovereign Appeal, and giving of Pardons in Criminal Matters to such as are convicted, it is wholly at the pleasure and grace of the Emperor. Wherein also the Empress that now is, being a woman of great Clemency, and withal delighting to deal in public Affairs of the Realm, (the rather to supply the defect of her Husband) doth behave herself after an absolute manner, giving out pardon (specially on her birth day and other solemn times) in her own name, by open Proclamation, without any mention at all of the Emperor. Some there have been of late of the ancient Nobility, that have held diverse Provinces by right of Inheritance, Ancient Nobility. with an absolute Authority and jurisdiction over them, to order and determine all matters within their own Precinct without all Appeal; or controlment of the Emperor. But this was all annulled and wrung clean from them by juan Vasilowich Father to this Emperor. Chap. 8. The manner of holding the Parliaments. The States of Parliament. THeir highest Court of public consultation for matter of State, is called the Zabore, that is, the Public Assembly. The states and degrees of persons, that are present at their Parliaments, are these in order. 1. The Emperor himself. 2. Some of his Nobility about the number of twenty being all of his Council. 3. Certain of the Clergymen, etc. about the same number. As for Burghers or other to represent the Commonalty, they have no place there: the people being of no better account with them then as servants or bondslaves that are to obey, not to make Laws, nor to know any thing of public matters before they are concluded. The order of the summons or assembling. The Court of Parliament (called Zabore) is held in this manner. The Emperor causeth to to be summoned such of his Nobility as himself thinketh meet, being (as was said) all of his Council: together with the Patriarch, who calleth his Clergy, to wit, the two Metropolites, the two Archbishops, with such Bishops, Abbots, and Friars as are of best account and reputation among them. When they are all assembled at the Emperor's Court, the day is intimated when the Session shall begin. Which commonly is upon some Friday, for the Religion of that day. Friday respect. When the day is come, the Clergymen assemble before at the time and place appointed, which is called the Stollie. And when the Emperor cometh attended by his Nobility, they arise all, and meet him in an outroom, following their Patriarch, who blesseth the Emperor with his two fore-fingers, laying them on his forehead, and the sides of his face, and then kisseth him on the right side of his breast. So they pass on into their Parliament House, where they sit in this order. The Emperor is enthronised on the one side of the Chamber. In the next place not far from him at a small square Table (that giveth room to twelve persons or thereabouts) sitteth the Patriarch with the Metropolites and Bishops, and certain of the principal Nobility of the Emperor's Council, together with two Diacks or Secretaries (called Dunmoy dyakey) that enact that which passeth. The rest place themselves on benches round about the Room, every man in his rank after his degree. Then is there propounded by one of the Secretaries (who representeth the Speaker) the cause of their Assembly, and the principal matters that they are to consider of. For to propound Bills what every man thinketh good for the public benefit (as the manner is in England) the Ruff Parliament alloweth no such custom, nor liberty to subjects. The points being opened, Their discourse at Parliament. the Patriarch with his Clergymen have the Prerogative to be first asked their vote, or opinion, what they think of the points propounded by the Secretary. Whereto they answer in order, according to their degrees, but all in one form without any Discourse: as having learned their Lesson before, that serveth their turns at all Parliaments alike, whatsoever is propounded▪ Commonly it is to this effect. That the Emperor and his Council are of great wisdom and experience, touching the Policies and public Affairs of the Realm, and far better able to judge what is profitable for the Commonwealth, than they are, which attend upon the service of God only, and matters of Religion. And therefore it may please them to proceed. That instead of their advice, they will aid them with their Prayers, as their duties and vocations do require, etc. To this or like effect having made their Answers every man in his course, up standeth some Abbot or Friar more bold than the rest (yet appointed beforehand as a matter of form) and desireth the Emperor it would please his Majesty to command to be delivered unto them what his Majesties own judgement, and determinate pleasure is, as touching those matters propounded by his De●ake. Whereto is replied by the said Secretary in the Emperor's name. That his Highness with those of his Noble Council, upon good and sound advice have found the matters proposed to be very good and necessary for the Commonwealth of his Realm. Notwithstanding, forasmuch as they are Religious men, and know what is right, his Majesty requireth their godly Opinions, yea, and their Censures too, for the approving or correcting of the said Propositions. And therefore desireth them again to speak their minds freely. And if they shall like to give their consents, that then the matters may pass to a full conclusion. Hereunto when the Clergymen have given their consents (which they use to do without any great pausing) they take their leaves with blessing of the Emperor: who bringeth the Patriarch on his way so fair as the next Room, and so returneth to his Seat, till all be made ready for his return homeward. The Acts that thus are passed by the Zabore or Parliament, the Deiakeiss or Secretaries draw into a form of Proclamation, which they send abroad into every Province, and head Town of the Realm, to be published there by the Dukes and Diakeiss, or Secretaries of those places. The Session of Parliament being fully ended, the Emperor inviteth the Clergiemen to a solemn Dinner. And so they depart every man to his home. THe degrees of persons or Estates of Russia (besides the Sovereign State or Emperor himself) are these in their order. 1. The Nobility which is of four sorts. Chap. 9 Of the Nobility, and by what means it is kept in an under proportion agreeable to that State. The Vdelney Knazey chief of the Nobility. Whereof the chief for Birth, Authority, and Revenue are called the Vdelney Knazey, that is, The exempt or privileged Dukes. These held sometime a several jurisdiction, and absolute Authority within their Precincts, much like unto the States or Nobles of Germany. But afterwards (reserving their Rights upon composition) they yielded themselves to this House of Beala, when it began to wax mighty, and to enlarge itself by over-matching their Neighbours. Only they were bound to serve the Emperor in his Wars with a certain number of Horse. But the late Emperor juan Vasilowich Father to this Prince, being a man of high spirit, and subtle in his kind meaning to reduce his Government into a more strict form, began by degrees to clip off their greatness, and to bring it down to a lesser proportion: till in the end he made them not only his Vassals, but his K●lophey, that is, his very Villains or Bondslaves. For so they term and write themselves in any public Instrument or private Petition which they make to the Emperor. So that now they hold their Authorities, Lands, Lives, and all at the Emperor's pleasure as the rest do. The means and practice whereby he wrought this to effect against those, and other of the Nobility (so well as I could note out of the report of his doings) were these, and such like. First, he cast private emulations among them about prerogative of their Titles and Dignities. Wherein he used to set on the inferiors, to prefer or equal themselves to those that were accounted to be of the Nobler Houses. Where he made his advantage of their malice and contentions, the one against the other, by receiving devised matter, and accusations of secret practice and Conspiracies to be intended against his Person and State. And so having singled out the greatest of them, and cut them off with the good liking of the rest, he fell at last to open practice, by forcing of the other to yield their Rights unto him. The faction of Oppressini and Zempskey devised by the Emperor 2. He divided his subjects into two parts or factions by a general Schism. The one part he called the Oppressini or Select men. These were such of the Nobility and Gentry as he took to his own part, to protect and maintain them as his faithful subjects. The other he called Zemskey, or the Commons. The Zemskey contained the base and vulgar sort, with such Noblemen and Gentlemen as he meant to cut off, as suspected to mislike his Government, and to have a meaning to practise against him. Wherein he provided that the Oppressini for number and quality of Valour, Money, Armour, etc. far exceeded the other of the Zempskey side, whom he put (as it were from under his protection: so that if any of them were spoilt or killed by those of the Oppressini, (which he accounted of his own part) there was no amends to be sought for by way of public justice, or by complaint to the Emperor. The whole number of both parts was orderly registered and kept in a Book: so that every man knew who was a Zempskey man, and who of the Oppressini. And this liberty of the one part to spoil and kill the other without any help of Magistrate, or Law (that continued seven years) enriched that side, and the Emperor's Treasury, and wrought that withal which he intended by this practice, viz. to take out of the way such of the Nobility, as himself misliked: whereof were slain within one week to the number of three hundred within the City of Mosko. This mischievous practice of making a general Schism, and public division among the subjects of his whole Realm, proceedeed (as should seem) from an extreme doubt, and desperate fear, which he had conceived of most of his Nobility, and Gentlemen of his Realm, in his Wars with the Polonian and Chrim Tartar. What time he grew into a vehement suspicion (conceived of the ill success of his Affairs) that they practised Treason with the Polonian and Chrim. Whereupon he executed some, and devised this way to be rid of the rest. Pomestnoy tenure 3. Having thus pulled them and seized all their Inheritance, Lands, Privileges, etc. save some very small part which he left to their name, he gave them other Lands of the tenor of Pomestnoy (as they call it) that are held at the Emperor's pleasure, lying far of in another Country, and so removed them into other of his Provinces, where they might have neither favour, nor authority, not being Native nor well known there. So that now these of the chief Nobility (called Vdelney Knazey) are equalled with the rest: save that in the opinion and favour of the people they are of more account, and keep still the Prerogative of their place in all their public meetings. Their practice to keep down these Houses from rising again and recovering their dignities are these, and such like. First, many of their Heirs are kept unmarried perforce, that the stock may dye with them. Some are sent into Siberia, Cazan and Astracan, under pretence of service, and there either made away, or else fast clapped up. Some are put into Abbeys, and shear themselves Friars by pretence of a Vow to be made voluntary, and of their own accord, but indeed forced unto it by fear, upon some pretenced crime objected against them. Where they are so guarded by some of special trust, and the Covent itself (upon whose head it standeth that they make no escape) as that they have no hope but to end their lives there. Of this kind there are many of very great Nobility. These and such like ways begun by the Emperor juan Vasilowich are still practised by the Godonoes', who being advanced by the Marriage of the Empress their Kinswoman, rule both the Emperor, and his Realm (specially Borris Federowich Godonoe, Brother to the Empress) and endeavour by all means to cut off, or keep down all of the best and ancientest Nobility. Whereof diverse already they have taken away, whom they thought likeliest to make head against them and to hinder their purpose, as Knez Andrea's Guraken Bulgatkove, a man of great birth and authority in the Country. The like they have done with Peter Gollauni (whom they put into a Dungeon where he ended his life) with Knez Vasilie Vrywich Goll●ohen, with Andrieu juanowich Suskoy accounted among them for a man of a great wisdom. So this last year was killed in a Monastery (whither they had thrust him) one Knez juan Petrowich Suskoy a man of great valour, and service in that Country: who about five or six years since, bore out the siege of the City Vobsko, made by Stephan Batore King of Polonia, with one hundred thousand men, and repulsed him very valiantly, with great honour to himself, and his Country, and disgrace to the Polonian. Also Micheta Romanowich Uncle to the Emperor by the Mother's side, was supposed to have died of Poison, or some like practice. Names of the greatest Houses of the Ruff Nobility. The Names of these families of greatest Nobility are these in their order. The first is of Knez Volodemer, which resteth at this time in one Daughter a widow, and without Children (mentioned before) sometime wife to Hartock Magnus' Brother to the King of Denmark, now closed within a Nunnery. The second Knez Metheloskey, thrust into a Friary, and his only Son kept from marriage, to decay the house. The third Glimskoy. But one left of his house, and he without children save one Daughter. The fourth Suskoy, whereof there are four Brethren young men, and unmarried all. The fifth Hubetskoy. Of this House are four living. The sixth Bulgaloy, now called Guletchey house, whereof are five living, but youths all. The seventh Vorallinskoy. Two left of that stock. The eight Odgoskey, two. The ninth Telletskoy, one. The tenth Tayto●e, three. These are the Names of the chief Families, called Vdelney Knazy: that in effect have lost all now, save the very name itself, and favour of the people, which is like one day to restore them again, if any be left. The second degree of Nobility is of the Boiarens. The second degree of Nobility. These are such as the Emperor honoureth (besides their Nobility) with the title of Counsellors. The revenue of these two sorts of their Nobles that riseth out of their Land assigned them by the Emperor, and held at his pleasure (for of their own Inheritance there is little left them, as was said before) is about a thousand Marcks a year: besides Pension which they receive of the Emperor for their service in his Wars, to the sum of seven hundred Rubbels a year, and none above that sum. But in this number the Lord Borris Federowich Godenoe is not to be reckoned, that is like a Transcendent, and in no such predicament with the rest, being the Emperor's Brother in law, Lord Borris after this Emperor. his Protector for direction, for Command and authority Emperor of Russia. His yearly revenue in Land and Pension, amounteth to the sum of 93700. Rubbels and more, as appear by the particulars. He hath of inheritance (which himself hath augmented in Vasma Dorogobose, six thousand Rubbels a year. For his office of Connick, or Master of the Horse twelve thousand Rubbels or Marcks, raised out of the Conaslue Sloboday, or the liberties pertaining to that Office, which are certain Lands and Towns near about the Moscow. Besides, all the meadow and pasture ground on both sides the bank of the River Mosko, thirty versed up the stream, and forty versed downwards. For his pension of the Emperor (besides the other for his Office) fifteen thousand Rubbels. Out of the Province or Shire of Vagha, there is given him for a peculiar exempted out of the Chetfird of Posolskoy, two and thirty thousand Rubbels, besides a rent of Furs. Out of Rezan and Sever, (another peculiar) thirty thousand Rubbels. Out of O●●er and Turiock another exempt place eight thousand Rubbels. For rend of Bath-stoaves and Bathing-houses without the walls of Mosko, fifteen hundred Rubbels. Besides his Pom●st, or Lands, which he holdeth at the Emperor's pleasure, which far exceedeth the proportion of land allotted to the rest of the Nobility. One other there is, of the house of Glinskoy, that dispendeth in Land and Pension about forty thousand Rubbels yearly. Which he is suffered to enjoy, because he hath married Borris his wife's Sister, being himself very simple and almost a natural. The ordering of him and his Lands are committed to Borris. In the third rank are the Voyavodey, or such Nobles azure, The third sort of Nobility. or have been Generals in the Emperor's wars. Which deliver the honour of their Title to their posterities also: who take their place above the other Dukes and Nobles, that are not of the two former sorts, viz. of the Vdelney knaz●y, nor of the Boiarens. These three degrees of their Nobility, (to wit) the Vdelney knaz●y, the Boiarens, and the Voiavodey, have the addition of Vich, put unto their surname, as Borris Federowish, Title Vich. etc. which is a note of Honour that the rest may not usurp. And in case it be not added in the naming of them, they may sue the Bestchest or penalty of dishonour upon them, that otherwise shall term them. The fourth and lowest degree of Nobility with them, is of such as bear the name of Knaz●y or Dukes, but come of the younger Brothers of those chief Houses, through many descents, and have no inheritance of their own, save the bare name or title of Duke only. For their order is to deliver their names and titles of their Dignities over to all their Children alike, whatsoever else they leave them. So that the Sons of a Voiavodey or General in the field, are called Voiavodey, though they never saw the field, and the Sons of a Knez or Duke, are called Knaz●y, though they have not one groat of inheritance or livelihood to maintain themselves withal. Of this sort there are so many, that the plenty maketh them cheap▪ so that you shall see Duke's glad to serve a mean man for five or six Rubbels or Marcks a year, and yet they will stand highly upon their Bestchest or reputation of their Honours. And these are their several degrees of Nobility. The second degree of persons, is of their Sina Boiarskey, or the sons of Gentlemen, which all are preferred, and hold that Name by their service in the Emperor's wars, The second degree of persons. be●●g Soldiers by their very stock and birth. To which order are referred their Dyacks or Secretaries, that serve the Emperor in every head Town, being joined in Commission with the Dukes of that place. The last are their Commons, whom they call Mousicks. The third degree. In which number they reckon their Merchants and their common Artificers. The very lowest and basest sort of this kind (which are held in no degree) are their Country people, whom they call Christianeis. Of the Sina Boiarskey (which are all Soldiers) we are to see in the description of their Forces, and Military provisions. Concerning their Mousicks, what their condition and behaviour is in the Title or Chapter Of the Common people. THe whole Country of Russia (as was said before) is divided into four parts, Chap. 10. Of the Government of their Provinces and Shires. which they call Chetfirds, or Tetrarchies. Every Chetfird containeth diverse Shires, and is annexed to a several Office, whereof it takes the name. The first Chetfird or tetrarchy, beareth the name of Pososkoy Chetfird, or the jurisdiction of the office of Ambassages, and at this time is under the chief Secretary and officer of the Ambassages, called Andrea's Schalcalove. The standing fee or stipend that he receiveth yearly of the Emperor for this service, is one hundred Rubbels or Marcks. The second is called the Roseradney Chetfird, because it is proper to the Roserade or high Constable. At this time it pertaineth by virtue of Office to Basilie Shalcalove, Brother to the Chancellor, but it is executed by one Zapon Abramove. His pension is an hundred Rubbels yearly. The third is the Chetfird of Pomestnoy, as pertaining to that Office. This keepeth a Register of all Lands given by the Emperor for service to his Noblemen, Gentlemen and others, giveth out and taketh in all Assurances for them. The officer at this time is called Eleazar Wellusgine. His stipend is five hundred Rubbels a year. The fourth is called Cassauskoy Dworets', as being appropriate to the Office that hath the jurisdiction of the Kingdoms of Cazan and Astracan, with the other Towns lying upon the Volgha, now ordered by one Druzhine Penteleous, a man of very special account among them, for his wisdom and promptness in matters of policy. His pension is one hundred and fifty Rubbels a year. From these Chetfirds or Tetrarchies is exempted the Emperor's inheritance or Vochin (as they call it) for that it pertained from ancient time to the House of Beala, which is the surname of the Imperial blood. This standeth of six and thirty Towns with their bounds or Territories. Besides diverse peculiar jurisdictions, which are likewise deducted out of those Chetfirds, as the Shire of Vagha (belonging to the Lord Borrise Federowich Godonoe) and such like. These are the chief Governors or Officers of the Provinces, not resident at their charge abroad, but attending the Emperor whither soever he goeth, and carrying their Offices about with them, which for the most part they hold at Mosko, as the Emperor's chief seat. The parts and practice of these four Offices, is to receive all Complaints and Actions whatsoever, that are brought out of their several Chetfirds and Quarters, and to inform them to the Emperor's Council. Likewise to send direction again to those that are under them, in their said Provinces, for all matters given in charge by the Emperor and his Council, to be done or put in execution within their Precincts. For the ordering of every particular Province of these four Chetfirds, there is appointed one of these Dukes, which were reckoned before in the lowest degree of their Nobility, which are resident in the head Towns of the said Provinces. Whereof every one hath joined with him in Commission a Dyack or Secretary to assist him or rather to direct him. For in the executing of their Commission, the Dyack doth all. The Commission of the Dukes or Precedents of Shires. The parts of their Commission are these in effect. First, to hear and determine in all civil matters within their Precinct. To which purpose they have under them certain Officers, as Gubnoy Starets or Coroners, who besides the trial of self Murders, are to attach Felons: and the Soudiae or under justices, who themselves also may hear and determine in all matters of the same nature, among the Country people of their own Wards or Bayliwickes': but so that in case either party dissent, they may appeal, and go further to the Duke and Dyack that reside within the head Town. From whom also they may remove the matter to the higher Court at Mosko, of the Emperor's Council, where lie all appeals. They have under them also S●●skoy Starets, that is Aldermen, or Bailiffs of the Hundreds. Secondly, in all criminal matters, as Theft, Murder, Treason, etc. they have authority to apprehend, to examine and to imprison the malefactor, and so having received perfect evidence and imformation of the cause, they are to send it ready drawn and orderly digested up to the Mosko, to the Officer of the Chetfird, whereunto that Province is annexed: by whom it is referred and propounded to the Emperor's Council. But to determine in any matter criminal, or to do execution upon the party offending, is more than their Commission will allow them to do. Thirdly, if there be any public service to be done within that Province, (as the publishing of any Law, or common order, by way of Proclamation, collecting of taxes and impositions for the Emperor, mustering of Soldiers, and sending them forth at the day, and to the place assigned by the Emperor or his Council) all these and such like pertain to their charge. Dukes and Dyacks: many of them unjust oppressors, and Sponges pressed again. These Dukes and Dyacks are appointed to their place by the Emperor himself, and are changed ordinarily at every years' end, except upon some special liking or suit, the time be prorogued for a year or two more. They are men of themselves of no credit, nor favour with the people where they govern, being neither borne, nor brought up among them, nor yet having inheritance of their own there, or else where. Only of the Emperor they have for that service an hundred Marcks a year, he that hath most, some fifty, some but thirty. Which maketh them more suspected and odious to the people, because being so bare, and coming fresh and hungry upon them lightly every year, they rack and spoil them without due regard of justice or Conscience. Which is easily tolerated by the chief Officers of the Chetfirds, to the end they may spoil them again, and have a better booty when they call them to account: which commonly they do at the end of their service, making an advantage of their injustice and oppression over the poor people. There are few of them but they come to the Pudkey or Whip when their time is ended, which themselves for the most part do make account of. And therefore they furnish themselves with all the spoil they can for the time of their Government, that they may have for both turns, as well for the Emperor and Lord of the Chetfird, as to reserve some good part for themselves. They that are appointed to govern abroad, are men of this quality: save that in the four border Towns that are of greatest importance, are set men of more special valour and trust, two in every Town. Whereof one is ever of the Emperor's privy Counsel. These four border Towns are, Smolensko, Vobsko, Novogrod, and Cazan, whereof three lie towards the Polonian and Sweden, one bordereth far off upon the Chrim Tartar. These have larger commission than the other Dukes of the Provinces that I spoke of before, and may do execution in criminal matters. Which is thought behooveful for the Commonwealth: for incident occasions that may happen upon the borders that are far off, and may not stay for direction, about every occurrent and particular matter from the Emperor and his Counsel. They are changed every year (except as before) and have for their stipend 700. Rubbels a year he that hath most: some have but 400. Many of these places that are of greatest importance, and almost the whole Country is managed at this time, by the Godonoes' and their Clients. The City of Mosko (that is the Emperor's Seat) is governed altogether by the Emperor's Counsel. All matters there both civil and criminal, are heard and determined in the several Courts, held by some of the said Counsel, that reside there all the year long. Only for their ordinary matters (as Buildings, Reparations, The government of Mosko. keeping of their Streets decent and clean, Collections, levying of Taxes, Impositions and such like) are appointed, two Gentlemen, and two Dyacks or Secretaries, who hold a Court together for the ordering of such matters. This is called the Zempskey house. If any Townsman suspect his servant of theft or like matter, hither he may bring him to have him examined upon the Pudkey, or other torture. Besides these two Gentlemen, and Secretaries that order the whole City, there are Starusts or Aldermen for every several Company. The Alderman hath his Sotskey or Constable, and the Constable hath certain Decetskeiss or Decurions under him, which have the oversight of ten households a piece, whereby every disorder is sooner spied, and the common service hath the quicker dispatch. The whole number of Citizens poor and rich are reduced into Companies. The chief Officers (as the Dyacks and Gentlemen) are appointed by the Emperor himself, the Starust by the Gentlemen and Dyacks, the Sotskoy by the Starust or Alderman, and the Decetskoyes by the Constables. This manner of government of their Provinces and Towns, if it were as well set for the giving of justice indifferently to all sorts, as it is to prevent innovations, by keeping of the Nobility within order, and the Commons in subjection, it might seem in that kind to be no bad nor unpolitike way, for the containing of so large a Commonwealth, of that breadth and length as is the Kingdom of Russia. But the oppression and slavery is so open, and so great, that a man would marvel, how the Nobility and People should suffer themselves to be brought under it, while they had any means to avoid and repulse it: or being so strengthened as it is at this present, how the Emperors themselves can be content to practise the same, with so open injustice and oppression of their Subjects, being themselves of a Christian profession. An hard matter to alter the State of Russia. By this it appeareth how hard a matter it were to alter the state of the Ruff Government, as now it standeth. THe Emperors of Russia give the name of Counsellor to diverse of their chief Nobility, Chap. 11. Of the Emperor's Counsel. rather for honour's sake, then for any use they make of them about their matters of State. These are called Boiarens, without any addition, and may be called, Counselors at large. For they are seldom or never called to any public consultation. They which are of his special and privy Counsel indeed (whom he useth daily and ordinarily for all public matters pertaining to the State) have the addition of Dumnoy, and are named Dumnoy boiaren, or Lords of the Counsel, their Office or Sitting Boarstua dum●a. Their names at this present are these in their order. First, The number and names of the Counsellors of State. Knez Feoder joanowich Methisloskey. 2. Knez juan Michailowich Glinskoy. 3. Knez Vasilie juanowich Suskoy Scopin. (These three are accounted to be of greater birth than wisdom, taken in (as may seem) for that end, rather to furnish the place with their honours and presence, then with their advice or counsel.) 4. Knez Vasilie juanowich Suskoy, thought to be more wise than the other of his name. 5. Knez Feoder Michailowich. 6. Knez Michata Romanowich Trowbetskoy. 7. Knez Timophey Romanowich Trowbetskoy. 8. Knez Andriew Gregoriwich Curakine. 9 Knez Demetrie juanowich Forestine. 10. Knez Feoder juanowich Forestine. 11. Bodan juanowich Sabarove. 12. Knez juan Vasilowich. 13. Knez Feoder Demetriwich Shestinove. 14. Knez Feoder Michailowich Troyconiove. 15. juan Buterlyney. 16. Demetrie juanowich Godonoe. 17. Borrise Federowich Godonoe, brother to the Empress. 18. Stephan Vasilowich Godonoe. 19 Gregory Vasilowich Godonoe. 20. juan Vasilowich Godonoe. 21. Feoder Sheremitove. 22. Andrew Petrowich Cleshenina. 23. Ignati● Petrowich Tatislove. 24. Roman Michailowich Peva. 25. Demenshoy juanowich Cheremissen. 26. Roman Vasilowich Alferiove. 27. Andriew Shalcalove. 28. Vasilie Shalcalove. 29. Eleazar Wellusgin. 30. Drezheen Penteleove. 31. Zapon Abramove. Four Secretaries. The four last of these are called Dumnoy deiakey or Lord-Secretaries. These are all of the Emperor's privy Counsel, though but few of them are called to any consultation, for that all matters are advised and determined upon by Borris Federowich Godonoe brother to the Empress, with some five or six more whom it pleaseth him to call. If they come, they are rather to hear, then to give counsel, and do so demean themselves. The matters occurrent which are of State done within the Realm, are informed them at their ●ittings by the Lords of the four Chetfirds, or Tetrarchies. Whereof mention is made in the Chapter concerning the Government of their Provinces. Who bring in all such Letters as they receive from the Dukes, Dyacks, Captains, and other Officers of the City and Castles pertaining to their several Quarter or Chetfird, with other advertisements, and inform the Counsel of them. The like is done by the chief Officer of every several Office of Record: who may come into the Counsel-chamber, and inform them, as occasion incident to his Office doth require. Besides matters of State, they consider of many private Causes, informed by the way of supplication in very great numbers. Whereof some they entertain and determine, as the Cause or means can procure favour. Some they send to the Offices whereto they pertain by common course of Law. Their ordinary days for their sitting are, Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays. Their time of meeting is commonly seven of the clock in the morning. If there be any extraordinary occasion that requireth consultation on some other day, they have warning by the Clerk of of the Counsel, called Dorofey Bushew, who receiveth order from the Roserad, or High Constable of the Realm, to call them together at the time appointed. Chap. 12. Of the Emperor's Customs and other Revenues. The Offices of Receipt. The Steward Receiver of the Crowne-land Rents. FOr the receiving of Customs, and other Rents belonging to the Crown, there are appointed diverse Under-officers, which deliver over the same into the head Treasury. The first is, the Office of Dwoertsova or Steward of the household. The second is, the Office of the Chetfirds, which I comprehend under one, though it be divided into four several parts, as was said before. The third is called, Bulsha Prechode, or the great Income. As touching the first, which is the Office of the Steward, it receiveth all the Rents of the Emperor's Inheritance, or Crowne-land, which they call, Vochin. The Vochin or Crown-land containeth in it six and thirty Towns with the Territories or Hundreds belonging unto them. Whereof the chief that yield the greatest Rents are these: Alexandrisca, Corelska, Otfer, Slobodey, Danielska, Moisalskoy, Chara, Sametska, Strararouse, Bransove, etc. The Inhabitants or Tenants of these and the other Towns, pay some Rend money, some other Rend duties (called Obr●key) as certain Chetfirds or measures of Grain, Wheat, Rye, Barley, Oats, etc. or of other victual, as Oxen, Sheep, Swans, Geese, Hares, Hens, wild Fowl, Fish, Hay, Wood, Honey, etc. Some are bound to sow for the Emperor's provision certain acres of ground, and to make the Corn ready for his use: having for it an allowance of certain acres of ground for their own proper use. This provision for the household, specially of Grain served in by the Tenants, is a great deal more than is spent in his house, or in other allowance served out in livery, or for the Emperor's honour, called Schalovaney: for which use there is bestowed very much, both in Grain and other victual. This surplus of provision is sold by the Steward to the best hand, and runneth into the Emperor's Treasury. In the time of juan Vasilowich, father to this Emperor (who kept a more Princely and bountiful house then the Emperor now doth) this overplus of Grain, and other incomes into the Steward's Office, yielded to his Treasury not past 60000. Rubbels yearly, but riseth now by good husbanding of the Steward Gregory Vasilowich Godonoe, to 230000. Rubbels a year. And this by the means of the Empress, and her kindred, specially (Borris Fedorowich Godonoe) that account it all their own that runneth into the Emperor's Treasure. Much of this surplusage that riseth out of the Rend provision, is employed to the payment of the wages of his household Officers, which are very many attending at home, and purveying abroad. The Office of Chetfird. The second Office of Receipt, is called the Chetfirds, (being divided into four several parts, as before was said) hath four head Officers: which besides the ordering and government of the Shires contained within their several Chetfirds, have this also as a part of their Office, to receive the Tagla and Podat belonging to the Emperor, Tagla and Podat. that riseth out of the four Chetfirds or Quarters. The Tagla is a yearly Rent or Imposition raised upon every Wi●e or measure of Grain, that groweth within the Land, gathered by sworn men, and brought into the Office. The Wite containeth sixty Chetfirds. Every Chetfird is three Bushels English, or little less. The Podat is an ordinary Rent of money imposed upon every Soak, or Hundred within the whole Realm. This Tagla and Podat bring in yearly to the Offices of the Chetfirds a great sum of money: as may appear by the particulars here set down. The Town and Province of Vob●ko pay yearly for Tagla and Podat about 18000. Rubbels. Novogrod 35000. Rubbels. Torshocke and Otfer 8000. Rubbels. Razan 30000. Rubbels. Morum 12000. Rubbels. Colmigroe and Duyna 8000. Rubbels. Vologda 12000. Rubbels. Cazan 18000. Rubbels. Vstiug 30000 Rubbles. Rostove 50000. Rubbels. The City of Mosko 40000. Rubbels. Sibierskoy 20000. Rubbels. Castrome 12000. Rubbels. The total amounteth to 400000. Rubbels, or Marks a year, which is brought in yearly the first of September, that is reckoned by them the first day of the year. Year begins with September. The Office of Bulsha Prechod or great Income. The third (that is called the Bulsha Prechod, or great Income) receiveth all the Customs that are gathered out of all the principal Towns and Cities within the whole Realm. Besides the fees and other duties which rise out of diverse smaller Offices, which are all brought into this Office of Bulsha Prechod. The Towns of most trade, that do yield greatest Custom, are these here set down. Mosko, Smolensko, Vobsko, Novogrod Velica, Strararouse, Turshocke, Otfer, Yaruslave, Castrome, Nesua Novogrod, Cazan, Vologda. This Custom out of the great Towns is therefore more certain, and easy to be reckoned, because it is set and rated precisely what they shall pay for the Custom of the year. Which needs must be paid into the said Office, though they receive not so much. If it fall out to be more, it runneth all into the Emperor's advantage. The Custom at Mosko for every year, is 12000. Rubbels. The Emperor's Custom. The Custom of Smolensko 8000. Vobsko 12000. Rubbels. Novogrod v●lica 6000. Rubbels. Strararouse by Salt and other commodities 18000. Rubbels. Torshock 800. Rubbels. Otfer 700. Rubbels. Yaruslave 1200. Rubbels. Castrome 1800. Rubbels. Nesna Novogrod 7000. Rubbels. Cazan 11000. Rubbels. Vologda 2000 Rubbels. The Custom of the rest that are Towns of trade, is sometimes more, sometimes less, as their traffic and dealings with commodities to and fro, falleth out for the year. This may be said for certain, The whole receipt of the Bulsha Prechod or great Income. that the three Tables of Receipts belonging to this Office of Bulsha Prechod, when they receive least, account for thus much, uz. The first table, 160000. Rubbels. The second table, 90000. Rubbels. The third 70000. Rubbels. So that there cometh into the Office of Bulsha Prechod, at the least reckoning (as appeareth by their Books of Customs) out of these and other Towns, and maketh the sum of 340000. Rubbles a year. Besides this Custom out of the Towns of trade, there is received by this Office of Bulsha Prechod, the yearly Rent of the common Bath-stoves, and Cabacks or drinking houses, which pertain to the Emperor. Which (though it be uncertain for the just sum, yet because it is certain, and an ordinary matter, that the Ruff will bathe himself as well within as without) yieldeth a large Rent to the Emperor's Treasury. There is besides, Rents out of the judicial Offices. Mulcts or fines. a certain Mulct or Penalty that groweth to the Emperor out of every judgement or Sentence, that passeth in any of his Courts of Record in all Civil matters. This Penalty or Mulct is twenty Dingoes or Pence upon every Rubbel or Mark, and so ten in the hundred. Which is paid by the party that is convict by Law. He hath besides for every name contained in the Writs that pass out of these Courts, five Alteens. An Alteen● is five pence sterling, or thereabouts. This is made good out of the Office, whence the Writ is taken forth. Thence it goeth to the Office that keepeth the lesser Seal, where it payeth as much more to the Emperor's use. This riseth commonly to three thousand Rubbels a year, or thereabouts. Farther also out of the Office of Roisbonia, where all felonies are tried, is received for the Emperor the half part of Felons goods, the other half goeth the one part to the Informer, the other to the Officers. All this is brought into the Office of Bulsha Prechod, or Great income. Besides the overplus or remainder that is saved out of the Land-rents allotted to diverse other Offices: as namely, to the Office called Roserade, which hath Lands and Rents assigned unto it to pay the yearly salaries of the Soldiers, or Horsemen, that are kept still in pay. Which in time of peace, when they rest at home not employed in any service, is commonly cut off and paid them by halves, sometimes not the half: so that the remainder out of the Roserade Office that is laid into the Emperor's treasury, cometh for the most part every year to 250000. Rubbels. In like sort (though not so much) is brought in the surplus out of the Strelletskoy Offices which hath proper Lands for the payment of the Strelsey men or Gunners, as well those at Mosko, that are of the Emperor's Guard (12000. in ordinary) as on the borders, and other garrison Towns and Castles. Likewise out of the Office of Prechase, Shisivoy Nemsh●y, which hath set allowance of Lands to maintain the foreign mercenary Soldiers, as Poles, Sweadens, Duchess, Scots, etc. So out of the Office of Pusharskoy, (which hath Lands and Rents allowed for the provision of munition, great Ordnance, Powder, Shot, Saltpetre, Brimstone, Led, and such like) there is left somewhat at the years end, that runneth into the Treasury. All these bring into the Office of Bulsha Prechod that which remaineth in their hand at the years end. Whence it is delivered into the Emperor's Treasury. So that the whole sum that groweth to this Office of Bulsha Prechod, or the great Income (as appeareth by the Books of the said Office) amounteth to 800000. Rubbels a year, or thereabouts. All these Offices, to wit, the Office of the Steward, the four Chetfirds, and the Bulsha Prechod deliver in their receipts to the head treasury, The Emperor's treasure house within his Castle of Mosko. that lieth within the Emperor's house or Castle at the Mosko. Where lie all his Moneys, jewels, Crowns, Sceptres, Plate, and such like, the Chests, Hutches, and Bags being signed by the Emperors themselves with their own seal. Though at this time the L. Borris Federowich Godonoe, his seal and oversight supplieth for the Emperor, as in all other things. The under Officer at this time is one Stepan Vasilowich Godonoe, Cousin german to the said Borris, who hath two Clerks allowed to serve under him in the Office. The sum of the Emperors rend money. The sum that groweth to the Emperor's Treasury in money only, for every year. 1. Out of the Steward's Office above the expense of his house 23000. Rubbels. 2. Out of the four Chetfirds for Soak and Head money, 400000. Rubbels. 3. Out of the Bulsha Precod Office, or great Income for Custom and other Rents. 800000. Rubbels. Sum 1430000. Rubbels clear, besides all charges for his house and ordinary salaries of his Soldiers otherwise discharged. But besides this revenue that is paid all in money to the Emperor's treasury, he receiveth yearly in Furs, and other duties to a great value out of Siberia, Pechora, Permia, and other places, which are sold or bartered away for other foreign commodities to the Turkish, Persian, Armenian, Georgian and Bougharian Merchants, that trade with●n his Countries, besides others of Christendom. What it maketh in the whole (though the value cannot be set down precisely, as being a thing casual as the commodity may be got) it may be guessed by that which was gathered the last year out of Siberia for the Emperor's Custom, uz. 466. Timber of Sables, five Timber of Martrones, 180. black Foxes, besides other commodities. To these may be added their seazures, and confiscations upon such as are in displeasure, which riseth to a great sum, besides other their extraordinary Impositions, and exactions done upon their Officers, Monasteries, etc. not for any apparent necessity, or use of the Prince, or Commonwealth, but of will and custom: yet with some pretence of policy. To this purpose this byword was used by the late Emperor juan Vasilowich: That his people were like to his beard. The oftener shaved, the thicker it would grow. Or like sheep, that must needs be shorn once a year at the least: to keep them from being over-laden with their wool. Understand these politic courses of the times when the Author writ. God's chastisement hath since been heavy to sweep such ills from among them. Means serving to which purpose were to prevent no extortions, exactions, or briberies whatsoever, done upon the Commons by their Dukes, Diacks, or other Officers in their Provinces: but to suffer them to go on till their time be expired, and to suck themselves full. Then to call them to the Praveush (or whip) for their behaviour, and to beat out of them all, or the most part of the booty, (as the Honey from the Bee) which they have wrung from the Commons, and to turn it into the Emperor's Treasury, but never any thing back again to the right owners, how great or evident soever the injury be. To this end the needy Dukes, and Diacks, that are sent into their Provinces, serve the turn very well, being changed so often (to wit) once a year: where in respect of their own, and the quality of the people (as before was said) they might be continued for some longer time, without all fear of innovation. For coming still fresh upon the Commons, they suck more eagerly: like Tiberius the Emperor's Flies, that came new still upon an old sore. To whom he was wont to compare his Praetors, and other Provincial Officers. 2. Yet they did make of these Officers (that have robbed their people) sometimes a public example, if any be more notorious than the rest: the Emperor thus seeming to mislike the oppressions done to his people, and transferring the fault to his ill Officers. As among diverse other, was done by the late Emperor juan Vasilowich to a Diacke in one of his Provinces: that (besides many other extortions and briberies) had taken a goose ready dressed full of money. The man was brought to the Marketplace in Mosko. The Emperor himself present made an Oration. These, good people, are they that would eat you up like bread, etc. Then asked he his Polachies or Executioners, who could cut up a Goose, and commanded one of them first to cut off his legs about the midst of the shin, than the arms above his elbows (ask him still if Goose-flesh were good meat) in the end to chop off his head: that he might have the right fashion of a Goose ready dressed. 3. They make an open show of want, when any great Tax or Imposition is towards. As was done by this Emperor Theodore juanowich, by the advice of some about him at the beginning of his reign: when being left very rich (as was thought) by his father, he sold most of his Plate, and stamped some into Coin: that he might seem to want money. Whereupon presently out came a Taxation. 4. They suffer their subjects to give freely to the Monasteries (which for their superstition very many do, specially in their last Wills) and to lay up their money and substance in them, to keep it more safe. Which all is permitted them without any restraint or proviso, as was and is in some Countries of Christendom. Whereby their Monasteries grow to exceeding great wealth. This they do to have the money of the Realm better stored together, and more ready for their hand, when they list to take it. Which many times is done without any noise: the Friars being content rather to part from somewhat (as the increase groweth) then to lose all at once. Which they were made to doubt of in the other Emperor's days. To this end juan Vasilowich late Emperor used a very strange practice, A strange practice to get money. that few Princes would have done in their greatest extremities. He resigned his Kingdom to one Velica Knez Simeon, the Emperor's son of Cazan: as though he meant to draw himself from all public doings to a quiet private life. Towards the end of the year, he caused this new King to call in all Charters granted to Bishoprickes, and Monasteries, which they had enjoyed many hundred years before. Which were all canceled. This done (as in dislike of the fact & of the misgovernment of the new King) he resumed his Sceptre, and so was content (as in favour to the Church and Religious men) that they should renew their Charters, and take them of himself: reserving and annexing to the Crown so much of their lands, as himself thought good. By this practice he wrung from the Bishoprickes and Monasteries (besides the lands which he annexed to the Crown) an huge mass of money. From some forty, from some fifty, from some an hundred thousand Rubbels. And this as well for the increase of his Treasury, as to abate the ill opinion of his hard government, by a show of worse in another man. Wherein his strange spirit is to be noted: that being hated of his subjects (as himself knew well enough) yet should venture such a practice to set another in his saddle, that might have rid away with his horse, while himself walked by on foot. 5. They send their Messengers into the Provinces or Shires, where the special commodities of their Country grow, as Furs, Wax, Honey, etc. There to forestall and engross sometime one whole commodity, sometime two or more, taking them at small prices what themselves list, and selling them again at an excessive rate to their own Merchants, and to Merchant's strangers. If they refuse to buy them, then to force them unto it. The like is done when any commodity either native or foreign (as Cloth of Gold, Broadcloth, etc.) thus engrossed by the Emperor, and received into his treasury happeneth to decay, or mar by long lying, or some other casualty. Which is forced upon the Merchants to be bought by them at the Emperor's price, whether they will or no. This last year of 1589. was engrossed all the Wax of the Country: so that none might deal with that commodity, but the Emperor only. 6. To take up and engross in like sort sometime foreign commodities (as Silks, Cloth, Led, Pearl, etc. brought into his Realm by Turkish Merchants, Armenians, Bougharians, Poles, English, and other. And then to force his Merchants to buy them of his Officers at his own price. 7. They make a Monopoly for the time of such commodities as are paid him for Rent, or Custom, and to enhance the price of them, as Furs, Corn, Wood, etc. What time none must sell of the same kind of commodity, till the Emperors be all sold. By this means he maketh of his Rent, Corn, and other provision of victual (as before was said) about 200000. Rubbels or Marks a year. Of his Rent, Wood, Hay, etc. 30000. Rubbels, or thereabouts. 8. In every great Town of his Realm he hath a Caback or other drinking house, where is sold Aquavitae (which they call Russee Wine) Mead, Beer, etc. Out of these he receiveth Rend that amounteth to a great sum of money. Some yield 800. some 900. some a 1000 some 2000 or 3000. Rubbels a year. Wherein besides the base and dishonourable means to increase his treasury, many foul faults are committed. The poor Labouring man, and Artificer, many times spendeth all from his wife and children. Some use to lay in twenty, thirty, forty Rubbels, or more into the Caback, and vow themselves to the pot, till all that be spent. And this (as he will say) for the honour of Hospodare, or the Emperor. You shall have many there that have drunk all away to the very skin, and so walk naked (whom they call Naga.) While they are in the Caback, none may call them forth whatsoever cause there be, because he hindereth the Emperor's revenue. 9 Some of his Boiarens, or Nobles of his Court, (whom he useth upon trust) that have houses in the Mosko, fain themselves robbed: Then they send for the Zemskey men, or Aldermen of the City, and command them to find out the robbery: In default of not finding it, brave or cease the City for their misgovernment in 8000.9000. or 10000 Rubbels at a time. This is many times practised. 10. In these exactions to show their Sovereignty, sometime they have been used very plain, and yet strange cavillations. As was that of juan Vasilowich, father to this Emperor, after this sort. He sent into Permia for certain loads of Cedar wood, whereof he knew that none grew in that Country. The inhabitants returned answer they could find none there. Whereupon he seized their Country in 12000. Rubbels, as if they concealed the commodity of purpose. Again, he sent to the City of Mosko to provide for him a Colpack, or measure full of live Fleas for a medicine. They returned answer that the thing was impossible. And if they could get them, yet they could not measure them, for leaping out. Whereupon he praved, or beat out of their shins 7000. Rubbels for a Mulct. By like cavillation he extorted for his Nobility 30000. Rubbels, because he miss of his game, when he went a hunting for the Hare: as if their hunting and murdering of Hares had been the cause of it. Which the Nobility (as the manner is) Praved presently again upon the Mousicks, or common people of the Country. Chap. 13. Of the state of th● Commonnaltie, or vulgar sort of the people in the Country of Russia. The servile and miserable estate of the Ruff people. THe condition of the Commons and vulgar sort of people, may partly be understood by that which already hath been said concerning the manner of their Government, and the state of the Nobility, with the ordering of their Provinces, and chief Towns of the Land. And first touching their liberty how it standeth with them, it may appear by this: that they are reckoned in no degree at all, nor have any suffrage nor place in their Zabore, or high Court of Parliament, where their Laws and public Orders are concluded upon. Again into what servile condition their liberty is brought, not only to the Prince, but to the Nobles, and Gentlemen of the Country (who themselves also are but servile, specially of late years) it may further appear by their own acknowledgements in their supplications, and other writings to any of the Nobles or chief Officers of the Emperors. Wherein they name and subscribe themselves Kolophey, that is, their Villains, or Bondslaves: as they of the Nobility do unto the Emperor. This may truly be said of them, that there is no servant nor bondslave more awed by his Master, nor kept down in a more servile subjection, than the poor people are, and that universally, not only by the Emperor, but by his Nobility chief Officers and Soldiers. So that when a poor Mousick meeteth with any of them upon the high way, Misery of those times, manners and men. he must turn himself about, as not daring to look him on the face, and fa●l down with knocking of his head to the very ground, as he doth unto his Idol. Secondly, concerning the Lands, goods, and other possessions of the Commons, they answer the Name and lie Common indeed, without any fence against the rapine and spoil, not only of the highest, but of his Nobility, Officers, and Soldiers. Besides the Taxes, Customs, Seazures, and other public exactions done upon them by the Emperor, they are so racked and pulled by the Nobles, Officers, and Messengers, sent abroad by the Emperor in his public affairs, specially in the Yammes (as they call them) and thorough fair Towns, that you shall have many Villages and Towns of half a mile, and a mile long, stand all unhabited: the people being fled all into other places, by reason of the extreme usage, and exactions done upon them. So that in the way towards Mosko, betwixt Vologda and Yaruslaveley (which is two nineties after their reckoning, little more than an hundred miles English,) there are in sight fifty Darieunes or Villages at the least, some half a mile, some a mile long (that stand vacant) and desolate without any inhabitant. The like is in all other places of the Realm, as is said by those that have better traveled the Country than myself had time, or occasion to do. The great oppression over the poor Commons, made them to have no courage in following their Trades: for the more they have, the more danger they are in, not only of their goods, but of their lives also. And if they have any thing, they conceal it all they can, sometimes conveying it into Monasteries, sometimes hiding it under the ground, and in Woods, as men are wont to do where they are in fear of foreign invasion. Insomuch that many times you shall see them afraid to be known to any Boiuren or Gentleman, of such commodities as they have to sell. I have seen them sometimes when they have laid open their Commodities for a liking (as their principal Furs and such like) to look still behind them, and towards every door: as men in some fear, that looked to be set upon, and surprised by some Enemy. Whereof ask the cause, I found it to be this, that they have doubted lest some Nobleman or Sinaboiarskey of the Emperor had been in company, and so laid a train for them to pray upon their Commodities perforce. This made the people (though otherwise hardened to bear any toil) to give themselves much to Idleness and Drinking: as passing for no more, then from hand to mouth. And hereof it cometh that the Commodities of Russia (as was said before) as Wax, Tallow, Hides, Flax, Hemp, etc. grow and go abroad in far less plenty than they were wont to do: because the people being oppressed and spoilt of their gettings, are discouraged from their labours. Yet this one thing is much to be noted, that in all this oppression there were three brethren Merchants, of late that traded together with one Stock in common, that were found to be worth 300000. Rubbels in money, Rich Russian Merchants. besides Lands, Cattles, and other Commodities. Which may partly be imputed to their dwellings far off from the eye of the Court, viz. in Wichida, one thousand miles from Mosko and more. The same are said by those that knew them, to have set on work all the year long ten thousand men in making of Salt, carriages by Cart, and Boat, hewing of Wood and such like: besides five thousand Bondslaves at the least, to inhabit and till their Land. They had also their Physicians, Surgeons, Apothecaries, and all manner of Artificers of Doutches and others, belonging unto them. They are said to have paid to the Emperor for Custom to the sum of three and twenty thousand Rubbels a year, (for which cause they were suffered to enjoy their Trade) besides the maintaining of certain Garrisons on the borders of Siberia, which were near unto them. Wherein the Emperor was content to use their purse, till such time as they had got ground in Siberia, and made it habitable, by burning and cutting down Woods, from Wichida to Perm, above one thousand versed, and then took it all away from them perforce. But this in the end being envied and disdained, as a matter not standing with their policy, to have any so great, specially a Mousick, the Emperor began first to pull from them by pieces, sometimes twenty thousand Rubbels at a time, sometime more: till in the end their Sons that now are, are well eased of their Stock, and have but small part of their Father's substance: the rest being drawn all into the Emperor's treasury. Their names were jacone, Gregory, and Simon, the Sons of O●●ka. For the quality of their people otherwise, though there seemeth to be in there some aptness to receive any Art (as appeareth by the natural wits in the men, and very children) yet they excel in no kind of common Art, much less in any learning, or literal kind of knowledge: which they are kept from of purpose, as they are also from all military practice: that they may be fitter for the servile condition, wherein now they are, and have neither reason, nor valour to attempt innovation. For this purpose also they are kept from travelling, Russes not permitted to travel. that they may learn nothing, nor see the fashions of other Countries abroad. You shall seldom see a Ruff a traveller, except he be with some Ambassador, or that he make an escape out of his Country. Which hardly he can do, by reason of the borders that are watched so narrowly, and the punishment for any such attempt, which is death, if he be taken, and all his goods confiscate. Only they learn to write, and to read, and that very few of them. Neither do they suffer any stranger willingly to come into their Realm out of any civil Country, for the same cause, farther than necessity of uttering their commodities, and taking in of foreign doth enforce them to do. And therefore this year 1589. they consulted about the removing of all Merchant's strangers to the border Towns, to abide and have their residency there, The jealousy of the Emperor concerning his state. and to be more wary in admitting other strangers hereafter into the Inland parts of the Realm. For the same purpose also they are kept within the bounds of their degree by the Laws of their Country: so that the son of a Mousick, Artificer, or Husbandman, is ever a Mousick, Artificer, etc. and hath no means to aspire any higher: except, having learned to write and read, he attain to the preferment of a Priest, or Dyack. Their Language is all one with the Slavonian, which is thought to have been derived from the Ruff Tongue, rather than the Ruff from the Slavonian. For the People called Sclavi, Sclavonia and the Language. are known to have had their beginning out of Sarmatia, and to have termed themselves of their Conquest Sclavos, (that is) Famous or Glorious, of the word Sclava, which in the Ruff and Slavonian Tongue signifieth as much as Glory, or Fame. Though afterwards being subdued and trod upon by diverse Nations, the Italians, their Neighbours, have turned the word to a contrary signification, and term every Servant or Peasant by the name of Sclave, as did the Romans by the Geteses and Syrians, for the same reason. The Ruff Character or Letter is no other than the Greek●, somewhat distorted. Concerning their Trades, Diet, apparel, and such like, it is to be noted in a several Chapter of their private behaviour. This order that bindeth every man to keep his rank, and several degree, wherein his forefathers lived before him, is more meet to keep the Subjects in a servile subjection, and so apt for this and like Commonwealths, then to advance any virtue, or to breed any rare or excellent quality in Nobility or Commons: as having no further reward nor preferment, whereunto they may bend their endeavours, and employ themselves to advance their estate, but rather procuring more danger to themselves, the more they excel in any noble o● principal quality. THeir Courts of Civil justice for matters of Contract, and other of like sort, Chap. 14. Of their public justice, and manner of proceeding in Civil, and Criminal matters. Courts of Civil justice three. The Dukes and Dyacks Court. The high Court of Mosko. are of three kinds, the one being subject unto the other by way of appeal. The lowest Court (that seemeth to be appointed for some ease to the Subjects) is the Office of the Gubnoy Starust, that signifieth an Alderman, and of the Sotskoy Starust, or Bailiff of the Soak or Hundred, whereof I spoke before in the ordering of the Provinces. These may end matters among their neighbours within their Soak, or several Hundred, where they are appointed under the Dukes and Dyacks of the Provinces, to whom the parties may remove their matter, if they cannot be agreed by the said Gubnoy, or Sotskoy Starust. The second is kept in the head Towns of every Province or Shire, by the said Dukes and Dyacks, that are Deputies to the four Lords of the Chetfirds (as before was said.) From these Courts they may appeal, and remove their Suits to the chief Court, that is kept at the Mosko, where are resident the Officers of the four Chetfirds. These are the chief justices or judges, every of them in all Civil matters that grow within their several Chetfird or Quarter, and may be either commenced originally before them, or prosecuted out of the inferior Courts of the Shires by way of appeal. Their commencing, and proceeding in Civil actions is on this manner. First, the Plaintiff putteth up his Supplication, wherein he declareth the effect of his Cause, Their manner of proceeding in Civil matters. or wrong done unto him. Whereupon is granted unto him a Wepis, or Warrant, which he delivereth to the Prastave, or Sergeant, to do the arrest upon the party whom he meaneth to implead. Who upon the arrest, is to put in Sureties to answer the day appointed, or else standeth at the Sergeant's devotion, to be kept safe by such means as he thinketh good. The Sergeants are many, and excel for their hard and cruel dealing towards their prisoners; commonly they clap Irons upon them, as many as they can bear, to wring out of them some larger fees. Though it be but for six pence, you shall see them go with Chains on their legs arms, and neck. When they come before the judge, the Plaintiff beginneth to declare his matter after the contents of his Supplication. As for Attorneys, Counsellors, Procurators, and Advocates, to plead their Cause for them, they have no such order, but every man is to tell his own tale, and plead for himself as well as he can. Ending of controversies by kissing the Crosse. If they have any witness or other evidence, they produce it before the judge. If they have none, or if the truth of the Cause cannot so well be discerned by the plea, or evidence on both part●: then the judge asketh either party (which he thinketh good, Plaintiff or Defendant) whether he will kiss the Cross, upon that which he avoncheth, or denyeth. He that taketh the Cross (being so offered by the judge) is accounted clear, and carrieth away the matter. This Ceremony is not done within the Court, or Office, but the party is carried to the Church by an Officer, and there the Ceremony is done: the money in the mean while hanging upon a nail, or else lying at the Idols feet, ready to be delivered to the party, as soon as he hath kissed the Cross before the said Idol. judgement by lot. This kissing of the Cross (called Creustina chelovania) is as their corporal Oath, and accounted with them a very holy thing, which no man will dare to violate, or profane with a false allegation. If both parties offer to kiss the Cross in a contradictory matter, than they draw Lots. The better Lot is supposed to have the right, and beareth away the matter. So the party convicted is adjudged to pay the debt or penalty whatsoever, and withal to pay the Emperor's fees, which is twenty pence upon every Mark, as before hath been noted. When the matter is thus ended, the party convicted is delivered to the Sergeant, who hath a Writ for his warrant out of the Office, to carry him to the Praneush or Righter of justice, if presently he pay not the money, or content not the party. This Praneush or Righter, is a place near to the Office: where such as have sentence passed against them, and refuse to pay that which is adjudged, Shi●-beating. are beaten with great cudgels on the shins, and calves of their legs. Every forenoon from eight to eleven, they are set on the Praneush, and beat in this sort till the money be paid. The afternoon and night time, they are kept in chains by the Sergeant: except they put in sufficient Sureties for their appearance at the Praneush at the hour appointed. You shall see forty or fifty stand together on the Praneush all on a rue, and their shins thus becudgelled, Terrible terms and bebasted every morning with a piteous cry. If after a years standing on the Praneush, the party will not, or lack wherewithal to satisfy his creditor, it is lawful for him to sell his wife, and children, either outright, or for a certain term of years. And if the price of them do not amount to the full payment, the Creditor may take them to be his bondslaves, for years, or for ever, according as the value of the debt requireth. Such kind of Suits as lack direct evidence, or stand upon conjectures and circumstances to be weighed by the judge, draw of great length, and yield great advantage to the judge, and Officers. If the Suit be upon a Bond, or Bill, they have for the most part good and speedy justice. Their Bonds or Bills are drawn in a very plain sort, The form of Russee Bills or Bonds. after this tenor. I juan Vasileo have borrowed of Alphonasse Dementio, the sum of one hundred Rubbels of going money of Mosko, from the Kreshenea (or hallowing of the water) until the Saburney Voscreshenea (or Counsel Sunday) without interest. And if this money rest unpayed after that day, than he shall give interest upon the said money, after the common rate, as it goeth among the people, uz. for every five the sixth Rubbell. Upon this there are Witnesses, Micheta Sydroveskoy, etc. Subscribed. This Bill have I written Gabriel jacovelesni, in the year 7096. The Witnesses, and Debtor (if he can write) endorse their names on the backside of the Bill. Other signing, or sealing have they none. Proceeding in Criminal matters. When any is taken for a matter of Crime (as Treason, Murder, Theft, and such like) he is first brought to the Duke and Diack, that are for the Province where the party is attached, by whom he is examined. The manner of examination in such cases, is all by torture, as scourging with whips made of sinews, Pudkey whipping. or whitleather (called the Pudkey) as big as a man's finger, which giveth a sore lash, and entereth into the flesh; or by tying to a Spit and roasting at the fire; sometimes by Breaking and wresting one of their ribs with a pair of hot Tongues, Roasting. or cutting their flesh under the nails, and such like. The examination thus taken with all the proofs, and evidences that can be alleged against the party, it is sent up to the Mosko, to the Lord of the Chetfird or Fourth part, under whom the Province is, and by him is presented to the Counsel-table, to be read and sentenced there, where only judgement is given in matter of life and death, and that by evidence upon information, though they never saw nor heard the party who is kept still in prison where the fact was committed, and never sent up to the place where he is tried. If they find the party guilty, they give Sentence of death according to the quality of the fact: which is sent down by the Lord of the Chetfird, to the Duke and Diack to be put in execution. The Prisoner is carried to the place of execution with his hands bound, and a Wax candle burning held betwixt his fingers. Their Capital punishments are hanging, heading, knocking on the head, drowning, putting under the Ice, setting on a stake, and such like. But for the most part, Executions. the Prisoners that are condemned in Summer, are kept for the Winter, to be knocked in the head, and put under the Ice. This is to be understood of common persons. For theft, and murder, If they be committed upon a poor Mousick by one of Nobility are not lightly punished, nor yet is he called to any account for it. Their reason is, because they are accounted their Kolophey, or Bondslaves. If by some Sinaboiarskey, or Gentleman Soldier, a murder or theft be committed, peradventure he shall be imprisoned at the Emperor's pleasure. If the manner of the fact be very notorious, he is whipped perchance, and this is commonly all the punishment that is inflicted upon them. If a man kill his own servant, little or nothing is said unto him, for the same reason: because he is accounted to be his Kolophey, or Bondslave, and so to have right over his very head. The most is some small mulct to the Emperor, if the party be rich: and so the quarrel is made rather against the purse, then against the injustice. They have no written Law, Ritual (not right-all) Book. save only a small Book that containeth the time and manner of their sitting, order in proceeding, and such other judicial forms and circumstances, but nothing to direct them to give Sentence upon right or wrong. Their only Law is their Speaking Law, that is, the pleasure of the Prince, and of his Magistrates and Officers. THe Soldiers of Russia are called Sinaboiarskey, or the Sons of Gentlemen: Chap. 15. Their forces for the wars, with the chief Officers and salaries. The only Gentlemen. Soldiers by birth and inheritance. because they are all of that degree, by virtue of their military profession. For every Soldier in Russia is a Gentleman, and none are Gentlemen but only the Soldiers, that take it by descent from their Ancestors: so that the son of a Gentleman (which is borne a Soldier) is ever a Gentleman, and a Soldier withal, and professeth nothing else but military matters. When they are of years able to bear Arms, they come to the Office of Roserade, or Great Constable, and there present themselves: who entereth their names, and allotteth them certain Lands to maintain their charges, for the most part of the same that their fathers enjoyed. For the Lands assigned to maintain the Army, are ever certain, annexed to this Office without improving, or detracting one foot. But that if the Emperor have sufficient in wages, the rooms being full so far as the Land doth extend already, they are many times deferred, and have nothing allowed them, except some one portion of the Land be divided into two. Which is a cause of great disorder within that Country: When a Soldier that hath many children, shall have sometimes but one entertained in the Emperor's pay. So that the rest having nothing, are forced to live by unjust and wicked shifts, that tend to the hurt and oppression of the Mousicke, or common sort of people. This inconvenience groweth by maintaining his forces in a continual succession. The whole number of his Soldiers in continual pay, is this: First, he hath of his Dworaney, that is, Pensioners, or Guard of his person, to the number of 15000. Horsemen, Emperor's Guard. with their Captains and other Officers, that are always in a readiness. Of these fifteen thousand Horsemen, there are three sorts or degrees, Degrees of Horsemen. 1. Pretoriani, or such as attend the Emperor's person, 15000▪ which differ as well in estimation, as in wages, one degree from another. The first sort of them is called, Dworaney Bulshey, or the company of head Pensioners, that have, some 100 some 80. Rubbels a year, and none under 70. The second sort are called, Seredney Dworaney, or the middle rank of Pensioners: these have 60. or 50. Rubbels by the year, none under 40. The third and lowest sort are, the Dyta Boiarskey, that is, the low Pensioners: their salary is 30. Rubbels a year, for him that hath most; some have but 25. some 20. none under 12. Whereof the half part is paid them at the Mosko, the other half in the field by the General, when they have any wars, and are employed in service. When they receive their whole pay, it amounteth to 55000. Rub. by the year. And this is their wages, besides lands allotted to every one of them, both to the greater and the less, according to their degrees. Whereof he that hath least, hath to yield him 20. Rubbels or Marks by the year. Besides these 15000. Horsemen, that are of better choice (as being the Emperors own Guard when himself goeth to the wars, not unlike the Roman Soldiers called Pretoriani) are 110. men of special account for their Nobility, and trust, which are chosen by the Emperor, and have their names registered, Two other troops to the number of 65000. that find among them for the Emperor's wars, to the number of 65000. Horsemen, with all necessaries meet for the wars of the Ruff manner. To this end they have yearly allowance made by the Emperor for themselves, and their Companies, to the sum of 40000. Rubbels. And these 65000. are to repair to the field every year on the borders towards the Chrim Tartar, (except they be appointed for some other service) whether there be wars with the Tartars, or not. This might seem peradventure somewhat dangerous for some State, to have so great forces under the command of Noblemen, to assemble every year to one certain place. But the matter is so used, as that no danger can grow to the Emperor, or his State by this means. First, Because these Noblemen are many, to wit, 110. in all, and changed by the Emperor so oft as he thinketh good. Secondly, Because they have their livings of the Emperor, being otherwise but of very small Revenue, and receive this yearly pay of 40000. Rubbels, when it is presently to be paid forth again to the Soldiers that are under them. Thirdly, Because for the most part they are about the Emperor's person, being of his Counsel, either special, or at large. Fourthly, They are rather as Paymasters, than Captains to their Companies, themselves not going forth ordinarily to the wars, save when some of them are appointed by special order from the Emperor himself. So the whole number of Horsemen that are ever in a readiness, Horsemen in continual pay 80000. and in continual pay, are 80000. a few more or less. If he have need of a greater number (which seldom falleth out) than he entertaineth of those Sinaboiarskey, that are out of pay, so many as he needeth: and if yet he want of his number, he giveth charge to his Noblemen, that hold Lands of him, to bring into the field every man a proportionable number of his servants (called Kolophey, such as till his Lands) with their furniture, according to the just number that he intendeth to make. Which, the service being done, presently lay in their weapons, and return to their servile occupations again. Footmen in continual pay 12000. Of Footmen that are in continual pay, he hath to the number of 12000. all Gunners, called Strelsey. Whereof 5000. are to attend about the City of Mosko, or any other place where the Emperor shall abide, and 2000 (which are called Stremaney, Stresley, or Gunners at the Stirrup) about his own person at the very Court or house where himself lodgeth. The rest are placed in his garrison Towns, till there be occasion to have them in the field, and receive for their salary or stipend every man seven Rubbels a year, besides twelve measures, a piece of Rye, and Oats. Stranger's mercenaries in pay 4300. Of mercenary Soldiers, that are strangers (whom they call Nimscoy) they have at this time 4300. of Polonians: of Chirchasses (that are under the Polonians) about 4000 whereof 3500. are abroad in his Garrisons: of Duchess and Scots, about 150: of greeks, Turks, Danes, and Sweadens, all in one band, 100 or thereabouts. But these they use only upon the Tartar side, and against the Siberians: as they do the Tartar Soldiers (whom they hire sometimes, but only for the present) on the other side against the Polonian and Sweaden: thinking it best policy so to use their service upon the contrary border. The chief Captains or Leaders. The chief Captains or Leaders of these forces, according to their names and degrees, are these which follow. First, the Voyavodey Bulshaia, that is, the Great Captain, or Lieutenant general under the Emperor. This commonly is one of the four houses of the chief Nobility of the Land: 1. The Voiavod or General. but so chosen otherwise, as that he is of small valour or practice in Martial matters, being thought to serve that turn so much the better, if he bring no other parts with him save the countenance of his Nobility, to be liked of by the Soldiers for that, and nothing else. For in this point they are very wary, that these two, to wit, Nobility and Power, meet not both in one, specially if they see wisdom withal, or aptness for policy. Their great Voiavod or General at this present in their wars, is commonly one of these four, Knez Feoder juanowich Methisloskey, Knez juan Michailowich Glinskoy, Cherechaskoy, and Trowbetskoy, all of great Nobility, but of very simple quality otherwise: though in Glinskoy (as they say) there is somewhat more than in the rest. 2. Lieutenant general. To make up this defect in the Voiavod or General, there is some other joined with him as Lieutenant general, of far less Nobility, but of more valour and experience in the wars than he, who ordereth all things that the other countenanceth. At this time their principal man, and most used in their wars, is one Knez Demetrie juanowich Forestine, an ancient and expert Captain, and one that hath done great service (as they say) against the Tartar, 3. Marshals of the field, four. and Polonian. Next under the Voiavod and his Lieutenant general, are four other, that have the marshalling of the whole Army divided among them, and may be called the Marshals of the field. Every man hath his quarter, or fourth part under him: whereof the first is called, the Prava Polskoy, or Right wing. The second is, the Lenoy Polskoy, or Left wing. The third is, Rusnoy Polskoy, or The broken band, because out of this there are chosen to send abroad upon any sudden exploit, or to make a rescue or supply, as occasion doth require. The fourth, Storeshovoy Polskoy, 4. Marshal● Deputies 8. or The warding band. Every one of these four Marshals have two other under them (eight in all) that twice every week at the least must muster and train their several wings or bands, and hold and give justice for all faults and disorders committed in the Campe. And these eight are commonly chosen out of the hundred and ten (which I spoke of before) that receive and deliver the pay to the Soldiers. Under these eight are diverse other Captains, as the Gul avoy, 5. Colonels Vnder-captaines. Captains of thousands, five hundreds, and hundreds. The Petyde Setskoy, or Captains of fifties; and the Decetskies', or Captains of ten. 6. Masters of the Artillery. Besides the Voiavoda, or General of the Army, (spoken of before) they have two other that bear the name of Voiavoda: whereof one is the Master of the great Ordnance (called Naradna Voiavoda) who hath diverse Under-officers, necessary for that service. The other is called, the Voiavoda Gulavoy, or the Walking Captain, that hath allowed him 1000 good Horsemen of principal choice, to range and spy abroad, and hath the charge of the running Castle, The walking Captain. which we are to speak of in the Chapter following. All these Captains, and men of charge must once every day resort to the Bulsha Voiavoda, or General of the Army, to know his pleasure, and to inform him if there be any requisite matter pertaining to their Office. WHen Wars are towards (which they fail not of lightly every year with the Tartar, and many times with the Polonian and Sweden, Chap. 16. Of their mustering, and levying of forces, manner of Armour, and provision of victual for the Wars. Their order for mustering. (the four Lords of the Chetfirds send forth their Summons in the Emperor's name, to all the Dukes and Dyacks of the Provinces, to be proclaimed in the head Towns of every Shire: that all the Sinaboiarskey, or Sons of Gentlemen make their repair to such a border where the Service is to be done, at such a place, and by such a day, and there present themselves to such and such Captains. When they come to the place assigned them in the Summons or Proclamation, their names are taken by certain Officers that have Commission for that purpose from the Roserade, or High Constable, as Clerks of the Bands. If any make default and fail at the day, he is mulcted, and punished very severely. As for the General and other chief Captains, they are sent thither from the Emperors own hand, with such Commission and charge as he thinketh behooveful for the present service. When the Soldiers are assembled, they are reduced into their Bands, and Companies, under their several Captains of ten, fifties, hundreds, thousands, etc. and these Bands into four Polikeiss or Legions (but of far greater numbers than the Roman Legions were) under their four great Leaders, which also have the authority of Marshals of the field (as was said before.) Concerning their Armour they are but slightly appointed. The Horseman's Furniture. The common Horseman hath nothing else but his Bow in his Case under his right arm, and his Quiver and Sword hanging on the left side: except some few that bear a Case of Dags, or a javelin, or short Staff along their Horse side. The under Captains will have commonly some piece of Armour besides, as a shirt of Male, or such like. The General with the other chief Captains and men of Nobility, will have their Horse very richly furnished, their Saddles of Cloth of Gold, their Bridles fair bossed and tasselled with Gold, and Silk fringe, bestudded with Pearl and Precious Stones, themselves in very fair Armour, which they call Bullatnoy, made of fair shining Steel, yet covered commonly with Cloth of Gold, and edged round about with Armine Fur, his Steel Helmet on his head of a very great price, his Sword, Bow, and Arrows at his side, his Spear in his hand, with another Helmet, and his Shesta pera, or Horseman's Sceptre carried before him. Their Swords, Bowes, and Arrows are of the Turkish fashion. They practise like the Tartar to shoot forwards and backwards, as they fly and retire. Shooting forward and backward. The footman's Furniture. Provision of victual. The Strelsey or Footman hath nothing but his Piece in his hand, his striking Hatchet at his back, and his Sword by his side. The stock of his Piece is not made Caleever wise, but with a plain and straight stock (somewhat like a Fowling-peece) the Barrel is rudely and unartificially made, very heavy, yet shooteth but a very small Bullet. As for their provision of victual, the Emperor alloweth none, either for Captain, or Soldier, neither provideth any for them except peradventure some Corn for their Money. Every man is to bring sufficient for himself to serve his turn for four months, provisions. and if need require to give order for more to be brought unto him to the Camp from his Tenant that tilleth his Land, or some other place. One great help they have, that for Lodging and Diet every Ruff is prepared to be a Soldier beforehand. Though the chief Captains and others of account carry Tents with them after the fashion of ours with some better provision of victual then the rest. They bring with them commonly into the Camp for victual a kind of dried Bread (which they call Sucharie) with some store of Meal, which they temper with water, and so make it into a Ball, or small lump of dough, called Tollockno. And this they eat raw in stead of Bread. Their Meat is Bacon, or some other flesh or fish dried, after the Dutch manner. If the Ruff Soldier were as hardy to execute an Enterprise, as he is hard to bear out toil and travel, or were otherwise as apt and well trained for the Wars, as he is indifferent for his Lodging and Diet, he would far exceed the Soldiers of our parts. Whereas now he is far meaner of courage and execution in any Warlike service. Which cometh partly of his servile condition, Honos alit arts. that will not suffer any great courage or valour to grow in him. Partly for lack of due honour and reward, which he hath no great hope of whatsoever service or execution he do. THe Ruff trusteth rather to his number, then to the valour of his Soldiers, Chap. 17. Of their marching charging, and other Martial Discipline. George-ensigne, Horseman's Drums. or good ordering of his Forces. Their marching or leading is without all order, save that the fore Polskey or Legions, (whereinto their Army is divided) keep themselves several under their Ensigns, and so thrust all on together in a hurry, as they are directed by their General. Their Ensign is the Image of Saint George. The Bulsha Dworaney or chief Horsemen, have every man a small Drum of Brass at his Saddlebow, which he striketh when he giveth the charge, or onset. They have Drums besides of a huge bigness, which they carry with them upon a board laid on four Horses, The horsemans' manner of charging. that are sparred together with Chains, every Drum having eight strikers, or Drummers, besides Trumpets and Shawms, which they sound after a wild manner, much different from ours. When they give any charge or make any invasion, they make a great hallow or shout altogether, as loud as they can, which with the sound of their Trumpets, Shawms, and Drums, maketh a confused and horrible noise. So they set on first discharging their Arrows, then dealing with their Swords, which they use in a bravery to shake, and brandish over their heads, before they come to strokes. The footman's charge. Their Footmen (because otherise they want order in leading) are commonly placed in some ambush or place of advantage, where they may most annoy the enemy, with least hurt to themselves. If it be a set battle, or if any great invasion be made upon the Ruff borders by the Tartar, The walking Castle. they are set with in the running or moving Castle (called Beza, or Gulay gorod) which is carried about with them by the Voiavoda gulavoy (or the walking General) whom I spoke of before. This walking or moving Castle is so framed, that it may be set up in length (as occasion doth require) the space of one, two, three, four, five, six, or seven miles: for so long it will reach. It is nothing else but a double wall of wood to defend them on both sides behind and before, with a space of three yards or thereabouts betwixt the two sides: so that they may stand within it, and have room enough to charge and discharge their pieces, and to use their other weapons. It is closed at both ends, and made with loopholes on either side, to lay out the nose of their Piece, or to push forth any other weapon. It is carried with the Army wheresoever it goeth, being taken into pieces, and so laid on Carts sparred together, and drawn by Horse that are not seen, by reason that they are covered with their carriage as with a shelf or penthouse. When it is brought to the place where it is to be used (which is devised and chosen out before by the the walking Voiavod) it is planted so much as the present use requireth, sometime a mile long, sometimes two, sometimes three, or more: which is soon done without the help of any Carpenter, or Instrument: because the Timber is so framed to clasp together one piece within an other: as is easily understood by those that know the manner of the Ruff building. In this Castle standeth their shot well fenced for advantage, specially against the Tartar, that bringeth no Ordnance, nor other weapon into the field with him, save his Sword, and Bow and Arrows. They have also within it diverse field Pieces, which they use as occasion doth require. Of Pieces for the field they carry no great store, when they war against the Tartar: but when they deal with the Polonian (of whose forces they make more account) they go better furnished with all kind of Munition, and other necessary provisions. It is thought that no Prince of Christendom hath better store of Munition, Store of Munition. than the Ruff Emperor. And it may partly appear by the Artillery House at Mosko, where are of all sorts of great Ordnance, all Brass Pieces, very fair, to an exceeding great number. The Ruff Soldier is thought to be better at his defence within some Castle, or Town, than he is abroad at a set pitched field. Which is ever noted in the practice of his Wars, and namely, at the siege of Vobsko, about eight years since: where he repulsed the Polonian King Stepan Batore, with his whole Army of 100000. men, and forced him in the end to give over his siege, with the loss of many of his best Captains and Soldiers. But in a set field the Ruff is noted to have ever the worse of the Polonian, and Sweden. If any behave himself more valiantly than the rest, or do any special piece of service, the Emperor sendeth him a piece of Gold, stamped with the Image of Saint George on Horseback. Which they hang on their sleeves, Reward for valour. and set in their Caps. And this is accounted the greatest honour they can receive, for any service they do. Chap. 18. Of their Colonies, an maintaining of their conquests or purchases by force. THe Russee Emperors of late years have very much enlarged their Dominions and Territories. Their first Conquest after the Dukedom of Mosko, (for before that time they were but Dukes of Volodomer, as before was said) was the City, and Dukedom of Novograd on the West, and Northwest side: which was no small enlargement of their Dominion, and strengthening to them for the winning of the rest. This was done by juan great Grandfather to Theodore now Emperor, about the year 1480. The same began likewise to encroach upon the Countries of Lituania, and Livonia, but the Conquest only intended, and attempted by him upon some part of those Countries, was pursued and performed by his Son Basileus, who first won the City and Dukedom of Plesko, afterwards the City and Dukedom of Smolensko, and many other fair Towns, with a large Territory belonging unto them, about the year 1514. These Victories against the Lettoes or Lituanians in the time of Alexander their Duke, he achieved rather by advantage of civil Dissensions and Treasons among themselves, then by any great policy, or force of his own. But all this was lost again by his Son juan Vasilowich, about eight or nine years past, upon composition with the Polonian King Stepan Batore: whereunto he was forced by the advantages which the Pole had then of him, by reason of the foil he had given him before, and the disquietness of his own State at home. Only the Ruff Emperor, at this time hath left him on that side his Country, the Cities of Smolensko, Vitobsko, Cheringo, and Beala gorod in Lituonia. In Livonia, not a Town, not one foot of ground. When Basileus first conquered those Countries, he suffered the Natives to keep their Possessions, and to inhabit all their Towns, only paying him a Tribute, Lituania. under the Government of his Ruff Captains. But by their Conspiracies and Attempts not long after, he was taught to deal more surely with them. And so coming upon them the second time, he killed and carried away with him, three parts of four, which he gave or sold to the Tartars that served him in those Wars, and in stead of them placed there his Russes, so many as might over-match the rest, with certain Garrisons of strength besides, wherein notwithstanding this oversight was committed, for that (taking away with him the Upland, or Country people that should have tilled the ground, and might easily have been kept in order without any danger, by other good policies) he was driven afterwards many years together to victual the Country (especially the great Town) out of his own Country of Russia, the soil lying there in the meanwhile waste, and untilled. The like fell out at the Port of narve in Liefland, narve. where his Son juan Vasilowich devised to build a Town, and a Castle on the other side the River (called juangorod) to keep the Town and Country in subjection. The Castle he caused to be so built, and fortified, that it was thought to be invincible. And when it was finished, The Devillie was. for reward to the Architect (that was a Polonian) he put out both his eyes, to make him unable to build the like again. But having left the Natives all within their own Country, without abating their number or strength, the Town and Castle not long after was betrayed, and surrendered again to the King of Sweden. On the Southeast side they have got the Kingdoms of Cazan and Astracan. These were won from the Tartar, by the late Emperor juan Vasilowich, Father to the Emperor that now is: the one about thirty five, the other about thirty three years ago. Northward out of the Country of Siberia, he hath laid unto his Realm a great breadth and length of ground, from Wichida to the River of Obba, about 1000 miles' space: so that he is bold to write himself now, The great Commander of Siberia. The Countries likewise of Permia, and Pechora, Permia and Pechora. are a diverse People and Language from the Ruff, overcome not long since, and that rather by threatening, and shaking of the Sword, then by any actual force: as being a weak and naked people, without means to resist. THeir Neighbours with whom they have greatest dealings and intercourse, Chap. 19 Of the Tartars and other borderers to the country of Russia, with whom they have most to do in war and peace. Th● Polonians called Laches by the Ruff. The Chrim Tartar. The firing of Mosko by the Chrim Tartar, in the year 1575. both in Peace and War, are first the Tartar: Secondly, the Polonian whom the Ruff calleth Laches, noting the first Author or Founder of the Nation, who was called Laches or Leches, whereunto is added Po, which signifieth People, and so is made Polaches; that is, the People or Posterity of Laches: which the Latins after their manner of writing call Polanos. The third are the sweden. The Polonians and sweden are better known to these parts of Europe, then are the Tartars that are farther off from us (as being of Asia) and divided into many Tribes, different both in name, and government one from another. The greatest and mightiest of them is the Chrim Tartar, (whom some call the Great Cham) that lieth South, and South-east-ward from Russia, and doth most annoy the Country by often Invasions, commonly once every year, sometimes entering very far within the Inland parts. In the year 1571. he came as far as the City of Mosko, with an Army of 200000. men, without any battle, or resistance at all, for that the Ruff Emperor (than juan Vasilowich) leading forth his Army to encounter with him, marched a wrong way: but as it was thought of very purpose, as not daring to adventure the field, by reason that he doubted his Nobility, and chief Captains, of a meaning to betray him to the Tartar. The City he took not, but fired the Suburbs, which by reason of the buildings (which is all of Wood without any Stone, Brick, or Lime, save certain out Rooms) kindled so quickly, and went on with such rage, as that it consumed the greatest part of the City almost within the space of four hours, being of thirty miles or more of compass. Then might you have seen a lamentable Spectacle: besides the huge and mighty flame of the City all on light fire, the people burning in their houses and streets, but most of all of such as laboured to pass out of the Gates farthest from the Enemy, where meeting together in a mighty throng, and so pressing every man to prevent another, wedged themselves so fast within the Gate, and streets near unto it, as that three Ranks walked one upon the others head, the uppermost treading down those that were lower: so that there perished at that time (as was said) by the fire and the press, the number of 80000. people, or more. The Chrim thus having fired the City, and fed his eyes with the sight of it all of a light flame, returned with his Army, and sent to the Ruff Emperor a Knife (as was said) to stick himself withal: obrayding this loss, and his desperate case, as not daring either to meet his Enemy in the field, nor to trust his Friends or Subjects at home. The principal cause of this continual quarrel, betwixt the Ruff and the Chrim, is for the right of certain border parts claimed by the Tartar, but possessed by the Ruff. The Tartar allegeth, that besides Astracan and Cazan, (that are the ancient possession of the East Tartar) the whole Country from his bounds North and Westward, so far as the City of Mosko, and Mosko itself, pertaineth to his right. Which seemeth to have been true by the report of the Russes themselves, Homage done by the Ruff to the Chrim Tartar. See the first book of Bathay and of the Tartars Conquests. that tell of a certain homage that was done by the Ruff Emperor every year, to the great Chrim or Cham, the Ruff Emperor standing on foot and feeding the Chrims Horse, (himself sitting on his back) with Oats out of his own Cap, in stead of a Boll or Manger, and that within the Castle of Mosko. And this homage (they say) was done till the time of Basileus Grandfather to this man. Who surprising the Chrim Emperor by a stratagem, done by one of his Nobility (called juan Demetrowich Belschey) was content with this Ransom, viz. with the changing of this homage into a Tribute of Furs: which afterwards also was denied to be paid by this Emperor's Father. Hereupon they continue the quarrel, the Ruff defending his Country, and that which he hath won, the Chrim Tartar invading him once or twice every year, sometime about Whitsuntide, but oftener in Harvest What time if the Great Cham or Chrim come in his own person, he bringeth with him a great Army of 100000. or 200000. men. Otherwise they make short and sudden roads into the Country with lesser numbers, running about the list of the border as wild Geese fly, invading and retiring where they see advantage. Their common practice (being very populous) is to make diverse Armies, and so drawing the Ruff to one, The manner of the Tartars fight, and Armour. or two places of the frontiers, to invade at some other place, that is left without defence. Their manner of Fight, or ordering of their forces, is much after the Ruff manner, (spoken of before) save that they are all Horsemen, and carry nothing else but a Bow, a sheaf of Arrows, & a falcon Sword after the Turkish fashion. They are very expert horsemen, and use to shoot as readily backward as forward. Some will have a horseman's staff like to a bore Spear, besides their other weapons. The common Soldier, hath no other Armour then his ordinary Apparel, Apparel. viz. a black Sheep's skin with the wooll-side outward in the day time, and inward in the night time, with a Cap of the same. But their Morseys or Noblemen imitate the Turk, Mirzohs or Morseiss. both in Apparel and Armour. When they are to pass over a River with their Army, they tie three or four Horses together, and taking long poles or pieces of wood, bind them fast to the tails of their Horse: so sitting on the Poles they drive their Horse over. At handy strokes (when they come to join battle) they are accounted far better men than the Ruff people, fierce by nature, but more hardy and bloody, by continual practice of War: as men knowing no Arts of Peace, nor any civil practice. The subtlety of the Tartar. Yet their subtlety is more than may seems to agree with their barbarous condition. By reason they are practised to invade continually, and to rob their neighbours that border about them, they are very pregnant, and ready witted to devose Stratagems upon the sudden, for their better advantage. As in their war against Beala the fourth King of Hungary, whom they invaded with five hundred thousand men, and obtained against him a great v●ctorie. Where among other, having slain his Chancellor, called Nicholas Schinick, they found about him the King's privy Seal. Whereupon they devised presently to counterfeit Letters in the King's name, to the Cities and Towns next about the place, where the Field was fought: with charge that in no case they should convey themselves, and their goods out of their dwellings, where they might abide safely without all fear of danger, and not leave the Country desolate to the possession of so vile and barbarous an Enemy, as was the Tartar Nation, terming themselves in all reproachful manner. For notwithstanding he had lost his carriages, with some few stragglers that had marched disorderly, yet he doubted not but to recover that loss, with the access of a notable victory, if the savage Tartar durst abide him in the field. To this purpose having written their Letters in the Polish Character, by certain young men whom they took in the Field, and signed them with the King's Seal, they dispatched them forth to all the Quarters of Hungary, that lay near about the place. Whereupon the Vngarians, that were now flying away with their goods, Wives, and Children, upon the rumour of the King's overthrow, taking comfort of these counterfeit Letters, stayed at home. And so were made a prey, being surprised on the sudden by this huge number of these Tartars, that had compassed them about before they were aware. When they besiege a Town or Fort, they offer much Parley, and send many flattering messages to persuade a surrendry: promising all things that the Inhabitants will require: but being once possessed of the place, they use all manner of hostility and cruelty. This they do upon a rule they have, viz. That justice is to be practised but towards their own. They encounter not lightly, but they have some ambush, whereunto (having once showed themselves, and made some short conflict) they retire, as repulsed for fear, and so draw the Enemy into it if they can. But the Russee being well acquainted with their practice, is more wary of them. When they come a Roving with some small number, they set on Horseback counterfeit shapes of men, that their number may seem greater. When they make any onset, their manner is to make a great shout, crying all out together, Olla Billa, Olla Billa, God help us, God help us. They contemn death so much, as that they choose rather to dye, then to yield to their Enemy, and are seen when they are slain to bite the very weapon, Tartar's resolution. when they are passed striking, or helping of themselves. Wherein appeareth how different the Tartar is in his desperate courage from the Ruff and Turk. For the Russee Soldier if he begin once to retire putteth all his safety in his speedy flight. And if once he be taken by his enemy, he neither defendeth himself, nor intreateth for his life, as reckoning strait to dye. The Turk commonly when he is past hope of escaping, falleth to entreaty, and casteth away his weapon, offereth both his hands, and holdeth them up, as it were to be tied: hoping to save his life, by offering himself Bondslave. The chief booty the Tartars seek for in all their wars, is to get store of Captives, Captives. specially young Boys and Girls, whom they sell to the Turks, or other their neighbours. To this purpose they take with them great Baskets made like Baker's panniers, to carry them tenderly, and if any of them happen to tire, or to be sick on the way, they dash him against the ground, or some Tree, and so leave him dead: The Soldiers are not troubled with keeping the Captives and other booty, for hindering the execution of their wars, but they have certain bands that intent nothing else, appointed of purpose to receive and keep the Captives and the other prey. The Ruff borders (being used to their invasions, lightly every year in the Summer) keep few other cattle on the border parts, save Swine only, which the Tartar will not touch, The Tartars Religion. nor drive away with him: for that he is of the Turkish Religion, & will eat no Swines-flesh. Of Christ our Saviour they confess as much as doth the Turk in his Koran, viz. That he came of the Angel Gabriel, and the Virgin Marie, that he was a great Prophet, and shall be the judge of the world at the last day. In other matters likewise, they are much ordered after the manner and direction of the Turk: having felt the Turkish forces when he won from them Azou and Caffa, with some other Towns about the Euxine, or Black Sea, that were before tributaries to the Chrim Tartar. So that now the Emperor of the Chrims for the most part is chosen some one of the Nobility whom the Turk doth commend: whereby it is brought now to that pass, that the Chrim Tartar giveth to the Turk the tenth part of the spoil, which he getteth in his wars against the Christians. Herein they differ from the Turkish Religion, for that they have certain Idol puppets made of Silk or like stuff, of the fashion of a man, Idols. which they fasten to the door of their walking houses, to be as janusses, or keepers of their house. And these Idols are made not by all, but by certain Religious women, which they have among them for that and like uses. They have besides, the Image of their King or great Cham of an huge bigness, which they erect at every stage, when the Army marcheth: and this every one must bend or bow unto as he passeth by it, be he Tartar, or Stranger. They are much given to Witchcraft and ominous conjectures, upon every accident which they hear or see. Sorcery. In making of Marriages, they have no regard of alliance or consanguinity. Marriage. Only with his Mother, Sister, and Daughter, a man may not marry, and though he take the woman into his house and accompany with her, yet he accounteth her not for his Wife, till he have a Child by her. Then he beginneth to take a dowry of her friends of Horse, Sheep, Kine, etc. If she be barren, after a certain time he turneth her home again. Under the Emperor they have certain Dukes, whom they call Morseiss or Dynoymorseiss: that rule over a certain number of 10000 20000. or 40000. a piece, which they call Hoards. The Tartar Nobility. When the Emperor hath any use of them to serve in his wars, they are bound to come, and to bring with them their Soldiers to a certain number, every man with his two Horse at the least, the one to ride on, the other to kill, when it cometh to his turn to have his Horse eat. For their chief victual is Horseflesh, which they eat without Bread, The Tartar diet. or any other thing with it. So that if a Tartar be taken by a Ruff, he shall be sure lightly to find a Horse-legge, or some other part of him at his saddle bow. This last year when I was at the Mosko, came in one Kiriach Morsey, nephew to the Emperor of the Chrims that now is (whose Father was Emperor before) accompanied with three hundred Tartars, and his two Wives, whereof one was his Brother's widow. Where being entertained in very good sort after the Ruff manner, he had sent unto his lodging for his welcome, to be made ready for his Supper and his companies, two very large and fat Horses, ready flayed in a Sled. They prefer it before other flesh, because the meat is stronger (as they say) than Beef, Mutton, and such like. And yet (which is marvel) though they serve all as Horsemen in the wars, and eat all of Horseflesh, there are brought yearly to the Mosko to be exchanged for other Commodities, thirty or forty thousand Tartar Horse, which they call Cones. They keep also great herds of Kine, and flocks of black Sheep, rather for the Skins and Milk (which they carry with them in great bottles) then for the use of the flesh, though sometimes they eat of it. Some use they have of Rice, Figs, and other fruits. They drink Milk or warm Blood, and for the most part carded them both together. They use sometimes as they travel by the way, to let their Horse blood in a vein, and to drink it warm, as it cometh from his body. Towns they plant none, nor other standing buildings, The Tartars dwelling. but have walking Houses which the Latins call Veij, built upon wheels like a Shepherd's Cottage. These they draw with them whithersoever they go, driving their cattle with them. And when they come to their Stage or standing place, they plant their Cart-houses very orderly in a rank: and so make the form of streets, Movable City and Court. and of a large Town. And this is the manner of the Emperor himself, who hath no other seat of his Empire but an Agora, or Town of wood, that moveth with him whithersoever he goeth. As for the fixed and standing building used in other Countries, they say they are unwholesome and unpleasant. They begin to move their Houses and cattle in the Spring time, from the South part of their Country towards the North parts. And so driving on till they have graed all up to the furthest part Northward, they return back again towards their South Country (where they continue all the Winter) by ten or twelve miles a stage: in the mean while the grass being sprung up again, to serve for their cattle as they return. From the border of the Shalcan towards the Caspian Sea, to the Ruff frontiers, they have a goodly Country, specially on the South and Southeast parts, but lost for lack of tillage. Of money they have no use at all, and therefore prefer Brass and Steel before other metals, specially Bullate, which they use for Swords, Knives, and other necessaries. As for Gold and Silver they neglect it of very purpose, (as they do all tillage of their ground) to be more free for their wand'ring kind of life, and to keep their Country less subject to invasions. Which giveth them great advantage against all their neighbours, ever invading, and never being invaded. Tartar's persons described. For Person and Complexion, they have broad and flat visages, of a tanned colour yellow and black, fierce and cruel looks, thin haired upon the upper Lip, and a pit on the Chin, light and nimble Bodied, with short Legs, as if they were made naturally for Horsemen: whereto they practise themselves from their Childhood, seldom going a soot about any business. Their Speech is very sudden and loud, speaking as it were out of a deep hollow throat. When they Sing you would think a Cow lowed, Speech. Song. Shooting. or some great Bandog howled. Their greatest exercise is Shooting, wherein they train up their Children from their very infancy, not suffering them to eat, till they have shot near the mark within a certain scantling. diverse kinds of Tartars. There are diverse other Tartars that border upon Russia, as the Nagays, the Cheremissens, the Mordwites, the Chircasses, and the Shalcans', which all differ in Name more than in Regiment, or other condition, from the Chrim Tartar, except the Chircasses, that border South-west towards Lituania, The Nagay Tartar the cruelest. The Chircasce the civilest Tartars. The Cheremissen Tartar. and are far more civil than the rest of the Tartars, of a comely person, and of a stately behaviour, as applying themselves to the fashion of the Polonian. Some of them have subjected themselves to the Kings of Poland, and profess Christianity. The Nagay lieth Eastward, and is reckoned for the best man of war among all the Tartars, but very savage and cruel above all the rest. The Cheremisin Tartar, that lieth betwixt the Ruff and the Nagay, are of two sorts, the Lugavoy (that is of the valley) and the Nagornay, or of the hilly Country. These have much troubled the Emperors of Russia. And therefore they are content now to buy Peace of them, under pretence of giving a yearly pension of Russee Commodities, to their Morseiss or Dyvoymorseiss, that are chief of their Tribes. For which also they are bound to serve them in their wars, under certain conditions. They are said to be just and true in their dealings: and for that cause they hate the Russee people, whom they account to be double, and false in all their dealing. And therefore the common sort are very unwilling to keep agreement with them, but that they are kept in by their Morseiss, or Dukes for their pensions sake. The most rude and barbarous is counted the Morduite Tartar, that hath many self fashions, and strange kinds of behaviour, The Mordwit Tartar the most barbarous of the rest. differing from the rest. For his Religion, though he acknowledge one God, yet his manner is to worship for God, that living thing, that he first meeteth in the morning, and to swear by it all that whole day, whether it be Horse, Dog, Cat, or whatsoever else it be. When his friend dyeth, he killeth his best Horse, and having flayed off the skin, he carrieth it on high upon a long pole, before the Corpse to the place of Burial. This he doth (as the Ruff saith) that his friend may have a good horse to carry him to Heaven: but it is likelier to declare his love towards his dead friend, in that he will have to dye with him the best thing that he hath. Next to the Kingdom of Astracan, that is the furthest part South-eastward of the Ruff Dominion, lieth the Shalcan, and the Country of Media: whither the Ruff Merchant's trade for raw Silks, Shalcan. Syndon, Saphyon, Skins, and other commodities. The chief Towns of Media where the Ruff tradeth, Derbent. are Derbent (built by Alexander the great, as the Inhabitants say) and Zamachie, where the staple is kept for raw Silks. Their manner is, in the Spring time to revive the Silkworms (that lie dead all the Winter) by laying them in the warm Sun, and (to hasten their quickening, that they may sooner go to work) to put them into bags, and so to hang them under their children's arms. As for the Worm called Chrinisin (as we call it Crimson) that maketh coloured Silk, it is bred not in Media, but in Assyria. This trade to Derbent and Samachie for raw Silks, and other commodities of that Country, as also in Persia, and Bougharia, down the River Volgha, and through the Caspian Sea, is permitted as well to the English, as to the Ruff Merchants, by the Emperor's last Grant at my being there. Which he accounteth for a very special favour, and might prove indeed very beneficial to our English Merchants, if the Trade were well and orderly used. The whole Nation of the Tartars are utterly void of all Learning, and without written Law. Yet certain rules they have which they hold by tradition, common to all the Hoards for the practice of their life. Which are of this sort. First, To obey their Emperor and other Magistrates, whatsoever they command about the public Service. Secondly, Except for the public behoof, Tartar's general Rules. every man to be free and out of Controlment. Thirdly, No private man to possess any Lands, but the whole Country to be as a Common. Fourthly, To neglect all daintiness and variety of Meats, and to content themselves with that which cometh next to ●and, for more hardness, and readiness in the executing of their Affairs. Fiftly, To wear any base Attire, and to patch their clothes, whether there be any need or not: that when there is used, it be no shame to wear a patched Coat. Sixtly, To take or steal from any Stranger whatsoever they can get, as being Enemies to all men, save to such 〈◊〉 will subject themselves to them. Seventhly, Towards their own Hoord and Nation, to be true in word and deed. Eightly, To suffer no Stranger to come within the Realm, if any do, the same to be Bond-sla●e to him that first taketh him, except such Merchants and other, a● have the Tartar Bull or Passport about them. THe Permians and Samoits that lie from Russia, North and North-east, are thought likewise to have taken their beginning from the Tartar kind. Chap. 20. Of the Permians, Samoits, and Laps. The Permians. And it may partly be guessed by the fashion of their Countenance, as having all broad and flatfaces, as the Tartars have, except the Chircasses. The Permians are accounted for a very ancient people. They are now subject to the Ruff. They live by Hunting and trading with their Furs, as doth also the Samoyt, that dwelleth more towards the North Sea. The Samoyt hath his name (as the Ruff saith) of Eating him-himselfe as if in times past, they lived as the Cannibals, eating one another. The Samoits. Which they make more probable, because at this time they eat all kind of raw flesh, whatsoever it be, even the very Carrion that lieth in the ditch. But as the Samoits themselves will say, they were called Samoie, that is, of themselves, as though they were Indiginae, or people bred upon that very soil, that never changed their seat from one place to another, as most Nations have done. They are subject at this time to the Emperor of Russia. I talked with certain of them, and find that they acknowledge one God: The Samoits Religion. Slata Baba or the Golden Hag. but represent him by such things as they have most use and good by. And therefore they worship the Sun, the olen, the Losh, and such like. As for the Story of Slata Baba, or the Golden hag, (which I have read in some Maps, and descriptions of these Countries, to be an Idol after the form of an old Woman) that being demanded by the Priest, giveth them certain Oracles, concerning the success and event of things, I found it to be but a very fable. Only in the Province of Obdoria upon the Sea side, near to the mouth of the great River Obba, there is a Rock, which naturally being somewhat helped by imagination) may seem to bear the shape of a ragged Woman with a Child in her arms, (as the Rock by the North cape the shape of a Friar) where the Obdorian Samoits use much to resort, by reason of the commodity of the place for Fishing: and there sometime (as their manner is) conceive, and practise their Sorceries, and ominous conjecturings about the good, or bad speed of their journeys, Fishings, Hunt, and such like. They are clad in Seale-skinnes, with the hairy side outwards down as low as the knees, with their Breeches and Nether-stocks of the same, both men and women. The Samoits habit and behaviour. They are all Black haired, naturally beardless. And therefore the Men are hardly discerned from the Women by their looks: save that the Women wear a lock of hair down along both their ears. They live in a manner a wild and a savage life, roving still from one place of the Country to another, without any property of House or Land more to one then to another. Their leader or director in every Company, is their Papa or Priest. On the North side of Russia next to Corelia, lieth the Country of Lappia, The Laps. which reacheth in length from the furthest point Northward, (towards the North cape) to the furthest part Southeast (which the Ruff calleth Sweetness or Holy nose, the English men Cape-grace) about three hundred and forty five versed or miles. From Sweetness to Candlelox, by the way of Versega (which measureth the breadth of that Country) is ninety miles or thereabouts. The whole Country in a manner is either Lakes or Mountains, which towards the Sea side are called Tondro, because they are all of hard and craggy Rock, but the inland parts are well furnished with Woods, that grow on the hills sides, the lakes lying between. Their diet is very bare and simple. Bread they have none, but feed only upon Fish and Fowl. They are subject to the Emperor of Russia, and the two Kings of Sweden and Denmark: No Bread. which all exact Tribute and Custom of them (as was said before) but the Emperor of Russia beareth the greatest hand over them, and exact of them far more than the rest. The opinion is that they were first termed Laps, of their brief and short speech. The Ruff divideth the whole Nation of the Laps into two sorts. The one they call Nowr●manskoy Lapary, that is, the Noruegian Laps: because they be of the Danish Religion. For the Danes and Norwegians, they account for one people. The other that have no Religion at all, but live as bruit and Heathenish people, without God in the world, they call Dikoy Lopary, or the wild Laps. Wild Laps. The whole Nation is utterly unlearned, having not so much as the use of any Alphabet, or Letter among them. For practise of Witchcraft and Sorcery, they pass all Nations in the the World. Witches. Though for the enchanting of ships that sail along their Coast (as I have heard it reported) and their giving of winds good to their friends, and contrary to other, whom they mean to hurt by tying of certain knots upon a Rope (somewhat like to the Tale of Aeolus his windbag) is a very Fable, devised (as may seem) by themselves, to terrify Sailors for coming near their Coast. Their Weapons are the Longbow, and Hand-gunne, wherein they excel, as well for quickness to charge and discharge, as for nearness at the Mark, by reason of their continual practice (whereto they are forced) of shooting at wildfowl. Their manner is in Summer time to come down in great companies to the Seaside, Wardhuyse. to Wardhuyse, Cola, Kegor, and the Bay of Vedagoba, and there to fish for Cod, Salmon, and But-fish, which they sell to the Russes, Danes, and Norwegians, and now of late to the Englishmen that trade thither with Cloth, which they exchange with the Laps and Corelians, for their Fish, Oil, and Furs, whereof also they have some store. Cola. They hold their Mart at Cola, on Saint Peter's day, what time the Captain of Wardhuyse (that is Resiant there for the King of Denmark) must be present, or at least send his Deputy to set prices upon their Stockfish, Trane-oyle, Furs, and other Commodities: as also the Ruff Emperor's Customer, or Tribute taker, to receive his Custom, which is ever paid before any thing can be bought, or sold. When their fishing is done, their manner is to draw their Carbasses, or Boats on shore, and there to leave them with the Keel turned upwards, Sleds drawn with Deer. till the next Springtide. Their travel too and fro is upon Sleds, drawn by the Olen Deer: which they use to turn a grazing all the Summer time, in an Island called Kilden (of a very good Soil compared with other parts of that Country) and towards the Winter time, when the Snow beginneth to fall, they fetch them home again, for the use of their Sled. Chap. 21. Of their Ecclesiastical state, with their Church Offices. COncerning the Government of their Church, it is framed altogether after the manner of the Greek: as being a part of that Church, and never acknowledging the jurisdicton of the Latin Church, usurped by the Pope. That I may keep a better measure in describing their Ceremonies, than they in the using them (wherein they are infinite) I will note briefly: First, what Ecclesiastical Degrees, or Offices they have with the jurisdiction, and practice of them. Secondly, what Doctrine they hold in matter of Religion. Thirdly, what liturgy, or form of Service they use in their Churches, with the manner of their administering the Sacraments. Fourthly, what other strange Ceremonies, and Superstitious Devotions are used among them. Their Offices, or Degrees of Churchmen, are as many in number, and the same in a manner both in name and degree, The Church Officers. that were in the Western Churches. First, they have their Patriarch, than their Metropolites, their Archbishops, their Vladikey, or Bishops, their Protopapes or Archpriests, their Deacons, Friars, Monks, Nuns, and Eremites. The Patriarch. Their Patriarch, or chief Director in matter of Religion until this last year, was of the City of Constantinople (whom they called the Patriarch of Sio) because being driven by the Turk out of Constantinople (the Seat of his Empire) he removed to the I'll Sio, Patriarch of Sio, or Chio. sometimes called Chio, and there placed his Patriarchiall Sea. So that the Emperors, and Clergy of Russia, were wont yearly to send Gifts thither, and to acknowledge a Spiritual kind of homage, and subjection due to him, and to that Church. Which custom they have held (as it seemeth) ever since they professed the Christian Religion. Which how long it hath bn I could not well learn, for that they have no Story or Monument of Antiquity (that I could hear of) to show what hath been done in times passed within their Country, concerning either Church, or Commonwealth matters. Only I hear a report among them, that about three hundred years since, there was a Marriage betwixt the Emperor of Constantinople, and the King's Daughter of that Country: who at the first denied to join his Daughter in Marriage with the Greek Emperor, because he was of the Christian Religion. Which agreeth well with that I find in the Story of Laonicus Chalcacondylas concerning Turkish Affairs in his fourth Book: where he speaketh of such a Marriage betwixt john the Greek Emperor, and the King's Daughter of Sarmatia. And this argueth out of their own report, that at that time they had not received the Christian Religion: as also that they were converted to the Faith, and withal perverted at the very same time, receiving the Doctrine of the Gospel, corrupted with Superstitions even at the first when they took it from the Greek Church, which itself then was degenerate, and corrupted with many Superstitions, and foul Errors, both in Doctrine and Discipline: as may appear by the Story of Nicephorus Gregoras, in his eighth and ninth Books. But as touching the time of their Conversion to the Christian Faith, I sppose rather that it is mistaken by the Ruff, for that which I find in the Polonian Story, the second Book the third Chapter: where is said that about the year 990. Vlodomirus Duke of Russia, married one Anne Sister to Basilius, and Constantinus Brothers, and Emperors of Constantinople. Whereupon the Ruff received the Faith and Profession of Christ. Which though it be somewhat more ancient than the time noted before out of the Ruff Report, yet it falleth out all to one reckoning, touching this point, viz. in what truth and sincerity of Doctrine the Ruff received the first stamp of Religion: for as much as the Greek Church at that time also was many ways infected with error and superstition. At my being there, the year 1588. came unto the Mosko the Patriarch of Constantinople, The translation of the patriarchical sea from Constantinople or Sio, to Mosko. or Sio (called Hieronimo being banished as some said) by the Turk, as some other reported by the Greek Clergy deprived. The Emperor being given altogether to superstitious devotions, gave him great entertainment▪ Before his coming to Mosko, he had been in Italy with the Pope, as was reported there by some of his company. His errand was to consult with the Emperor concerning these points. First, about a League to pass betwixt him and the King of Spain, as the meetest Prince to join with him in opposition against the Turk. To which purpose also Ambassages had passed betwixt the Ruff and the Persian. Likewise from the Georgians to the Emperor of Russia, to join league together, for the invading of the Turk on all sides of his Dominion: taking the advantage of the simple quality of the Turk that now is. This treaty was helped forward by the Emperor's Ambassador of Almaigne, sent at the same time to solicit an invasion upon the parts of Polonia, that lie towards Rusland, and to borrow money of the Ruff Emperor, to pursue the war for his Brother Maximilian, against the sweden son, now King of Poland. But this consultation concerning a league betwixt the Ruff and the Spaniard, (which was in some forwardness at my coming to Mosko, and already one appointed for Ambassage into Spain) was marred by means of the overthrow given to the Spanish King by her Majesty, the Queen of England, this last year. Which made the Ruff Emperor and his Council, to give a sadder countenance to the English Ambassador at that time: for that they were disappointed of so good a policy, as was this conjunction supposed to be betwixt them and the Spanish. His second purpose (whereto the first served as an introduction) was in revenge of the Turk and the Greek Clergy, that had thrust him from his seat, to treat with them about the reducing of the Ruff Church under the Pope of Rome. Wherein it may seem that coming lately from Rome, he was set on by the Pope, who hath attempted the same many times before, though all in vain: and namely the time of the late Emperor juan Vasilowich, by one Anthony his Legate. But thought this belike a far better mean to obtain his purpose by treaty and mediation of their own Patriarch. But this not succeeding, the Patriarch fell to a third point of treaty, concerning the resignation of his Patriarchship, and translation of the Sea from Constantinople or Scio, to the City of Mosko. Which was so well liked, and entertained by the Emperor (as a matter of high Religion and policy) that no other treaty (specially of foreign Ambassages) could be heard or regarded, till that matter was concluded. The reason wherewith the Patriarch persuaded the translating of his Sea to the City of Mosko, were these in effect. First, for that the Sea of the Patriarch was under the Turk, that is enemy to the Faith. And therefore to be removed into some other Country of Christian profession. Secondly, because the Ruff Church was the only natural daughter of the Greek at this time, and holdeth the same Doctrine and Ceremonies with it: the rest being all subject to the Turk, and fallen away from the right profession. Wherein the subtle Greek to make the better market of his broken ware, advanced the honour that would grow to the Emperor, and his Country: to have the Patriarches Seat translated into the chief City, and seat of his Empire. As for the right of translating the Sea, and appointing his Successor, he made no doubt of it, but that it pertained wholly to himself. So the Emperor and his Council, with the principal of his Clergy, The Patriarchship of Constantinople translated to Mosko. being assembled at the Mosko, it was determined that the Metropolite of Mosko, should become Patriarch of the whole Greek Church, and have the same full Authority and jurisdiction that pertained before to the Patriarch of Constantinople, or Sio. And that it might be done with more order and solemnity, the five and twentieth or januarie, 1588. the Greek Patriarch accompanied with the Ruff Clergy, went to the great Church of Precheste, or our Lady, within the Emperor's Castle (having first wandered thorough the whole City in manner of a Procession, and blessing the people with his two fingers) where he made an Oration, and delivered his resignation in an Instrument of writing, and so laid down his patriarchical staff. Which was presently received by the Metropolite of Mosko, and diverse other ceremonies used about the Inauguration of this new Patriarch. The day was holden very solemn by the people of the City, who were commanded to forbear their works, and to attend this solemnity. The great Patriarch that day was honoured with rich Presents sent him from the Emperor and Empress, of Plate, cloth of Gold, Furs, etc. carried with great pomp thorough the streets of Mosko, and at his departing received many gifts more, both from the Emperor, Nobility, and Clergy. Thus the Patriarchship of Constantinople, or Sio, (which hath continued since the Council of Nice) is now translated to Mosko, or they made believe that they have a Patriarch with the same right and Authority that the other had. Wherein the subtle Greek hath made good advantage of their Superstition, and is now gone away with a rich booty into Poland, whither their Patriarchship be currant or not. The matter is not unlike to make some Schism betwixt the Greek and Russee Church, if the Ruff hold his Patriarchship that he hath so well paid for, and the greeks Elect another withal, as * As they do and ever since have done. likely they will, whether this man were banished by the Turk, or deprived by order of his own Clergy. Which might happen to give advantage to the Pope, and to bring over the Ruff Church to the Sea of Rome, (to which end peradventure he devised this Stratagem, and cast in this matter of Schism among them) but that the Emperors of Russia know well enough, by the example of other Christian Princes, what inconvenience would grow to their State and Country, by subjecting themselves to the Romish Sea. To which end the late Emperor juan Vasilowich, was very inquisitive of the Pope's authority over the Princes of Christendom, and sent one of very purpose to Rome, to behold the order and behaviour of his Court. With this Patriarch Hieronymo, was driven out at the same time by the great Turk, one Demetrio Archbishop of Larissa: Calendar pretence. who is now in England, and pretendeth the same cause of their banishment by the Turk, (to wit) their not admitting of the Pope's new Calendar, for the alteration of the year. Which how unlikely it is, may appear by these Circumstances. First, because there is no such affection, nor friendly respect betwixt the Pope and the Turk, as that he should banish a Subject for not obeying the Pope's ordinance, specially in a matter of some sequel for the alteration of Times within his own Countries. Secondly, for that he maketh no such scruple in deducting of times, and keeping of a just and precise account from the Incarnation of Christ: whom he doth not acknowledge otherwise then I noted before. Thirdly, for that the said Patriarch is now at Naples in Italy, where it may be guessed he would not have gone within the Pope's reach, and so near to his nose, if he had been banished for opposing himself against the Pope's Decree. This office of Patriarchship now translated to Mosko, beareth a superior Authority over all the Churches, The Patriarches jurisdictition. not only of Russia, and other the Emperor's Dominions, but thorough out all the Churches of Christendom, that were before under the Patriarch of Constantinople, or Sio: or at least the Ruff Patriarch imagineth himself to have the same authority. He hath under him as his proper Diocese the Province of Mosko, besides other peculiars. His Court or Office is kept at the Mosko. Two Metropolites. Before the creation of this new Patriarch, they had but one Metropolite, that was called the Metropolite of Mosko. Now for more state to their Church, and new Patriarch, they have two Metropolites, the one of Novogrod velica, the other of Rostove. Their office is to receive of the Patriarch such Ecclesiastical orders, as he thinketh good, and to deliver the charge of them over to the Archbishops: besides the ordering of their own Diocese. Four Archbishiops. Their Archbishops are four: of Smolenso, Cazon, Vobsko, and Vologda. The parts of their office is all one with the Metropolites: save that they have an under jurisdiction, as Suffragans to the Metropolites, & Superiors to the Bishops. The next are the Vladikeiss or Bishops, that are but six in all: Six Bishops. of Crutitska, of Rezan, of Otfer and Torshock, of Collomenska, of Volodemer, of Susdalla. These have every one a very large Diocese: as dividing the rest of the whole Country among them. Ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The matters pertaining to the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Metropolites, Archbishops, and Bishops, are the same in a manner that are used by the Clergy in other parts of Christendom. For besides their authority over the Clergy, and ordering such matters as are mere Ecclesiastical, their jurisdiction extendeth to all Testamentary causes, matters of Marriage, and Divorcements, some Pleas of injuries, etc. To which purpose also they have their Officials, or Commissaries (which they call Boiaren Vladitskey) that are Laymen of the degree of Dukes, Their Gentlemen commissaries. or Gentlemen, that keep their Courts and execute their jurisdiction. Which besides their other oppressions over the common people, reign over the Priests: as the Dukes and Dyacks do over the poor people, within their Precincts. As for the Archbishop or Bishop himself, he beareth no sway in deciding those causes, that are brought into his Court. But if he would moderate any matter, he must do it by entreaty with his Gentleman Official. The reason is, because these Boiarskey, or Gentlemen officials, are not appointed by the Bishops, but by the Emperor himself, or his Council, and are to give account of their doings to none but to them. If the Bishop can entreat at his admission to have the choice of his own Official, it is accounted for a special great favour. But to speak it as it is, the Clergy of Russia, aswell concerning their Lands and revenues, as their Authority and jurisdiction, are altogether ordered and overruled by the Emperor and his Council, and have so much, and no more of both as their pleasure doth permit them. They have also there Assistants or several Counsels (as they call them) of certain Priests that are of that Diocese, residing within their Cathedral Cities, to the number of four and twenty a piece. These advice with them, about the special and necessary matters belonging to their charge. The Church revenues. Concerning their Rents and Revenues to maintain their dignities, it is somewhat large. The Patriarches yearly rents out of his Lands (besides other fees) is about 3000. Rubbels or Marcks. The Metropolites and Archbishops, about 2500. The Bishops, some 1000 some 800. some 500 etc. They have had some of them (as I have heard say) ten or twelve thousand Rubbels a year: as had the Metropolite of Nevogrod. Their Habit or Apparel (when they show themselves in their Pontificalibus after their solemnness manner is a Mitre on their heads after the Popish fashion, set with Pearl and Precious Stone, a Cope on their backs, commonly of Cloth of Gold, embroidered with Pearl, and a Crosiers Staff in their hands, laid over all with Plate of Silver double gilt, with a Cross or Shepherds Crook at the upper end of it. Their ordinary habit otherwise when they ride or go abroad, is a Hood on their heads of black colour, that hangeth down their backs, and standeth out like a Bon-grace before. Their upper Garment (which they call Reis) is a Gown or Mantell of black Damask, with many Lists or Guards of white Satin laid upon it, every Guard about two fingers broad, and their Crosiers staff carried before them. Themselves follow after, blessing the people with their two fore-fingers, with a marvelous grace. The Election, and appointing of the Bishops and the rest, The Election of Bishops. pertaineth wholly to the Emperor himself. They are chosen ever out of the Monasteries: so that there is no Bishop, Archbishop, nor Metropolite, but hath been a Monk, or friar before. And by that reason they are, and must all be unmarried men, for their Vow of Chastity when they were first shorn. When the Emperor hath appointed whom he thinketh good, he is invested in the Cathedral Church of his Diocese, with many Ceremonies, much after the manner of the Popish Inauguration. They have also their Deans, and their Arch-deacons. As for preaching the Word of God, or any teaching, or exhorting such as are under them, The learning and exercise of the Ruff Clergy. they neither use it, nor have any skill of it: the whole Clergy being utterly unlearned both for other knowledge, and in the Word of God. Only their manner is twice every year, viz. the first of September (which is the first day of their year) and on Saint john Baptists day, to make an ordinary speech to the people, every Metropolite, Archbishop, and Bishop, in his Catherall Church, to this or like effect: That if any be in malice towards his Neighbour, he shall leave off his malice: if any have thought of Treason or Rebellion against his Prince, he beware of such practice: if he have not kept his Fasts, and Vows, nor done his other Duties to the Holy Church, he shall amend that fault, etc. And this is a matter of form with them, uttered in as many words, and no more, in a manner, than I have here set down. Yet the matter is done with that Grace and Solemnity, in a Pulpit of purpose set up for this one Act, as if he were to discourse at large of the whole substance of Divinity. At the Mosko the Emperor himself is ever present at this Solemn Exhortation. As themselves are void of all manner of Learning, so are they wary to keep out all means that might bring any in: as fearing to have their ignorance and ungodliness discovered. To that purpose they have persuaded the Emperors, that it would breed Innovation, and sow danger to their State, to have any novelty of Learning come within the Realm. Wherein they say but truth, for that a man of spirit and understanding, helped by Learning and liberal Education, can hardly endure a tyrannical Government. Some years passed in the other Emperor's time, there came a Press and Letters out of Polonia, to the City of Mosko, where a Printing House was set up, with great liking and allowance of the Emperor himself. But not long after, the house was set on fire in the night time, and the Press and Letters quite burnt up, as was thought by the procurement of the Clergymen. Their Priests (whom they call Papaes') are made by the Bishops, Priests. without any great trial for worthiness of gifts, before they admit them, or Ceremonies in their admission: save that their heads are shorn (not shaved, for that they like not) about an hand breadth or more in the crown, and that place anointed with Oil by the Bishop: who in his admission putteth upon the Priest, first his Surplice, and then setteth a white Cross on his breast of Silk, or some other matter, which he is to wear eight days, and no more: and so giveth him authority to say and sing in the Church, and to administer the Sacraments. They are men utterly unlearned, which is no marvel, for as much as their Makers, the Bishops themselves (as before was said) are clear of that quality, and make no farther use at all of any kind of Learning, no not of the Scriptures themselves, save to read and to sing them. Their ordinary charge and function is to say the liturgy, to administer the Sacraments after their manner, to keep and deck their Idols, and to do the other Ceremonies usual in their Churches. Their number is great because their Towns are parted into many small Parishes, without any discretion for dividing them into competent numbers of Households, and people for a just Congregation: as the manner in all places where the means is neglected, for increasing of knowledge, and instruction towards God. Which cannot well be had, where by means of an unequal partition of the people, and Parishes, there followeth a want and unequality of stipend for a sufficient Ministry. For their Priests, it is lawful to marry for the first time. But if the first Wife dye, a second he cannot take, but he must lose his Priesthood, and his living withal. The Ruff Priests can marry but once. The reason they make out of that place of Saint Paul to Timothy 1.3.2. not well understood, thinking that to be spoken of diverse Wives successively, that the Apostle speaketh of at one and the same time. If he will needs marry again after his first wife is dead, he is no longer called Papa, but Rospapa, or Priest quondam. This maketh the Priests to make much of their Wives, who are accounted as the Matrons, and of best reputation among the women of the Parish. For the stipend of the Priest, their manner is not to pay him any tenths of Corn, or aught else: but he must stand at the devotion of the people of his Parish, and make up the Incommes towards his maintenance, so well as he can, by Offerings, Shrifts, Marriages, Burials, Dirges, and Prayers for the dead and the living (which they call Molitua.) For besides their public Service within their Churches, their manner is for every private man to have a Prayer said for him by the Priest, upon any occasion of business whatsoever, whether he ride, go, sail, plough, or whatsoever else he doth. Which is not framed according to the occasion of his business, but at random, being some of their ordinary and usual Church-prayers. And this is thought to be more holy, and effectual, if it be repeated by the Priest's mouth, rather than by his own. They have a custom, besides to solemnize the Saint's day, that is, Patron to their Church once every year. What time all their Neighbours of their Country and Parishes about, come in to have Prayers said to that Saint for themselves, and their friends: and so make an Offering to the Priest for his pains. This Offering may yield them some ten pounds a year, more or less, as the Patron or Saint of that Church is of credit and estimation among them: The manner is on this day (which they keep Anniversary for the Priest, to hire diverse of his Neighbour Priests to help him: as having more Dishes to dress for the Saint, than he can well turn his hand unto. They use besides to visit their Parishioners houses, with Holy Water, and Perfume, commonly once a quarter: and so having sprinkled, and becensed the goodman and his Wife, with the rest of their household, and householdstuff, they receive some Devotion or less, as the man is of ability. This and the rest laid altogether, may make up for the Priest towards his maintenance, The Priest's maintenance. about thirty or forty Rubbels a year: whereof he payeth the tenth part to the Bishop of the Diocese. The Papa or Priest is known by his long Tufts of hair, hanging down by his Ears, his Gown with a broad Cape, Their Priest's attire. and a walking staff in his hand. For the rest of his Habit, he is apparelled like the common sort. When he saith the liturgy or Service, within the Church, he hath on him his Surplice, and sometimes his Cope, if the day be more Solemn. They have besides their Papaes' or Priests, their Churnapapaes' (as they call them) that is, Black Priests: that may keep their Benefices, though they be admitted Friars withal within some Monastery. They seem to be the very same that were called Regular Priests in the Popish Church. Under the Priest, is a Deacon in every Church, that doth nothing but the Office of a Parish Clerk. As for their Protopapaes', or Archpriests, and their Arch-deacons (that are next in election to be their Protopopas) they serve only in the Cathedral Churches. Of Friars they have an infinite rabble far greater than in any other Country, where Popery is professed. Friars. Every City, and good part of the Country, swarmeth full of them. For they have wrought (as the Popish Friars did by their Superstition and Hypocrisy) that if any part of the Realm be better and sweeter than other, there standeth a Friary or a Monastery dedicated to some Saint. The number of them is so much the greater, not only for that it is augmented by the Superstition of the Country, but because the Friar's life is the safest from the Oppressions, and Exactions, that fall upon the Commons. Which causeth many to put on the Friar's Weed, as the best Armour to bear off such blows. Besides such as are voluntary, there are diverse that are forced to shire themselves Friars, upon some displeasure. These are for the most part of the chief Nobility. diverse take the Monasteries as a place of Sanctuary, and there become Friars, to avoid some punishment, that they had deserved by the Laws of the Realm. For if he get a Monastery over his head, and there put on a Cool before he be attached, it is a protection to him for ever against any Law, for what crime soever: except it be for Treason. But this Proviso goeth withal, that no man cometh there, (except such as are commanded by the Emperor to be received) but he giveth them Lands, or bringeth his stock with him, and putteth it into the common Treasury. Some bring 1000 Rubbels, and some more. None is admitted under three or four hundred. Their manner of shiring Friars. The manner of their Admission is after this sort. First, the Abbot strippeth him of all his Secular or ordinary Apparel. Then he putteth upon him next to his skin, a white flannel shirt, with a long Garment over it down to the ground, girded unto him with a broad Leather Belt. His upper-most Garment is a Weed of Garras, or Say, for colour and fashion, much like to the upper Weed of a Chimney-sweeper. Then is his crown shorn a hand breadth, or more close to the very skin, and these, or like words pronounced by the Abbot, whiles he clippeth his hair: As these hairs are clipped of, and taken from thy head; so now we take thee, and separate thee clean from the World, and worldly things, etc. This done, he anointeth his crown with Oil, and putteth on his Cool: and so taketh him in among the Fraternity. They vow perpetual Chastity, and Abstinence from flesh. Besides, their Lands (that are very great) they are the greatest Merchants in the whole Country, and deal for all manner of Commodities. Some of their Monasteries dispend in Lands, one thousand, or two thousand Rubbels a year. There is one Abbey called Troits, that hath in Lands and Fees, the sum of 100000. Rubbels, or Marks a year. It is built in manner of a Castle, walled round about, with great Ordnance planted on the wall, and containeth within it a large breadth of ground, and great variety of building. There are of Friars within it, (besides their Officers, and other Servants) about seven hundred. The Empress that now is, hath many Vows to Saint Sergius, that is Patron there: to entreat him to make her fruitful, as having no children by the Emperor her Husband. Lightly every year she goeth on Pilgrimage to him from the Mosko, on foot, about eighty English miles, with five or six thousand women attending upon her, all in blue Liveries, and four thousand Soldiers for her Guard. But Saint Sergius hath not yet heard her Prayers, though (they say) he hath a special gift and faculty that way. What Learning there is among their Friars, may be known by their Bishops, that are the choice men out of all their Monasteries. I talked with one of them at the City of Vologda, The Friar's Learning. where (to try his skill) I offered him a Ruff Testament, and turned him to the first Chapter of Saint Matthews Gospel. Where he began to read in very good order. I asked him first what part of Scripture it was, that he had read? he answered, that he could not well tell. How many Evangelists there were in the New Testament? He said he knew not. How many Apostles there were? He thought there were twelve. How he should be saved? Whereunto he answered me with a piece of Russee Doctrine, that he knew not whether he should be saved, or no: but if God would Poshallovate him, or gratify him so much, as to save him, so it was, he would be glad of it: if not, what remedy. I asked him, why he shore himself a Friar? He answered, because he would eat his Bread with peace. This is the Learning of the Friars of Russia, which though it be not to be measured by one, yet partly it may be guessed by the ignorance of this man, what is in the rest. They have also many Nunneries, whereof some may admit none but Nobleman's Widows, Nunneries▪ and Daughters, when the Emperor meaneth to keep them unmarried, from continuing the blood or stock, which if he would have extinguished. To speak of the life of their Friars, and Nuns, it needs not, to those that know the hypocrisy, and uncleanness of that Cloyster-brood. The Ruff himself (though otherwise addicted to all Superstition) speaketh so foully of it, that it must needs gain silence of any modest man. Besides these, they have certain Eremites, Eremites. (whom they call Holy men) that are like to those Gymnosophists, for their life and behaviour: though far unlike for their Knowledge, and Learning. They use to go stark naked, save a clout about their middle, with their hair hanging long, and wildly about their shoulders, and many of them with an Iron collar, or chain about their necks, or midst, even in the very extremity of Winter. These they take as Prophets, Strange hardiness. and men of great Holiness, giving them a liberty to speak what they list, without any controlment, though it be of the very highest himself. So that if he reprove any openly, in what sort soever, they answer nothing, but that it is Po graecum, that is, for their sins. And if any of them take some piece of sale ware from any man's shop, as he passeth by, to give where he list, he thinketh himself much beloved of God, and much beholding to the holy Man, for taking it in that sort. Of this kind there are not many, because it is a very hard and cold Profession, to go naked in Russia, specially in Winter. Among other at this time, they have one at Mosko, that walketh naked about the streets, and inveigheth commonly against the State, and Government, especially against the Godonoes', that are thought at this time to be great Oppressors of that Commonwealth. Another there was, Basileo the Eremite. that died not many years ago (whom they called Basileo) that would take upon him to reprove the old Emperor, for all his cruelty, and oppressions, done towards his people. His body they have translated of late into a sumptuous Church, near the Emperor's House in Mosko, and have canonised him for a Saint. Many Miracles he doth there (for so the Friars make the people to believe) and many Offerings are made unto him, not only by the people, but by the chief Nobility, and the Emperor, and Empress themselves, which visit that Church with great Devotion. But this last year, at my being at Mosko, this Saint had ill luck in working his Miracles. Lame Miracle▪ For a lame man that had his limbs restored (as it was pretended by him) was charged by a woman that was familiar with him (being then fallen out) that he halted but in the day time, and could leap merrily when he came home at night. And that he had intended this matter six years before. Now he is put into a Monastery, and there raileth upon the Friars, that hired him to have this counterfeit Miracle practised upon him. Besides this disgrace, a little before my coming from thence, there were eight slain with in his Church by fire in a Thunder. Which caused his Bells (that were tingling before all day and night long as in triumph of the Miracles wrought by Basileo their Saint) to ring somewhat softlier, and hath wrought no little discredit to this Miracle-worker. There was another of great account at Plesko, (called Nichola of Plesko) that did much good, Nichola the Eremite▪ when this Emperor's Father came to sack the Town, upon suspicion of their revolting and Rebellion against him. The Emperor, after he had saluted the Eremite, at his lodging, sent him a reward. And the Holy man to requite the Emperor, sent him a piece of raw Flesh, being then their Lent time. Which the Emperor seeing, bid one to tell him, that he marvelled that the Holy man would offer him flesh to eat in the Lent, when it was forbidden by order of holy Church. And doth Euasko (which is as much to say, as jack) think (quoth Nicola) that it is unlawful to eat a piece of beasts flesh in Lent and not to eat up so much man's flesh, as he hath done already. So threatening the Emperor with a prophecy of some hard adventure to come upon him, except he left murdering of his people, and departed the Town: he saved a great many men's lives at that time. This maketh the people to like very well of them, because they are as Pasquil's, to note their great men's faults, that no man else dare speak of. Yet it falleth out sometime, that for this rude liberty, which they take upon them, after a counterfeit manner, by imitation of Prophets, they are made away in secret: as was one or two of them, in the last Emperor's time, for being overbold in speaking against his government. Chap. 22. Of their liturgy, or form of church-service, and their manner of administering the Sacraments. Their morning Service. THeir morning Service they call, Zautrana, that is, Matins. It is done in this order. The Priest entereth into the Church with his Deacon following him. And when he is come to the middle of the Church, he beginneth to say with a loud voice: Blaslavey Vladika (that is) Bless us heavenly Pastor: meaning of Christ. Then he addeth, In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the holy Ghost▪ one very God in Trinity: and Aspody pomelui, or, Lord have mercy upon us, Lord have mercy upon us, Lord have mercy upon us: repeated three times. This done, he marcheth on towards the Chancel, or Sanctum Sanctorum, (as they use to call it) and so entereth into the Scharsuey Dwere, or the Heavenly Door: which no man may enter into, but the Priest only. Where standing at the Altar, or Table (set near to the upper wall of the Chancel) he sayeth the Lord's Prayer, and then again Aspody pomelui, or, Lord have mercy upon us, Lord have mercy upon us, etc. pronounced twelve times. Then praised be the Trinity, the Father, the Son, and holy Ghost, for ever and ever. Whereto the Deacons, and People say, Amen. Next after, the Priest addeth the Psalms for that day, and beginneth with, O come let us worship, and fall down before the Lord, etc. and therewithal himself, with the Deacons, and People, all turn themselves towards their Idols, or Images, that hang on the wall, and crossing themselves, bow down three times, knocking their heads to the very ground. After this, he readeth the Ten Commandments, and Athanasius Creed, out of the Service Book. This being done, the Deacon that standeth without the Heavenly Door, or Chancel, readeth a piece of a Legend, out of a written Book, (for they have it not in Print) of some Saint's life, Legend. miracles, etc. This is divided into many parts, for every day in the year, and is read by them with a plain singing note, not unlike to the Popish tune, when they sung their Gospels. After all this (which reacheth to an hour and an half, or two hours of length) he addeth certain set Collects, or Prayers upon that which he hath read out of the Legend before: and so endeth his Service. Candles. All this while stand burning before their Idols, a great many of Wax candles, (whereof some are of the bigness of a man's waste) vowed, or enjoined by penance, upon the people of the Parish. About nine of the clock in the morning, they have another Service, called Obeidna, (or Compline) much after the order of the Popish Service, Compline. that bore that name. If it be some High or Festival day, they furnish their Service beside, with Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, etc. and We praise thee, O God, etc. sung with a more solemn and curious note. Their evening Service. Their evening Service, is called Vecherna, where the Priest beginneth with Blaslavey Vladika, as he did in the morning, and with the Psalms appointed for the Vecherna. Which being read, he singeth, My soul doth magnify the Lord, etc. And then the Priest, Deacons, and People, all with one voice, sing, Aspody pomelui, or Lord have mercy upon us, thirty times together. Whereunto the Boys that are in the Church, answer all with one voice, rolling it up so fast, as their lips can go: Verij, Verij, Verij, Verij, or, Praise, Praise, Praise, etc. thirty times together, with a very strange noise. Then is read by the Priest, and upon the Holidays sung, the first Psalm: Blessed is the man, etc. And in the end of it, is added, Alleluia, repeated ten times. The next in order is some part of the Gospel ready by the Priest, which he endeth with Alleluia repeated three times. And so having said a Collect in remembrance of the Saint of that day, he endeth his evening Service. All this while the Priest standeth above at the Altar, or high Table, within the Chancel, or Sanctum Sanctorum, whence he never moveth all the Service time. The Deacon, or Deacons (which are many in their Cathedral Churches) stand without the Chancel by the Scharsuey Dwere, or Heavenly Door: for within they may not be seen all the Service time, though otherwise their Office is to sweep and keep it, and to set up the Wax candles before their Idols. The people stand together the whole Service time in the body of the Church, and some in the Church Porch, for Piew, or Seat they have none within their Churches. The manner of the Ruff Baptism. The Sacrament of Baptism they administer after this manner. The child is brought unto the Church (and this is done within eight days after it is borne) if it be the child of some Nobleman, it is brought with great pomp in a rich Sled or Wagon, with Chairs and Cushions of cloth of Gold, and such like sumptuous show of their best furniture. When they are come to the Church, the Priest standeth ready to receive the child within the Church Porch, with his Tub of water by him. And then beginneth to declare unto them, that they have brought a little Infidel to be made a Christian, etc. This ended, he teacheth the Witnesses (that are two or three) in a certain set form out of his Book, what their duty is in bringing up the child after he is baptised, uz. That he must be taught to know God, and Christ the Saviour. And because God is of great majesty, and we must not presume to come unto him without Mediators (as the manner is when we make any suit to an Emperor, or great Prince) therefore they must teach him what Saints are the best, and chief Mediators, etc. This done, he commandeth the Devil in the name of God after a conjuring manner, to come out of the water: and so after certain Prayers he plungeth the child thrice over head and ears. For this they hold to be a point necessary, that no part of the child be undipped in the water. The words that bear with them the form of Baptism uttered by the Priest, when he dippeth in the child, are the very same that are prescribed in the Gospel, and used by us, uz. In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the holy Ghost. For that they should alter the form of the words, and say, by the holy Ghost, (as I have heard that they did) following certain Heretics of the Greek Church, I round to be untrue, as well by report of them that have been often at their Baptisms, as by their Book of liturgy itself, wherein the order of Baptism is precisely set down. When the child is baptised, Oil and Salt. the Priest layeth Oil and Salt tempered together upon the forehead, and both sides of his face, and then upon his mouth, drawing it along with his finger over the child's lips (as did the Popish Priests) saying withal certain Prayers to this effect: that God will make him a good Christian, etc. all this is done in the Church Porch. Then is the child (as being now made a Christian, and meet to be received within the Church Door) carried into the Church, the Priest going before, Presented. and there he is presented to the chief Idol of the Church, being laid on a Cushion before the feet of the Image, by it (as by the Mediator) to be commended unto God. If the child be sick, or weak (specially in the Winter) they use to make the water luke warm. Cutting off hair. After Baptism the manner is to cut off the hair from the child's head, and having wrapped it within a piece of Wax to lay it up as a Relic or Monument in a secret place of the Church. This is the manner of their Baptism, which they account to be the best and perfectest form. As they do all other parts of their Religion, received (as they say) by tradition from the best Church, meaning the Greek. And therefore they will take great pains to make a Proselyte, Proselyte-paines. or Convert, either of an Infidel, or of a foreign Christian, by rebaptising him after the Ruff manner. When they take any Tartar prisoner, commonly they will offer him life, with condition to be baptised. And yet they persuade very few of them to redeem their life so: because of the natural hatred the Tartar beareth to the Ruff, and the opinion he hath of his fashood, and injustice. The year after Mosko was fired by the Chrim Tartar, there was taken a Divoymorsey, one of the chief in that exploit with three hundred Tartars more: Tartars choose to die rather than turn Christians. who had all their lives offered them if they would be baptised after the Ruff manner. Which they refused all to do, with many reproaches against those that persuaded them. And so being carried to the River Mosko (that runneth through the City) they were all baptised after a violent manner: being thrust down with a knock on the head into the water, through an hole made in the Ice for that purpose. Of Lieflanders that are captives, Rebaptising. there are many that take on them this second Ruff Baptism to get more liberty, and somewhat besides towards their living, which the Emperor ordinarily useth to give them. Of Englishmen since they frequented the Country there was never any found, that so much forgot God, his Faith, and Country, as that he would be content to be baptised Russee, for any respect of fear, preferment, or other means whatsoever: save only Richard Relph, that following before an ungodly trade, by keeping a Caback (against the order of the Country) and being put off from that trade, and spoiled by the Emperor's Officers of that which he had, entered himself this last year into the Ruff Profession: and so was rebaptised, living now as much an Idolater, as before he was a Rioter, and unthrifty person. Such as thus receive the Ruff Baptism, are first carried into some Monastery to be instructed there in the doctrine and ceremonies of the Church. Where they use these ceremonies. First, they put him into a new and fresh suit of apparel, made after the Ruff fashion, and set a Coronet, or (in Summer) a Garland upon his head. Then they anoint his head with Oil, and put a Wax candle light into his hand: and so pray over him four times a day, the space of seven days. All this while he is to abstain from flesh, and white meats. The seven days being ended, he is purified and washed in a Bathstove, and so the eight day he is brought into the Church, where he is taught by the Friars how to behave himself in presence of their Idols, by ducking down, knocking of the head, crossing himself, and such like gestures, which are the greatest part of the Ruff Religion. The Sacrament of the Lords Supper they receive but once a year, in their great Lent time, a little before Easter. The administering of the Lord's Supper. Confession. Three at the most are admitted at one time, and never above. The manner of their communicating, is thus. First, they confess themselves of all their sins to the Priest (whom they call) their ghostly Father. Then they come to the Church, and are called up to the Communion Table, that standeth like an Altar, a little removed from the upper end of the Church, after the Dutch manner. here first they are asked of the Priest, whether they be clean or no, that is, whether they have never a sin behind that they left unconfessed. If they answer, No, they are taken to the Table. Where the Priest beginneth with certain usual Prayers, the Communicants standing in the mean while with their arms folded one within another, like Penitentiaries or Mourners. When these prayers are ended, the Priest taketh a Spoon and filleth it full of claret Wine. Then he putteth into it a small piece of Bread, and tempereth them both together: Communion in both kinds. and so delivereth them in the spoon to the Communicants, that stand in order, speaking the usual words of the Sacrament. Eat this, etc. Drink this, etc. both at one time without any pause. After that he delivereth them again Bread by itself, and then Wine carded together with a little warm water, to represent Blood more rightly (as they think) and the water withal, that flowed out of the side of Christ. Whiles this is in doing the Communicants unfold their arms. And then folding them again, follow the Priest thrice round about the Communion table, and so return to their places again. Where having said certain other prayers, he dismisseth the Communicants, with charge to be merry, and to cheer up themselves for the seven days next following. Which being ended, he enjoineth them to fast for it as long time after. Which they use to observe with very great devotion, eating nothing else but Bread and Salt, except a little Cabbage, and some other Herb or Root, with water or quasse Mead for their drink. This is their manner of administering the Sacraments. Wherein what they differ from the institution of Christ, and what Ceremonies they have added of their own, or rather borrowed of the greeks, may easily be noted. THeir chiefest errors in matter of Faith I find to be these. First, concerning the Word of God itself they will not read publicly certain Books of the Canonical Scripture, Chap. 23. Of the Doctrine of the Ruff Church, & what errors it holdeth. as the books of Moses: specially the four last, Exodus, Leviticus, Numeri, and Deuteronomie, which they say are all made disauthentique, and put out of use by the coming of Christ: as not able to discern the difference betwixt the Moral and the Ceremonial Law. The books of the Prophets they allow of, but read them not publicly in their Churches, for the same reason: because they were but directors unto Christ, 1. Their disallowing of certain parts of the Canonical Scriptures. and proper (as they say) to the Nation of the jews. Only the Book of Psalms they have in great estimation, and sing and say them daily in their Churches. Of the New Testament they allow and read all, except the Revelation: which therefore they read not (though they allow it) because they understand it not, neither have the like occasion, to know the fulfilling of the Prophecies contained within it, concerning especially the Apostasy of the Antichristian Church, as have the Western Churches. Notwithstanding, they have had their Antichrists of the Greek Church, and may find their own falling off, and the punishments for it by the Turkish invasion in the Prophecies of the Book. 2. Traditions equal to the holy Scripture. Secondly, (which is the fountain of the rest of all their corruptions both in Doctrine and Ceremonies) they hold with the Papists, that their Church Traditions are of equal authority with the written Word of God. Wherein they prefer themselves before other Churches: affirming that they have the true and right Traditions, delivered by the Apostles to the Greek Church, and so unto them. 3. The Church to have sovereign authority in interpreting the Scriptures. Thirdly, that the Church (meaning the Greek, and specially the Patriarch and his Synod, as the head of the rest) having a sovereign Authority to interpret the Scriptures, and that all are bound to hold that Interpretation, as sound and authentic. Fourthly, concerning the Divine nature and the three Persons, in the one substance of God, that the holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father only, and not from the Son. 4. The holy Ghost to proceed from the Father only. Fiftly, about the office of Christ, they hold many foul errors, and the same almost as doth the Popish Church: namely, that he is the sole Mediator of redemption, but not of intercession. Their chief reason (if they be talked withal) for defence of this error, is that unapt and foolish comparison, 5. Christ not sole Mediator of intercession Saint Nicolas his 300. Angels betwixt God, and a Monarch or Prince of this world, that must be sued unto by Mediators about him: wherein they give special preferment to some above others, as to the blessed Virgin whom they call Procheste, or undefiled, and Saint Nicolas, whom they call Scora pomosnick, or the Speedy helper, and say, that he hath three hundred Angels of the chiefest appointed by God to attend upon him. This hath brought them to an horrible excess of Idolatry, after the grossest and profanest manner, Images. giving unto their Images all religious worship of Prayer, Thanksgiving, Offerings and Adoration, with prostrating and knocking their heads to the ground before them, as to God himself. Which because they do to the Picture, not to the portraiture of the Saint, they say they worship not an Idol, but the Saint in his Image, and so offend not God: forgetting the Commandment of God, that forbiddeth to make the Image or likeness of any thing, for any Religious worship, or use whatsoever. Their Church walls are very full of them, richly hanged and set forth with Pearl and Stone, upon the smooth Table. Though some also they have embossed, that stick from the board almost an inch outwards. They call them Chudovodites, or their Miracle workers: and when they provide them to set up in their Churches, in no case they may say, that they have bought the Image, but Exchanged money for it. Sixtly, for the means of justification, they agree with the Papists, 6. justification by works. that it is not by Faith only apprehending Christ, but by their Works also. And that Opus operatum, or the work for the work sake, must needs please God. And therefore they are all in their numbers of Prayers, Fasts, Vows, and Offerings to Saints, Alms deeds, Cross and such like, and carry their numbering Beads about with them continually, as well the Emperor and his Nobility, as the common people, not only in the Church, but in all other public places, specially at any set or solemn meeting, as in their Fasts, law Courts, common Consultations, entertainment of Ambassadors, and such like. Seventhly, they say with the Papists, that no man can be assured of his salvation, 7. Salvation uncertain. till the sentence be passed at the day of judgement. Eightly, they use auricular Confession, 8. Auricular confession. and think they are purged by the very action from so many sins, as they confess by name, and in particular to the Priest. Ninthly, they hold three Sacraments, of Baptism, the Lords Supper, and the last Anoiling or Unction. Yet concerning their Sacrament of extreme Unction, 9 Three Sacraments. they hold it not so necessary to salvation as they do Baptism, but think it a great curse and punishment of God, if any dye without it. Tenthly, they think there is a necessity of Baptism, 10. All damned that die without Baptism. and that all are condemned that dye without it. Eleventh, 11. Anabaptism. they rebaptise as many Christians (not being of the Greek Church) as they convert to their Ruff profession: because they are divided from the true Church, which is the Greek, as they say. Twelfth, they make a difference of Meats and Drinks, 12. Difference of meats. accounting the use of one to be more holy then of another. And therefore in their set Fasts they forbear to eat flesh, and white meats (as we call them) after the manner of the Popish superstition: which they observe so strictly, and with such blind devotion, as that they will rather die, then eat one bit of Flesh, Eggs or such like, for the health of their bodies in their extreme sickness. Thirteenth, they hold Marriage to be unlawful for all the Clergy men, 13. Marriage for some persons unlawful. except the Priests only, and for them also after the first Wife, as was said before. Neither do they well allow of it in Laymen after the second marriage. Which is a pretence now used against the Emperor's only Brother, a child of six years old: who therefore is not Prayed for in their Churches, (as their manner is otherwise for the Prince's blood) because he was borne of the sixth marriage, and so not legitimate. This charge was given to the Priests by the Emperor himself, by procurement of the Godones: who make him believe, that it is a good policy to turn away the liking of the people from the next successor. Many other false opinions they have in matter of Religion. But these are the chief, which they hold, partly by means of their traditions (which they have received from the Greek Church) but specially by ignorance of the holy Scriptures. Which notwithstanding they have in the Polonian tongue, (that is all one with theirs some few words excepted) yet few of them read them with that godly care which they ought to do: neither have they (if they would) Books sufficient of the old and new Testament for the common people, but of their liturgy only, or Book of common service, whereof there are great numbers. Which notwithstanding it is not to be doubted, but that having the Word of God in some sort (though without the ordinary means to attain to a true sense and understanding of it) God hath also his number among them. As may partly appear by that which a Ruff at Mosko said in secret to one of my Servants, speaking against their Images and other superstitions: That God had given unto England light to day, and might give it to morrow (if he pleased) to them. As for any Inquisition or proceeding against men for matter of Religion, Inquisition. I could hear of none: save a few years since against one man and his wife, who were kept in a close Prison the space of eight and twenty years, till they were overgrown into a deformed fashion, for their hair, nails, colour of countenance, and such like, and in the end were burned at Mosko, in a small House set on fire. The cause was kept secret, but like it was for some part of truth in matter of Religion: though the people were made to believe by the Priests and Friars, that they held some great and damnable Heresy. THe manner of making and solemnising their Marriages, Chap. 24. Of the manner of solemnising their Marriages. is different from the manner of other Countries. The man (though he never saw the woman before) is not permitted to have any sight of her all the time of his wooing: which he doth not by himself, but by his Mother or some other ancient woman of his kin or acquaintance. When the liking is taken (as well by the Parents as by the parties themselves, for without the knowledge and consent of the Parents, the contract is not lawful) the Fathers on both sides, or such as are to them in stead of Fathers, with their other chief friends, have a meeting and conference about the dowry, which is commonly very large after the ability of the parents: so that you shall have a Market man (as they call them) give a thousand Rubbels, or more with his Daughter. As for the man it is never required of him, nor standeth with their custom to make any jointure in recompense of the dowry. The manner of endowment for Wives. But in case he have a Child by his Wife, she enjoyeth a third deal after his decease. If he have two Children by her or more, she is to have a courtesy more, at the discretion of the husband. If the husband depart without issue by his wife, she is returned home to her friends without any thing at all, save only her dowry: if the husband leave so much behind him in goods. When the agreement is made concerning the dowry, they sign Bonds one to the other, as well for the payment of the dowry, as the performing of the Marriage by a certain day. If the woman were never married before, her Father and friends are bound besides to assure her a Maiden. Which breedeth many brabbles and quarrels at Law, if the man take any conceit concerning the behaviour and honesty of his wife. Thus the contract being made, the parties begin to send tokens the one to the other, the Woman first, than afterwards the Man, but yet see not one another till the Marriage be solemnised. On the Eve before the marriage day, the Bride is carried in a Collimago, or Coach, or in a Sled (if it be winter) to the Bridegroom's house, with her marriage Apparel and Bedstead with her, which they are to lie in. For this is ever provided by the Bride, and is commonly very fair, with much cost bestowed upon it. here she is accompanied all that night by her Mother and other women: but not welcomed, nor once seen by the Bridegroom himself. When the time is come to have the marriage solemnised, the Bride hath put upon her a kind of Hood, Ceremonies in Marriages. made of fine Knit-worke or Lawn, that covereth her head, and all her body down to the middle. And so accompanied with her friends, and the Bridegroom with his, they go to Church all on Horseback, though the Church be near hand, and themselves but of very mean degree. The words of contract and other ceremonies in solemnising the Marriage, are much after the order, Ring. and with the same words that are used with us: with a Ring also given to the Bride. Which being put on, and the words of contract pronounced: the Bride's hand is delivered into the hand of the Bridegroom, which standeth all this while on the one side of the Altar or Table, and the Bride on the other. So the marriage knot being knit by the Priest, the Bride cometh to the Bridegroom (standing at the end of the altar or table) and falleth down at his feet, knocking her Head upon his Shoe, in token of her subjection and obedience. And the Bridegroom again, casteth the lap of his Gown or upper garment over the Bride, in token of his duty to protect and cherish her. Then the Bridegroom and Bride, standing both together at the Tables end, cometh first the Father and the other friends of the Bride, and how themselves down low to the Bridegroom: and so likewise his friends bow themselves to the Bride, in token of affinity and love ever after betwixt the two kindreds. Loaf. And withal, the Father of the Bridegroom offereth to the Priest a loaf of Bread, who delivereth it strait again to the Father and other friends of the Bride, with attestation before God and their Idols, that he deliver the dowry wholly and truly at the day appointed, and hold love ever after, one kindred with another. Whereupon they break the Loaf into pieces, and eat of it, to testify their true and sincere meanings, for performing of that charge, and thenceforth to become as grains of one Loaf, or men of one Table. These ceremonies being ended, the Bridegroom taketh the Bride by the hand, and so they go on together with their friends after them towards the Church porch. Mead. Where meet them certain with pots and cups in their hands, with Mead and Russee Wine. Whereof the Bridegroom taketh first a Charke, or little cup full in his hand, and drinketh to the Bride: who opening her Hood or Vale below, and putting the Cup to her mouth underneath it (for being seen of the Bridegroom) pledgeth him again. Thus returning all together from the Church, the Bridegroom goeth not home to his own, but to his Father's house, and she likewise to hers, where either entertain their friends apart. Corne. At the entering into the House, they use to fling Corn out of the windows upon the Bridegroom and Bride, in token of plenty and fruitfulness to be with them ever after. When the Evening is come, the Bride is brought to the Bridegroom's Father's house, and there lodgeth that night, Silence▪ with her Veil or cover still over her head. All that night she may not speak one word (for that charge she receiveth by tradition from her Mother, and other Matrons her friends) that the Bridegroom must neither hear, nor see her, till the day after the marriage. Neither three days after, may she be heard to speak, save certain few words at the Table in a set form, with great manners and reverence to the Bridegroom: If she behave herself otherwise, it is a great prejudice to her credit and life ever after: and will highly be disliked of the Bridegroom himself. After the third day, they depart to their own, and make a Feast to both their friends together. The marriage day, and the whole time of their festival, the Bridegroom hath the honour to be called Moloday Knez, or young Duke, and the Bride Moloday Knezay, or young Duchess. In living with their wives, they show themselves to be but of a barbarous condition: using them as servants, rather than wives. Except the Noble-women, which are, or seem to be of more estimation with their husbands, than the rest of meaner sort. They have this foul abuse, contrary to good order, and the Word of God itself, that upon dislike of his wife, or other cause whatsoever, the man may go into a Monastery and shire himself a Friar, by pretence of devotion: and so leave his wife to shift for herself so well as she can. THe other Ceremonies of their Church, are many in number: especially, Chap. 25. Of the other Ceremonies o● the Ruff Church. The sign of the Cross how it crosseth out other devotions. the abuse about the sign of the Cross, which they set up in their high ways, in the tops of their Churches, and in every door of their houses, signing themselves continually with it on their foreheads & breasts with great devotion, as they will seem by their outward gesture. Which were less offence, if they gave not withal that religious reverence and worship unto it, which is due to God only, and used the dumb show, and signing of it instead of thanksgiving, and of all other duties which they owe unto God. When they rise in the morning, they go commonly in the sight of some steeple that hath a Cross on the top; and so bowing themselves towards the Cross, sign themselves withal on their foreheads and breasts. And this is their thanksgiving to God for their night's rest, without any word speaking, except peradventure they say, Aspody Pomeluy, or Lord have mercy upon us. When they sit down to meat, and rise again from it, the thanksgiving to God, is the crossing of their foreheads and breasts. Except it be some few that add peradventure a word or two of some ordinary prayer, impertinent to that purpose. When they are to give an oath for the deciding of any controversy at Law, they do it by swearing by the Cross, and kissing the feet of it, making it as God, whose name only is to be used in such trial of justice. When they enter into any house (where ever there is an Idol hanging on the wall) they sign themselves with the Cross, and bow themselves to it. When they begin any work, be it little or much, they arm themselves first with the sign of the Crosse. And this commonly is all their prayer to God, for good speed of their business. And thus they serve God with crosses, after a cross and vain manner: notwithstanding what the Cross of Christ is, nor the power of it. And yet they think all strangers Christians, to be no better than Turks in comparison of themselves (and so they will say) because they bow not themselves when they meet with the Cross, nor sign themselves with it, as the Ruff manner is. They have Holywater in like use and estimation, as the Popish Church hath. Holywater. But herein they exceed them, in that they do not only hollow their Holy-water stocks, and tubs full of water, but all the Rivers of the Country once every year. Hallowing of Rivers. At Mosko it is done with great pomp and solemnity: the Emperor himself being present at it with all his Nobility, marching through the streets towards the River of Moskua, in manner of Procession, in this order as followeth. First go two Deacons, with banners in their hands, the one of Precheste (or our Lady) the other of Saint Michael fight with his Dragon. Then follow after the rest of the Deacons, and the Priests of Mosko, two and two in a rank, with Coaps on their backs, and their Idols at their breasts, carried with girdles or slings, made fast about their necks. Next the Priests come their Bishops in their Pontificalibus: then the Friars, Monks, and Abbots: and after the patriarchs in very rich attire, with a Ball or Sphere on the top of his Mitre, to signify his universality over that Church. Last cometh the Emperor with all his Nobility. The whole train is of a mile long, or more. When they are come to the River, a great hole is made in the Ice, where the Market is kept of a road and a half broad, with a stage round about it to keep off the press. Then beginneth the Patriarch to say certain prayers, and coniureth the Devil to come out of the water: and so casting in Salt, and censing it with Frankincense, maketh the whole River to become Holywater. The morning before, all the people of Mosko use to make crosses of chalk over every door and window of their houses; lest the Devil being conjured out of the water, should fly into their houses. When the Ceremonies are ended you shall see the black Guard of the Emperor's house, & then the rest of the Town, with their pails and buckets to take off the hallowed water for drink, and other uses. You shall also see the women dip in their children over head and ears, and many men and women leap into it, some naked, some with their clothes on, when some man would think his finger would freeze off, if he should but dip it into the water. When the men have done, they bring their horse to the River to drink of the sanctified water, and so make them as holy as a horse. Their set day for the solemn action of hallowing their Rivers, is that we call Twelfthday. The like is done by other Bishops in all parts of the Realm. Their manner is also to give it to their sick in their greatest extremity: thinking that it will either recover them, or sanctify them to God. Whereby they kill many, through their unreasonable superstition, as did the Lord Borris his only son, at my being at the Mosko: Drinking of Holywater. whom he killed (as was said by the Physicians) by pouring into him cold Holywater, and presenting him naked into the Church, Cruel blindness of superstition. to their Saint Basileo, in the cold of Winter in an extremity of sickness. They have an Image of Christ, which they call Neruchi, (which signifieth as much as Made without hands) for so their Priests, and superstition withal persuadeth them it was. This in their Processions they carry about with them on high upon a pole, enclosed within a Pixe, made like a Lantern, and do reverence to it as to a great mystery. Brewing with Holywater. At every brewing their manner is likewise to bring a dish of their wort to the Priest within the Church: which being hollowed by him, is poured into the brewing, and so giveth it such a virtue, as when they drink of it they are seldom sober. The like they do with the first fruits of their Corn in Harvest. Palm-sunday. They have another Ceremony on Palm-sunday, of ancient tradition: what time the Patriarch rideth through the Mosko, the Emperor himself holding his horse bridle, and the people crying Hosanna, and spreading their upper garments under his horse feet. The Emperor hath of the Patriarch for his good service of that day two hundred Rubbels of standing pension. Another pageant they have much like to this, the week before the Nativity of Christ: when every Bishop in his Cathedral Church, setteth forth a show of the three children in the Oven. Where the Angel is made to come flying from the roof of the Church, with great admiration of the lookers on, and many terrible flashes of fire are made with rosin, and gunpowder, by the Chaldeans (as they call them) that run about the Town all the twelve days, disguised in their players coats, and make much good sport for the honour of the Bishop's pageant. At the Mosko, the Emperor himself, and the Empress never fail to be at it, though it be but the same matter played every year, without any new invention at all. Fasts. Besides their fasts on Wednesdays, and Fridays throughout the whole year, (the one because they say Christ was sold on the Wednesday, the other because he suffered on the Friday) they have four great Fasts or Lents every year. The first, (which they call their great Lent) is at the same time with ours. The second, about Midsummer. The third, in Harvest time. The fourth, about Hallontide: which they keep not of policy, but of mere superstition. In their great Lent, for the first week, they eat nothing but bread and salt, and drink nothing but water, neither meddle with any matter of their vocation, but intent their shriving and fasting only. They have also three Vigils, or Wakes in their great Lent, which they call Stoiania and the last Friday their great Vigil, Vigils. as they call it. What time the whole Parish must be present in the Church, and watch from nine a clock in the Evening, till six in the morning, all the while standing, save when they fall down and knock their heads to their Idols, which must be an hundred and seventy times just through the whole night. Burials. About their burials also, they have many superstitious and profane Ceremonies: as putting within the finger of the corpse, a letter to Saint Nicolas: whom they make their chief mediator, and as it were the porter of heaven gates, as the Papists do their Peter. In Winter time, when all is covered with snow, and the ground so hard frozen, as that no spade nor pickax can enter their manner is not to bury their dead, but to keep the bodies (so many as die all the Winter time) in an house, in the suburbs, or outparts of the Town, which they call Bohsedom, that is God's house: where the dead bodies are pyled up together, like billets on a woodstacke, as hard with the frost as a very stone, till the Springtide come, and resolveth the frost: what time every man taketh his dead friend, and committeth him to the ground. Months' minds They have besides their years and months minds for their friends departed. What time they have prayers said over the grave by the Priest: who hath a penny ordinary for his pains. When any dieth, they have ordinary women mourners, that come to lament for the dead party: and stand howling over the body after a profane and heathenish manner (sometimes in the house, sometimes bringing the body into the backside, ask him what he wanted, and what he meant to die. They bury their dead, as the party used to go, with coat, hose, boots, hat, and the rest of his apparel. Many other vain and superstitious Ceremonies they have, which were long and tedious to report. By these it may appear how far they are fallen from the true knowledge, and practice of Christian Religion, having exchanged the Word of God for their vain Traditions, and brought all to external and ridiculous Ceremonies, without any regard of Spirit and Truth, which God requireth in his true worship. Chap. 26. Of the Emperor's domestic, or private behaviour. THe Emperor's private behaviour, so much as may be, or is meet to be known, is after this manner. He riseth commonly about four a clock in the morning. After his appareling and washing, in cometh his ghostly Father, or Priest of his chamber, which is named in their tongue, Otetz Duhouna, with his Cross in his hand, where with he blesseth him, laying it first on his forehead, then upon his cheeks, or sides of his face and then offereth him the end of it to kiss. This done, the Clerk of the Cross (called Chresby Deyack Profery) bringeth into his Chamber, a painted Image, representing the Saint for that day; for every day with them hath his several Saint, as it were the Patron for that day. This he placeth among the rest of his Image Gods, wherewithal his Chamber is decked, His private Prayer. as thick almost as the wall can bear, with Lamps and Waxe-candles burning before them. They are very costly and gorgeously decked with Pearl and Precious Stone. This Image being placed before him, the Emperor beginneth to cross himself after the Ruff manner; first, on the forehead, then on both sides of his breast, with Aspody Pomeluy, Pomeluy mena hospody, sacroy mena gresnick Syhodestua: which is as much to say, as, Help me, O Lord my God, Lord comfort me, defend and keep me a Sinner from doing evil, etc. This he directeth towards the Image, or Saint for that day, whom he nameth in his Prayer, together with our Lady (whom they call Precheste) Saint Nicholas, or some other, to whom he beareth most devotion, bowing himself prostrate unto them, with knocking his head to the very ground. Thus he continueth the space of a quarter of an hour or thereabouts. Then cometh again the Ghostly Father or Chamber Priest, with a Silver Bowl full of Holywater, which they call in Russee, Sweta Voda, and a sprinkle of Basill (as they call it) in his hand: and so all to besprinkleth first the Image Gods, and then the Emperor. This Holy-water is brought fresh every day from the Monasteries, far and near sent to the Emperor from the Abbot or Prior, in the name of the Saint, that is Patron of that Monastery, as a special token of good will from him. These Devotions being ended, he sendeth into the Empress, to ask whether she hath rested in health, etc. And after a little pawses goeth himself to salute her in a middle Room betwixt both their chambers. The Empress lieth apart from him, and keepeth not one chamber, nor Table with the Emperor ordinarily, save upon the Eve of their Lents, or common Fasts: what time she is his ordinary Guest at Bed and Board. After their meeting in the morning, they go together to their private Church or Chapel, where is said or sung a morning Service (called Zautrana) of an hour long or thereabouts. From the Church he returneth home, The Emperor giveth presence every morning. and sitteth him down in a great chamber, to be seen and saluted by his Nobility, such as are in favour about the Court. If he have to say to any of them, or they to him, then is the time. And this is ordinary, except his health, or some other occasion alter the custom. About nine in the morning, he goeth to another Church within his Castle: where is sung by Priests, and Choristers, the high Service (called Obead●a, or Complin) which commonly lasteth two hours: the Emperor in the meantime talking commonly with some of his Council, Nobility, or Captains, which have to say to him, or he to them. And the Council likewise confer together among themselves, as if they were in their Council-house. This ended, he returneth home, and recreateth himself until it be Dinner time. He is served at his Table on this manner. First, every Dish (as it is delivered at the Dresser) is tasted by the Cook, in the presence of the high Steward, or his Deputy. The Emperor's Service at his Table. And so is received by the Gentlemen-wayters (called Shilshey) and by them carried up to the Emperor's Table, the high Steward or his Deputy going before. There it is received by the Sewer (called Erastnoy) who giveth a taste of every Dish to the Taster, and so placeth it before the Emperor. The number of his Dishes for his ordinary Service, is about seventy: dressed somewhat grossly, with much Garlic, and Salt, much after the Dutch manner. When he exceedeth upon some occasion of the day, or entertainment of some Ambassador, he hath many more Dishes. The Service is sent up by two Dishes at a time, or three at the most, that he may eat it warm, first the baked, than the Roast meats, and last the Broths. In his dining chamber is another Table: where sit the chief of his Nobility that are about his Court, and his Ghostly Father, or Chaplain. On the one side of the chamber standeth a Cubboord, or Table of Plate, very fair and rich, with a great Cistern of Copper by it, full of Ice and Snow, wherein stand the Pots that serve for that meal. The Taster holdeth the cup that he drinketh in all Dinner time, and delivereth it unto him with a say, when he calleth for it. The manner is to make many Dishes out of the Service after it is set on the Table, and to send them to such Noblemen and Officers as the Emperor liketh best. And this is counted a great favour and honour. After dinner he layeth him down to rest, where commonly he taketh three hours' sleep, except he employ one of the hours to bathing, or boxing. And this custom for sleeping after Dinner, is an ordinary matter with him, as withal the Russes. After his sleep, he goeth to Evensong (called Vechurna) and thence returning, for the most part recreateth himself with the Empress till Supper time, with jesters and Dwarves, men and women, that tumble before him, and sing many Songs after the Ruff manner. This is his common recreation betwixt meals that he most delights in. One other special recreation, is the fight with wild Bears, Bear baiting. which are caught in Pits or Nets, and are kept in barred Cages for that purpose, against the Emperor be disposed to see the pastime. The fight with the Bear is on this sort. The man is turned into a Circle walled round about, where he is to quite himself so well as he can: for there is no way to fly out. When the Bear is turned loose, he cometh upon him with open mouth; if at the first push he miss his aim, so that the Bear come within him, he is in great danger. But the wild Bear being very scarce, hath this quality, that giveth advantage to the Hunter. His manner is, when he assaileth a man, to rise up right on his two hinder-legs, and so to come roaring with open-mouth upon him. And if the Hunter then can push right into the very breast of him betwixt his forelegs (as commonly he will not miss) resting the other end of their Boar-spear at the side of his foot, and so keeping the Pike still towards the face of the Bear, he speedeth him commonly at one blow. But many times these Hunters come short, and are either slain, or miserably torn with the Teeth and Talents of the fierce Beast. If the party quite himself well in this fight with the Bear, he is carried to drink at the Emperor's Seller door: where he drinketh himself drunk for the honour of Hospodare. And this is his Reward for adventuring his life, for the Emperor's pleasure. To maintain this pastime, the Emperor hath certain Huntsmen that are appointed for that purpose to take the wild Bear. This is his recreation commonly on the holy days. Sometimes he spendeth his time in looking upon his Goldsmiths and jewellers, Tailors, Embroiderers, Painters, and such like, and so goeth to his Supper. When it draweth towards Bedtime, his Priest saith certain Prayers: and then the Emperor blesseth and crosseth himself, as in the morning for a quarter of an hour or thereabouts, and so goeth to his Bed. Emperor Theodore described. The Emperor that now is (called Theodore juanowich) is for his person of a mean stature, somewhat low and gross, of a sallow complexion, and inclining to the Dropsy, Hawke-nosed, unsteady in his pace, by reason of some weakness of his limbs, heavy and unactive, yet commonly smiling almost to a laughter. For quality otherwise, simple and slow witted, but very gentle, and of an easy nature, quiet, merciful, of no martial disposition, nor greatly apt for matter of Policy, very Superstitious, and infinite that way. Besides his private Devotions at home, he goeth every week commonly on Pilgrimage, to some Monastery or other that is nearest hand. Pilgrimage. He is of thirty four years old, or thereabouts, and hath reigned almost the space of six years. THe chief Officers of the Emperor's household, are these which follow. The first, is the Office of the Boiaren Conesheva, Chap. 27. Of the Emperor's private, or household Officers. Master of the Horse. or Master of the Horse. Which containeth no more than is expressed by the name, that is, to be Overseer of the Horse, and not Magister Equitum, or Master of the Horsemen. For he appointeth other for that Service, as occasion doth require (as before was said.) He that beareth that Office at this time, is Borris Federowich Godonoe, Brother to the Empress. Of Horse for Service in his Wars (besides other for his ordinary uses) he hath to the number of 10000 which are kept about Mosko. The Lord Steward. The Lord Treasurer. controller. Chamberlain Tasters. Harbingers. The next is the Lord Steward of his household at this time, one Gregory Vasilowich Godonoe. The third, is his Treasurer, that keepeth all his Monies, jewels, Plate, etc. now called Stepan Vasilowich Godonoe. The fourth, his controller, now Andrea's Petrowich Clesinine. The fifth, his Chamberlain. He that attendeth that Office at this time, is called Estoma Bisabroza Pastelnischay. The sixth, his Tasters, now Theodore Alexandrowich, and juan Vasilowich Godonoe. The seventh, his Harbingers, which are three Noblemen, no diverse other Gentlemen that do the Office under them. These are his ordinary Officers, and Offices of the chiefest account. Gentlemen of the Chamber. The Guard. Of Gentlemen, beside that wait about his Chamber, and Person (called Shilsey Strapsey) there are two hundred, all Nobleman's Sons. His ordinary Guard is two thousand Hagbutters, ready with their Pieces charged, and their Match lighted, with other necessary Furniture, continually day and night: which come not within the house, but wait without in the Court or Yard where the Emperor is abiding. In night time there lodgeth next to his Bedchamber, the chief Chamberlain, with one or two more of best trust about him. A second chamber off, there lodge six other of like account, for their trust and faithfulness. In the third chamber lie certain young Gentlemen, Grooms. of these two hundred, called Shilsey Strapsey, that take their turn by forties every night. There are Grooms besides that watch in their course, and lie at every gate and door of the Court, called Estopnick. The Hagbutters or Gunners, whereof there are two thousand (as was said before) watch about the Emperor's Lodging, or Bedchamber, by course two hundred and fifty every night, and two hundred and fifty more in the Court-yard, and about the Treasure-house. His Court or house at the Mosko, is made Castle-wise, walled about with great store of fair Ordnance planted upon the wall, and containeth a great breadth of ground within it, with many dwelling houses. Which are appointed for such as are known to be sure, and trusty to the Emperor. Chap. 28. Or the private behaviour, or quality of the Ruff people. Constitution of their bodies. THe private behaviour and quality of the Ruff people, may partly be understood by that which hath been said, concerning the public State and usage of the Country. As touching the natural habit of their bodies, they are for the most part of a large size, and of very fleshly bodies: accounting it a grace to be somewhat gross and burley, and therefore they nourish and spread their Beards, to have them long and broad. But for the most part they are very unwieldy, and unactive withal. Which may be thought to come partly of the Climate, and the numbness which they get by the cold in Winter, and partly of their Diet that standeth most of Roots, Onions, Garlic, Cabbage, and such like things that breed gross humours, which they use to eat alone, and with their other meats. Their Diet is rather much, then curious. Their Diet. At their Meals they begin commonly with a Chark, or small cup of Aquavitae (which they call Russee Wine) and then drink not till towards the end of their Meals, taking it in largely, and all together with kissing one another at every pledge. And therefore after Dinner there is no talking with them, Drinking and kissing. Sleeping. but every man goeth to his bench to take his afternoon's sleep, which is as ordinary with them as their night's rest. When they exceed, and have variety of Dishes, the first are their baked meats (for roast meats they use little) and then their Broths or Pottage. To drink drunk, is an ordinary matter with them every day in the Week. Their common Drink is Mead, the poorer sort use water, and a thin Drink called Quasse, which is nothing else (as we say) but water turned out of his wits, with a little Bran meashed with it. This Diet would breed in them many Diseases, but that they use Bath-stoves, or Hothouses in stead of all Physic, commonly twice or thrice every Week. All the Winter time, Bath-stoves▪ and almost the whole Summer, they heat their Peaches, which are made like the german Bath-stoves, and their Potlads like Ovens, that so warm the House, that a stranger at the first shall hardly like of it. These two extremities, specially in the Winter of heat within their Houses, and of extreme cold without, together with their Diet, maketh them of a dark and sallow complexion, their skins being tanned and parched both with cold and with heat: specially the women, that for the greater part are of far worse complexions than the men. Whereof the cause I take to be their keeping within the Hothouses, and busying themselves about the heating, and using of their Bath-stoves and Peaches. The Ruff because that he is used to both these extremities of heat and of cold, can bear them both a great deal more patiently than strangers can do. Extremities. You shall see them sometimes (to season their bodies) come out of their Bath-stoves all on a froth, and fuming as hot almost as a Pig at a Spit, and presently to leap into the River stark naked, or to pour cold water all over their bodies, and that in the coldest of all the Winter time. The women to mend the bad hue of their skins, use to paint their faces with white and red colours, Women-dawbers. so visibly that every man may perceive it. Which is made no matter, because it is common, and liked well by their Husbands: who make their Wives and Daughters an ordinary allowance to buy them colours to paint their faces withal, and delight themselves much to see them of foul women to become such fair Images. This parcheth the skin, and helpeth to deform them when their painting is of. They apparel themselves after the Greek manner. The Nobleman's attire is on this fashion. First, a Taffia, or little night cap on his head, that covereth little more than his crown, commonly very rich, wrought of Silk and Gold Thread, and set with Pearl and Precious Stone. The Nobleman's attire. His head he keepeth shaved close to the very skin, except he be in some displeasure with the Emperor. Then he suffereth his hair to grow and hang down upon his shoulders, covering his face as ugly and deformedly as he can. Over the Taffia he weareth a wide Cap of black Fox (which they account for the best Fur) with a Tiara, or long Bonnet put within it, standing up like a Persian or Babylonian Hat. About his neck (which is seen all bare) is a Choler set with Pearl and Precious Stone, about three or foure-fingers broad. Next over his shirt (which is curiously wrought, because he strippeth himself into it in the Sommer-time, while he is within the house) is a Shepon, or light Garment of Silk made down to the knees, buttoned before; and then a Caftan or a close Coat buttoned, and girt to him with a Persian Girdle, whereat he hangs his Knives and Spoon. This commonly is of Cloth of Gold, and hangeth down as low as his ankles. Over that he weareth a loose Garment of some rich Silk, furred and faced about with some Gold Lace, called a Ferris. Another over that of Chamblet, or like Stuffe called an Alkaben, sleeved and hanging low, and the Cape commonly brooched, and set all with Pearl. When he goeth abroad, he casteth over all these (which are but sleight, though they seem to be many) another Garment called an Honoratkey, like to the Alkaben, save that it is made without a Choler for the neck. And this is commonly of fine Cloth, or Camel's hair. His Buskins (which he weareth in stead of Hose, with Linen Folles under them in stead of Boot-hose) are made of a Persian Leather called Saphian, Embroidered with Pearl. His upper stocks commonly are of Cloth of Gold. When he goeth abroad, he mounteth on Horseback, though it be but to the next door: which is the manner also of the Boiarskey, or Gentlemen. The Boiarskey, or Gentleman's attire is of the same fashion, but differeth in Stuffe: and yet he will have his Caftan or Vnder-coat sometimes of Cloth of Gold, the rest of Cloth or Silk. The Gentleman's apparel. The Noblewomans' attire. Vhe Noble woman (called China Boiarshena) weareth on her head, first a Cawl of some soft Silk (which is commonly called Red) and over it a Fruntlet, called Obrosa, of white colour. Over that her Cap (made after the Coife-fashion of Cloth of Gold) called Shapka Zempska, edged with some rich Fur, and set with Pearl and Stone. Though they have of late begun to disdain embroidering with Pearl about their Caps, because the Diacks, and some Merchant's Wives have taken up the fashion. In their ears they wear Earrings (which they call Sargee) of two Inches or more compass, the matter of Gold set with Rubies, or Saphires, or some like Precious Stone. In Summer they go often with Kerchiefs of fine white Lawn, or Cambric, fastened under the chin, with two long Tassels pendent. The Kerchief spotted and set thick with rich Pearl. When they ride or go abroad in rainy weather, they wear white Hats with coloured bands (called Stapa Zempskoy.) About their necks they wear Collars of three or foure-fingers broad, set with rich Pearl and Precious Stone. Their upper Garment is a loose Gown called Oposhen, commonly of Scarlet, with wide loose sleeves, hanging down to the ground buttened before with great Gold Buttons, or at least Silver and gilt, nigh as big as a Wal-nut. Which hath hanging over it fastened under the Cap, a large broad Cape of some rich Fur, that hangeth down almost to the midst of their backs. Next under the Oposken or upper Garment, they wear another called a Leitnick that is made close before with great wide sleeves, the cuff or half sleeve up to the elbows, commonly of Cloth of Gold: and under that a Ferris Zemskoy, which hangeth loose buttoned throughout to the very foot. On the hand wrists they wear very fair Bracelets, about two fingers broad of Pearl and Precious Stone. They go all in Buskins of White, Yellow, Blue, or some other coloured Leather, embroidered with Pearl. This is the attire of the Noble-woman of Russia, when she maketh the best show of herself. The Gentlewoman's apparel may differ in the Stuff, but is all one for the making or fashion. The Mousicks or common man's attire. As for the poor Mousick and his Wife they go poorly clad. The man with his Odnoratkey, or loose Gown to the small of the leg, tied together with a Lace before, of course white or blue cloth, with some Shube or long Waistcoat of Fur, or of Sheep-skinne under it, and his furred Cap, and Buskins. The poorer sort of them have their Odnoratkey, or upper Garment, made of Cow's hair. This is their Winter Habit. In the Summer time, commonly they wear nothing but their shirts on their backs, and Buskins on their legs. The woman goeth in a red or blue Gown, when she maketh the best show, and with some warm Shube of Fur under it in the Winter time. But in the Summer, nothing but two shirts (for so they call them) one over the other, whether they be within doors, or without. On their heads, they wear Caps of some coloured Stuff, many of Velvet, or of Cloth of Gold: but for the most part Kerchiefs. Without Earring of Silver or some other Metal, and her Cross about her neck, you shall see no Ruff woman, be she Wife, or Maid. Their wits and capacities. As touching their behaviour, and quality, otherwise, they are of reasonable capacities, if they had those means that some other Nations have to train up their wits in good Nurture, and Learning. Which they might borrow of the Polonians, and other their Neighbours, but that they refuse it of a very selfe-pride, as accounting their own fashions to be far the best. Partly also (as I said before) for that their manner of bringing up (void of all good Learning, and Civil behaviour) is thought by their Governors' most agreeable to that State, and their manner of Government. This causeth the Emperors to be very wary for excluding of all peregrinity, that might alter their fashions. Which were less to be disliked, if it set not a print into the very minds of his people. For as themselves are very hardly and cruelly dealt with all by their chief Magistrates, and other Superiors, so are they as cruel one against another, specially over their inferiors, and such as are under them. So that the basest and wretchedest Christianoe (as they call him) that stoopeth and croucheth like a Dog to the Gentleman, and licketh up the dust that lieth at his feet, Cruelty of the Ruff people. is an intolerable Tyrant, where he hath the advantage. By this means the whole Country is filled with Rapine, and Murder. They make no account of the life of a man. You shall have a man robbed sometime in the very streets of their Towns, if he go late in the Evening; and yet no man to come forth out of his doors to rescue him, though he hear him cry out. I will not speak of the strangeness of the Murders, and other cruelties committed among them, that would scarcely be believed to be done among men, specially such as profess themselves Christians. The number of their vagrant and begging poor is almost infinite: that are so pinched with Famine and extreme need, as that they beg after a violent and desperate manner, with Give me and cut me, Give me and kill me; and such like Phrases. And yet it may be doubted whether is the greater, the Cruelty or Intemperancie that is used in that Country. I will not speak of it, Intemperancy. because it is so foul and not to be named. The whole Country overfloweth with all sin of that kind. And no marvel, as having no Law to restrain Whoredoms, Adulteries, and like uncleanness of life. As for the truth of his word, as some say, the Ruff neither believeth any thing that another man speaketh, nor speaketh any thing himself worthy to be believed. These qualities make them very odious to all their Neighbours, specially to the Tartars, that account themselves to be honest and just, in comparison of the Ruff. It is supposed by some that do well consider of the State of both Countries, that the offence they take at the Ruff Government, and their manner of behaviour, hath been a great cause to keep the Tartar still Heathenish, and to mislike as he doth of the Christian profession. To the Reader. I Thought good here to give an account of my course. Having spent much time in that other World, so little known to This (Tartary and China) that the parts least known might be made best known: I have comen nearer home, to Russia, and her neighbours, the nearer, or Chrim Tartars, the Samoyeds, and others; whereof Doctor Fletcher's Story being so elaborate (where, though the centre be Russia, yet his circumference is more general) and by men judicious which have in those parts enjoyed most honourable employment, and exactest intelligence, commended; I have given him the first place. And if some term be mollified, or some few things omitted, it is not to defraud Thee of the History (which for substance is whole, as by perùsall is found) but not to defraud our industrious Countrymen in their merchandizing mystery, wherein some perhaps would hence seek occasion of undermining. For like cause I have given the next place to Captain Edge, (the one our gowned General by Land, the other in his general History also by Sea) as deserved by his ten years' Voyages, and his other Merits. As for the question of Willoughbies' Land, I list not to dispute it; but I think, neither Hollander (as is also confessed by the French Book, called, The History of Spitsberghe a H. G. A. in 〈◊〉 of the En●●●sh assertion ●or W●lloughby, saith, Il est ●ien v●ay que nos Mariniers n'ont trouve au die lieu de 72. degrees aulcun Pays. 72. in Sir Hugh Willoughbies' Book perhaps was mistaken for 77. their figure of 7. and that of 2. in old writing, being very like each other, ●o that the last 7. with a little touch of the running Pen might appear. 2. His hand, I am sure, is of the old fashion of that time, as appears by a Will I have with his hand, and perhaps all of his hand. Some English Maps have made an Island in that height where none is: and the Dutch Willeb●rd Iles (which they say are eight in 73.) have small likelihood: perhaps Sir Hugh Willoughby might misreckon, by not knowing the variation of the Compass and Sea ●ules: which I take to be most likely, and H. G. A. confesseth also. on the Dutch behalf) nor any other have found any such Lands as his Story describes, but some part of those which now with a general name we call, Greenland (howsoever the makers of Maps and Globes may create Lands and Lands at pleasure, especially in unknown places) and the first settled, ordinary, and orderly Voyages for the Whale-killing, and the most for discovery in those parts have been made by the English, their gains awakening the Hollander to that enterprise, and that also (as elsewhere in the World) by English guides. That which I most grieve at in this contention, is the detention of further discovery to the Pole and beyond (where it is not likely to be colder than here, and at the Arctike circle: as in the Red Sea, Ormus, and the Country about Balsara on this side the Tropic, is found greater heat than under the Line itself) the desire of gain every where causing debate, and consequently loss of the best gain both in Earth and Heaven. Merchant's might get the World, and give us the World better, if Charity were their Needle; Grace, their Compass; Heaven their Haven, and if they would take their height by observing the Sun of Righteousness in the Scripture-astrolabe, and sounding their depth by a Leading Faith, and not by a Leadden bottomless Covetousness: that is, if they would seek the Kingdom of Heaven first, all things should be added; they should find World enough in the Indian, and Polare Worlds, and we and they should arrive at better knowledge of the Creator and Creatures. And of all men (that I may a little further answer that History of Spitsberghe) I would be glad to see agreement betwixt the English, and Dutch, both because I honour that Nation, as hath appeared in this whole work of Voyages, in which and of which the Dutch are so great a part: and because in Region, Religion, Original Nation, ingenious and ingenuous disposition, and (that which here brings both on our Stage) the glory of Navigation, they are so near us, and worthy to be honoured. It is true that every where the English hath been the elder Brother, a Doctor, and Ductor, to the Hollanders, in their Martial feats at home, and Neptunian exploits abroad, (that I mention not their permitted wealthy fishing on the English shore) whom had they followed with as true and due respect, as with happy success; quarrels had not so distracted and distorted both sides. I appeal to Dutch ingenuity, if ever they did any thing wholly New (but give names) in remotest Navigations, without English lights. Columbus an Italian had the honour of finding America, and the Spaniards the happiness. But for the North America, and the whole Northern New World, Cabota b Sebastian Cabota the English Columbus, son of john a Venetian, bred here, and Discoverer for Henry the Seventh, of America; and first Governor of the Moscovie Company. borne or bred at least in England, was either Actor or Author. For the Dutch, I have showed, for the compassing of the World, and for the East Indies before, that our Drake, Candish, Mellis, Davis', adam's, etc. were their Forerunners, Pilots, and Guides: Yea, their Newfound Land Voyages, and all the Northern coast of America were discovered by Sebastian Cabota, and other Englishmen. I add their New straits Southwards from those of Magelane were discovered before by Drake, as in the Map of Sir Francis Drakes Voyage presented to Queen Elizabeth, still hanging in His Majesty's Gallery at White Hall, near the Privy Chamber, and by that Map wherein is Cabotas Picture, the first and great Columbus for the Northern World) may be seen. In which Map, the South of the Magelane Straits is not a Continent, but many Lands, and the very same which they have styled in their Straits. Barnevels Lands had long before been named by the most auspicate of Earthly Names, (and let themselves be judges, with which the other is as little worthy to be mentioned, as a kind Mother, and an unkind Traitor. The Name Elizabeth c In the said Map is Queen Elizabeth's Picture, with Neptune yielding his Trident, and Triton sounding her Fame, with these Verses, Te Deus aequoreusdonat Regina Tridente, Et Triton laudes efflat ubique tuas. is expressed in golden Letters, with a golden Crown, Garter, and Arms affixed: The words ascribed thereunto are these, Cum omnes ferè hanc partem A●stralem Continentem esse putent, pro certo sciant Insulas esse Navigantibus pervias, earumque australissimam ELIZABETHAM à D. Francisco Draco Inuentore dictam esse. The same height of 57 degrees, and South-easterly situation from the Magelan Western Mouth give further evidence. And my learned friend Master Brigges told me, that he hath seen this plot of Drakes Voyage cut in * Sir F. Drake first finder of the S. Sreights, called Maires. Silver by a Dutchman (Michael Mercator, Nephew to Gerardus) many years before Scouten or Maire intended that Voyage. As for Nova Zemla by Stephen Burrough, and others, long before discovered, they also have given new names, which I envy not: only I fear a vae soli, and hate ingratitude both ours and theirs. But too much of this. Next to this more general Discourse shall follow the Dutch Northern Voyages, and the English Northeasterne: after which we will take a more complemental leave of that Continent, and from thence visit the Northerly and North-westerne Discoveries; at once hunting for a New World and a New passage to This. CHAP. II. A brief Discovery of the Northern Discoveries of Seas, Coasts, and Countries, delivered in order as they were hopefully begun, and have ever since happily been continued by the singular industry and charge of the Worshipful Society of Muscovia Merchants of London, with the ten several Voyages of Captain THOMAS EDGE the Author. §. I. Greenland first discovered by Sir HVOH WILLOUGHEIE: the Voyages of FROBISHER, PET and JACKMAN, DAVIS, the Dutch; First Morse and Whale-killing, with further Discoveries. THe Northern parts of the World have ever been held to be Officina Gentium & velut Vagina Nationum, W. Gemeticensis de Ducib. Norman. Nature's Shop and Storehouse of Men, better furnished then any other part of the Earth, and from whence those notable Inundations came first of the Cymbrians and Teutons, in the time of the ancient Romans; and secondly of the Goths and Vandals under Attila, to the confusion of things both Divine and Humane in all the Southern parts of Europe, as far as Barbarism could prevail against Civility and Religion. For remedy whereof the Towns alongst the Baltic Sea entered into a confederacy under the names of the Hans Towns, Hans Townes. and undertook the keeping of those Northern people, and the securing of these Southern Kingdoms from any the like overflowings, upon such Privileges and Immunities as were granted and agreed unto them by all the Southern Princes, and according to such Laws as were made and provided for the maintenance and strength of the said Hans Towns, amongst which the supreme and fundamental Law was that none of these Nations so secured should have trade or commerce in any parts beyond the Baltike Seas, to the end the barbarous people might not be enabled thereby to practise or move against the Hans Towns: which was the cause together also with the extremity of cold, that those Northern Seas were never looked unto until the year 1553. At which time the trade of this Kingdom waxing cold and in decay, and the Merchants incited with the fame of the great mass of riches which the Portugals and Spaniards brought home yearly from both the Indies, entered into a resolution, notwithstanding the prohibition of the Hans Law to discover the Northern Seas, which so long had been frozen and shut up; Cathay. See l. 2. cap. 1. of this whole Voyage. 212. and to see whether they could not afford a passage to Cathay and the East Indies, and accordingly provided three ships, and sent them forth under the command of Sir Hugh Willoughby, Knight, who embarked himself in a ship called, the Bona Esperança, Admiral of that Voyage, with Richard Chancellor Captain of the Edward Bonaventure, together with a third ship, called the Bona Confidentia. These three ships falling down from Ratcliff, the tenth of May in the foresaid year went on their Voyage, and proceeding as far as the Cape of Norway, they were severed by a tempest. Chancellor after he had stayed at Ward-house seven days, expecting the Admiral and the other ships, according to a former appointment upon any such casualty, and hearing nothing of them, went on, and discovered the Bay of Saint Nicolas, and settled a trade there, which hath continued to these times. Sir Hugh Willoughby was driven to the height of 72. * An error in the latitude, the Land stands in 77. where he fell upon an Island, now known by the name of Willoughby Land, and lieth from Sinam (upon the Continent of Norway East and by North an hundred and sixty leagues or thereabouts, from thence he went North and Northwest, and within eight days after he fell upon a Land which lay West South-west, and East North-east, between 74. and 75. degrees of latitude, and plying Westward along by the Land, he was driven by the wind to put to Sea again, until the wind came about. Then they made towards the Land again, and bare with it, but finding that place unfit for landing, they haled out again, running along the Land sixteen leagues Northwest, where they found a fair Bay, went on Land and found the place inhabited. From thence they put to Sea again, run alongst the coast for forty leagues together, till at length they came to an anchor within two leagues of the shore, where they landed, and found two or three good Harbours. Afterwards they entered into the Haven which ran up into the Main about two leagues, Greenland discovered by Sir Hugh Willoughby. This Voyage was written by Sir H. Will. and found in his ship. In januarie after he was alive, as appears by a Will of Gab. Will. his kinsman, subscribed by Sir Hug. Willoughby which Will I now have, and keep as a Relic of that worthy discoverer and first finder of King james his New-land. where they remained for the space of a week upon the main Land. They found Bears, great Deer, Foxes, and other beasts. They sent out three men three days journey to the South-West, and three others also full West, all which returned after diverse days travelling, and found no people nor any likelihood of habitation. And this is that Land which now is called Greenland, or King james his New-land, and is known to the Hollanders by the name of Spitsbergen. Sir Hugh Willoughby returned into Lapland, where he and his company were frozen to death, in the Haven called Arzina, near Kegor. The Muscovia Merchants having thus settled a trade in Russia, and being incorporated by the name of, The Merchants of England, for the discovery of new trades, pursued their first resolutions for finding a way to Cathay by the North-east, and in the year 1556. sent out Stephen Burrough, for discovery of the River Obb, who proceeding forwards in that Voyage discovered the River Pechora, the straits of Vaigats and Novazembla * See Hackl. V▪ tom. 1. pag. 274. ; went on shore upon the Island of Vaigats, and upon the North Continent of Russia; met with the Samoeds, observed their manner of life, their Religion, their Sacrifices to their rude and ill shaped Idols; and the year being spent, returned into Russia. The Company having sought for the North-east passage, and finding such difficulties as are mentioned in their particular journals, resolved to make trial, if the Northwest part could not afford a passage to the Indies, which was the first and main scope of their Northern Discoveries. And in the year 1576. they sent forth Sir Martin Frobisher with two Barks, 1576. who coming into the heights of 62. or thereabouts, found a great Inlet, Sir M. Frobisher Hakl. tom. 3.29. & seqq. now known by the name of Frobishers Streights, into which he put himself, and sailed sixty leagues with a main Land on each side, and so for that year returned. The next year following he made a second Voyage to that place, purposely to lad himself with a kind of Oar, which the year before he had found there, and gave hope by the colour to yield Gold, and being laden with some quantity, returned. The year following, being 1578. having made trial here of that Oar, and finding it not to fall out according to his expectation, 1578. he was furnished out to proceed in the further discovery of those straits, and entering into the same, made way so far as he thought fit, and then returned back, having first taken possession thereof in the name of Queen Elizabeth of famous memory, who called the place Meta incognita: he brought home some of the Natives, and left some of his men there. In the year 1580. 1580. the Company sent out a second Voyage for the discovery of the River Obb, and thence to go on to Cathay; Pet and jackman. Hak. to. 1. p. 445. furnishing forth two ships under the command of Arthur Pet, and Charles jackman, who following their instructions, arrived at Vaigats, passed those straits with a particular observation of those Lands and places therein, plied along the East part of Novazembla, and the North of Russia, and the Samoeds Country, so far as the Ice would give them leave, and finding no possibility of passage by reason of the Ice, returned back in the latter end of the year. By this time the Voyage of Saint Nicolas was known, and become a beaten trade. And the Company sent out yearly thither ten or twelve ships, which returned freighted with the commodities of that Country. In the year 1583. by the leave and admittance of the Moscovia Company, 1583. Sir Humphrey Gilbert went out for the discovery of the North part of Terra Florida, Sir H. Gilbert Hak. to. 3. p. 143. came into the great River called, Saint Laurence in Canada, took possession of the Country, settled the government of the fishing there which is so well known in these times. In the year 1585. Master john Davis' was furnished out at Dartmouth with two Barks, 1585. for the discovery of the Northwest, came into the height of 66. plied along the coast, Master Davis' Hak. to. 3. p. 98. & seq. observed the probability of a passage, and in the end of the year returned. In the year following, being 1586. he went on again in the further discovery thereof, found a great Inlet between 55. and 56. of latitude, which gave him great hope of a passage, 1586. traded with the people there, and so returned. In the year 1587. he made a third Voyage to those places, 1587. followed his course to the North and Northwest, to the Latitude of 67. degrees, having the Continent (which he called America) on the West side and Groineland, which he named Desolation on the East, and going on the height of 86. degrees, the passage enlarged so that he could not see the Western shore. Thus he continued in the Latitude of 73. degrees in a great Sea free from Ice, of an unmeasurable depth, but by the occasion of the departure of two Ships which were in company with him, which he left Fishing at a place, he returned home. This passage continueth the Name and memory of the first Discoverer, Fretum Davis'. and is called Fretum Davis'. And thus the Discovery of the Northern Seas proceeded on from time to time, by the endeavour and charge of the Muscovia Company, until they had particularly discovered the Lands, Coasts, Lands, straits, Havens, Bays, Rivers and other places therein, and measured every part thereof, by their often tracing to and fro: Together also with the observation of the Commodities and Advantages, arising from every part of the same, continuing even unto these times to haunt and frequent the parts which they had formerly found out; As by their yearly Reportaries and journals may appear, and that either without emulation or competition of any other Nation, that ever came into those parts or enterprised any Discovery there until of late years, as appears by this that followeth. When Richard Chancellor had settled a trade with john Vasilowich then Emperor of Russia, and his Ambassadors had been here in England, to accomplish matters requisite for maintenance of the Amity and Intercourse made and agreed upon between these two Crowns; King Philip, Hak. Tom. 1. pag. 297. Queen Marie, Dukes also at that time of Burgundy, and Sovereigns of all the Netherlands, made a grant of Privilege unto the Muscovia Merchants for the sole Trade of those Seas, prohibiting all others to haunt and frequent the same, without special Licence and consent of the said Company: which grant of Privilege was accordingly enjoyed without disturbance or interloping of the Hollanders, who out of obedience either to the Prohibition made by their Sovereign, or for that they durst not adventure into these Seas, did not any way attempt to be seen or appear there, either for Discovery or trade of Merchandise, for the space of five and twenty years, 25. after the Port of Saint Nicholas was first Discovered and found out by the English. For the Company having as is above mentioned, made their first Discovery in the year 1553. there was never heard of any Netherlander that frequented those Seas, until the year 1578. 1553. 1578. At which time they first began to come to Cola, and within a year or two after, one john de Whale a Netherlander, came to the Bay of Saint Nichola●, being drawn thither by the persuasion of some English for their better means of Interloping, which was the first man of that Nation that ever was seen there. And this as is formerly noted was five and twenty years after it was Discovered by the Muscovia Merchants. 25. Afterwards the Hollanders crept in more and more, and in the year 1594. they made out four Ships for Discovery of the North-east passage to China, 1594. the Master Pilot whereof was William Barrents, These Voyages follow. these came upon the Coast of Novazembla to the Latitude of 77. degrees, drew back again towards the straits of Vaigats, and then returned giving Names unto some places and Promontories upon that Land. In the year 1595. They sent out a second Voyage, tracing the way through the straits of Vaigats in the same steps, 1595. as Pet and jackman had formerly passed, and so returned. In the year 1596. They set out a third Voyage with two Ships, the one of which shaped her course from the Cape of Norway, 1596. to an Island in the Latitude of 74. degrees, which we call Cherie Island, I have by me a French Story of Spitsbergh, published 1613 by a Dutchman which writeth against this English allegation, etc. but hotter arguments than I am willing to answer. William Hudson Discovereth to 81. Degrees. Whale Bay. Hackluits Headland. Hudsons' Toutches. and they call Bear Island, and from thence to Greenland, where Sir Hugh Willoughby had been two and forty years before, for so long time there is between the first Discovery thereof and the year 1596. And from thence to the North-east part of Novazembla, in the Latitude of 76. degrees, where they Wintered and lost their Ship, and came home with much difficulty. In the year 1603. Stephen Bennet was employed by the Company, in a Ship called the Grace, to those parts Northwards of the Cape, and was at Cherie Island and killed some Sea-horses, and brought home Lead Oar from thence. In the year 1608. the said fellowship set forth a Ship called the Hope-well, whereof William Hudson was Master, to discover to the Pole, where it appeareth by his journal, that he came to the height of 81. degrees, where he gave Names to certain places, upon the Continent of Greenland formerly discovered, which continue to this day, namely, Whale Bay, and Hackluit Head-land, and being hindered with Ice, returned home without any further use made of the Country, and in ranging homewards, he discovered an Island lying in 71. degrees, which he named Hudsons' Tutches. here it is to be understood, that the Company having by often resort and employment to those parts, observed the great number of Sea-horses at Cherie Island, and likewise the multitude of Whales, that showed themselves upon the coast of Greenland; They first applied themselves to the kill of the Morces, which they continued from year to year with a Ship or two yearly; Thomas Welden. in which Ships the Company appointed Thomas Welden Commander, and in the year 1609. the Company employed one Thomas Edge their Apprentice, 1609. for their Northerens Voyage, Thomas Edge the Author. and joined him in Commission with the foresaid Welden. Now the often using of Cherie Island, did make the Sea-horse grow scarce and decay, which made the Company look out for further Discoveries. 1610. In the year 1610. the Company set out two Ships, viz. the Lioness for Cherie Island, Thomas Edge Commander; jonas Poole first Namer of Greenland. and the Amity, for a Northern Discovery, the Master of which Ship was jonas Poole: who in the month of May fell with a Land, and called it Greenland, this is the Land that was discovered by Sir Hugh Willoughby long before, which Ship Amity continued upon the coast of Greenland, discovering the Harbours and killing of Morces, until the month of August, and so returned for England, having gotten about some twelve Tons of goods, and an Unicorn's * See B●ffins Northwest Discovery, Unicorn, a Sea fishes Horn. horn. In the year 1611. the Company set forth two Ships for Greenland, the Marie Margaret Admiral, burden one hundred and sixty tons, Thomas Edge Commander; and the Elizabeth, 1611. burden sixty tons, jonas Poole Master, well manned and furnished with all necessary Provisions, they departed from Blackwall the twentieth of April, and arrived at the Foreland in Greenland in the Latitude of 79. degrees, the twentieth of May following, the Admiral had in her six Biskayners expert men for the kill of the Whale: this was the first year the Company set out for the kill of Whales in Greenland, First Whale-killing. Biscayners used. and about the twelfth of june the Biskayners killed a small Whale, which yielded twelve Tons of Oil, being the first Oil that ever was made in Greenland. The Companies two Shalops looking about the Harbour for Whales, about the five and twentieth of june rowing into Sir Thomas Smith his Bay, on the East side of the Sound saw on the shore great store of Sea-horses: after they had found the Morses they presently rowed unto the Ship, being in cross Road seven leagues off, and acquainted the Captain what they had found. The Captain understanding of it, gave order to the Master, Stephen Bennet, that he should take into his Ship fifty tons of empty Cask, and set sail with the Ship to go into Fowl Sound. The Captain went presently away in one Shallop with six men unto the Seamorse, and took with him Lances, 500 Morses killed. and coming to them they set on them and killed five hundred Morses, and kept one thousand Morses living on shore, because it is not profitable to kill them all at one time. The next day the Ship being gone unto the place & well mored where the Morse were killed, all the men belonging to the Ship went on shore, to work and make Oil of the Morses; and when they had wrought two or three days, it fortuned that a small quantity of Ice came out of Fowl Sound, and put the Ship from her Moring. The Master and ten men being a board of the Ship, let fall their Sheet anchor which brought the Ship up to ride; Shipwreck by Ice. the Ice coming upon her again, brought her Anchor home and ran the Ship ashore, where she by the Master's weak judgement was cast away, and all their Bread spoiled not fit to eat. The Ship being cast away without hope of recovery, the Commander Thomas Edge gave order, that all the Morse living on shore should be let go into the Sea, and so gave over making of Oil, and presently haled up ashore all his Shallops and Boats, being five, setting the Carpenter to trim them, the Sailors to make Sails and Wastcloathes for the Boats, fit to serve them at Sea. Having fitted their Boats as well as they could with the small provision they had, being in number four small Shallops and the ships Boat, they divided their men into them equally with what provisions of victuals they could well carry, and after they had said Prayers all together on Land; being fifty men they departed from the place where they lost their Ship, on the fifteenth of july with the wind Southerly, and rowed thirty or forty leagues to the Southward, and then they lost company of one Shallop and their ships Boat of Horn Sound, which two Boats met with a Hull Ship, and acquainted him with the loss of the London Ship, and that she had left on land goods worth fifteen hundred pounds: Hull Ship. So our men carried the Hull Ship into Fowl Sound, to take in the Companies goods and to kill some Sea-horses for herself at that place. The Captain and two other Shallops put from the Coast of Greenland in the height of 77.1/●. Degrees, and set their course for Cherie Island, which lieth in 74. Degrees (—) sometimes Sailing and sometimes Rowing, and made Cherie Island the nine and twentieth of july, Cherie Island. having been in their Shallops at Sea fourteen days, and coming into the Island with a great storm at Northwest, with much difficulty they landed on the South side of the Island. Being on shore, the Captain sent three of his Sailors over land unto the North road, being three miles distant from that place, to see if the Elizabeth was there, and they saw a Ship riding in the North road, and being overjoyed they returned back unto the Captain to acquaint him, without staying to speak with any of the Ships company, and by good hap the Master of the Elizabeth espied men on the Shore, being at that time weighing Anchor to set sail for England, upon which he stayed and sent the Boat ashore to see what men they were, and when the men of the Elizabeth came ashore, they found them to be men of the Mary Margaret, and so went aboard unto the Master to acquaint him; whereupon the Master caused Anchor to be weighed and went to the South side of the Island, and there took in the Captain, and he being aboard understanding what a poor Voyage the Elizabeth had made, gave order to the Master to go for Greenland, there to take in such Goods as the said Edge had left in Fowl Sound. They departed from Cherie Island the first of August, and arrived at Foule Sound the Fourteenth Dicto: where they found two Boats which they had lost company of before, and all their men being come thither with a Hull Ship which they met with, and brought to that place; which Ship had spent all the year in Horn Sound, and got little goods. The Elizabeth being mored, the Captain gave order unto the Master to deliver out of his Ship, all the goods he had got at Cherie Island, which was Sea-horse hides and Blubber, being of little worth▪ And to take in the Oil and Whale-finnes, which were gotten by the Marie Margaret's company, the Master in unlading of his Ship brought her so light, that unfortunately he ouer-set her, having goods in her worth seven hundred pounds. Ship over set. This ill chance happening unto the two London Ships, the Captain of them agreed with Thomas Marmaduke Master of the Hull Ship, to take in the goods which was saved, at the rate of five pounds the Tun●e, which was a great rate (notwithstanding they had been a means to get him goods worth five hundred pounds for the Hull Ship) and upon the one and twentieth of August, 1611. they departed from Greenland in the Hope-well, being ninety nine men in all, and arrived at Hull the sixth of September, where the said Edge took out the Companies goods, and Shipped them for London by order from the Company. This year, Edge in coasting in the Shallops, discovered all the Harbours on the West side of Greenland. §. II. Dutch, Spanish, Danish disturbance; also by Hull men, and by a new Patent, with the succeeding Success and further Discoveries till this present. 1612. IN the year 1612. the Company set forth two Ships, viz. The Whale, burden one hundred and sixty Tons, and the Sea-horse, burden one hundred and eighty tons, under the Command of john Russell, and Thomas Edge, for discovering and killing of the Whale. They discovered that year nothing worth writing of, by reason of some falling out betwixt Russell and Edge; yet they killed that year seventeen Whales, and some Sea-horses, of which they made one hundred and eighty Tons of Oil with much difficulty; as not being experimented in the business. Hollanders. This year the Hollanders (to keep their wont in following of the English steps) came to Greenland with one Ship, being brought thither by an English man, and not out of any knowledge of their own Discoveries, but by the direction of one Allen Sallowes, Allen Sallowes. a man employed by the Muscovia Company in the Northern Seas for the space of twenty years before; who leaving his Country for Debt, was entertained by the Hollanders, and employed by them to bring them to Greenland for their Pilot. At which time being met withal by the Companies Ships, they were commanded to depart, and forbidden to haunt or frequent those parts any more by me Thomas Edge. Spanish Ship. There was also a Spanish Ship brought thither, by one Nicholas Woodcock this year, a man formerly employed by the said Company; Woodcock Imprisoned. which Spanish Ship made a full Voyage in Green-harbour. But Woodcock at his return into England, being complained of by the Company, was Imprisoned in the Gatehouse and Tower, sixteen Months, for carrying the Spanish Ship thither. 1613. In the year 1613. the Company set out for Greenland seven sail of Ships, under the Command of Benjamin joseph, Benjamin joseph and Thomas Edge, the Ships departed from Graues●nd the s●x and twentieth of April, and arrived in Greenland the fourteenth of May. This year the English had the King's Patent under the broad Seal of England, to forbid all Strangers and others, but the Muscovia Company to use the Coast of Greenland. The English met with fifteen sail of great Ships, two of them were Dutch Ships, Fifteen ships Int●rlop●rs. the rest were French, Spanish, and of the Archdukes, besides four English Interlop●rs. The Companies Ships forced them all from the Coast of Greenland, not suffering any of them to make a Voyage; they took from the two Dutch Ships certain goods, bu● in g●ing to take it, they neglected their own voyage, which was damnified thereby to the value of three or four thousand pounds. For their Ships came home dead Fraight two or three hundred Tons by that means. Hope Island. This year was Hope Island and other Lands discovered, to the Eastward by the Company. 1614 In the year following, which was 1614 the Company set out for Greenland, thirteen great Ships and two Pinnasses, Thirteen ●h●ps and two Pinn●ss●s armed. Eighteen Dutch ships. under the Command of Benjamin joseph, and Thomas Edge, all which Ships were well appointed with all manner of Artillery for defence, and other necessaries for the making of their Voyage and for Discovery. This year the Hollanders set out for Greenland eighteen great Ships, whereof four of them were of the States men of War, Ships with thirty pieces of Ordnance a piece. This year the Dutch stayed and fished for the Whale perforce, they were far stronger than the English, which was a cause that the English Ships came home half laden, and the Dutch with a poor Voyage. This year the Company Discovered unto the Northwards of Greenland, 80. Degrees discovered. Sherwin and Baffin. as far as 80. Degrees odd Minute's, in the Ship Thomazen, as by her daily journal doth appear at large; in which Ship was employed Thomas Sherwin, and William Baffin, being the second Voyage they were employed into those parts. And some Lands to the Eastwards of Greenland, were Discovered by four Ships employed in that service, as by their journal more at large appeareth. 1615. In the year 1615. the Company set out for Greenland, two sail of great Ships and two Pinnasses, under the Command of Benjamin joseph, and Thomas Edge, who following their Instructions, arrived upon the Coast of Greenland the sixth of june, which they found to be much pestered with Ice, and being foggy weather, they run into the Ice, so far, that they were fast in it fourteen days before they could clear themselves of it. Fast in Ice, in june fourteen days. This year also the Hollanders set out fourteen sail of ships, whereof three of them were States Men of war of great force; they killed Whales in Horn-sound, Bel-sound, and Faire-haven, and stayed upon the coast of Greenland perforce, as they did the former year; King of Denmark demands Toll. whereby the English came home half laden. This year also the King of Denmark sent unto Greenland three of his ships, Men of war, to demand a toll of the English; but they had none paid them: for they fell with the Fore-land in 79. degrees, where Captain Edge was, and he denied payment of any toll, alleging that the Country of Greenland belonged to the King of England. Vn- English English to serve Dutch, Spanish, Dane, against their own. These were the first Danish ships that ever came to Greenland, who had for their Pilot one james Vaden, an Englishman to bring them thither. In the year 1616. the Company set out for Greenland eight Sail of great ships, and two Pinnasses under the command of Thomas Edge, who following his course, 1616. arrived in Greenland about the fourth of june, having formerly appointed all his ships for their several Harbours, for their making of their Voyage upon the Whale, and having in every Harbour a sufficient number of expert men, and all provisions fitting for such a Voyage. This year it pleased God to bless them by their labours, that they full laded all their ships with Oil, and left an ouer-pl●s in the Country, which their ships could not take in. They employed this year a small Pinnace unto the Eastward, which discovered the Eastward part of Greenland, Namely, the Island called now Edges Island, Edges Island. and other Lands lying to the North-wards as far as seventy eight degrees, this Pinnace was some twenty tons, and had twelve men in her, who killed one thousand Sea-horses on Edges Island, and brought all their Teeth home for London. This was the first year that ever the Company full laded all their ships sent to Greenland, and this year they made twelve or thirteen hundred tons of Oil in Greenland by the fourteenth of August. All the ships arrived in safety in the River of Thames, in the month of September. The Hollanders had this year in Greenland four ships, and those kept together in odd places, not easily to be found, and made a poor Voyage. In the year 1617. the Company set out for Greenland fourteen Sail of ships, and their two Pinnasses furnished and manned with a sufficient number of men and all other provisions fitting for that Voyage, under the command of Thomas Edge. They departed from Gravesend, 1617. about the four and twentieth of April, and arrived upon the Coast of Greenland, the eight and twentieth of May all in safety. At our first coming upon the Coast this year, I met with a Dutch ship of two hundred tons, which I commanded aboard, the Captains name was Cock, who told me there were ten Sail of Dutch upon the Coast, and two men of War, and that he came to make a Voyage upon the Whale. I showed him the King's Commission, and commanded him by virtue thereof to depart from the Coast, willing him to acquaint the rest of his Countrymen with it. And further, I told him that if I met with him or any Dutch ships hereafter, I would take from them what they had gotten, and thus having entertained him aboard with me courteously, I let him go without taking any provisions from him. At his departure from me, he promised he would but stay to meet with two of his Consorts, which he had lost company with the day before, and then he would directly go for Flushing, and acquaint his Merchants, that the English Captain would not suffer him to stay upon the Coast of Greenland; but it seemeth at his meeting with his Consorts, they agreed altogether to go into Horne-sound, and there they killed some few Whales which they saved in Blubber. I understanding of it, gave order to my Vide-admiral when he was laden, that he should go into Horne-sound, and put the Flemings from thence, and take what they had gotten, which he did accordingly: but the goods he took from the Dutch ships, were not worth to the English twenty pounds, for it was but Blubber and Fins, which they had no need of, in regard they had killed as many Whales as would lad their ships, and more than they could carry or save. This year the English made nineteen hundred tons of Oil in Greenland, and all their ships arrived at home in the months of August and September in safety. They also employed a ship of sixty tons, with twenty men in her, who discovered to the Eastward of Greenland, as fair to the North-wards as seventy nine degrees, and an Island which he named Witches Island, and diverse other Lands as by the Map appeareth, and killed store of Sea-horses there, and then came into Bel-sound: Witch's Island. where he found his lading of Oil, left by the Captain which he took in. Hull men. This year the Hull men set a small ship or two to the East-wards of Greenland, for the Hull men still followed the steps of the Londoners, and in a year or two called it their Discovery, which is false and untrue, as by Oath in the Admiralty doth appear. The Dutch likewise practise the same course. In the year 1618. some difference having passed between the English and some Zelanders, the year before, in King james his Newland, 1618. Zelanders. alias Greenland (which Zelanders were never in those parts before, and upon promise of the present departure) were permitted to pass elsewhere with their provisions which they had, and coming to Cherry Island, and meeting with one English Interloper of Hull; namely Marmaduke, Marmaduke. he animated the said Zelanders to return back for Greenland, alleging unto them, that the Companies ships were in each several Harbour busied about their Voyage, and that none would stir from his Harbours to molest them, and that they being three ships of force, might return to a Harbour in that Country, called Hornsound, and there make a Voyage perforce, which the said Zelanders did attempt, and there manned out diverse Shallops, having many Biskainers, and killed store of Whales, setting those English at nought. Whereupon Captain Thomas Edge, chief Commander of the English Fleet, having laden those ships that were in Harbour with him, and presently sent for William H●ly, his Vide-admiral, giving him order (who was not then full laden, but in good forwardness) to fit the ship he was in, and go to Horne-sound aforesaid, and put the said Zelanders from thence: which the said H●ly presently put in execution. But before his coming thither, the Zelanders had notice by an English Surgeon, that if they did not depart, the English Vice-admiral would come presently and force them from thence. Whereupon the Zelanders laded all the goods they had in two ships, and sent them away before the coming of the English Vide-admiral, leaving one ship behind, with certain cask of Blubber, and two Whales and an half uncut up, in a bravado to try if the English would meddle with them or not, which said ship and goods there left, were surprised by the said English Vide-admiral; the goods detained to the Companies use; and the ship restored there to the Zelanders; which ship having in her ten cast Pieces, and sixty men, and having intelligence of one of the Companies ships, at that time laden in the Country with one hundred and eighty tons of Oil, the Zelander gave out he would lie in wait and take that ship of the Companies and her lading, and carry her to Zealand. For prevention whereof, the said Vide-admiral took six Pieces of Ordnance, and some Powder from the ship of Zealand, which were in England restored to the owners. In which said year 1618. the Zelanders sending over for restitution of the goods taken from them. A new Company commixed of English, Scottish and Zelanders, through the means of one Sir john Conningham Knight, Sir john Cunningham. procured a grant for setting forth of shipping to those parts, which might utterly have overthrown and spoiled the trade of the first discoveries thereof: and to that end diverse of the chief men were hired by the new Company that had been servants to the first discovery, and much shipping and provisions agreed for. Whereupon there was an agreement, that the East India Adventurers should join stock with the Moscovia Adventurers, East India Adventurers join▪ and be one joint Company for that trade of King james his Newland. The Scottish Companies Patent thereupon dissolved, to the Moscovia Companies great trouble and cost, in taking of all the provisions they had bespoken, and paying ready money for the same, having no use thereof, but great part spoilt, and came to little good, and in joining unfortunately with the East India Company, in which year, and the next year after, their Voyages proved very ill, and they were losers, and much vexed and crossed in their proceedings, to the great disheartening and detriment of the Moscovia Company: yet that year 1618. they set forth thirteen ships and two Pinnasses, under the command of the said Captain Thomas Edge, who arriving upon the coast of King james his Newland, in the beginning of june separated themselves to several Harbours for accomplishing of their Voyages, the most part being ships of no force. Presently after in all Harbours where the English were, arrived great store of ships of Zealand, in warlike manner, being ships of great force, who continued in the same Harbours amongst the English, setting two boats to the English one, with Biskainers, with a full purpose to drive the English from their Harbours, and to revenge the injury (as they termed it) done them the year before: and for that the Scottish Patent was dissolved; wherein many Flemings were to be interested. And to that purpose towards the latter end of july, ten Sail of the said Zelanders, being at a Harbour called the Foreland, where the said William Heley, Vide-admiral of the English Fleet that year, was in the ship Pleasure, Master Robert Salmon, with one English ship and a Pinnace there of no force, set upon the said English Vide-admiral, threatening, if he would not yield presently, to despoil him of ship and goods, not permitting to take his men aboard. And with two of their chiefest ships laid the English Vide-admiral aboard, there being but seven English aboard the ship, which they detained for four and twenty hours, the Zelanders not daring to enter, making many bravadoes and attempts, thinking to make the English to yield, and stand to their mercy, which was refused. And thereupon five of those Zelanders ships; namely, the Fortune of Camphire, burden four hundred tons, with eighteen cast Pieces, besides brass Bases and Murderers, Captain Hubreght Cornelisson; the Saint Peter of Flushing, burden three hundred tons, with eighteen cast Pieces, Captain Cornelius Cook; the Salamander of Flushing, two hundred tons, fourteen cast Pieces, Captain Adrian Peeterson; the Cat of Delft Haven, with sixteen cast Pieces, Abraham Leverstick being Captain and General of the Zelanders, and William johnson of Milliworth, in a ship with fourteen cast Pieces: all which, after much conference passed betwixt the said Zelanders and William Hely: which said Zelanders gave out many uncivil speeches against the King's Majesty, not esteeming his Commission; alleging that there was good law in Flanders for what they did. Dutch▪ assault the English. And on Sunday the nineteenth of july, 1618. did forcibly set upon the said English Vide-admiral, five together plying their great Ordnance, small Shot, and Murderers, seeking what in them lay to kill and spoil all the English that were aboard: who resisted their force, and in spite of all their opposers set sail, saluting them with their Ordnance, and maintaining fight against them till their Sails were shot down, some of their chief men slain, others hurt, and their ship forced either to anchor, or run ashore. The Zelanders used the English very unkindly, rifling their ship of all their goods, and taking away all their munition and artillery, not leaving any goods ashore, but burning up the Cask, not permitting the English to take in fresh water, but shot their Boat thorough in going ashore, and minding, as they protested and swore unto the said William Hely, that they would take and ransack all the English ships in the Country, and carry the English Captain to Zealand: having as they said, that year in those parts 23. sail of well appointed ships, only to overthrow all the English, all which were to meet in Scotland outward bound. After the surprising of the said English Vide-admiral, all the rest of the English ships being dispersed far asunder, could not join together, being in all places hindered by the Flemings: and by that means the English Voyage utterly overthrown, to the extraordinary great loss and charge of the Company, the most part of their ships returning home without any goods. The next year 1619. the said Moscovia and East India Companies set out nine ships, 1619. and two Pinnasses, under the command of the said Captain Edge, in which year, diverse Hollanders being in the Northermost Harbour in the Country, employing great quantity of Boats in chase the Whale there, off into the Sea, put them by their usual course, so that the Companies ships, being five of the nine, in the two Northermost Harbours, were disappointed of their Voyage in those Harbours; and thinking to better it in the other Harbours; the foresaid William Heley sending a Shallop with ten men in her, with Letters to the said Captain Edge, of their ill success to the Northwards, the said Shallop was cast away, and all the men lost: and the said Captain being laden, sent a Pinnace to the said Heley in August, advertising him of his departure, thinking all the ships to the Northward had been laden, wishing them to haste home. By means of which Shallops casting away, the Voyage was greatly hindered to the Companies exceeding great loss; in that the Hollanders did as then bring over great quantity of Whale-oyle, and sold it at under rates, so that the Company was forced to keep theirs on their hands twelve months, and sell it afterwards at a very small price, and lost one ship in her return homewards near Yarmouth: which did so much dishearten the said Company, that they dissolved again, and thought verily to have adventured no more thither (their success those two years past, in which the East India Company joined with them was so bad, that any that would buy their provision might enjoy the benefit of the Trade there.) At which time, the worthy and famous Merchant's Adventurers; namely, Ralph Freeman, Benjamin Deicrowe, George Strewed, with Captain Thomas Edge, all brethren of the Moscovia Company, pitying the down-fall of so worthy a Traffic, in which yearly so many poor Land-men received great comfort, and breeding of Mariners, at their own charge compounded with the said Companies, and took that Trade into their hands. In which year 1620. they set out seven sail of ships, under the command of William Goodl●d, and the said William Heley; in which said year, 1620. by reason of great store of Flemings and Danes in the foresaid Northermost Harbours, their ships had ill success to the Northwards, and were forced to pass from Harbour to Harbour to seek to make a Voyage, but could not, and so returned home half laden, with seven hundred tons of Oil. The next year 1621. the foresaid Adventurers hired, and set forth eight ships, seven for the Whale Voyage, and one to the South-eastwards upon Discovery, under the command aforesaid, 1621. which year in one of their chiefest Harbours their Voyage was overthrown, by reason of the foresaid Flemings and Danes, being to the Northward, as aforesaid▪ putting the Whale by her course, and in all places in the Country generally disheartened, and out of hope to have made any Voyage that year, whereby to have earned their bread. Yet it pleased God afterwards in some Harbours, Whales hitting in, a Voyage was performed, and 1100. tons of Oil brought home, to the great encouragement of the said Adventurers: otherwise that Trade had been utterly overthrown. The year following 1622. the said Adventurers at their own charge set forth nine ships, under the command aforesaid, and therein employed diverse Land-men; 1622. many of which afterwards prove good Seamen, and are fit for any Sea service. Eight of which ships were appointed to make their Voyage upon the Whale, and one to go on discovery to the South-eastwards. But ill success happening, one of their greatest ships of burden, whereof john Masson was Master, having in her two hundred tuns of Cask, Coppers, and diverse provisions, was unfortunately cast away against a piece of Ice, upon the coast of King james Newland, four leagues from the shore, Shipwreck▪ in which ship perished nine and twenty men, and the remainder being three and twenty, were by the providence of the Almighty miraculously saved in a Shallop, coasting thirty leagues afterwards to meet with some other ships to find some succour, having neither bread nor drink, nor any means whereby to get any food: and so remained three days in extreme cold weather, being in a small Boat ready to be swallowed up of every wave, but that God provided better for them. Many of which people their hands and feet rotten off, being frozen, and they died in the Country. The rest of the ships returned home laden, bringing in them 1300. tuns of Oil, yet the foresaid chief Harbour could not perform their full lading there, by reason of the Flemings and Danes being to the Northwards, as aforesaid, which doth yearly hinder the Companies ships from making a Voyage. §. III. The Description of the several sorts of Whales, with the manner of killing them: Whereto is added the Description of Greenland. THe Whale is a Fish or Sea-beast of a huge bigness, about sixty five * The ordinary grown Whale. Fins. foot long, and thirty five foot thick, his head is a third part of all his body's quantity, his spacious mouth containing a very great tongue, and all his fins, which we call Whale fins. These fins are fastened or rooted in his upper chap, and spread over his tongue on both sides his mouth, being in number about two hundred and fifty on one side, and as many on the other side. The longest fins are placed in the midst of his mouth, and the rest do shorten by their proportionable degrees, backward and forwards, from ten or eleven foot long to four inches in length, Small eyes. Some kinds have greater. Stow mentions one taken on Tenet shore, the eye of which was a Cart-loade, a man might stand in the hole upright: The like we may guess of the throat, etc. Nature being herein luxuriant, and diversified. his eyes are not much bigger than an Ox's eyes, his body is in fashion almost round forwards, growing on still narrower towards his tail from his belly, his tayl● is about twenty foot broad, and of a tough solid substance, which we use for blocks to chop the Blubber on (which yields Oil) and of like nature are his two swimming fins (and they grow forward on him.) This creature cometh oftentimes above water, spouting eight or nine times before he goeth down again, whereby he may be descried two or three leagues off. Then our Whale-killers presently row forth from the place where they stand to watch for him, making what haste they can to meet him: but commonly before they come near him, he will be gone down again, and continue a good while before he riseth; so that sometimes they row past him. Yet are they very circumspect, ever looking round where they may espy him risen, or discern his way under water, which they call his Walk. When he is up and the Shallops near him, they row towards him very resolutely, as if they would force the Shallop upon him, if he went down under water: but the Harponyre, who standeth up in the head of the Boat, darteth his Harpingiron at the Whale with both his hands, so soon as he cometh within his reach; wherewith the Whale being strucken, presently descendeth to the bottom, and therefore do they rear out a rope of two hundred fathom, which is fastened to the Harpingiron, and lieth coiled in the Boat: And they let him have as much of the rope as reacheth to the bottom, and when they perceive him rising they hale in the rope to get near him, and when the Whale cometh up above water, then do the men launce him with their lances, either out of one Shallop or the other; for most commonly there be two Shallops about the kill of one Whale. In lancing him they strike near to the fins he swimmeth withal, and as low under water near his belly as conveniently they can: You may see this Story of the Whale-killing presented lively in the Map, which Captain Edge hath liberally added to this Relation. but when he is lanced, he frisks and strikes with his tail so forcibly, that many times when he hitteth a Shallop he splitteth her in pieces; so that the men are relieved and taken in by another Shallop: and sometimes he striketh so fully upon them, that some of the men are either maimed, or killed with his stroke. Therefore they who undertake this business which is the principal thing in the Voyage, must not only be bold and resolute, but also discreet and wary; otherwise their rash forwardness may prevent them of their expected conquest; considering they have no shield to withstand the offended beast their enemy, but only by a heedful wariness to avoid the receiving of his dangerous stroke. Swimming is also requisite for a Whale-killer to be expert in, for it may be a means to save his life, when he hath lost his Boat, and another is not near presently to help him. The Whale having received his deadly wound, than he spouteth blood (whereas formerly he cast forth water) and his strength beginneth to fail him; but before he dieth, he will sometimes draw the Shallop three or four miles from the place where he was first stricken: and as he is a dying, he turneth his belly upwards, which lieth uppermost being dead. Then they fasten a rope to his tail, and with the Shallops, one made fast to another, they tow him towards the ship with his tail foremost. Then do they lay him cross the stern of the ship, where he is cut up in this manner; two or three men in a Boat or Shallop come close to the side of the Whale, and hold the Boat fast there with a Boat-hooke; and another standing either in the Boat, or most commonly upon the Whale, cutteth the fat (which we call Blubber) in square pieces with a cutting Knife, three or four foot long. Then to raze it from the flesh, there is a Crane or Capsten placed purposely upon the poop of the ship, from whence there descendeth a rope with a hook in it; this hook is made to take hold on a piece of Blubber: and as the men wind the Capsten, so the cutter with his long knife looseth the fat from the flesh, even as if the lard of a Swine were to be cut off from the lean. When a piece is in order cut off, then let they lower the Crane, and let down the Blubber to float upon the water, and make a hole in some part of it, putting a rope thorough it; and so they proceed to cut off more, fastening ten or twenty pieces together to be towed a shore at one time, being made fast to the stern of a Boat or Shallop. These pieces being thus brought unto the shore side, they are drawn by one and one upon the shore with an high Crane, or carried up by two men on a Barrow unto a Stage, there to be cut into small pieces about a foot long, but thin: than it is carried unto the choppers by two boys, with two little hand-hookes, taking in each hand a piece, and so they put it into half-tubs which stand behind the choppers, out of which the choppers take it up; who stand at the side of a boat which is raised of an equal height fit for the furnace. And the boat being fitted with all things necessary for the choppers, they place the chopping blocks, which they make of the Whale's tail, and the Blubber is laid ready for them, as they use it, in small pieces upon the board whereon they stand. Then the choppers take it up with hand-hookes, and lay it on their blocks, and chop it in thin pieces (the thinner he cuts it, the better it is) and when it is chopped, they put it off the block down into the Shallop, with a short Paddle made like a Colerake: and thus do six or eight men stand chopping on the one side of the boat, and on the other side of the boat about two or three yards distant are the Furnaces and Coppers placed and heated. Then between the chopping boat and the Coppers, is laid a broad thick plank, on which standeth a hogshead, which containeth as much as is put into the Copper, at one time for one boiling, and the tub being emptied, is made to slide unto the chopping boat again, being there filled with a copper ladle again, and put into another Copper. When it is boiled enough, the small pieces of Blubber, which we call Fritters, will look brown as if they were fried. Then are they taken out with copper ladles, and some of the Oil also with them, and put into a Barrow made close to dreyne the Oil, which standeth over another Shallop, that is set on the backside of the Furnace to receive the Oil in, and as soon as the Fritters are taken clean out of the Copper, then presently is the tub of small Blubber emptied into the Copper again to be also boiled. The Boat into which the hot Oil is put out of the Coppers, is ever kept half full of water, which doth not only cool the Oil before it run into the Cask, but also is a cleanser of it from dross, which descendeth to the bottom of the Boat. Out of the Oyle-boat doth the Oil run thirty or forty yards in Troughs or Gutters, and so into Butts or Hogsheads, which being filled, is rolled off to cool, and another Cask laid to fill, and when there is any quantity of Oil made, it is carried aboard the ship in rafts. In this manner is the Oil saved and prepared. Now concerning the Whale Fins, Whale Fins▪ the Whale's head being cut off from the body (as he floateth at the stern of the ship where he is cut up) is towed by a Boat as near the shore as it will come: but it is aground in twelve or thirteen foot water, then by crabs which are placed on land it is drawn on land, at several times when the water is at highest, so near the dry shore, that men at a low water with their Boats on, cut off the Blubber and Fins, which by the crabs are drawn on shore, and the Fins are with Axes, one severed from another, and being made clean, are packed up by fifty in a bundle, and so shipped. There are eight several kinds of Whales, and differing the one from the other in goodness, quantity and quality. Eight kinds of Whales known The first sort of Whale is called the Grand-bay, taking his name from Grand-bay in Newfoundland, as having there been first killed: he is black of colour, with a smooth skin, 1. Grand bay Whale. and white underneath the chaps. This Whale is the best for Oil and Fins of all the rest (and doth yield most the elder it grows.) This sort of Whale doth yield about an hundred hogsheads of Oil, and some five hundred Fins. The second sort of Whale is called Sarda, of the same colour as the former, 2. Sarda. but somewhat lesser, and the Fins likewise lesser, and yields in Oil according to his bigness, sometimes seventy hogsheads, or eighty hogsheads. This Whale hath naturally growing upon his back, white things like unto Barnacles. The third sort of Whale is called Trumpa, being as long as the first, but thicker forwards, 3. Trumpa. of colour more grey than the former, having but one spout in his head, and the rest have all two; he hath in his mouth teeth about a span long, and as thick as a man's wrist, but no fins▪ his head is bigger than the two former, and in proportion far bigger than his body. In the head of this Whale is the Permesitie, which lieth there in a hole like a Well. Spermacoete. This is the Whale that is supposed to yield the Ambergreese; There taken about forty hogsheads of Oil besides the Permesitie. The fourth sort of Whale is called Otta Sotta, and is of the same colour of the Trumpa, 4. Otta Sotta. having fins in his mouth all white, but not above half a yard long, being thicker than the Trumpa, but not so long: he yields the best Oil, but not above thirty hogsheads. The fifth sort of Whale is called Gibarta, of colour black like the two first, 5. Gibarta. saving that it hath standing upon the top of his back, a fin half a yard long. This Whale is as big as the first; his fins little or nothing worth, being not above half a yard long: and he yieldeth about twelve hogsheads of Oil, all which his back yields; as for his belly it yields nothing at all. 6. Sedeva. The sixth ●ort is called Sedeva, being of a whitly colour, and bigger than any of the former, the fins not above one foot long, and he yields little or no Oil. 7. Sedeva Negro. The seventh is called Sedeva Negro, of colour black, with a bumpe on his back; this Whale yields neither Oil, fins, nor teeth, and yet he is of a great bigness. 8. Sewria. The eight sort is called Sewria, of colour as white as snow, of the bigness of a Wherrie, he yields not above one hogshead or two of Oil, nor any fins, and is good meat to be eaten. The description of Greenland. Antiphrastical appellation. I have found this description of Greenland, with other notes, written by Ro. Fotherbie. Dear. GReenland is a place in Nature nothing like unto the Name: for certainly there is no place in the World, yet known and discovered that is less green than it. It is covered with snow, both the Mountains and the lower Lands, till about the beginning of june, being very Mountainous, and beareth neither grass nor tree, save only such as grow upon the Moors and heathie grounds, in the North parts of England, which we call Heath, or Ling. This groweth when the snow melteth, and when the ground beginneth to be uncovered. And on this do the Deer feed in the Summer time, and become very fat therewithal in a month's space, but how they live in the Winter time it is not easily to be imagined. For seeing at the end of May we find the ground all covered with snow, it is very like, that in the time of Winter there is no part bare, where any thing can grow; especially during the time that the Sun is altogether depressed under the horizon, which in the latitude of 77. degrees, continueth from the eighteenth of October till the fourth of February. This Country by all probabilities hath never been inhabited by any people; notwithstanding, I think men might live there, carrying thither good store of provision of victuals, and other things necessary against the cold, which perhaps will be vehement in the Winter time, by the former reasons; namely, because the Sun remaineth so long under the Horizon. Nevertheless, there will not be any continuance of darkness, because the Sun in his greatest declination will be but 10. degrees under the Horizon, at this time of his being in the South of the Meridian in the former latitude of 77. degrees, which is once in four and twenty hours; and therefore the time of their Noon will be much lighter than our Night here in England, when the days are at the longest; for than is the Sun 15. degrees under the Horizon at midnight, and yet the greatest darkness is but like twilight. And although it be a general saying, and a common received opinion, that the further North the greater cold, yet experience teacheth, that it is not always true. For at M●sco, and thereabouts in the Winter time, there is extreme frosts and cold weather, insomuch that oftentimes men are brought home dead, being starved with cold; and many have their noses and ears caused to fall off, through the extremity of the piercing air: yet at Edenborrow, which is more Northerly by one degree and an half, and in all places near unto it the air is temperate, and the cold tolerable, the snow never lying any long time on the ground after it is fallen. Notwithstanding, we have snow remaining all the year long in diverse places of England, but the reason of this is, because the air is ever warmest near unto the Sea shore, Yet in China even near the Sea, and far nearer the Sun, betwixt 30. and 40. the Winters are extreme. ●. Foth. (as Edenborrow standeth) and chose the cold is most vehement in places which are farthest remote from the Sea, as Moscow is situated. All the Creatures that appear unto us upon the Land, are Dear, Bears, and Foxes, and sundry sorts of wild Fowl, as Cuthbert Ducks, Willockes, Stints, Sea-pigeons, Sea-parrets, Gulls, Noddies, etc. The Author adds a discourse of sending condemned men to inhabit there, with diverse projects for their service there, for the further discovery how best to be effected, for such things as are most necessary for this employment of Whale-killing, etc. but because experience hath given best instructions already, and destructions must otherwise be prevented, I have forborn to detain the Reader in those (otherwise judicious) speculations. A Whale is ordinarily about 60 foot long When the whale comes above water the shallop rows towards him and being within reach of him the harpoiner darts his harpingiron at him out of both his hands and being fast they launce him to death The whale is cut up as he lies floating cross the stern of a ship the blubber is cut from the flesh by pieces 3 or 4 foot long and being razed is rowed on shore towards the coppers They place 2. or 3. coppers on a r●● and the chopping boat on the one side and the cooling boat on the other side to receive the oil of the coppers, the chopped blubber being boiled is taken 〈◊〉 out of the coppers and put in wiker baskets or barrows through which the oil is dreaned and runes into the cooler which is fall of water out of which it is conveyed by troughs into butts or hogsheads The manner of killing the Seamorces The manner of kill●●● bears map of Greenland The Seamorce is in quantity as big as an ox When the whale is killed he is in this manner towed to the ships by twoe or three shallops made fast one to another The pieces of blubber are towed to the shore side by a shallop and drawn on shore by a crane or carried by twoe man on a barrow to the twoe cutters which cuts them the breadt ʰ of a trencher and very thy & by twoe boys are carried with handhooks to the choppers Thus they make clean and scrape the whale fins A tent and Cooper's at work REader, I present thee here three admirable Voyages of Discovery made by the Dutch, no whit envying their due praise, but honouring their worthy Acts and Arts. They have formerly been published in Dutch, and translated by W. Philip. I have here abbreviated them, as my use is with others, to avoid prolixity. The Dutch themselves * Prolegomena. ad Hudsoni Detect. edit. Amstelodami per Hos. Gerard. 1611. write that after the English Russian Trade, one Oliver Bunell moved with hope of gain, went from Enckhuysen to Pechora, where he lost all by shipwreck, having discovered Costinsarca in Nova Zemla. These Navigations of the English, and that of Bunell, and the hopes of China and Cathay, caused the State's General to send forth two ships under the command of Hugo Linschoten, to the straits of Weygates, and two others under William Bernard's, by the persuasion of P. Plancius to go right Northwards from Nova Zemla. Linschot went fifty miles beyond the straits, the Northerly winds, and late season forcing him back. Bernard's journal here followeth, of that and his two later Voyages, the two later written by one employed therein. CHAP. III. The first Navigation of WILLIAM BARENTS, alias BERNARD'S into the North Seas; Written by G●RAT de VEER. IT is a most certain and an assured Assertion, that nothing doth more benefit and further the Commonwealth (specially these Countries) than the art and knowledge of Navigation, in regard that such Countries and Nations as are strong and mighty at Sea, have the means and ready way to draw, fetch, and bring unto them for their maintenance, all the principallest commodities and fruits of the Earth. In these Navigations we must not be dismayed if some mislike, or if we cannot perfect a Discovery in the first, second, or third Voyage. Alexander Magnus (after he had won all Grecia, A thing not continued, cannot be effected. All things are effected in convenient time. and from thence entered into little and great Asia; and coming to the farthest parts of India, there found some difficulty to pass) said, If we had not gone forward, and persisted in our intent, which other men esteemed and held to be impossible, we had still remained and stayed in the entry of Cicilia, where as now we have overrun and passed through all those large and spacious Countries: for nothing is found and effected all at one time, neither is any thing that is put in practice, presently brought to an end. To the which end, Cicero wisely saith; God hath given us some things, and not all things, that our Successors also might have somewhat to do. Therefore we must not leave off, nor stay our pretence in the middle of our proceedings, as long as there is any commodity to be hoped, and in time to be obtained: for that the greatest and richest Treasures are hardliest to be found. I thought good to set down, in regard that I have undertaken to describe the three Voyages made into the North Seas, in three years, one after the other; behind Norwary, and along and about Muscovia, towards the Kingdom of Cathaia, and China: whereof, the two last, I myself holp to effect; and yet brought them not to the desired end that we well hoped. First, to show our diligent, and most toilsome labour and pains taken, The first finding is hard, but the second attempt is easier. to find out the right course; which we could not bring to pass, as we well hoped, wished, and desired, and possible might have found it, by crossing the Seas, if we had taken the right course; if the Ice & the shortness of time, and bad crosses had not hindered us. We have assuredly found, that the only and most hindrance to our Voyage, was the Ice that we found about Nova Zembla, under 73.74.75. and 76. degrees, and not so much upon the Sea between both the Lands: whereby it appeareth, that not the nearness of the North-pole, but the Ice that cometh in and out from the Tartarian Sea, about Nova Zembla, caused us to feel the greatest cold. Therefore in regard that the nearness of the Pole was not the cause of the great cold that we felt, if we had had the means to have held our appointed and intended course into the North-east, we had peradventure found some entrance: which course we could not hold from Nova Zembla, because that there we entered amongst great store of Ice▪ and how it was about Nova Zembla, we could not tell, before we had sought it; and when we had sought it, we could not then alter our course, although also it is uncertain, what we should have done, if we had continued in our North-east course, because it is not yet found out. But it is true, that in the Country lying under 80. degrees, (which we esteem to be Greenland) there is both Leaves and Grass to be seen: Wherein, such Beasts as feed of Leaves and Grass (as Hearts, Hinds, and such like beasts live, whereas to the contrary in Nova Zembla, there groweth neither Leaves nor Grass, and there are no beasts therein but such as eat flesh, as Bears and Foxes, etc. Although Nova Zembla lieth 4.5. and 6. degrees more Southerly from the Pole, A comparison of the heat under the line, with the cold under the North Pole. than the other Land aforesaid. It is also manifest, that upon the South and North-side of the Line of the Sun on both sides, between both the Tropics, under 23. degrees and an half, yet it is as hot, as it is right under the Line. What wonder then should it be, that about the North-pole also, and as many degrees on both sides, it should not be colder than right under the Pole? It was not the Sea, nor the nearness unto the Pole, but the Ice about the Land, that let and hindered us (as I said before) for that as soon as we made from the Land, and put more into the Sea, although it was much further Northward, presently we felt more warmth, The resolute intent and opinions of William Barents. and in that opinion our Pilot William Barents died, who notwithstanding the fearful and intolerable cold that he endured, yet he was not discouraged, but offered to lay wagers with diverse of us, that by God's help, he would bring that pretended Voyage to an end, if he held his course North-east from the North Cape. But I will leave that, and show you of the three Voyages aforesaid, begun and set forth by the permission and furtherance of the General States of the united Provinces, and of Prince Maurice, as Admiral of the Sea, and the rich Town of Amsterdam. First, you must understand, that in Anno 1594. there was four ships set forth out of the united Provinces, whereof two were of Amsterdam; one of Zelandt, and one of Enckhuysen, that were appointed to sail into the North Seas, to discover the Kingdoms of Cathaia, and China; Northward from Norway, Muscovia, and about Tartary, whereof William Barents, a notable skilful and wise Pilot, june 5. was Commander over the ships of Amsterdam, and with them upon Whit-sunday, departed from Amsterdam, and went to the texel. Upon the fifth of june they sailed out of the Texel, and having a good wind and fair weather, upon the three and twentieth of june, they arrived at Rilduin in Muscovia, which for that it is a place well known and a common Voyage, The particulars being known to many of our Mariners, I omit. I will make no further description thereof. The nine and twentieth of june, at four of the clock in the afternoon, they set sail out of Kilduin. The fourth of july they saw Nova Zembla, lying Southeast and by East six or seven miles from them, where they had black dirty ground at one hundred and five fathom. William Barents took the height of the Sun with his cross-staff, when it was at the lowest, that is between North North-east, and East and by North, and found it to be elevated above the Horizon six degrees and 1/●. part, his declination being 12. degrees and 55. minutes, from whence substracting the aforesaid height, there resteth sixteenth degrees and 35. minutes, which being substracted from 90. degrees, there resteth 73. degrees and 25. minutes. Then they wound Eastward and sailed five miles, East and by South, and East Southeast, and past by a long point of Land that lay out into the Sea, Langenes. which they named Langenes, and hard by that point Eastward, there was a great Bay, where they went a Land with their Boat, but found no people. From Langenes to Cape Bapo, East North-east it is four miles. From Cape Bapo to the West point of Lombsbay North-east and by North are five miles, and between them both there are two Creeks. Lombsbay. Lombsbay is a great wide Bay, on the Westside thereof having a fair Haven, six, seven, or eight fathom deep, black sand, there they went on shore with their Boat, and upon the shore placed a Beacon, made of an old Mast which they found there; calling the Bay Lombsbay, because of a certain kind of Bears so called, which they found there in great abundance. The East point of Lombsbay, is a long narrow point, and by it there lieth an Island, and from that long point to Seaward in, there is a great Creek. This Lombsbay lieth under 74. degrees and 1/●. part. From Lombsbay to the point of the Admiral's Island, Admiral's Island they sailed six or seven miles, North-east and by North. The Admiral's Island is not very fair on the East-side, but a far off very flat, so that you must shun it long before you come at it, it is also very uneven, for at one casting of the Led they had ten fathom deep, and presently at another casting of the Led they had but six fathom, and presently after that again ten, eleven, and twelve fathom, the stream running hard against the Flats. Cape Negro. Black point. From the East-end of the Admiral's Island, to Cape Negro, that is the Black point, they sailed about five or six miles, East North-east, and a mile without the Black point it i● seventy fathom deep, the ground slimy, as upon Pamphius, right Eastward of the Black point, there are two sharp pointed Hills in the Creek, that are easy to be known. The sixth of july, the Sun being North, William's Island. they come right before the Black point with fair weather, this Black point lieth under 75. degrees and 20. minutes. From the Black point to William's Island, they sailed seven or eight miles, East North-east, and between them both about half a mile, there lay a small Island. The seventh of july they sailed from William's Island, and then William Barents took the height of the Sun, with his cross-staff, and found it to be elevated above the Horizon in the South-west and by South 53. degrees and 6. minutes, his declination being 22. degrees and 49. minutes, which being added to 53. degrees and 6. minutes, make 75. degrees and 55. minutes. This is the right height of the Pole of the said Island. In this Island they found great store of Driftwood, and many Sea-horses being a kind of fish that keepeth in the Sea, Sea-horses, o● Morses. having very great teeth, which at this day are used in stead of ivory or Elephants Teeth, there also is a good Road for ships, at twelve and thirteen fathom deep against all winds, except it be West South-west, and West-winds, and there they found a piece of a Russia ship, and that day they had the wind East North-east, misty weather. The ninth of july they entered into Beeren-fort, upon the Road under William's Island, Beeren-fort white Bear, terrible. and there they found a white Bear, which they perceiving, presently entered into their Boat, and shot her into the body with a Musket, but the Bear showed most wonderful strength, which almost is not to be found in any beast, for no man ever heard the like to be done by any Lion or cruel beast whatsoever: for notwithstanding that she was shot into the body, yet she leapt up, and swam in the water, the men that were in the Boat rowing after her, cast a Rope about her neck, and by that means drew her at the stern of the Boat, for that not having seen the like Bear before, they thought to have carried her alive in the ship, and to have showed her for a strange wonder in Holland; but she used such force, that they were glad that they were rid of her, and contented themselves with her skin only, for she made such a noise, and strove in such sort, that it was admirable, wherewith they let her rest and gave her more scope, with the Rope that they held her by, and so drew her in that sort after them, by that means to weary her: meantime, William Barents made nearer to her, but the Bear swam to the Boat, and with her fore-feets got hold of the stern thereof, which William Barents perceiving, said, she will there rest herself, but she had another meaning, for she used such force, that at last she had gotten half her body into the Boat, wherewith the men were so abashed, that they ran into the further end of the Boat, and thought verily to have been spoilt by her, but by a strange means they were delivered from her, for that the Rope that was about her neck, caught hold upon the hook of the Ruther, whereby the Bear could get no further, but so was held back, and hanging in that manner, one of the men boldly stepped forth from the end of the Scute, and thrust her into the body with a halfe-pike; and therewith she fell down into the water, and so they rowed forward with her to the ship, drawing her after them, till she was in a manner dead, wherewith they killed her outright, and having slayed her, brought the skin to Amsterdam. The twentieth of july, they sailed out of Beeren-fort from William's Island, Island of Crosses and the same day in the morning got to the Island of Crosses, and there went on Land with their Pinnace, and found the Island to be barren, and full of Cliffs and Rocks, in it there was a small Haven, whereinto they rowed with their Boat. This Island is about half a mile long, and reacheth East and West; on the West end it hath a bank, about a third part of a mile long, and at the East end also another bank, upon this Island there standeth two great Crosses, the Island lieth about two long miles from the firm Land, and under the East-end thereof there is a good Road, at six and twenty fathom soft ground; and somewhat closer to the Island on the Strand, at nine fathom sandy ground. From the Island of Crosses to the point of Cape Nassaw, they sailed East, Cape Nassaw. and East and by North about eight miles; it is a long flat point which you must be careful to shun, for thereabouts at seven fathom there were flats or shoals, very far from the Land; it lieth almost under 76. degrees and a half. From the West end of William's Island, to the Island with the Crosses is three miles, the course North. From Nassaw point they sailed East and by South, and East Southeast five miles, and then they thought that they saw Land in North-east, and by East, and sailed towards it five miles' North-east to descry it, thinking it to be another Land, that lay Northward from Nova Zembla, but it began to blow so hard out of the West, that they were forced to take in their Marsaile, and yet the wind rose in such manner, that they were forced to take in all their Sails, and the Sea went so hollow, that they were constrained to drive sixteen hours together, without sail, eight or nine miles' East North-east. The eleventh of july their Boat was by a great wave of the Sea sunk to the ground, and by that means they lost it, and after that they drove without sails five miles, East and by South; at last the Sun being almost Southeast, the wind came about to the Northwest, and then the weather began somewhat to clear up, but yet it was very misty. Then they hoist up their sails again and sailed four miles till night, that the Sun was North and by East, and there they had sixty fathom deep, muddy ground, and then they saw certain flakes of Ice, at which time upon the twelfth of july they wound West, and held Northwest, and sailed about a mile with misty weather, and a Northwest wind, and sailed up and down West South-west three or four miles, to see if they could find their Boat again: after that they wound again with the wind, and sailed four miles' Southeast, till the Sun was South-west, and then they were close by the Land of Nova Zembla, that lay East and by North, and West and by South; from thence they wound over again till noon, and sailed three miles, North and by West, and then till the Sun was Northwest, they held Northwest and by North three miles, than they wound Eastward and sailed four or five miles' North-east and by East. The thirteenth of july at night, they found great store of Ice, as much as they could descry out of the top, that lay as if it had been a plain field of Ice, than they wound Westward over from the Ice. The seventeenth of july, William Barents took the height of the Sun with his Astrolabium, and then they were under 77. degrees and a ¼. of the Pole, and sailed Southward six miles, and perceived the firm Land, lying South from them. Then they sailed till the nineteenth of july in the morning, West South-west six or seven miles, with a Northwest wind, and misty weather, and after that South-west and South-west and by West seven miles, the Sun being 77. degrees 5. minutes less. Then they sailed two miles' South-west, and were close by the land of Nova Zembla, about Cape Nassaw. The five and twentieth of july, they were so enclosed about with flakes of Ice, that out of the top they could not discern any thing beyond it, and sought to get through the Ice, but they could not pass beyond it. At night, they took the height of the Sun, when it was at the lowest between North and North-east, and North-east and by North, it being elevated above the Horizon 6. degrees, and ¾. his Declination being 19 degrees 50. minutes, now take 6. degrees ¾. from 19 degrees and 50. minutes, and there resteth 13. degrees 5. minutes, which substracted from 90. there resteth 77. degrees less 5. minutes. The six and twentieth of july in the morning, they sailed six miles' South Southeast, till the Sun was South-west, and then Southeast six miles, and were within a mile of the land of Nova Zembla, Cape Trust. and came again to Cape Trust. The eight and twentieth of july, the height of the Sun being taken at noon with the Astrolabium, it was found to be elevated above the Horizon 57 degrees and 6. minutes, her Declination being 19 degrees and 18. minutes, which in all is 76. degrees and 24. minutes, they being then about four miles from the land of Nova Zembla, that lay all covered over with Snow, the weather being clear, and the wind East. The nine and twentieth of july, the height of the Sun being taken with the cross-staff, Astrolabium & Quadrant, they found it to be elevated above the Horizon 32. degrees, her declination being 19 degrees, which substracted from 32. there resteth 13. degrees of the Equator, which being substracted from 90. there rested 77. degrees, and then the nearest North point of Nova Zembla, Ice point. Gold Stones. called the Ice point, lay right East from them. There they found certain Stones that glisteren like gold, which for that cause they named Goldstones, and there also they had a fair Bay with sandy ground. Upon the same day they wound Southward again, and sailed Southeast two miles between the Land and the Ice, and after that from the Ice point East, and to the Southward six miles to the Lands of Orange; Orange Lands. and there they laboured forward between the Land and the Ice, with fair still weather, and upon the one and thirtieth of july got to the Lands of Orange. And there went to one of those Lands, Morses described. where they found about two hundred Walrushen, or Sea-horses, lying upon the shore to baste themselves in the Sun. This Sea-horse is a wonderful strong Monster of the Sea, much bigger than an Ox, which keeps continually in the Seas, having a skin like a Sea-calf or Seal, with very short hair, mouthed like a Lion, and many times they lie upon the Ice; they are hardly killed unless you strike them just upon the forehead, it hath four Feet, but no Ears, and commonly it hath one or two young ones at a time. And when the Fishermen chance to find them upon a flake of Ice with their young ones, she casteth her young ones before her into the water, and then takes them in her Arms and so plungeth up and down with them, and when she will revenge herself upon the Boats, or make resistance against them, than she casts her young ones from her again, and with all her force goeth towards the Boat (whereby our men were once in no small danger, for that the Sea-horse had almost stricken her teeth into the stern of their Boat) thinking to overthrow it, but by means of the great cry that the men made, she was afraid, and swom away again, and took her young ones again in her arms. They have two teeth sticking out of their mouths, on each side one, each being about half an Ell long, and are esteemed to be as good as any ivory or Elephants teeth, specially in Muscovia, Tartary, and thereabouts where they are known, for they are as white, hard, and even as ivory. The Sea-horses that lay bathing themselves upon the Land, our men supposing that they could not defend themselves being out of the water, went on shore to assail them, and fought with them, to get their Teeth that are so rich, but they broke all their Hatchets, Cuttle-axes, and Pikes in pieces, and could not kill one of them, but struck some of their Teeth out of their mouths, which they took with them: and when they could get nothing against them by fight, they agreed to go aboard the Ship, to fetch some of their great Ordnance, to shoot at them therewith; but it began to blow so hard, that it rend the Ice into great pieces, so that they were forced not to do it, and therewith they found a great white Bear that slept, which they shot into the body, but she ran away, and entered into the water; the men following her with their Boat, and killed her outright, and then drew her upon the Ice, and so sticking a halfe-pike upright, bound her fast unto it, thinking to fetch her when they came back again, to shoot at the Sea-horses with their Ordnance, but for that it began more and more to blow, and the Ice therewith broke in pieces, they did nothing at all. After that, William Barents finding that he could hardly get through, to accomplish and end his pretended Voyage, his men also beginning to be weary, and would sail no further, they all together agreed to return back again, to meet with the other Ships that had taken their course to the Weygates, or the straits of Nassaw, to know what Discoveries they had made there. There return back again. The first of August they turned their course to sail back again from the Lands of Orange; There William Barents took the height of the Sun, it being under 71. degrees and ●/3. and there they found a great Creek, Oliver Brunell. which William Barents judged to be the place where Oliver Brunel had been before, called Costin●sarch. From the Black Island they sailed South, and South and by East to another small point three miles, on which point there stood a Cross, Black Island. and therefore they called it the Cross-point, there also was a flat Bay and low water, five, six, or seven fathom deep soft ground. From Cross-point they sailed along by the land South Southeast four miles, Cross-point. and then came to another small point, which behind it had a great Creek, that reached Eastward: This point they called the fifth point, or Saint Laurence point. From the fifth point they sailed to the Sconce point three miles, South Southeast, and there lay a long black Rock close by the land, whereon there stood a Cross; then they entered into the Ice again, and put inward to the Sea because of the Ice. Their intent was to sail along the coast of Nova Zembla to the Weygates, but by reason that the Ice met them, they wound Westward, and from the ninth of August in the Eevening, till the tenth of August in the Morning, sailed West and by North eleven miles, and after that four miles' West Northwest, and Northwest and by West, the wind being North; in the Morning they wound Eastward again, and sailed until Eevening ten miles' East, and East and by South; after that East, and East and by North four miles, and there they saw land, and were against a great Creek, where with their Boat they went on land, and there found a fair Haven five fathom deep, sandy ground. This Creek on the North side hath three black points, and about the three points lieth the road, but you must keep somewhat from the third point, for it is stony, and between the second and third point there is another fair Bay, for Northwest, North, and North-east winds, black sandy ground. Saint Lauren●● Bay. This Bay they called Saint Laurence Bay, and there they took the height of the Sun, which was 70. degrees and ●/4. From Saint Laurence Bay, South Southeast two miles to Sconce point, Sconce point. there lay along black Rock close by the land, whereon there stood a Cross, there they went on Land with their Boat, and perceived that some men had been there, and that they were fled to save themselves, for there they found six Sacks with Rye-meale buried in the ground, and a heap of stones by the Cross, and a Bullet for a great Piece, and thereabouts also there stood another Cross, with three Houses made of wood, after the North Country manner: and in the houses they found many barrels of Pike-stanes, whereby they conjectured, that there they used to take Salmon, and by them stood five or six Coffins, by Graves, with dead men's bones, the Coffins standing upon the ground all filled up with stones; there also lay a broken Russia ship, the Keel thereof being forty four foot long, but they could see no man on the Land: it is a fair Haven for all window, which they called the Meale-haven, because of the Meal that they found there. From the black Rock or Cliff with the Cross, two miles' South Southeast, there lay a low Island a little into the Sea; from whence they sailed nine or ten miles' South Southeast, there the height of the Sun was 70. degrees and 50. minutes, when it was South South-west. From that Island they sailed along by the Land four miles' Southeast and by South, there they came to two Lands, whereof the uttermost lay a mile from the Land: those Lands they called Saint Clara. Then they entered into the Ice again, and wound inward to the Sea in the wind, and sailed from the Island until Eevening, West South-west four miles, the wind being Northwest; that Eevening it was very misty, and then they had eighty fathom deep. Then again they sailed South-west and by West, and West South-west three miles, there they had seventy fathom deep, and so sailed till the thirteenth of August in the morning, South-west and by West four miles, two hours before they had ground at fifty six fathom, and in the morning at forty five fathom, soft muddy ground. Then they wound from the land and sailed North, and North and by East four miles, from thence they wound to land again, and sailed till the fourteen of August, five or six miles' South-west, sailing close by the land, which (as they guess) was the Island of Colgoyen. Colgoyen. August the fifteenth, the Sun being South-west, William Barents took the height thereof, and found it to be elevated above the Horizon 35. degrees, his Declination being 14. degrees and ¼. so that as there wanted 55. degrees of 90. which 55. and 14. degrees ¼. being both added together, made 69. Degrees 15. Minutes, which was the height of the Pole in that place, the wind being Northwest, than they sailed two miles more Eastward, Matfloe and Delgoy. They meet with their company. and came to the Lands called Matfloe and Delgoy, and there in the morning they met with the other Ships of their company, being of Zelandt and Enckhuysen, that came out of Weygates the same day, there they showed each other where they had been, and how far each of them had sailed and discovered. The Ship of Enckhuysen had past the straits of Weygates, and said, that at the end of Weygates he had found a large Sea, and that they had sailed fifty or sixty miles further Eastward, and were of opinion that they had been about the River Obi, that cometh out of Tartary, and that the Land of Tartary reacheth Northeastward again from thence, whereby they thought that they were not far from Cape Tabin, which is the point of Tartary, that reacheth towards the Kingdom of Cathai, North-east and then Southward, and so thinking that they had Discovered enough for that time, and that it was too late in the year to sail any further, as also that their Commission was to discover the situation, and to come home again before Winter, they turned again towards the Weygates, and came to an Island about five miles great, lying Southeast from Weygates on the Tartarian side, State's Island. and called it the State's Island, there they found many Stones that were of crystal Mountain, being a kind of Diamond. When they were met together, as I said before, they made signs of joy, discharging some of their Ordnance, and were merry, the other Ships thinking that William Barents had sailed round about Nova Zembla, and had come back again through the Weygates: and after they had showed each other what they had done, and made signs of joy for their meeting, they set their course to turn back again for Holland, and upon the sixteenth of August they went under the Lands of Matfloe and Delgoy, and put into the road, because the wind was Northwest, and lay till the eighteenth of August. Then they set sail, and came to the Texel the sixteenth of September. CHAP. four A brief Declaration of BARENTS his second Navigation, made in Anno 1595. behind Norway, Muscovia, and Tartary, written by GERAT DE VEER. THe four Ships aforesaid, being returned home about Harvest-time, in Anno 1594. they were in good hope that the Voyage aforesaid would be done, by passing along the straits of Weygates, and specially by the report made by the two Ships of Zelandt, and Enckhuysen, wherein john Huyghen of Linschoten was Committee, who declared the manner of their travel in such sort, that the General States and Prince Maurice resolved, in the beginning of the next year to prepare certain Ships, not only (as they went before) to discover the passage, but to send certain Wares and Merchandizes thither, wherein the Merchants might lad what Wares they would, with certain Factors to sell the said Wares, in such places as they should arrive, neither paying Fraight nor Custom. Peter Plantius a learned Cosmographer, being a great furtherer and setter forward of this Voyage, and was their chief Instructor therein, setting down the situation of the Coasts of Tartary, Cathaia, & China; but how they lie it is not yet sufficiently Discovered, for that the courses and rules by him set down, were not fully effected, by means of some inconveniences that fell out, which by reason of the shortness of time could not be holpen. In Anno 1595. the General States of the united Provinces, and Prince Maurice, caused seven Ships to be prepared to sail through the Weygates, or the straits of Nassaw, to the Kingdom of Cathaia and China: two out of Amsterdam, two out of Zelandt, two out of Enckhuysen, and one out of Rotterdam: six of them laden with diverse kinds of Wares, Merchandizes, and with Money and Factors, to sell the said Wares; the seventh being a Pinnace, that had Commission, when the other Ships were passed about the Cape de Tabin (which is the furthest point of Tartary) or so far, that they might sail forth Southward, without any let or hindrance of the Ice, to turn back again, and to bring news thereof: and I being in William Barents Ship that was our chief Pilot, james Hemskerke famous for the Gibraltar exploit. and james Hemskerke chief Factor, thought good to write down the same in order, as it is hereafter declared, as I did the first Voyage, according to the course and stretching of the Land as it lieth. First, after we had been mustered at Amsterdam, and every man taken an Oath, that was then purposely ministered unto us; upon the eighteen of june we sailed to the Texel, from thence to put to Sea, with other Ships that were appointed to meet us at a certain day; and so to begin our Voyage in the name of God. The second of july we set sail out of the Texel. The fifth of August, the North Cape lay about two miles' East from us, and when the Sun was Northwest, the Mother and her Daughters lay Southward from us four miles. The seventeenth, we saw great store of Ice, all along the Coast of Nova Zembla, and casting out the Lead, had 75. fathom soft ground. After that we held diverse courses because of the Ice, and sailed Southeast and by East, & South Southeast, for the space of eighteen miles, till the eighteenth of August, when the Sun was East, and then we cast out the lead again, and found 30. fathom soft ground, and within two hours after that, fathom, red sand, with small shells: three Glasses after that we had ground at twenty fathom, red sand, with black shells, as before: then we saw two Lands, which they of Enckhuysen gave the names of Prince Maurice, and his Brother, which lay from us Southeast three miles, being low Land, and then we sailed eight miles, till the Sun was South. Then we sailed East, and oftentimes casting out the lead, we found twenty, nineteen, eighteen, and seventeen fathom deep, good ground mixed with black shells, and saw the Weygates (the Sun being West) which lay East North-east from us about five miles, and after that we sailed about eight miles. Then we sailed under 70. degrees, until we came to the Weygates, most part through broken Ice, and when we got to Weygates, we cast out our Lead, and for a long time found thirteen and fourteen fathom, soft ground, mixed with black shells, not long after that we cast out the Lead and found ten fathom deep, the wind being North, and we forced to hold stiffly aloof, in regard of the great quantity of Ice, till about midnight, than were forced to wind Northward, because of certain Rocks that lay on the Southside of Weygates, right before us, about a mile and a half, having ten fathom deep: then we changed our course, and sailed West Northwest for the space of four Glasses, after that we wound about again East, and East and by South, and so entered into Weygates, and as we went in, we cast out the Lead, and found seven fathom deep, little more or less, till the nineteenth of August, and then the Sun being Southeast, we entered into the Weygates, in the Road, the wind being North. Image point. Samoyeds land. Traen Bay. The right Channel between the Image point and the Samuters Land was full of Ice, so that it was not well to be passed thorough, and so we went into the Road (which we called the Traen Bay, because we found store of Traen-oyle there, this is a good Bay for the course of the Ice, and good almost for all winds, and we may sail so far into it as we will, at four, five, and three fathom, good Anchor-ground, on the East side it is deep water. The twentieth of August, the height of the Sun being taken with the cross-staff, we found that it was elevated above the Horizon 69. degrees 21. minutes, when it was South-west and by South, being at the highest, or before it began to descend. The one and twentieth of August, we went on Land within the Weygates with four and fifty men, They go o● Land. to see the situation of the Country, and being two miles within the Land we found many Vel-werck, Traen, and such like Wares, and diverse footsteps of men, and Dear; whereby we perceived that some men dwelled there abouts, or else used to come thither. And to assure us the more thereof, we might perceive it by the great number of Images, which we found there upon the Image or Beelthooke, Images. (so called by us) in great abundance, whereof ten days after we were better informed by the Samuters and the Russians, when we spoke with them. And when we entered further into the Land, we used all the means we could, to see if we could find any houses or men, by whom we might be informed of the situation of the Sea there abouts, whereof afterward we had better intelligence by the Samuters; that told us, that there are certain men dwelling on the Weygates, and upon Nova Zembla, but we could neither find men, houses, nor any other things, so that to have better information, we went with some of our men further Southeast into the Land; towards the Seaside, and as we went, we found a pathway made with men's feet in the Moss or Marsh-ground, about half knee deep, for that going so deep we felt hard ground under our feet, which at the deepest was no higher than our shoes, and as we went forward to the Sea-coast, we were exceeding glad, thinking that we had seen a passage open, where we might get through, because we saw so little Ice there: and in the Evening entering into our ship again, we showed them that news. Meantime, our Master had sent out a Boat to see if the Tartarian Sea was open, but it could not get into the Sea because of the Ice, yet they rowed to the Cross-point, and there let the Boat lie, and went over the Land to the West point, and there perceived that the Ice in the Tartarian Sea, lay full upon the Russian Coasts, and in the mouth of Weygates. The three and twentieth of August we found a Lodgie, or Boat of Pitzore, which was sewed together with Bast or Ropes, that had been Northward to seek for some Sea-horses Teeth, Traen, and Geese, which they fetched with their Boat, to lad in certain ships that were to come out of Russia through Weygates. Which ships they said (when they spoke with us) were to sail into the Tartarian Sea, by the River of Oby, to a place called Vgolita in Tartary, there to stay all Winter, as they used to do every year: and told us that it would yet be nine or ten Weeks ere it began to freeze in that place, and that when it once began to freeze, it would freeze so hard, that as then men might go over the Sea into Tartary (along upon the Ice) which they called Mermare. The four and twentieth of August in the morning betimes, we went on board of the Lodgie, to have further information and instruction of the Sea, on the Eastside of Weygates, and they gave us good instruction, such as you have heard. The five and twentieth of August we went again to the Lodgie, and in friendly manner spoke with them, we for our parts offering them friendship; and then they gave us eight fat Geese, that lay in the bottom of their Boat: we desired that one or two of them would go with us aboard our ship, and they willingly went with us to the number of seven; and being in our ship, they wondered much at the greatness and furniture of our ship: and after they had seen and looked into it in every place, we set Fish, Butter and Cheese before them to eat, but they refused it; saying, that that day was a Fasting day with them, but at last when they saw some of our Pickled Herrings, they eat them both heads, tails, skins, and guts, and having eaten thereof, we gave them a small Firkin of Herrings, for the which they gave us great thanks, knowing not what friendship they should do us to requite our courtesy, and we brought them with our Pinnace into the Traen Bay. About Noon we hoist up our Anchors with a West Northwest wind; the course or stretching of Weygates, is East to Cruis point, and then North-east to the Twist point, and somewhat more Easterly: From thence the Land of Weygates, reacheth North North-east, and North and by East, and then North, and somewhat Westerly, we sailed North-east and Eastward two miles, by the Twist point, but then we were compelled to sail back again, because of the great store of Ice, and took our course to our Road aforesaid: and sailing back again we found a good place by the Cross point, to anchor in that night. The six and twentieth of August in the morning we hoist Anchor, and put out our fork-saile, and so sailed to our old Road, and there to stay for a more convenient time. They speak with Samoyeds. The eight and twenty, nine and twenty, and thirtieth of August till the one and thirtieth, the wind for the most part was South-west, and William Barents our Captain sailed to the Southside of Weygates, and there went on Land, where we found certain Wildmen (called Samuters) and yet not altogether wild, for they being twenty in number, stayed and spoke with our men, being but nine together, about a mile within the Land, our men not thinking to find any men there (for that we had at other times been on Land in the Weygates, and saw none) at last, it being misty weather, they perceived men, five and five in a company, and we were hard by them before we knew it: then our Interpreter went alone towards them to speak with them; which they perceiving, sent one towards us, who coming almost to our men, took an Arrow out of his Quiver, offering to shoot at him; wherewith our Interpreter, being without Arms, was afraid, and cried unto him, saying (in Russian speech;) Shoot not, we are friends: which the other hearing, cast his Bow and Arrows to the ground, therewith giving him to understand that he was well content to speak with our man: which done, our man called to him once again, and said: We are friends: whereunto he made answer and said; then you are welcome: and saluting one the other, bended both their heads down towards the ground, after the Russian manner: this done, our Interpreter questioned with him, about the situation and stretching of the Sea Eastward through the straits of Weygates; Sea open. whereof he gave us good instruction, saying: that when they should have passed a point of land about five days sailing from thence, showing Northeastward; that after that, there is a great Sea (showing towards the Southeast upward,) saying, that he knew it very well, for that one had been there that was sent thither by their King with certain Soldiers, whereof he had been Captain. Samoyeds apparel. The manner of their Apparel is, like as we use to paint Wildmen, but they are not wild; for they are of reasonable judgement: they are apparelled in Hearts skins from the head to the feet, unless it be the principallest of them, which are apparelled, whether they be men or women, like unto the rest, as aforesaid, unless it be on their heads, which they cover with certain coloured Cloth lined with Fur: the rest wear Caps of Hearts or Bucks skins, the rough side outwards, Hair, person, stature. which stand close to their heads, and are very fit. They wear long Hair, which they pleat and fold, and let it hang down upon their backs. They are (for the most part all) short and low of stature, with broad flat faces, small eyes, short legs, their knees standing outwards; and are very quick to go and leap. They trust not Strangers; for although that we showed them all the courtesy and friendship that we could, yet they trusted us not much: which we perceived hereby, that as upon the first of September we went again on Land to them, and that one of our men desired to see one of their Bows: they refused it, making a sign that they would not do it. Their King. He that they called their King, had Sentinels standing abroad, to see what was done in the Country, and what was bought and sold: At last, one of our men went nearer to one of the Sentinels, to speak with him, and offered him great friendship, according to their accustomed manner, withal giving him a Biscuit; which he with great thanks took, and presently eat it; and while he eat it, he still looked diligently about him on all sides what was done. Their Sleds. Their Sleds stood always ready with one or two Hearts in them, that run so swiftly with one or two men in them, that our Horses are not able to follow them. One of our men shot a Musket towards the Sea, wherewith they were in so great fear, that they ran and leapt like mad men: yet at last, they satisfied themselves, when they perceived that it was not maliciously done to hurt them: and we told them by our Interpreter, that we used our Pieces in stead of Bows; whereat they wondered, because of the great blow and noise that it gave and made: and to show them what we could do therewith, one of our men took a flat stone about half a handful broad, and set it upon a Hill a good way off from him: which they perceiving, and thinking that we meant somewhat thereby, fifty or sixty of them gathered round about us: and yet somewhat far off, wherewith he that had the Piece, shot it off, and with the Bullet smote the stone in sunder: whereat they wondered much more than before. Departure. After that, we took our leaves one of the other, with great friendship on both sides; and when we were in our Pinnace, we all put off our Hats, and bowed our heads unto them, sounding our Trumpet: They (in their manner) saluting us also, and then went to their Sleds again. And after they were gone from us, and were somewhat within the Land, one of them came riding to the shore, to fetch a rough-hewed Image, that our men had taken off the shore, Image. and carried into their Boat: and when he was in our Boat, and perceived the Image, he made us a sign that we had not done well to take away that Image: Which we beholding, gave it to him again: Which when he had received, he placed it upon a Hill right by the Sea side, and took it not with him, but sent a Sled to fetch it from thence: and as far as we could perceive, they esteemed that Image to be their God; for that right over against that place in the Weygates, which we called Beelthooke, we found certain hundreds of such carved Images, all rough about the Heads, being somewhat round, and in the middle, Hundreds of ill shapen Images. having a little hill in stead of a Nose; and about the Nose two cuts, in place of Eyes; and under the Nose a cut, in place of a Mouth. Before the Images, we found great store of Ashes, and bones of Hearts: whereby it is to be supposed, that there they offered unto them. The second of September, a little before Sun rising, we put forth an Anchor to get out, for that the wind as then blue South South-west; it being good weather to get out, and ill weather to lie still: for we lay under a low Bank. The Admiral and Vide-admiral seeing us making out, began also to hoist their Anchors, and to set sail. When we put out our Focke-sayle, the Sun was East and by South: and then we sailed to the Cross-point, and there we cast Anchor to stay for the Vice-admirals Pinnace; which with much labour and pains, in time got out of the Ice, by often casting out of their Anchor: and in the Eevening she got to us: in the Morning about two hours before Sun rising we set sail, and by Sun rising, we got within a mile Eastward of the Twist-point, and sailed Northward six miles, till the Sun was South. Then we were forced to wind about, because of the great quantity of Ice, and the Mist that then fell, at which time the wind blew so uncertain, that we could hold no course, but were forced continually to wind and turn about, by reason of the Ice, and the unconstantnesse of the wind, together with mist, so that our course was uncertain, and we supposed that we had sailed Southward up towards the Samuters Country, and then held our course South-west, till the watchers were Northwest from us; then we came to the point of the State's Island, lying Eastward about a Musket shot from the land, having 13. fathom deep. The fourth of September, we hoist Anchor because of the Ice, and sailed between the firm Land and the State's Island, where we lay close by the State's Island at four and five fathom deep, and made our Ship fast with a Cable cast on the shore, States-Iland▪ and there we were safe from the course of the Ice, and diverse times went on land to get Hares, whereof there were many in that Island. The sixth of September, some of our men went on shore upon the firm land to seek for Stones, which are a kind of Diamond, whereof there are many also in the State's Island: and while they were seeking the Stones, two of our men lying together in one place, a great lean white Bear came suddenly stealing out, and caught one of them fast by the neck, who not knowing what it was that took him by the neck, cried out and said; Who is that that pulls me so by the neck? wherewith the other, that lay not far from him; A Bear kill● two men. lifted up his head to see who it was, and perceiving it to be a monstrous Bear, cried out and said, Oh Mate! it is a Bear, and therewith presently rose up and ran away. The Bear at the first falling upon the man, bit his head in sunder, and sucked out his blood, wherewith the rest of the men that were on the Land, being about twenty in number, ran presently thither, either to save the man, or else to drive the Bear from the dead body: and having charged their Pieces and bend their Pikes, set upon her, that still was devouring the man, Her stoutness▪ but perceiving them to come towards her, fiercely and cruelly ran at them, and got another of them out from the Company which she tore in pieces, wherewith all the rest ran away. We perceiving out of our Ship and Pinnace, that our men ran to the Seaside to save themselves, with all speed entered into our Boats, and rowed as fast we could to the shore to relieve our men. Where being on Land, we beheld the cruel spectacle of our two dead men, that had been so cruelly killed and torn in pieces by the Bear, we seeing that, encouraged our men to go back again with us, and with Pieces, Curt●laxes, and Halfepikes, to set upon the Bear, but they would not all agree thereunto: some of them saying, our men are already dead, and we shall get the Bear well enough, though we oppose not ourselves into so open danger, if we might save our fellow's lives, than we would make haste, but now we need not make sch speed, but take her at an advantage, with most security for ourselves, for we have to do with a cruel, fierce, and ravenous Beast. Whereupon three of our men went forward, the Bear still devouring her prey, not once fearing the number of our men, and yet they were thirty at the least: the three that went forward in that sort, were Cornelius jacobson, Master of William Barents ship, William Gysen, Pilot of the Pinnace, and Hans van Nuflen, William Barents, Purser: and after that the said Master and Pilot had shot three times and mist, the Purser stepping somewhat further forward, and seeing the Bear to be within the length of a shot, presently leveled his Piece, and discharging it at the Bear, shot her into the head between both the eyes, and yet she held the man still fast by the neck, and lifted up her head with the man in her mouth, but she began somewhat to stagger, wherewith the Purser and a Scottish-man drew out their Curtelaxes▪ and struck at her so hard, that their Curtelaxes burst, and yet she would not leave the man, at last William Geysen went to them, They kill the Bear. and with all his might struck the Bear upon the snout with his Piece, at which time the Bear fell to the ground, making a great noise, and William Geysen leaping upon her cut her throat. The seventh of September, we buried the dead bodies of our men in the State's Island, and having stayed the Bear, carried her Skin to Amsterdam. The ninth of September, we set sail from the State's Island, but the Ice came in so thick and with such force, that we could not get through, so that at Eevening we came back again to the State's Island, the wind being Westerly. There the Admiral and the Pinnace of Rotterdam, fell on ground by certain Rocks, but got off again without any hurt. The tenth of September, we sailed again from the State's Island towards the Weygates, and sent two Boats into the Sea, to certify us what store of Ice was abroad: and that Eevening we came all together into Weygates, Twist-point. and Anchored by the Twist-point. The eleventh of September in the Morning, we sailed again into the Tartarian Sea, but we fell into great store of Ice, so that we sailed back again to the Weygates, and Anchored by the Cross-point, and about midnight we saw a Russian Lodgie, that sailed from the B●●lt-point towards the Samuters Land. The thirteenth of September, the Sun being South, there began a great storm to blow out of the South South-west, the weather being misty, melancholy, and snowy, and the storm increasing more and more, we drove through. The fourteenth of September, the weather began to be somewhat clearer, the wind being Northwest, and the storm blowing stiff out of the Tartarian Sea, but at Eevening it was fair weather, and then the wind blue North-east, the same day our men went on the other side of Weygates, on the firm land, to take the depth of the Channel, and entered into the Bough behind the Lands, where there stood a little House made of wood, and a great fall of water into the land. The same Morning we hoist up our Anchor, thinking once again to try what we could do to further our Voyage, but our Admiral being of another mind, lay still till the fifteenth of September. The same day in the Morning, the wind drove in from the East-end of the Weygates, whereby we were forced presently to hoist Anchors, and the same day sailed out from the West-end of the Weygates, with all our Fleet, and made homewards again, and that day passed by the Lands called Matfloe and Delgoy, Matfloe and Delgoy. and that night we sailed twelve miles, Northwest and by West, till Saturday in the morning, and then the wind fell North-east, and it began to Snow. We saw the point of Candy●aes, lying Southeast from us, and then we had seven and twenty fathom deep, red sand with black shells. The nine and twentieth of September, in the Eevening entered into Ward-house, and there we stayed till the tenth of October. And that day we set sail out of Ward-house, and upon the eighteenth of November, we arrived in the Maes. CHAP. V. The third Voyage Northward to the Kingdoms of Cathaia, and China, in Anno 1596. Written by GERAT DE VEER. §. I. What happened to them at Sea, before they came to build their House. AFter that the seven Ships (as I said before) were returned back again from their North Voyage, with less benefit than was expected, the General States of the United Provinces consulted together, to send certain Ships thither again, a third time, to see if they might bring the said Voyage to a good end, if it were possible to be done: but after much Consultation had, they could not agree thereon; yet they were content to cause a Proclamation to be made, that if any, either Towns, or Merchants, were disposed to venture to make further search that way, at their own charges, if the Voyage were accomplished, and that thereby it might be made apparent, that the said passage was to be sailed, they were content to give them a good reward, in the Country's behalf, naming a certain sum of money. Whereupon in the beginning of this year, there was two Ships rigged and set forth by the Town of Amsterdam, to sail that Voyage, the men therein being taken up upon two Conditions: viz. What they should have if the Voyage were not accomplished, and what they should have if they got through, and brought the Voyage to an end, promising them a good reward if they could effect it, thereby to encourage the men, taking up as many unmarried men as they could, that they might not be dissuaded by means of their Wives and Children to leave off the Voyage. Upon these Conditions, those two Ships were ready to set sail in the beginning of May. In the one, jacob Heemskerke Hendrickson, was Master and Factor for the Wares and Merchandizes; and William Barents chief Pilot. In the other, john Cornelison Rijp, was both Master and Factor for the goods that the Merchants had laden in her. The fifth of May, all the men in both the Ships were Mustered, and upon the tenth of May, they sailed from Amsterdam, and the thirteenth of May got to the Vlie. The thirtieth of May we had a good wind, and sailed North-east, and we took the height of the Sun with our cross-staff, and found that it was elevated above the Horizon 47. degrees and 42. minutes, his Declination was 21. degrees and 42. minutes, so that the height of the Pole was 69. degrees and 24. minutes. The first of june we had no night, and the second of june we had the wind contrary, june. Three Suns and four Rainbows. The like hath been seen in England about the time this work entered the Press. but upon the fourth of june we had a good wind, out of the West Northwest, and sailed North-east. And when the Sun was about South Southeast, we saw a strange sight in the Element: for on each side of the Sun there was another Sun, and two Rainbows, that passed clean thorough the three Suns, and then two Rainbows more, the one compassing round about the Suns, and the other cross thorough the great rundle; the great rundle standing with the uttermost point, elevated above the Horizon 28. degrees: at noon the Sun being at the highest, the height thereof was measured, and we found by the Astrolabium, that it was elevated above the Horizon 48. degrees and 43. minutes, his Declination was 22. degrees and 17. minutes, the which being added to 48. degrees 43. minutes, it was found that we were under 71. degrees of the height of the Pole. john Cornelis ship held aloof from us, and would not keep with us, and would hold no course but North North-east, for they alleged, that if we went any more Easterly, that then we should enter into the Weygates, but we being not able to persuade them, altered our course one point of the Compass, to meet them, and sailed North-east and by North, and should otherwise have sailed North-east, and somewhat more East. The fifth, we saw the first Ice, which we wondered at, at the first, thinking that it had been white Swans, for one of our men walking in the Foredeck, on a sudden began to cry out with a loud voice, and said; that he saw white Swans: Ice. which we that were under Hatches hearing, presently came up, and perceived that it was Ice that came driving from the great heap, showing like Swans, it being then about Eevening, at midnight we sailed through it, and the Sun was about a degree elevated above the Horizon in the North. The sixth, about four of the clock in the afternoon, we entered again into the Ice, which was so strong that we could not pass through it, and sailed South-west and by West, till eight Glasses were run out, after that we kept on our course North, North-east, and sailed along by the Ice. The seventh, we took the height of the Sun, and found that it was elevated above the Horizon 38. degrees and 38. minutes, his Declination being 22. degrees 38. minutes; which being taken from 38. degrees 38. minutes, we found the Pole to be 74. degrees; there we found so great store of Ice, that it was admirable: and we sailed along through it, as if we had passed between two Lands. The water being as green as Grass, Green water. and we supposed that we were not far from Greenland, and the longer we sailed, the more and thicker Ice we found. The eight of june, we came to so great a heap of Ice, that we could not sail through it. The ninth of june, we found the Island that lay under 74. degrees and 30. minutes, Bears, or Cherie-Iland. and as we guest, it was about five miles long. The tenth, we put out our Boat, and therewith eight of our men went on Land, and as we passed by john Cornelisons ship, eight of his men also came into our Boat, whereof one was the Pilot. Then William Barents asked him, whether we were not too much Westward, but he would not acknowledge it: whereupon there passed many words between them, for William Barents said, he would prove it to be so, as in truth it was. Eggs. The eleventh, going on Land, we found great store of Sea-Mewes Eggs upon the shore, and in that Island we were in great danger of our lives: for that going up a great Hill of Snow, when we should come down again, we thought we should all have broken our necks, it was so slippery, but we sat upon the Snow and slid down, which was very dangerous for us, Danger escaped. to break both our arms and legs, for that at the foot of the Hill there was many Rocks, which we were likely to have fallen upon, yet by God's help we got safely down again. Mean time William Barents sat in the Boat, and saw us slide down, and was in greater fear than we, Variation of the Compass. to behold us in that danger. In the said Island, we found the varying of our Compass, which was 13. degrees, so that it differed a whole point at the least: after that we rowed aboard john Cornelisons ship, and there we eat our Eggs. The twelfth in the morning, we saw a white Bear, which we rowed after with our Boat, thinking to cast a Rope about her neck; but when we were near her, she was so great, Great white Bear. that we durst not do it, but rowed back again to our Ship to fetch more men and our Arms, and so made to her again with Muskets, Harquebuses, Halberds, and Hatchets. john Cornelisons men coming also with their Boat to help us: and so being well furnished of men and weapons, we rowed with both our Boats unto the Bear, Fight with her. and fought with her while four Glasses were run out, for our Weapons could do her little hurt: and amongst the rest of the blows that we gave her, one of our men struck her into the back with an Axe, which stuck fast in her back, and yet she swam away with it; but we rowed after her, and at last we cut her head in sunder with an Axe, wherewith she died: and then we brought her into john Cornelisons ship, Bear's skin 12. foot long. where we flayed her, and found her Skin to be twelve foot long: which done, we eat some of her flesh; but we brooked it not well. This Island we called the Beare-Iland. The thirteenth we left the Island, and sailed North, and somewhat Easterly, the wind being West, and South-west, and made good way: so that when the Sun was North, we guest that we had sailed sixteen miles Northward from that Island. The fourteenth, when the Sun was North, we cast out our Lead one hundred and thirteen fathom deep, but found no ground, and so sailed forward till the fifteenth of june, when the Sun was Southeast, with misty and drizzling weather, and sailed North, and North and by East: about Eevening it cleared up, and then we saw a great thing driving in the Sea, which we thought had been a Ship: but passing along by it, we perceived it to be a dead Whale, that stunk monstrously; and on it there sat a great number of Sea-mewes: At that time, we had sailed twenty miles. Dead Whale. The sixteenth, with the like speed we sailed North and by East, with misty weather; and as we sailed, we heard the Ice before we saw it▪ but after, when it cleared up, we saw it, and then wound off from it, when as we guest we had sailed thirty miles. The seventeenth and eighteenth, we saw great store of Ice, and sailed along by it, until we came to the point, which we could not reach, for that the wind was Southeast, which was right against us, & the point of Ice lay Southward from us: yet we lavered a great while to get beyond it, but we could not do it. The nineteenth, we saw Land again, than we took the height of the Sun, and found that it was elevated above the Horizon 33. degrees and 37. minutes: her Declination being 23. degrees and 26. minutes: which taken from the said 33. degrees and 37. minutes, we found that we were under 80. degrees and 11. minutes: 80. Degrees and 11 minutes. which was the height of the Pole there. This Land was very great, and we sailed Westward along by it, till we were under 79. degrees and a half, where we found a good road, and could not get near to the Land, because the wind blew North-east, which was right off from the Land: the Bay reacheth right North and South into the Sea. The twenty one, we cast out our Anchor, at eighteen fathom before the Land; and then we and john Cornelisons men, Another fight with a white Bear. rowed on the Westside of the Land, and there fetched Ballast: and when we got on board again with our Ballast, we saw a white Bear that swam towards our ship; whereupon we left off our work, and entering into the Boat with john Cornelisons men, rowed after her, and crossing her in the way, drove her from the Land, wherewith she swam further into the Sea, and we followed her; and for that our Boat could not make good way after her, we manned our Scute also, the better to follow her: but she swum a mile into the Sea; yet we followed her with the most part of all our men of both Ships in three Boats, and struck oftentimes at her, cutting and hewing her, so that all our Arms were most broken in pieces. During our fight with her, she struck her Claws so hard in our Boat, that the signs thereof were seen in it; but as hap was, it was in the forehead of our Boat: for if it had been in the middle thereof, she had (peradventure) overthrown it, they have such force in their Claws: At last, after we had fought long with her, and made her weary with our three Boats that kept about her, we overcame her and killed her: which done, we brought her into our ship, and flayed her: Bear's skin 13. foot long. her Skin being thirteen foot long. After that, we rowed with our Scute, about a mile inward to the Land, where there was a good Haven, and good Anchor ground, on the East-side being sandy, there we cast out our Lead, and found sixteen fathom deep, and after that, ten, and twelve fathom, and rowing further, we found that on the East-side there was two Lands, that reached Eastward into the Sea: on the Westside also there was a great Creek or River, which showed also like an Island. Then we rowed to the Island that lay in the middle, and there we found many Red Geese-egges, Red Geese Eggs. which we saw sitting upon their Nests, and drove them from them, and they flying away, cried red, red, red: and as they sat we killed one Goose dead with a stone, which we dressed and eat, and at least sixty Eggs, that we took with us aboard the ship, and upon the two and twentieth of june, we went aboard our ship again. Those Geese were of a perfect Red colour, such as come into Holland about Weiringen, and every year are there taken in abundance, Red Geese breed their young Geese, under 80. Degrees in Greenland. Fable of Barnacles. but till this time it was never known where they hatched their Eggs, so that some men have taken upon them to write, that they sit upon Trees in Scotland, that hang over the Water, and such Eggs as fall from them down into the Water become young Geese, and swim there out of the water; but those that fall upon the Land burst in sunder, and are lost: but this is now found to be contrary, and it is not to be wondered at, that no man could tell where they breed their Eggs, for that no man that ever we knew, had ever been under 80. Degrees: nor that Land under 80. degrees, was never set down in any Card, much less the red Geese that breed therein. Note. It is here also to be noted, that although that in this land which we esteem to be Greenland, lying under 80. Degrees, and more, there groweth Leaves and Grass, and that there are such Beasts therein as eat grass, as Hearts, Bucks, and such like beasts as live thereon, yet in Nova Zembla under 76. Degrees, there groweth neither Leaves nor Grass, nor any Beasts that eat grass or leaves live therein, but such Beasts as eat Flesh, as Bears and Foxes: and yet this Land lieth full 4. Degrees from the North Pole, further than Greenland aforesaid doth. The three and twentieth, we hoisted Anchor again, and sailed Northwestward into the Sea; but could get no further, by reason of the Ice; and so we came to the same place again where we had laid, and cast Anchor at eighteen fathom: and at Eevening being at Anchor, the Sun being North-east, and somewhat more Eastward, we took the height thereof, and found it to be elevated above the Horizon 13. degrees and 10. minutes, his Declination being 23. degrees and 28. minutes: which substracted from the height aforesaid, resteth 10. degrees and 18. minutes, which being substracted from 90. degrees, than the height of the Pole there was 79. degrees and 42. minutes. After that, we hoisted Anchor again, and sailed along by the West side of the Land, and then our men went on Land, to see how much the Needle of the Compass varied: Bear assaults them. Mean time there came a great white Bear swimming towards the Ship, and would have climbed up into it, if we had not made a noise; and with that we shot at her with a Piece, but she left the ship, and swum to the Land, where our men were: which we perceiving, sailed with our ship towards the Land, and gave a great shout; wherewith our men thought that we had fallen on a Rock with our Ship, which made them much abashed; and therewith the Bear also being afraid, swam off again from the Land, and left our men, which made us glad: Variation of the Compass 16. Degrees. for our men had no Weapons about them. Touching the varying of the Compass, for the which cause our men went on Land, to try the certainty thereof: it was found to differ 16. Degrees. The five and twentieth of june, we hoisted Anchor again, and sailed along by the Land, and went South, and South South-west, with a North North-east wind, under 79. degrees. There we found a great Creek or River, whereinto we sailed ten miles at the least, holding our course Southward; but we perceived that there we could not get through: there we cast out our Lead, and for the most part found 10. fathom deep, but we were constrained to lavere out again, for the wind was Northerly, and almost full North, and we perceived that it reached to the firm land, which we supposed to be Low-land, for that we could not see it any thing far, and therefore we sailed so near unto it, till that we might see it, and then we were forced to lavere, and upon the seven and twentieth of june we got out again. The eight and twentieth, we got beyond the point that jay on the West side, where there was so great a number of Birds, that they flew against our Sails, Store of Birds. and we sailed ten miles Southward, and after that West, to shun the Ice. The nine and twentieth, we sailed Southeast and somewhat more Easterly, along by the Land, till we were under 76. degrees and 50. minutes, for we were forced to put off from the Land, because of the Ice. The thirtieth of june, we sailed South, and somewhat East, and then we took the height of the Sun, and found that it was elevated above the Horizon 38. degrees and 20. minutes, his Declination was 23. degrees and 20. minutes, which being taken from the former height, it was found that we were under 75. degrees. The first of july we saw the Beare-Iland again, and then john Cornelison and his Officers came aboard our ship, to speak with us about altering our course, july. Cherie-Iland. but we being of a contrary opinion, it was agreed that we should follow on our course, and he his: which was, that he (according to his desire) should sail unto 80. Degrees again: for he was of opinion, that there he should find a passage through, on the East side of the Land that lay under 80. Degrees. They part company. And upon that agreement we left each other, they sailing Northward, and we Southward, because of the Ice, the wind being East Southeast. The second, we sailed Eastward, and were under 74. degrees, having the wind North Northwest, and then we wound over another Bough, with an East North-east wind, and sailed Northward. In the Eevening the Sun being about Northwest and by North, we wound about again (because of the Ice) with an East wind, and sailed South Southeast, and about East Southeast, and then we wound about again (because of the Ice) and the Sun being South South-west, we wound about again, and sailed North-east. The third, we were under 74. degrees, having a Southeast and by East wind, and sailed North-east and by North: after that we wound about again with a South wind, and sailed East Southeast, till the Sun was Northwest, than the wind began to be somewhat larger. The eight, we had a good Northwest wind, and sailed East and by North, with an indifferent cold gale of wind, and got under 72. degrees and 15. minutes. The ninth of july, we went East and by North, the wind being West. The tenth of july, the Sun being South South-west, we cast out our Lead, and had ground at one hundred and sixty fathom, the wind being North-east and by North, and we sailed East and by South, under 72. degrees. The eleventh, we found 70. fathom deep, and saw no Ice, than we guest that we were right South and North from Dandinaes', that is the East-point of the White-sea, that lay Southward from us, and had sandy ground, and the bank stretched Northward into the Sea, so that we were out of doubt that we were upon the bank of the White Sea, for we had found no sandy ground all the Coast along, but only that bank. Then the wind being East and by South, we sailed South, and South and by East, under 72. degrees, and after that, we had a South Southeast Wind, and sailed North-east to get over the Bank. The thirteenth of july, we sailed East with a North North-east wind: then we took the height of the Sun, and found it to be elevated above the Horizon 54. degrees and 38. minutes, his declination was 21. degrees and 54. minutes, which taken from the height aforesaid, the height of the Pole was found to be 73. degrees, and then again we found Ice, but not very much, Willoughbies' Land conceited from some Maps. and we were of opinion, that we were by Willoughbies Land. The fourteenth, we sailed North-east, the wind being North Northwest, and in that sort sailed about a dinner time, along through the Ice, and in the middle thereof we cast out our Lead, and had ninety fathom deep, in the next quarter we cast out our Lead again, and had an hundred fathom deep, and we sailed so far into the Ice, that we could go no further: for we could see no place where it opened, but were forced (with great labour and pain) to lavere out of it again, the wind blowing West, and we were then under 74. degrees and 10. minutes. The fifteenth, we drove through the middle of the Ice with a calm, and casting out our Lead, had an hundred fathom deep, at which time the wind being East, we sailed West. The sixteenth, we got out of the Ice, and saw a great Bear lying upon it, that leapt into the water when she saw us: We made towards her with our ship, which she perceiving got up upon the Ice again, wherewith we shot once at her. Then we sailed East Southeast, and saw no Ice, guessing that we were not far from Nova Zembla, because we saw the Bear there upon the Ice, at which time we cast out our Lead, and found an hundred fathom deep. The seventeenth, we took the height of the Sun, and it was elevated above the Horizon 37. degrees and 55. minutes, his declination was 21. degrees and 15. minutes, which taken from the height aforesaid, the height of the Pole was 74. degrees and 40. minutes: and when the Sun was in the South, Nova Zembla. we saw the Land of Nova Zembla, which was about Lomsbay: I was the first that espied it. Then we altered our course, and sailed North-east and by North, and hoist up all our sails, except the Foresail and the Lesien. The eighteenth, we saw the Land again, being under 75. degrees, and sailed North-east and by North, with a Northwest wind, Admiral's Island. and we gate above the point of the Admiral's Island, and sailed East North-east, with a West Wind, the Land reaching North-east and by North. The nineteenth, we came to the Cross Island, Cross Island in 76. degrees 20. minutes. and could get no further, by reason of the Ice, for there the Ice lay still close upon the Land, at which time the wind was West, and blew right upon the Land, and it lay under 76. degrees and 20. minutes. There stood two Crosses upon the Land, whereof it had the Name. The twentieth, we anchored under the Island, for we could get no further for the Ice. There we put out our Boat, and with eight men rowed on Land, and went to one of the Crosses, where we rested us a while to go to the next Cross, but being in the way we saw two Bears by the other Cross, Two Bears. Their scent. at which time we had no weapons at all about us. The Bears rose up upon their hinder feet to see us (for they smell further than they see) and for that they smelled us: therefore they rose upright, and came towards us, wherewith we were not a little abashed, in such sort that we had little lust to laugh, and in all haste went to our Boat again, still looking behind us, to see if they followed us, thinking to get into the Boat, and so put off from the Land: but the Master stayed us, saying, he that first begins to run away, I will thrust this Hake-staffe (which he then held in his hand) into his ribs; for it is better for us (said he) to stay all together, and see if we can make them afraid with whooping and hollowing; and so we went softly towards the Boat, and got away, glad that we had escaped their claws, and that we had the leisure to tell our fellows thereof. The one and twentieth we took the height of the Sun, and found that it was elevated above the Horizon 35. degrees and 15. minutes, his declination was 21. degrees, which being taken from the height aforesaid, there rested 14. degrees, which substracted from 90. degrees, than the height of the Pole was found to be 76. degrees and 15. minutes, than we found the variation of the Compass to be 26. degrees. Variation 26. degrees, perhaps 16. The same day two of our men went again to the Cross, and found no Bears to trouble us, and we followed them with our Arms, fearing lest we might meet any by chance, and when we came to the second Cross, we found the footsteps of two Bears, and saw how long they had followed us, which was one hundred footsteps at the least, that way that we had been the day before. The two and twentieth being Monday, we set up another Cross, and made our Mark thereon: and lay there before the Cross Island, till the fourth of August, mean time we washed and whited our Linen on the shore. The thirtieth, the Sun being North, there came a Bear so near to our ship, that we might hit her with a stone, and we shot her into the foot with a Piece, wherewith she ran halting away. The one and thirtieth of july, the Sun being East North-east, seven of our men killed a Bear, and slayed her, and cast her body into the Sea. The same day at noon (by our Instrument) we found the variation of the Needle of the Compass to be 17. degrees. The first of August we saw a white Bear, but she ran away from us. The fourth, August. we got out of the Ice, to the other side of the Island, and anchored there: where, with great labour and much pain, we fetched a Boat full of stones from the Land. The fifth, we set sail again towards Ice point, with an East Wind, and sailed South Southeast, and then North North-east, and saw no Ice by the Land, by the which we lavered. The sixth, we gate about the point of Nassaw, Point Nassaw. and sailed forward East, and East and by South, along by the Land. The seventh, we had a West South-west Wind, and sailed along by the Land, Southeast, and Southeast and by East, and saw but a little Ice, and then past by the Trust-point, Trust-point. which we had much longed for: at Eevening we had an East Wind, with misty Weather, so that we were forced to make our ship fast to a piece of Ice, that was at least thirty six fathom deep under the water, and more than sixteen fathom above the water: which in all was two and fifty fathom thick, for it lay fast upon ground, the which was thirty six fathom deep. Ice 52. fathom deep. The eight in the morning we had an East Wind, with misty Weather. The ninth, lying still fast to the great piece of Ice, it snowed hard, and it was misty weather, Snow. and when the Sun was South, we went upon the Hatches (for we always held watch) where as the Master walked along the ship, he heard a beast snuff with his nose, and looking overboard, he saw a great Bear hard by the ship, where he cried out, a Bear, a Bear; Bear's assault. and with that all our men came up from under Hatches, and saw a great Bear hard by our Boat, seeking to get into it, but we giving a great shout, she was afraid, and swam away, but presently came back again, and went behind a great piece of Ice, whereunto we had made our ship fast, and climbed upon it, and boldly came towards our ship to enter into it: but we had torn our Scute Sail in the ship, and lay with four Pieces before at the Boot-sprit, and shot her in the body: and with that, she ran away; but it snowed so fast that we could not see whither she went: but we guest that she lay behind a high Hoovell; whereof there were many upon the piece of Ice. The tenth, being Saturday, the Ice began mightily to break, and then we first perceived that the great piece of Ice whereunto we had made our ship fast, lay on the ground; for the rest of the Ice drove along by it, wherewith we were in great fear that we should be compassed about with the Ice, and therefore we used all the diligence and means that we could to get from thence, for we were in great doubt: and being under sail, we sailed upon the Ice, because it was all broken under us, and got to another piece of Ice; whereunto we made our ship fast again with our Sheate Anchor, which we made fast upon it; and there we lay till Eevening: Icy thunder. and when we had supped, in the first quarter, the said piece of Ice began on a sudden to burst and rend in pieces, so fearfully that it was admirable; for with one great crack it burst into four hundred pieces at the least: we lying fast to it, weighed our Cable, and got off from it, under the water it was ten fathom deep, and lay upon the ground, and two fathom above the Water; and it made a fearful noise both under and above the Water when it burst, and spread itself abroad on all sides. And being with great fear, gotten from that piece of Ice, we came to another piece, that was six fathom deep under the Water: to which we made a Rope fast on both sides. Then we saw another great piece of Ice, not far from us, lying fast in the Sea, that was as sharp above, as it had been a Tower; whereunto we rowed: and casting out our Lead, we found that it lay twenty fathom deep, fast on the ground under the Water, and twelve fathom above the Water. The eleventh being Sunday, we rowed to another piece of Ice, and cast out our Lead, and found that it lay eighteen fathom deep fast to the ground under the Water, and ten fathom above the water. The twelfth, we sailed near under the Land, the better to shun the Ice, for the great flakes that drove in the Sea, were many fathom deep under the Water, and we were better defended from them being at four and five fathom Water, and there ran a great current of water from the Hill. There we made our ship fast again to a piece of Ice, and called that point, The small Ice point. The thirteenth in the morning, there came a Bear from the East point of the Land, Bear killed. close to our ship, and one of our men with a Piece shot at her, and broke one of her legs, but she crept up the Hill with her three feet, and we following her, killed her, and having flayed her, brought the skin aboard the ship. From thence we set sail, with a little gale of Wind, and were forced to lavere, but after, that it began to blow more out of the South, and South Southeast. The fifteenth, we came to the Island of Orange, where we were enclosed with the Ice, hard by a great piece of Ice where we were in great danger to lose our ship, Orange Island▪ but with great labour and much pain, we got to the Island, the Wind being Southeast, whereby we were constrained to turn our ship, and while we were busied thereabouts, and made such noise, a Bear that lay there and slept, awaked, and came towards us to the ship, so that we were forced to leave our Work about turning of the ship, and to defend ourselves against the Bear, and shot her into the body, wherewith she ran away to the other side of the Island, and swam into the water, and got up upon a piece of Ice, where she lay still, but we coming after her to the piece of Ice where she lay, when she saw us, she leapt into the water, and swam to the Land: but we got between her and the Land, and struck her on the head with a Hatchet, but as often as we struck at her with the Hatchet, she ducked under the water, whereby we had much to do before we could kill her: after she was dead we flayed her on the Land, and took the skin aboard with us, and after that, turned our ship to a great piece of Ice, and made it fast thereunto. The sixteenth, ten of our men entering into one Boat, rowed to the firm Land of Nova Zembla, and drew the Boat up upon the Ice, which done, we went up a high Hill, to see the situation of the Land, and found that it reached Southeast, and South Southeast, and then again South, which we disliked, for that it lay so much Southward: but when we saw open water Southeast, and East Southeast, we were much comforted again, thinking that we had won our Voyage and knew not how we should get soon enough aboard, to certify William Barents thereof. The eighteenth, we made preparation to set sail, but it was all in vain: for we had almost lost our Sheet Anchor, and two new Ropes, and with much lost labour got to the place again from whence we came: for the stream ran with a mighty current, and the Ice drove very strongly upon the Cables, along by the ship, so that we were in fear that we should lose all the Cable that was without the ship, which was two hundred fathom at the least, but God provided well for us, so that in the end, we got to the place again from whence we put out. The nineteenth it was indifferent good weather, the Wind blowing South-west, the Ice still driving, Point Desire. and we set sail with an indifferent gale of Wind, and past by the point of Desire, whereby we were once again in good hope, and when we had gotten above the point, we sailed Southeast into the Seaward, four miles, but then again we entered into more Ice, whereby we were constrained to turn back again, and sailed Northwest until we came to the Land again, which reacheth from the point of Desire, to the head point, South and by West six miles: from the head point to Flushingers' head, it reacheth South-west, which are three miles one from the other: from the Flushingers' head, it reacheth into the Sea, East Southeast, and from Flushingers' head to the point of the Island, it reacheth South-west, and by South, and South-west three miles: and from the Island point, to the point of the Ice Haven, the Land reacheth West South-west four miles: from the Ice Havens point to the fall of Water, or the stream Bay, and the low Land, it reacheth West and by South, and East and by North seven miles: from thence the Land reacheth East and West. The one and twentieth, we sailed a great way into the Ice Haven, and that night anchored therein: next day the stream going exreame hard Eastward, we haled out again from thence, and sailed again to the Island point, but for that it was misty Weather, coming to a piece of Ice, we made the ship fast thereunto, because the Wind began to blow hard South-west and South South-west. Earth on the top of Azure Ice. There we went up upon the Ice, and wondered much thereat, it was such manner of Ice: For on the top it was full of Earth, and there we found above forty Eggs, and it was not like other Ice, for it was of a perfect Azure colour like to the Skies, whereby there grew great contention in words amongst our men, some saying that it was Ice, others that it was frozen Land: for it lay unreasonable high above the Water, it was at least eighteen fathom under the water close to the ground, and ten fathom above the water: there we stayed all that storm, the Wind being South-west and by West. The three and twentieth, we sailed again from the Ice, South-eastward into the Sea, but entered presently into it again, and wound about to the Ice Haven. The next day it blew hard North Northwest, and the Ice came mightily driving in, whereby we were in a manner compassed about therewith, and withal the Wind began more and more to rise, and the Ice still drove harder and harder, so that the pin of the Rother, and the Rother were shorn in pieces, and our Boat was shorn in pieces between the ship and the Ice, Boat broken with Ice. we expecting nothing else, but that the ship also would be pressed and crushed in pieces with the Ice. The five and twentieth, the Weather began to be better, and we took great pains, and bestowed much labour to get the Ice, wherewith we were so enclosed, to go from us, but what means soever we used it was all in vain, but when the Sun was South-west, the Ice began to drive out again with the stream, and we thought to sail Southward about Nova Zembla, to the straits of Mergates, seeing we could there find no passage. We having past Nova Zembla, were of opinion that our labour was all in vain, and that we could not get through, and so agreed to go that way home again; but coming to the Stream Bay, we were forced to go back again, because of the Ice which lay so fast thereabouts, and the same night also it froze, that we could hardly get through there, with the little wind that we had, the Wind then being North. The six and twentieth, there blew a reasonable gale of Wind, at which time we determined to sail back to the point of Desire, and so home again, seeing that we could not get through the Wergats, although we used all the means and industry we could to get forward, but when we had passed by the Ice Haven, Enclosed with Ice. the Ice began to drive with such force, that we were enclosed round about therewith, and yet we sought all the means we could to get out, but it was all in vain: and at that time we had like to have lost three men that were upon the Ice to make way for the ship, if the Ice had held the course it went, but as we drove back again, and that the Ice also whereon our men stood, in like sort drove, they being nimble, as the ship drove by them, one of them caught hold of the beak head, another upon the shrouds, and the third upon the great brace that hung out behind, and so by great adventure by the hold that they took, they got safe into the ship again, for which they thanked God with all their hearts: Escape of three men. for it was much likelier that they should rather have been carried away with the Ice, but God, by the nimbleness of their hands, delivered them out of that danger which was a pitiful thing to behold, although it fell out for the best, for if they had not been nimble, they had surely died for it. The same day in the evening, we got to the Westside of the Ice Haven, where we were forced in great cold, poverty, misery, and grief, to stay all that Winter, the wind then being East North-east. The seven and twentieth, the Ice drove round about the ship, and yet it was good weather, at which time we went on Land, and being there it began to blow Southeast, with a reasonable gale, and then the Ice came with great force before the bough, and drove the ship up four foot high before, and behind it seemed as if the keel lay on the ground, so that it seemed that the ship would be overthrown in the place, whereupon they that were in the ship, Ship lifted up, and beset with Ice. put out the Boat, therewith to save their lives, and withal put out a flag to make a sign to us, to come aboard: which we perceiving, and beholding the ship to be lifted up in that sort, made all the haste we could to get aboard, thinking that the ship was burst in pieces, but coming unto it, we found it to be in better case than we thought it had been. The eight and twentieth, we got some of the Ice from it, and the ship began to sit upright again, but before it was fully upright, as William Barents and the other Pilot went forward to the bough to see how the ship lay, and how much it was risen; and while they were busy upon their knees and elbows to measure how much it was, the ship burst out of the Ice with such a noise, and so great a crack, that they thought verily that they were all cast away, Another danger. knowing not how to save themselves. The nine and twentieth, the ship lying upright again, we used all the means we could, with Iron hooks and other instruments, to break the flakes of Ice that lay one heaped upon the other, but all in vain; so that we determined to commit ourselves to the mercy of God, and to attend aid from him, for that the Ice drove not away in any such sort that it could help us. The thirtieth, the Ice began to drive together one upon the other with greater force than before, and bare against the ship with a boisterous South-west wind, and a great snow, so that all the whole ship was borne up and enclosed, whereby all that was both about it and in it, began to crack, so that it seemed to burst in an hundred pieces, which was most fearful both to see and hear, and made all the hair of our heads to rise upright with fear: and after that, the ship (by the Ice on both sides that joined and got under the same) was driven so upright, in such sort, as if it had been lifted up with a Wrench or Vice. The one and thirtieth of August, by force of the Ice, the ship was driven up four or five foot high at the beak head, and the hinder part thereof lay in a cleft of Ice, whereby we thought that the Rother would be freed from the force of the flakes of Ice, but notwithstanding, Rother broken it broke in pieces staff and all: and if that the hinder part of the ship had been in the Ice that drove, as well as the fore part was, than all the ship would have been driven wholly upon the Ice, or possibly have run on ground, and for that cause we were in great fear, and set our Scutes and our Boat out upon the Ice, if need were, to save ourselves, but within four hours after, the Ice drove away of itself, wherewith we were exceeding glad, as if we had saved our lives, for that the ship was then on float again, and upon that we made a new Rother and a Staff, and hung the Rother out upon the hooks, that if we chanced to be borne upon the Ice again, as we had been, it might so be freed from it. The first of September being Sunday, while we were at prayer, September. the Ice began to gather together again, so that the ship was lifted up two foot at the least, but the Ice broke not. The same evening the Ice continued in that sort still driving and gathering together, so that we made preparation to draw our Scute and the Boat over the Ice upon the Land, the wind then blowing Southeast. The second, it snowed hard with a North-east wind, and the ship began to rise up higher upon the Ice, at which time the Ice burst and cracked with great force, so that we were of opinion to carry our Scute on Land in that foul weather, with thirteen barrels of Bread, and two hogsheads of Wine, to sustain ourselves if need were. The third, it blew hard but snowed not so much, the wind being North North-east, at which time we began to be loose from the Ice, whereunto we lay fast, so that the Scheck broke from the Steven, but the planks wherewith the ship was lined, held the Scheck fast, and made it hang on, but the Boutloofe and a new Cable (if we had falled upon the Ice) broke by forcible pressing of the Ice, but held fast again in the Ice, and yet the ship was staunch; which was wonder, in regard that the Ice drove so hard, and in great heaps, as big as the Salt-hils that are in Spain, and within a Harquebusse shot of the ship, between the which we lay in great fear and anguish. The fourth, the weather began to clear up, and we saw the Sun, but it was very cold, the wind being North-east we being forced to lie still. The fifth▪ it was fair Sunshine weather, and very calm, and at evening when we had supped, the Ice compassed about us again, and we were hard enclosed therewith, the ship beginning to lie upon the one side, and leaked sore, but by God's grace it became staunch again, wherewith we were wholly in fear to lose the ship, it was in so great danger: at which time we took counsel together, and carried our old sock Sail, with Powder, Led, Pieces, Muskets, and other furniture on Land, to make a Tent about our Scute that we had drawn upon the Land, and at that time we carried some Bread, and Wine on Land also, with some Timber, therewith to mend our Boat, that it might serve us in time of need. The sixth, it was indifferent fair Sea-weather, and Sunshine, the wind being West, whereby we were somewhat comforted, hoping that the Ice would drive away, and that we might get from thence again. The seventh, it was indifferent weather again, but we perceived no opening of the water, but to the contrary, it lay hard enclosed with Ice, and no water at all about the ship, no not so much as a bucket full. The same day, five of our men went on Land, but two of them came back again, the other three went forward about two miles into the Land, and there found a River of sweet water, River of fresh water, and wood. where also they found great store of Wood that had been driven thither, and there they found the footsteps of Hearts and Hinds, as they thought, for they were cloven footed, some greater footed than others, which made them judge them to be so. The eight, it blew hard East North-east, which was a right contrary wind to do us any good, touching the carrying away of the Ice, so that we were still faster in the Ice, which put us in no small discomfort. The ninth, it blue North-east, with a little snow, whereby our ship was wholly enclosed with Ice, for the wind drove the Ice hard against it, so that we lay three or four foot deep in the Ice, and our Sheck in the after Steven, broke in pieces, and the ship began to be somewhat loose before, but yet it was not much hurt. In the night time, two Bears came close to our ship side, but we sounded our Trumpet, and shot at them, but hit them not, because it was dark, and they ran away. The tenth, the weather was somewhat better, because the wind blew not so hard, and yet all one wind. The eleventh, it was calm weather, and eight of us went on Land, every man armed, to see if that were true as our other three companions had said, that there lay Wood about the River, for that seeing we had so long wound and turned about, sometime in the Ice, and then again got out, Ship fastened in Ice. and thereby were compelled to alter our course, and at last saw that we could not get out of the Ice, but rather became faster, and could not lose our ship, as at other times we had done, as also that it began to be Winter, we took counsel together what we were best to do, according to the time, They determine to winter there. that we might winter there, and attend such adventure as God would send us: and after we had debated upon the matter (to keep and defend ourselves both from the cold, and wild beasts) we determined to build a house upon the Land, to keep us therein as well as we could, and so to commit ourselves unto the tuition of God, and to that end we went further into the Land, to find out the convenientest place in our opinions, to raise our house upon, and yet we had not much stuff to make it withal, in regard that there grew no trees, nor any other thing in that Country convenient to build it withal: but we leaving no occasion unsought, as our men went abroad to view the Country, How God in our extremest need, when we were forced to lie all the Winter upon the Land, sent us Wood to make us a house, and to serve us to burn in the cold Winter. and to see what good fortune might happen unto us, at last we found an unexpected comfort in our need, which was, that we found certain trees roots and all, (as our three companions had said before) which had been driven upon the shore, either from Tartary, Muscovia, or else where; for there was none growing upon that Land, wherewith (as if God had purposely sent them unto us) we were much comforted, being in good hope that God would show us some further favour; for that Wood served us not only to build out house, but also to burn, and serve us all the Winter long, otherwise without all doubt, we had died there miserably with extreme cold. The twelfth, it was calm weather, and then our men went unto the other side of the Land, to see if they could find any Wood nearer unto us, but there was none. The thirteenth, it was calm but very misty weather, so that we could do nothing, because it was dangerous for us to go into the Land, in regard that we could not see the wild Bears, and yet they could smell us, for they smell better than they see. The fourteenth, it was clear Sunshine weather, but very cold, and then we went into the Land, and laid the Wood in heaps one upon the other, that it might not be covered over with the Snow, and from thence meant to carry it to the place where we intended to build our house. Three Bears. The fifteenth in the morning, as one of our men held watch, we saw three Bears, whereof the one lay still behind a piece of Ice, the other two came close to the ship; which we perceiving, made our Pieces ready to shoot at them, at which time there stood a Tub full of Beef upon the Ice, which lay in the water to be seasoned, for that close by the ship there was no water: one of the Bears went unto it, and put in his head to take out a piece of the Beef, but she fared therewith as the Dog did with the Pudding, for as she was snatching at the Beef, she was shot into the head, wherewith she fell down dead, and never stirred: the other Bear stood still, and looked upon her fellow, and when she had stood a good while, she smelled her fellow, and perceiving that she was dead, she ran away, but we took Halber●s and other Arms with us, and followed her, and at last she came again towards us, and we prepared ourselves to withstand her, wherewith she rose up upon her hinder feet, thinking to ramp at us, but while she reared herself up, one of our men shot her into the belly, and with that she fell upon her fore-feets again, and roaring as loud as she could, ran away. Then we took the dead Bear, and ripped her belly open; and taking out her guts, we set her upon her fore-feets, that so she might freeze as she stood, intending to carry her with us into Holland, if we might get our ship lose, and when we had set the Bear upon her four feet, we began to make a Sled, thereon to draw the Wood to the place where we went to build our house, It freezeth in the salt water two fingers thick in ● night. at that time it froze two fingers thick in the salt water, and it was exceeding cold, the wind blowing North-east. The sixteenth, the Sun shone, but towards the evening it was misty, the wind being Easterly, at which time we went to fetch Wood with our Sleds, and then we drew four beams above a mile upon the Ice and the Snow, that night again it froze above two fingers thick. The seventeenth, thirteen of us went where the Wood lay with our Sleds, and so drew five and five in a Sled, and the other three helped to lift the Wood behind, to make us draw the better, and with more ease, and in that manner we drew Wood twice a day, and laid it on a heap by the place where we meant to build our house. The three and twentieth, we fetched more Wood to build our house, which we did twice a day, but it grew to be misty and still weather again, the wind blowing East, and East North-east, that day our Carpenter being of Pur●e●aet died, as we came aboard about evening. The four and twentieth, we buried him under the sedges, in the cleft of a hill, hard by the water, for we could not dig up the earth, by reason of the great frost and cold, and that day we went twice with our Sleds to fetch wood. The five and twentieth, it was dark wether, the wind blowing West, & West South-west, House builded. and South-west, and the Ice began somewhat to open, and drive away; but it continued not long, for that having driven about the length of the shot of a great Piece, it lay three fathoms deep upon the ground: and where we lay the Ice drove not, for we lay in the middle of the Ice; but if we had laid in the main Sea, we would have hoist sail, although it was then late in the year. The same day we raised up the principles of our house, and began to work hard thereon, but if the ship had been loose, we would have left our building, and have made our after Steven of our ship, that we might have been ready to sail away if it had been possible. The six and twentieth, we had a West wind and an open Sea, but our ship lay fast, wherewith we were not a little grieved, but it was Gods will, which we most patiently bare, and we began to make up our house, part of our men fetched Wood to burn, the rest played the Carpenters: and were busy about the house, as than we were sixteen men in all, for our Carpenter was dead, and of our sixteen men there was still one or other sick. The seven and twentieth, it blew hard North-east, and it froze so hard, that as we put a nail into our mouths (as when men work Carpenters work they use to do) there would Ice hang thereon when we took it out again, and make the blood follow: Hard and violent frost. the same day there came an old Bear and a young one towards us, as we were going to our house, being all together (for we durst not go alone) which we thought to shoot at, but she ran away, at which time the Ice came forcibly driving in, and it was fair Sunshine weather, but so extreme cold, that we could hardly work, but extremity forced us thereunto. The eight and twentieth, it was fair weather, and the Sun shone, the Wind being West and very calm, the Sea as then being open, but our ship lay fast in the Ice and stirred not; the same day there came a Bear to the ship, but when she espied us, she ran away, and we made as much haste as we could to build our House. The nine and twentieth in the morning, the Wind was West, and afternoon it blew Northerly, and then we saw three Bears between us and the House, an old one and two young; but we notwithstanding drew our goods from the ship to the House, and so got before the Bears, and yet they followed us: nevertheless, we would not shun the way for them, but hollowed out as loud as we could, thinking that they would have gone away, but they would not once go out of their footpath, but got before us, wherewith we and they that were at the house, made a great noise, which made the Bears run away, and we were not a little glad thereof. The thirtieth the Wind was East, and East Southeast, and all that night and the next day it snowed so fast, that our men could fetch no Wood, it lay so close and high one upon the other: then we made a great fire without the House, therewith to thaw the ground, that so we might lay it about the House, that it might be the closer; Ground not to be thawed. but it was all lost labour, for the Earth was so hard, and frozen so deep into the ground, that we could not thaw it, and it would have cost us too much Wood, and therefore we were forced to leave off that labour. §. II. Their cold, comfortless, dark and dreadful Winter: the Sun's absence, Moon's light, Sun's unexpected return with miraculous speed. Of Bears, Foxes, and many many Wonders. THe first of October, the Wind blew stiff North-east, and afternoon it blew North, with a great storm and drift of Snow, whereby we could hardly go in the Wind, and a man could hardly draw his breath, the Snow drove so hard in our faces, at which time we could not see two ships length from us. The second before noon, the Sun shone, and after noon it was cloudy again, and it snew, but the weather was still, the Wind being North, Maypole of Snow. and then South, and we set up our House, and upon it we placed a Maypole made of frozen Snow. The third before noon, it was calm Sunshine weather, but so cold, that it was hard to be endured, and afternoon it blew hard out of the West, with so great extreme cold, that if it had continued, we should have been forced to leave our work. The fourth, the Wind was West, and afternoon North, with great store of Snow, whereby we could not work: at that time we brought our Anchor upon the Ice to lie the faster, when we lay but an Arrow shot from the Water, the Ice was so much driven away. The fifth, it blew hard Northwest, and the Sea was very open and without Ice, as far as we could discern, but we lay still frozen as we did before, and our ship lay two or three foot deep in the Ice, and we could not perceive otherwise, but that we lay fast upon the ground, and then it was three fathom and a half deep. The same day we broke up the lower deck of the forepart of our ship, and with those Deals we covered our Houses, and made it slope over head, that the Water might run off, at which time it was very cold. The sixth, it blew hard West South-west, but towards Eevening, West Northwest, with a great Snow, that we could hardly thrust our heads out of the door, by reason of the great cold. The seventh, it was indifferent good weather, but yet very cold, and we calked our House, and broke the ground about it at the foot thereof: Extreme Snow that day the Wind went round about the Compass. The eight, all the night before it blew so hard, and the same day also, and snowed so fast, that we should have smothered, if we had gone out into the Air; and to speak truth, it had not been possible for any man to have gone one ships length, though his life had lain thereon: for it was not possible for us to go out of the House or ship. The ninth, the Wind still continued North, Hence it may seem, that the course of the Tides and Sea is from the North. and blue, and snowed hard, all that day the Wind as then blowing from the Land, so that all that day we were forced to stay in the ship, the weather was so foul. The tenth, the weather was somewhat fairer, and the Wind calmer, and blue South-west, and West, and South-west, and that time the Water flowed two foot higher than ordinary, which we guest to proceed from the first Northwind, which as then had blown. The same day the weather began to be somewhat better, so that we began to go out of our ship again: and as one of our men went out, he chanced to meet a Bear, and was almost at him before he knew it, but presently he ran back again towards the ship, and the Bear after him; but the Bear coming to the place where before we had killed another Bear, and set her upright, and there let her freeze (which was covered over with Ice, and yet one of her paws reached about it) she stood still, whereby our man got before her, and climbed up into the ship, in great fear, crying, A Bear, a Bear; which we hearing, came above Hatches to look on her, and to shoot at her, but we could not see her, by means of the exceeding great smoke, that had so sore tormented us (while we lay under Hatches) in the foul weather which we would not have endured for any money, but by reason of the cold and snowy weather, we were constrained to do it, if we would save our lives, for aloft in the ship we must undoubtedly have died? the Bear stayed not long there, but ran away, the Wind then being North-east. The same day about Eevening, it was fair weather, and we went out of our ship to the House, and carried the greatest part of our Bread thither. The eleventh, it was calm weather, the Wind being South, and somewhat warm, and then we carried our Wine and other Victuals on Land: and as we were hoisting the Wine overboard, there came a Bear towards our ship, that had lain behind a piece of Ice, and it seemed that we had waked her with the noise we made: for we had seen her lie there, but we thought her to be a piece of Ice; but as she came near us, we shot at her, and she ran away, so we proceeded in our work. The twelfth, it blue North, and somewhat Westerly, and then half of our men kept in the House, and that was the first time that we lay in it, but we endured great cold, because our Cabins were not made; and besides that we had not Clothes enough, and we could keep no fire because our Chimney was not made, whereby it smoked exceedingly. The thirteenth, the Wind was North and Northwest, and it began again to blow hard, and then three of us went aboard the ship, and laded a Sled with Beer, but when we had laden it; thinking to go to our House with it, suddenly there rose such a Wind, and so great a storm and cold, that we were forced to go into the ship again, because we were not able to stay without, and we could not get the Beer into the ship again, but were forced to let it stand without upon the Sled: being in the ship, we endured extreme cold, because we had but a few clothes in it. The fourteenth, as we came out of the ship, we found the Barrel of Beer standing upon the Sled, but it was fast frozen at the heads, yet by reason of the great cold, the Beer that purged out, froze as hard upon the side of the Barrel as if it had been glued thereon, and in that sort we drew it to our House, and set the Barrel an end, and drank it first up, but we were forced to melt the Beer, for there was scant any unfrozen Beer in the Barrel, Beer melted▪ but in that thick Yeast that was unfrozen lay the strength of the Beer, so that it was too strong to drink alone, and that which was frozen tasted like water, and being melted we mixed one with the other, and so drank it, but it had neither strength nor taste. The fifteenth, the Wind blue North and East, and East Southeast, that day we made place to set up our door, and shoveled the Snow away. The eighteenth, the Wind blew hard East Southeast, and then we fetched our Bread out of the Scute which we had drawn up upon the Land, and the Wine also which as then was not much frozen, and yet it had laid six Weeks therein, and not withstanding that it had oftentimes frozen very hard. Sea covered with Ice. The same day we saw another Bear, and then the Sea was so covered over with Ice, that we could see no open water. The nineteenth, the Wind blue North-east, and then there was but two men and a Boy in the ship, at which time there came a Bear that sought forcibly to get into the ship, although the two men shot at her with pieces of Wood, and yet she ventured upon them, Bear assaults the ship▪ whereby they were in an extreme fear, each of them seeking to save themselves, the two men leapt into the Ballast, and the Boy climbed into the foot Mast top, to save their lives, mean time, some of our men shot at her with a Musket, and then she ran away. The twentieth, it was calm Sunshine weather, and then again we saw the Sea open, at which time we went on board to fetch the rest of our Beer out of the ship, Barrels and Iron hoops broken with Ice. where we found some of the Barrels frozen in pieces, and the Iron hoops that were upon the josam Barrels were also frozen in pieces. The two and twentieth, the Wind blew coldly, and very stiff North-east, with so great a Snow, that we could not get out of our doors. The three and twentieth, it was calm weather, and the Wind blew North-east, than we went aboard our ship, to see if the rest of our men would come home to the House; but we feared that it would blow hard again, and therefore durst not stir with the sick man, but let him lie still that day, for he was very weak. The four and twentieth, the rest of our men being eight persons, came to the House, and drew the sick man upon a Sled, and then with great labour and pain, All come to the House. we drew our Boat home to our House, and turned the bottom thereof upwards, that when time served us (if God saved our lives in the Winter time) we might use it: and after that, perceiving that the ship lay fast, and that there was nothing less to be expected then the opening of the water, we put our Anchor into the ship again, because it should not be covered over and lost in the Snow, that in the Spring time we might use it: for we always trusted in God that he would deliver us from thence towards Summer time, either one way or other. The Sun, when we might see it best and highest, began to be very low, and we used all the speed we could to fetch all things with Sleds out of our ship into our House, not only meat and drink, but all other necessaries, at which time the Wind was North. The five and twentieth, we fetched all things that were necessary for the furnishing of our Scute and our Boat: and when we had laden the last Sled, and stood ready to draw it to the House, our Master looked about him and saw three Bears behind the ship that were coming towards us, whereupon he cried out aloud to fear them away, and we presently leapt forth to defend ourselves as well as we could: and, as good fortune was, there lay two Halberds upon the Sled, whereof the Master took one, and I the other, and made resistance against them as well as we could; but the rest of our men ran to save themselves in the ship, and as they ran, one of them fell into a Clift of Ice, which grieved us much: for we thought verily that the Bears would have ran unto him, to devour him, but God defended him: for the Bears still made towards the ship after the men that ran thither to save themselves. Mean time, we and the man that fell into the Clift of Ice, took our advantage, and got into the ship on the other side, which the Bears perceiving, Fight with Bears. they came fiercely towards us, that had no other Arms to defend us withal, but only the two Halberds, which we doubting would not be sufficient, we still gave them work to do by throwing Billets and other things at them, and every time we threw, they ran after them as a Dog useth to do at a Stone that is cast at him. Mean time, we sent a man down under Hatches to strike Fire, and another to fetch Pikes, but we could get no Fire, and so we had no means to shoot: at the last, as the Bears came fiercely upon us, we struck one of them with a Halberd upon the Snowt, wherewith she gave back, when she felt herself hurt, and went away, which the other two that were not so great as she, perceiving, ran away: and we thanked God that we were so well delivered from them, and so drew our Sled quietly to our House, and there showed our men what had happened unto us. The six and twentieth, the Wind was North, and North Northwest, with indifferent fair weather: then we saw open Water hard by the Land, but we perceived the Ice to drive in the Sea, still towards the ship. The seven and twentieth, the Wind blue North-east, and it snowed so fast, that we could not work without the door. That day our men killed a White Fox, White Fox. which they flayed: and after they had roasted it, ate thereof, which tasted like Coney's flesh: the same day we set up our Dial, and made the Clock strike, and we hung up a Lamp to burn in the night time, Bear's fat for Lamp. wherein we used the fat of the Bear● which we melt, and burnt in the Lamp. The nine and twentieth, the Wind still blue North-east, and then we fetched Sedges from the Seaside, and laid them upon the Sail that was spread upon our House, that it might be so much the closer and warmer: for the Deals were not driven close together, and the foul weather would not permit us to do it. The thirtieth, the Wind yet continued North-east, and the Sun was full above the Earth, a little above the Horizon. The one and thirtieth, the Wind still blue North-east, with great store of Snow, whereby we durst not look out of doors. The first of November, the Wind still continued North-east, and then we saw the Moon rise in the East when it began to be dark, November. and the Sun was no higher above the Horizon than we could well see it, and yet that day we saw it not, because of the close weather, and the great Snow that fell, Sun & Moon. and it was extreme cold, so that we could not go out of the House. The second, the Wind blue West, and somewhat South, but in the Eevening it blew North, with calm weather, Sun riseth South Southeast, and goeth down South South-west, not full above the Earth. Foxes succeed Bears. and that day we saw the Sun rise South Southeast, and it went down South South-west, but it was not full above the Earth, but passed in the Horizon along by the Earth: and the same day one of our men killed a Fox with a Hatchet, which was flayed, roasted and eaten. Before the Sun began to decline, we saw no Foxes, and then the Bears used to go from us. The third, the Wind blew Northwest with calm weather, and the Sun rose South and by East, and somewhat more Southerly, and went down South and by West, and somewhat more Southerly; and then we could see nothing but the upper part of the Sun above the Horizon, and yet the Land where we were was as high as the Mast of our ship, than we took the height of the Sun, it being in the eleventh degree, and forty eight minutes of Scorpio, his Declination being fifteen degrees and twenty four minutes, on the Southside of the Equinoctial Line. They see the Sun no more after the third of November, Stilo novo, or our Octob. 24. The fourth, it was calm weather, but then we saw the Sun no more, for it was no longer above the Horizon, than our Chirurgeon made a Bath (to bathe us in) of a Wine-pipe, wherein we entered one after the other, and it did us much good; and was a great means of our health. The same day we took a White Fox, that oftentimes came abroad, not as they used at other times: for that when the Bears left us at the setting of the Sun, and came not again before it rose, the Fox to the contrary came abroad when they were gone. The fifth, the Wind was North, and somewhat West, and then we saw open water upon the Sea, but our ship lay still fast in the Ice, and when the Sun had left us, we saw the Moon continual both day and night, Moon continually seen in the Sun's absence. and never went down when it was in the highest degree. The sixth, the Wind was Northwest, still weather, and then our men fetched a Sled full of Firewood, but by reason that the Sun was not seen, it was very dark weather. The seventh, it was dark weather, and very still, the Wind West, at which time we could hardly discern the Day from the Night, Darkness. specially because at that time our Clock stood still, and by that means we knew not when it was day, although it was day, and our men rose not out of their Cabins all that day; but only to make water, and therefore they knew not whether the light they saw, was the light of the day or of the Moon; whereupon, they were of several opinions, some saying, it was the light of the day, the others of the night: but as we took good regard thereunto, we found it to be the light of the day about twelve of the clock at noon. The eight, it was still weather, the Wind blowing South, and South-west. The same day our men fetched another Sled of Firewood, and then also we took a White Fox, and saw open water in the Sea. The same day we shared our Bread amongst us, each man having four pound and ten ounces, Bread shared and Beer. for his allowance in eight days, so that then we were eight days eating a Barrel of Bread, whereas before we ate it up in five or six days: we had no need to share our flesh and fish, for we had more store thereof; but our drink failed us, and therefore we were forced to share that also: Beer strength less with frost. but our best Beer was for the most part wholly without any strength, so that it had no savour at all: and besides all this, there was a great deal of it spilt. The ninth, the Wind blue North-east, and somewhat more Northerly, and then we had not much day light, but it was altogether dark. The tenth, it was calm weather, the Wind Northwest, and then our men went into the ship to see how it lay, Ship ballast covered with water. and we saw that there was a great deal of water in it, so that the ballast was covered over with water, but that it was frozen, and so might not be pumped out. The eleventh, it was indifferent weather, the Wind Northwest. The same day we made a round thing of Cable yarn, and like to a Net, to catch Foxes withal, that we might get them into the House, Fox-trap. and it was made like a Trap, which fell upon the Foxes as they came under it, and that day we caught one. The twelfth, the Wind blue East, with a little light: that day we began to share our Wine, every man had two Glasses a day, but commonly our Drink was water, Wine shared. Drink water. which we melted out of Snow, which we gathered without the House. The thirteenth, it was foul weather, with great Snow, the Wind East. The fourteenth, it was fair clear weather, with a clear Sky full of Stars, and an East-wind. The fifteenth, it was dark weather, the Wind North-east, with a vading light. The sixteenth, it was weather with a temperate Air, and an East-wind. The seventeenth, it was dark weather, and a close Air, the Wind East. The eighteenth, it was foul weather, the wind Southeast: then the Master cut up a pack of course Clothes, and divided it amongst our men that needed it, therewith to defend us better from the cold. The nineteenth, it was foul weather, with an East-wind, and then the Chest with Linen was opened, and divided amongst the men for shift, for they had need of them, for then our only care was to find all the means we could to defend our body from the cold. The twentieth, it was fair still weather, the Wind Easterly, than we washed our sheets, but it was so cold, that when we had washed and wrung them, they presently froze so stiff, that although we laid them by a great fire, the side that lay next the fire thawed, but the other side was hard frozen, so that we should sooner have torn them in sunder then have opened them, Ill washing. whereby we were forced to put them into the seething water again to thaw them, it was so exceeding cold. The one and twentieth, it was indifferent weather with a North-east wind, than we agreed that every man should take his turn to cleave Wood, thereby to ease our Cook, that had more than work enough to do twice a day to dress meat, and to melt Snow for our Drink, but our Master and the Pilot were exempted from that Worke. The two and twentieth, the Wind was Southeast, it was fair weather, than we had but seventeen Cheeses, whereof one we ate amongst us, and the rest were divided to every man one for his portion, which they might eat when he list. The three and twentieth, it was indifferent good weather, the Wind Southeast, and as we perceived that the Fox used to come oftener, and more than they were wont, to take them the better, we made certain Traps of thick Planks, whereon we laid stones, and round about them placed pieces of shards fast in the ground, that they might not dig under them, and so got some of the Foxes. Bathing and purging. The four and twentieth, it was foul weather, and the Wind North-east, and then we prepared ourselves to go into the Bath, for some of us were not very well at ease, and so four of us went into it, and when we came out, our Surgeon gave us a Purgation, which did us much good, and that day we took four Foxes. The five and twentieth▪ it was fair clear weather, the Wind West; and that day we took two Foxes with Springs that we had purposely set up. The six and twentieth, it was foul weather, and a great storm with a South-west Wind, and great store of Snow, whereby we were so closed up in the House, that we could not go out, but were forced to ease ourselves within the House. The seven and twentieth, it was fair clear weather, the Wind South-west, and then we made more Spinges to get Foxes, for it stood us upon to do it, because they served us for meat, as if God had sent them purposely for us, for we had not much meat. The eight and twentieth of November, it was foul stormy weather, and the Wind blew hard out of the North, and it snew hard, whereby we were shut up again in our House, the Snow lay so closed before the doors. The nine and twentieth, it was fair clear weather, and a good Air: the Wind Northerly, and we found means to open our door by shoveling away the Snow, whereby we got one of our doors open, and going out, Store of Snow. we found all our Traps and springs clean covered over with Snow, which we made clean, and set them up again to take Foxes: and that day we took one, which as then served us not only for meat, Fox-skin-caps. but of the skins we made Caps to wear upon our heads, wherewith to keep them warm from the extreme cold. The thirtieth, it was fair clear weather, the Wind West, and six of us went to the ship, all well provided of Arms to see how it lay: and when we went under the fore Deck, we took a Fox alive in the ship. The first of December, it was foul weather with a South-west Wind, December. and great store of Snow, whereby we were once again stopped up in the House, and by that means there was so great a smoke in the House, that we could hardly make f●re, and so were forced to lie all day in our Cabins, Lie still in Cabins. but the Cook was forced to make fire to dress our meat. The second, it was still foul weather, whereby we were forced to keep still in the House, and yet we could hardly sit by the fire, because of the smoke, and therefore stayed still in our Cabins, and then we heated stones, Stone heated to heat them. Cold and Smoke. Ice cracking noise. which we put in our Cabins to warm our feet, for that both the cold and the smoke were unsupportable. The third, we had the like weather, at which time as we lay in our Cabins, we might hear the Ice crack in the Sea, and yet it was at the least half a mile from us, which made a huge noise, and we were of opinion, that as then the great Hills of Ice which we had seen in the Sea, in Summer time, broke one from the other, and for that during those two or three days, because of the extreme smoke, we made not so much fire as we commonly used to do, it froze so sore within the House, that the Walls and the Roof thereof were frozen two fingers thick with Ice, Ice in the House. and also in our Cabins where we lay all those three days, while we could not go out: by reason of the foul weather, we set up the Glass of twelve hours, and when it was run out, we set it up again, still watching it lest we should miss our time. For the cold was so great, Clock frozen. that our Clock was frozen, and might not go, although we hung more weight on it then before. The fourth, it was fair clear weather, the Wind North-east, and then we began every man by turn to dig open our doors that were closed up with Snow, Door digged open. for we saw that it would be often to do, and therefore we agreed to work by turns, no man excepted but the Master and the Pilot. The fifth, it was fair weather with an East-wind, and then we made our springs clean again to take Foxes. The sixth, it was foul weather again, with an Easterly Wind, and extreme cold, almost not to be endured, whereupon we looked pitifully one upon the other, being in great fear, that if the extremity of the cold grew to be more and more, we should all dye there with cold, for that what fire soever we made, it would not warm us, yea, and our Sack which is so hot, Cold stronger than fire and Sack. was frozen very hard, so that when we were every man to have his part, we were forced to melt it in the fire, which we shared every second day about half a pint for a man, wherewith we were forced to sustain ourselves, and at other times we drank water, which agreed not well with the cold, and we needed not to cool it with Snow or Ice, but we were forced to melt it out of the Snow. The seventh, it was still foul weather, and we had a great storm with a North-east Wind, which brought an extreme cold with it, at which time we knew not what to do, and while we sat consulting together, what were best for us to do, one of our companions gave us counsel to burn some of the Sea-coals that we had brought out of the ship, which would cast a great heat and continue long, Sea-coal fire. and so at Eevening we made a great fire thereof, which cast a great heat: at which time we were very careful to keep it in: for that the heat being so great a comfort unto us, we took care how to make it continue long: whereupon we agreed to stop up all the doors and the Chimney, thereby to keep in the heat, and so went into our Cabins to sleep, well comforted with the heat, and so lay a great while talking together; but at last we were taken with a great swooning and dazzling in our heads, Swooning & stifling by the Cole-vapour and closeness. yet some more than other some, which we first perceived by a sick man, and therefore the less able to bear it, and found ourselves to be very ill at ease, so that some of us that were strongest, start out of their Cabins, and first opened the Chimney, and then the doors, but he that opened the door fell down in a swound upon the Snow, which I hearing, as lying in my Cabin next to the door, start up, and casting Vinegar in his face, recovered him again, and so he rose up: and when the doors were open, we all recovered our healths again, Benefit of cold by reason of the cold Air, and so the cold which before had been so great an Enemy unto us, was then the only relief that we had, otherwise without doubt, we had died in a sudden swound, after that the Master, when we were come to ourselves again, gave every one of us a little Wine to comfort our hearts. The eight, it was foul weather, the wind Northerly, very sharp and cold, but we durst lay no more coals on, as we did the day before, for that our misfortune had taught us, that to shun one danger we should not run into another. The ninth, it was fair clear weather, the sky full of Stars, than we set our door wide open, which before was fast closed up with Snow, and made our springs ready to take Foxes. The tenth, it was still fair Starlight weather, the wind North-east: then we took two Foxes, which were good meat for us, for as then our victuals began to be scant, and the cold still increased, whereunto their Skins served us for a good defence. Shoes on feet frozen within. They wear no shoes. The eleventh, it was fair weather, and a clear air but very cold, which he that felt not would not believe, for our Shoes froze as hard as horns upon our feet, and within they were white frozen, so that we could not wear our shoes, but were forced to make great Patents, the upper part being Sheepskins, which we put on over three or four pair of Socks, and so went in them to keep our feet warm. The twelfth, it was fair clear weather with a Northwest wind, but extreme cold, so that our House walls and Cabins were frozen a finger thick; Clothes on their backs frozen. yea, and the clothes upon our backs were white over with Frost, and although some of us were of opinion, that we should lay more coals upon the fire to warm us, and that we should let the chimney stand open, yet we durst not do it, fearing the like danger we had escaped. The thirteenth, it was fair clear weather, with an East wind: then we took another Fox, and took great pains about preparing and dressing of our springs, with no small trouble, Cold blisters▪ for that if we stayed too long without the doors, there arose blisters upon our Faces and our Ears. The fourteenth, it was fair weather, the wind North-east, and the sky full of stars, than we took the height of the right shoulder of the Rens, when it was South South-west, and somewhat more Westerly (and then it was at the highest in our Compass) and it was elevated above the Horizon 20. degrees and 28. minutes, his Declination being 6. degrees and 18. minutes, on the North-side of the line, which Declination being taken out of the height aforesaid, there rested 14. degrees, which being taken out of 90. degrees, than the height of the Pole was 76. degrees. The fifteenth, it was still fair weather, the wind East: that day we took two Foxes, and saw the Moon rise East Southeast, when it was six and twenty days old, in the sign of Scorpio. The sixteenth, it was fair clear weather, the wind East: at that time we had no more Wood in the house, but had burnt it all: but round about our house there lay some covered over with Snow, which with great pain and labour we were forced to dig out, and so shovel away the Snow, and so brought it into the house, which we did by turns, two and two together, wherein we were forced to use great speed, for we could not long endure without the House, Extreme and terrible freezing. because of the extreme cold, although we wore the Fox's skins about our heads, and double apparel upon our backs. The seventeenth, the wind still held North-east, with fair weather and so great Frosts, that we were of opinion, that if there stood a Barrel full of water without the door, it would in one night freeze from the top to the bottom. The eighteenth, the wind still held North-east, with fair weather: then seven of us went out unto the Ship to see how it lay, and being under the deck, thinking to find a Fox there, we sought all the holes but we found none; but when we entered into the cabin and had stricken fire to see in what case the ship was, and whether the water rose higher in it, there we found a Fox, which we took and carried it home, and eat it, and then we found that in eighteen days absence (for it was so long since we had been there) the water was risen about a finger high, but yet it was all Ice, for it froze as fast as it came in, and the vessels which we had brought with us full of fresh water out of Holland, were frozen to the ground. The nineteenth, it was fair weather, the wind being South: then we put each other in good comfort, that the Sun was then almost half over, and ready to come to us again, Sun's comfort. which we sore longed for, it being a weary time for us to be without the Sun, and to want the greatest comfort that God sendeth unto man here upon the earth, and that which rejoiceth every living thing. The twentieth, before noon it was fair clear weather, and then we had taken a Fox, but towards Eevening, there rose such a storm in the South-west, with so great a snow, that all the house was enclosed therewith. The one and twentieth, it was fair clear weather, House enclosed with snow. with a North-east wind, than we made our door clean again, and made a way to go out, and cleansed our Traps for the Foxes, which did us great pleasure when we took them, for they seemed as dainty as Venison unto us. The two and twentieth, it was foul weather, with great store of snow, the wind South-west, which stopped up our door again, and we were forced to dig it open again, which was almost every day to do. The three and twentieth, it was foul weather, the wind South-west, with great store of snow, but we were in good comfort that the Sun would come again to us, for as we guest, that day he was in Tropicus Capricorni, Sun in Tropicus Capricorni. 24. Decem. Stilo novo. which is the furthest Sign that the Sun passeth on the Southside of the line, and from thence it turneth Northward again. The four and twentieth, being Christmas Eeven, it was fair weather, than we opened our door again, and saw much open water in the Sea: for we had heard the Ice crack and drive: although it was not day, yet we could see so far. Towards Eevening it blew hard out of the North-east, with great store of Snow, so that all the passage that we had made open before, was stopped up again. The five and twentieth, Cold Christmas. being Christmas day, it was foul weather, with a Northwest wind, and yet though it was foul weather, we heard the Foxes run over our House, wherewith some of our men said, it was an ill sign; Ill sign indeed. and while we sat disputing why it should be an ill sign, some of our men made answer, that it was an ill sign because we could not take them, to put them into the Pot or roast them, for that had been a very good sign for us. The six and twentieth, it was foul weather, the wind Northwest, and it was so cold that we could not warm us, although we used all the means we could with great fires, Cold invincible. good store of clothes, and with hot stones and billets, laid upon our feet and upon our bodies, as we lay in our Cabins; but notwithstanding all this, in the morning our Cabins were frozen, which made us behold one the other with sad countenance, but yet we comforted ourselves again as well as we could, that the Sun was then as low as it could go, and that it now began to come to us again, and we found it to be true: for that the Day's beginning to lengthen, the Cold began to strengthen, but hope put us in good comfort, and eased our pain. The seven and twentieth, it was still foul weather, with a Northwest wind, so that as than we had not been out in three days together, nor durst not thrust our heads out of doors, and within the house it was so extreme cold, Burn before, frieze behind. that as we sat before a great Fire, and seemed to burn on the fore-side, we froze behind at our backs, and were all white as the Countrymen use to be, when they come in at the gates of the Town in Holland with their Sleds, and have gone all night. The eight and twentieth, it was still foul weather with a West wind, but about Eevening it began to clear up, at which time one of our men made a hole open at one of our doors, and went out to see what news abroad, Snow higher than the house but found it so hard weather that he stayed not long, and told us that it had snowed so much, that the Snow lay higher than our house, and that if he had stayed out longer, his ears would undoubtedly have been frozen off. The nine and twentieth, it was calm weather, and a pleasant air, the wind being Southward: that day, he, whose turn it was, opened the door, and digged a hole through the Snow, where we went out of the house upon steps, Snow-steps. as if it had been out of a Cellar, at least seven or eight steps high, each step a foot from the other, and then we made clean our springs for the Foxes, whereof for certain days we had not taken any: and as we made them clean, one of our men found a dead Fox in one of them, that was frozen as hard as a stone, which he brought into the house, and thawed it before the fire, and after flaying it, some of our men eat it. The thirtieth, it was foul weather again, with a storm out of the West, and great store of Snow, so that all the labour and pain that we had taken the day before to make steps to go out of our house, and to cleanse our springs, was all in vain, for it was all covered over with Snow again, higher than it was before. The one and thirtieth, it was still foul weather, with a storm out of the Northwest, whereby we were so fast shut up into the house, as if we had been prisoners, and it was so extreme cold, that the fire almost cast no heat: Fire conquered, heat smelled before felt. for as we put our feet to the fire, we burned our hose before we could feel the heat, so that we had work enough to do to patch our hose: and which is more, if we had not sooner smelled, then felt them, we should have burnt them ere we had known it. After that with great cold, danger, and disease, we had brought this year unto an end, we entered into the year of our Lord God 1597. the beginning whereof, was in the same manner as the end of Anno 1596. had been, An. Dom. 1597. for the weather continued as cold, foul, and Snowy, january. as it was before, so that upon the first of january we were enclosed in the House, the wind then being West: at the same time we agreed to share our Wine every man a small measure full, and that but once in two days: and as we were in great care and fear that it would be long before we should get out from thence, (and we having but small hope therein) some of us spared to drink wine as long as we could, that if we should stay long there, we might drink it at our need. The second, it blew hard with a West wind, and a great storm with both Snow and Frost, so that in four or five days, we durst not put our heads out of the doors, and as then by reason of the great cold, we had almost burn all our Wood; notwithstanding, we durst not go out to fetch more wood, because it froze so hard, and there was no being without the door, but seeking about we found some pieces of wood that lay over the door, which we clove, and withal clove the blocks whereon we used to beat our Stockfish, and so holp ourselves so well as we could. The third, it was all one weather, and we had little wood to burn. The fourth, it was still foul stormy weather, with much Snow and great cold, the wind South-west, Vane. and we were forced to keep in the house: and to know where the wind blew, we thrust a halfe-pike out at the Chimney with a little cloth or feather upon it, but as soon as we thrust it out, it was presently frozen as hard as a piece of wood, and could not go about nor stir with the wind. The fifth, it was somewhat still and calm weather: then we digged our door open again, that we might go out, and carry out all the filth that had been made, during the time of our being shut in the house; and made every thing handsome, and fetched in Wood which we cloven, and it was all our days work to further ourselves as much as we could, fearing lest we should be shut up again: and as there were three doors in our portal, and for that our house lay covered over in Snow, we took the middle door thereof away, and digged a great hole in the snow, that lay without the house, like to a side of a vault, wherein we might go to ease ourselves, and cast other filth into it: and when we had taken pains all day, we remembered ourselves that it was Twelfth Eeven, and then we prayed our Master that we might be merry that night, and said, that we were content to spend some of the Wine that night which we had spared, Three Kings of Cullen. and which was our share every second day, and whereof for certain days we had not drunk, and so that night we made merry, and drunk to the three Kings, and therewith we had two pound of Meal, whereof we made pancakes with Oil, and every man a white Biscuit, which we sopped in Wine: and so supposing that we were in our own Country, and amongst our friends, King of Nova Zembla. it comforted us as well as if we had made a great banquet in our own house: and we also made tickets, and our Gunner was King of Nova Zembla, which is at least two hundred miles long, and lieth between two Seas. The sixth, it was fair weather, the wind North-east, than we went out and cleansed our Traps to take Foxes, which were our Venison, and we digged a hole in the Snow, where our firewood lay, and left it close above like a vault; and from thence fetched out our Wood as we needed it. The seventh, it was foul weather again, with a Northwest wind, and some Snow, and very cold, which put us in great fear to be shut up in the house again. The eight, it was fair weather again, the wind North: then we made our springs ready to get more Venison: which we longed for, and then we might see and mark daylight, Daylight espied. which then began to increase, that the Sun as then began to come towards us again, which put us in no little comfort. The ninth, it was foul weather, with a Northwest wind, but not so hard weather as it had been before, so that we might go out of the door to make clean our springs. The tenth, it was fair weather with a North wind: then seven of us went to our ship well armed, which we found in the same state we left it in, and in it we saw many footsteps of Bears, Bears in the ship. both great and small, whereby it seemed that there had been more than one or two Bears therein; and as we went under hatches, we struck fire, and lighted a Candle, and found that the water was risen a foot higher in the ship. The eleventh, it was fair weather, the wind North-east, and the cold began to be somewhat less, so that as than we were bold to go out of the doors, and went about a quarter of a mile to a Hill, from thence we fetched certain stones, which we laid in the fire, therewith to warm us in our Cabins. The twelfth, it was clear weather, the wind Northwest: that evening it was very clear, and the sky full of Stars, than we took the height of Oculus Tauri, Oculus Tauri. which is a bright and well known Star, and we found it to be elevated above the Horizon 29. degrees and 54. minutes, her declination being 15. degrees 54. minutes on the North side of the Line. This declination being subtracted from the height aforesaid, then there rested 14. degrees, which subtracted from 90. degrees, than the height of the Pole was 76. degrees, and so by measuring the height of that Star, and some others, we guessed that the Sun was in the like height, and that we were there under 76. degrees, and rather higher then lower. The thirteenth, it was fair still weather, the wind Westerly, and then we perceived that daylight began more and more to increase, and we went out and cast Bullets at the bale of the flag-staff, which before we could not see when it turned about. The fourteenth, it was fair weather and a clear light, the wind Westerly, and that day we took a Fox. The fifteenth, it was fair clear weather, with a West wind, and six of us went aboard the ship, where we found the Bolck-vanger (which the last time that we were in the ship, we flucke in a hole in the fore deck, to take Foxes) pulled out of the hole, and lay in the middle of the ship, and all torn in pieces by the Bears, as we perceived by their footsteps. The sixteenth, it was fair weather, the wind Northerly, and then we went now and then out of the house to stretch out our joints and our limbs with going and running, that we might not become lame, and about noon time we saw a certain redness in the sky, Aurora blusheth to lie so long in bed. as a show or messenger of the Sun that began to come towards us. The seventeenth, it was clear weather with a North wind, and then still more and more we perceived that the Sun began to come nearer unto us, for the day was somewhat warmer, so that when we had a good fire, there fell great pieces of Ice down from the walls of our house, and the Ice melted in our Cabins, Cold relenteth and the water dropped down, which was not so before, how great soever our fire was; but that night it was cold again. The eighteenth, it was fair clear weather, with a Southeast wind, than our Wood began to consume, and so we agreed to burn some of our Sea-coles, and not to stop up the Chimney, and then we should not need to fear any hurt, which we did, and found no disease thereby, but we thought it better for us to keep the Coals, and to burn our Wood more sparingly, for that the Coals would serve us better when we should sail home in our open Scute. The one and twentieth, it was fair weather, with a West wind: at that time taking of Foxes began to fail us, which was a sign that the Bears would come again, as not long after we found it to be true, for as long as the Bears stay away, the Foxes came abroad, and not much before the Bears come abroad, the Foxes were but little seen. The two and twentieth, it was fair weather with a West wind: then we went out again to cast the Bullet, and perceived that daylight began to appear, whereby some of us said, that the Sun would soon appear unto us, but William Barents to the contrary said, that it was yet two weeks too soon. The three and twentieth, it was fair calm weather, with a South-west wind: then four of us went to the ship, and comforted each other, giving God thanks that the hardest time of the Winter was past, being in good hope that we should live to talk of those things at home in our own Country: and when we were in the ship, we found that the water rose higher and higher in it, and so each of us taking a Biscuit or two with us, we went home again. The four and twentieth, it was fair clear weather, with a West wind: then I, and jacob Heemskerke, and another with us went to the Seaside, on the South side of Nova Zembla, where contrary to our expectation, I first saw the edge of the Sun, Sun appeareth again, jan. 24. wherewith we went speedily home again, to tell William Barents, and the rest of our companions that joyful news: but William Barents being a wise and well experienced Pilot, would not believe it, esteeming it to be about fourteen days to soon for the Sun to shine in that part of the World; but we earnestly affirmed the contrary, and said, that we had seen the Sun. The five and twentieth, and six and twentieth, it was misty, and close weather, so that we could not see any thing: then they that laid the contrary wager with us, thought that they had won: but upon the seven and twentieth day it was clear weather, and then we saw the Sun in his full roundness above the Horizon, Sun fully seen. whereby it manifestly appeared that we had seen it upon the four and twentieth day of january. And as we were of diverse opinions touching the same, How the Sun which they had lost the 4. of November did appear to them again upon the 24. of january, which was very strange, and contrary to all learned men's opinions. and that we said, it was clean contrary to the opinions of all old and new Writers; yea, and contrary to the nature and roundness both of Heaven and Earth; some of us said, that seeing in long time there had been no day, that it might be that we had overslept ourselves, whereof we were better assured: but concerning the thing in itself, seeing God is wonderful in all his works, we will refer that to his almighty power, and leave it unto others to dispute of, but for that no man shall think us to be in doubt thereof, if we should let this pass without discoursing upon it, therefore we will make some declaration thereof, whereby we may assure ourselves that we kept good reckoning. You must understand, that when we first saw the Sun, it was in the fifth degr. and 25. min. of Aquarius, and it should have stayed according to our first guessing, till it had entered into the 16. deg. and 27. min. of Aquarius, before he should have showed there unto us, in the height of 76. deg. Which we striving and contending about it amongst ourselves, could not be satisfied, but wondered thereat, and some amongst us were of opinion, that we had mistaken ourselves, which nevertheless we could not be persuaded unto, for that every day without sail, we noted what had passed, and also had used our Clock continually, and when that was frozen, we used our Hourglass of twelve hours long, whereupon we argued with ourselves, in diverse wise, to know how we should find out that difference, and leave the truth of the time, which to try, we agreed to look into the Ephemerises made by josephus Sch●la, Printed in Venice, for the years of our Lord 1589. till A. 1600. and we found therein, that upon the four and twentieth day of january, (when the Sun first appeared unto us) that at Venice the Clock being one in the night time, the Moon and jupiter were in conjunction, whereupon we sought to know when the same conjunction should be over or about the house where we than were, and at last we found that the four and twentieth day of january was the same day whereon the conjunction aforesaid happened in Venice, Difference of longitude betwixt Venice and their wintring place. at one of the clock in the night, and with us in the morning, when the Sun was in the East: for we saw manifestly that the two Planets aforesaid approached near unto each other, until such time as the Moon and jupiter stood one just over the other, both in the sign of Taurus, and that was at six of the clock in the morning, at which time the Moon and jupiter were found by our Compass, to be in conjunction over our house, in the North and by East-point, and the South part of the Compass was South South-west, and there we had it right South, the Moon being eight days old, whereby it appeareth, that the Sun and the Moon were eight points different, and this was about six of the clock in the morning: this place differeth from Venice five hours in longitude, whereby we may guess how much we were nearer East than the City of Venice, which was five hours, each hour being 15. degrees, which is in all 75. degrees, that we were more Easterly than Venice, by all which it is manifestly to be seen, that we had not failed in our account, and that also we had found our right longitude, by the two Planets aforesaid, for the Town of Venice lieth under 37. degrees and 25. minutes in longitude, and her declination is 46. degrees and 5. minutes, whereby it followeth that our place of Nova Zembla, lieth under 112. degrees and 25. minutes in longitude, and the height of the Pole 76. degrees, and so you have the right longitude and latitude, but from the uttermost point of Nova Zembla to the point of Cape de Tabin, the uttermost point of Tarta●ia, where it windeth Southward, the longitude differeth 60. degrees; but you must understand, Note for deg. of longitude. that the degrees are not so great as they are under the Equinoctial Line, for right under the Line a degree is fifteen miles, but when you leave the Line, either Northward or Southward, than the degrees in longitude do lessen, so that the nearer that a man is to the North or South Pole, so much the degrees are less: so that under the 76. degrees Northward, where we wintered, the degrees are but three miles and two third parts; whereby it is to be marked, that we had but 60. degrees to sail to the said Cape de Tabin, which is, 220. miles, so the said Cape lieth in 172. degrees in longitude as it is thought: and being above it, it seemeth that we should be in the Straight of Anian, where we may sail boldly into the South, as the Land reacheth. Now what further instructions are to be had to know, where we lost the Sun under the said 76. degrees upon the fourth of November, and saw it again upon the four and twentieth of january: I leave that to be described, by such as make profession thereof, it sufficeth us to have showed, that it failed us not to appear at the ordinary time. The five and twentieth of january, it was dark cloudy weather, the wind Westerly, so that the seeing of the Sun the day before, Bear's return with the Sun. was again doubted of, and then many wagers were laid, and we still looked out to see if the Sun appeared, the same day we saw a Bear, (which as long as the Sun appeared not unto us we saw not) coming out of the South-west towards our house, but when we shouted at her she came no nearer, but went away again. The six & twentieth, it was fair clear weather, but in the Horizon there hung a white or dark cloud, whereby we could not see the Sun, whereupon the rest of our companions, thought that we had mistaken ourselves upon the four and twentieth day, and that the Sun appeared not unto us, and mocked us, but we were resolute in our former affirmation, that we had seen the Sun, but not in the full roundness: That Eevening the Sick man that was amongst us, Sick man dieth. was very weak, and felt himself to be extreme sick, for he had laid long time, and we comforted him as well as we might, and gave him the best admonition that we could, but he died not long after midnight. The twenty seven it was fair clear weather, with a South-west wind, then in the morning we digged a hole in the snow hard by the house, but it was still so extreme cold, that we could not stay long at work, and so we digged by turns, every man a little while, and then went to the fire, and another went and supplied his place, till at last we digged seven foot depth where we went to bury the dead man, after that when we had read certain Chapters, and sung some Psalms, we all went out and buried the man, which done we went in and broke our fasts, and while we were at meat, and discoursed amongst ourselves, touching the great quantity of snow that continually fell in that place, we said that if it fell out, that our house should be closed up again with snow, we would find the means to climb out at the chimney, whereupon our Master went to try if he could climb up through the chimney, and so get out, and while he was climbing one of our men went forth of the door, to see if the Master were out or not, who standing upon the snow, saw the Sun, and called us all out, wherewith we all went forth, The Summer▪ and saw the Sun in his full roundness, a little above the Horizon, and then it was without all doubt, that we had seen the Sun upon the four and twentieth of january, which made us all glad, and we gave God hearty thanks, for his grace showed unto us, that that glorious light appeared unto us again. The eight and twentieth, it was fair weather, with a West wind, than we went out many times to exercise ourselves, by going, running, casting of the ball, (for then we might see a good way from us) and to refresh our joints, for we had long time sitten dull, whereby many of us were very loose. The nine and twentieth, it was foul weather, with great store of snow, the wind Northwest, whereby the house was closed up again with snow. The thirtieth, it was dark weather, with an East wind; and we made a hole through the door, but we shoveled not the snow very far from the portal, for that as soon as we saw what weather it was, we had no desire to go abroad. The one and thirtieth, it was fair calm weather, with an East wind, than we made the door clean, and shoveled away the snow, and threw it upon the house, and went out, and we saw the Sun shine clear, which comforted us, mean time we saw a Bear, Bear. that came towards our house, but we went softly in, and watched for her till she came nearer, and as soon as she was hard by we shot at her, but she ran away again. The first of February, being Candlemas Eeve, it was boisterous weather, with a great storm, and good store of snow, whereby the house was closed up again with snow, February. and we were constrained to stay within doors, the wind then being northwest. The second it was foul weather, and as then the Sun had not rid us of all the foul weather, whereby we were somewhat discomforted, for that being in good hope of better weather we had not made so great provision of wood as we did before. The third, it was fair weather, with an East wind, but very misty, whereby we could not see the Sun, which made us somewhat melancholy, to see so great a mist, and rather more than we had had in the Winter time, and then we digged our door open again, and fetched the wood that lay without about the door into the house, which we were forced with great pain and labour to dig out of the snow. The fourth, it was foul weather, with great store of snow, the wind being South-west, and then we were close up again with snow, but then we took not so much pains as we did before, to dig open the door, but when we had occasion to go out we climbed out at the chimney, and eased ourselves, and went in again the same way. The fifth, it was still foul weather, the wind being East, with great store of snow, whereby we were shut up again into the house, and had no other way to get out but by the chimney, They go out at the chimney. and those that could not climb out, were fain to help themselves within as well as they could. The sixth, it was still foul stormy weather, with store of snow, and we still went out at the chimney, (and troubled not ourselves with the door,) for some of us made it an easy matter to climb out at the chimney. The seventh, it was still foul weather, with much snow, and a South-west wind, and we thereby forced to keep the house, which grieved us more than when the Sun shined not, for that having seen it, and felt the heat thereof, yet we were forced not to enjoy it. The eight, it began to be fairer weather, the wind being South-west, than we saw the Sun rise South, Southeast, and went down South South-west, by the Compass that we had made of Lead, and placed according to the Meridian of that place, but by our common Compass it differed two points. The ninth, it was fair clear weather, the wind South-west, but as then we could not see the Sun, because it was close weather in the South, where the Sun should go down. The tenth, Heat of the Sun. it was fair clear weather, so that we could not tell where the wind blew, and then we began to feel some heat of the Sun, but in the Eevening it began to blow somewhat cold out of the west. The eleventh, it was fair weather, the wind South, that day about noon, there came a Bear towards our house, and we watched her with our Muskets, but she came not so near as we could reach her, the same night we heard some Foxes stirring, which since the Bears began to come abroad again we had not much seen. The twelfth, it was clear weather and very calm, the wind South-west, than we made our Traps clean again, meantime there came a great Bear towards our house, which made us all go in, and we leveled at her with our Muskets, and as she came right before our door, we shot her into the breast, clean through the heart, the bullet passing through her body, and went out again at her tail, and was as flat as a Counter, the Bear feeling the blow, Bear slain. leapt backwards, and ran twenty or thirty foot from the house, and there lay down, wherewith we leapt all out of the house, and ran to her, and found her still alive, and when she saw us, she reared up her head, as if she would gladly have done us some mischief, but we trusted her not, for that we had tried their strength sufficiently before, and therefore we shot her twice into the body again, 100 Pound of fat taken out of a Bear, useful for Lamps. and therewith she died? Then we ripped up her belly, and taking out her guts, drew her home to the House where we slayed her, and took at least one hundred pound of fat out of her belly, which we moult and burned in our Lamp. This Grease did us great good service, for by that means we still kept a Lamp burning all night long, which before we could not do, for want of Grease, and every man had means to burn a Lamp in his cabin, for such necessaries as he had to do. The Bear's skin was nine foot long, and seven foot broad. The thirteenth, it was fair clear weather with a hard West wind, at which time we had more light in our house by burning of Lamps, whereby we had means to pass the time away, by reading and other exercises, which before (when we could not distinguish Day from Night, by reason of the darkness, and had not Lamps continually burning) we could not do. The foureteenth, it was fair clear weather, with a hard West wind before noon, but after noon, it was still weather, than five of us went to the Ship to see how it lay, and found the water to increase in it, but not much. The fifteenth, it was foul weather, with a great storm out of the South-west, with great store of Snow, whereby the House was closed up again, that Night the Foxes came to decoure the dead body of the Bear, whereby we were in great fear, that all the Bears thereabouts would come thither, and therefore we agreed, as soon as we could to get out of the house to bury the dead Bear deep under the Snow. The sixteenth of February, it was foul weather, with great store of Snow and a South-west wound, that day was Shrove-tuesday, than we made ourselves somewhat merry in our great grief and trouble, and every one of us drank a draught of Wine. The nineteenth, it was fair clear weather, with a South-west wind, than we took the height of the Sun, which in long time before we could not do, because the Horizon was not clear; as also for that it mounted not so high, nor gave not so much shadow, as we were to have in our Astrolabium, and therefore we made an Instrument that was half round, at the one end having 90. degrees marked thereon, whereon we hung a thread with a Plumet of Lead, as the water Compasses have, and therewith we took the height of the Sun, when it was at the highest, and found that it was 3. degrees elevated above the Horizon, his Declination 11. degrees and 16. minutes, which being added to the height aforesaid, made 14. degrees and 16. minutes, which substracted from 90. degrees, there rested 75. degrees and 44. minutes for the height of the Pole, but the aforesaid 3. degrees of height, being taken at the lowest side of the Sun, the 16. minutes might well be added to the height of the Pole, and so it was just 76. degrees, as we had measured it before. The twentieth, it was foul weather, with great store of Snow, the wound South-west, whereby we were shut up again in the house. The two and twentieth, it was clear fair weather, with a South-west wound, than we made ready a Sled to fetch more Wood, for need compelled us thereunto; for as they say, hunger driveth the Wolf out of his den, and eleven of us went together, all well appointed with our Arms, but coming to the place where we should have the Wood, we could not come by it, by reason it lay so deep under the Snow, whereby of necessity we were compelled to go further, where with great labour and trouble we got some: but as we returned back again therewith, it was so sore labour unto us, that we were almost out of comfort, for that by reason of the long cold and trouble that we had endured, we were become so weak and feeble, that we had little strength, and we began to be in doubt, that we should not recover our strengths again, and should not be able to fetch any more Wood, and so we should have died with cold, but the present necessity and the hope we had of better weather, increased our forces, and made us do more than our strengths afforded, and when we came near to our house, we saw much open water in the Sea, which in long time we had not seen, which also put us in good comfort, that things would be better. The five and twentieth, it was foul weather again, and much Snow, with a North wind, whereby we were closed up with Snow again, and could not get out of our House. The eight and twentieth of February, it was still weather, with a South-west wind, than ten of us went and fetched another Sled full of Wood, with no less pain and labour than we did before, for one of our companions could not help us, because that the first joint of one of his great Toes was frozen off, and so he could do nothing. The first of March, it was fair still weather, the wind West but very cold, and we were forced to spare our Wood, because it was so great labour for us to fetch it, so that when it was day, March. we exercised ourselves as much as we might, with running, going, and leaping, and to them that lay in their Cabins, we gave hot stones to warm them, and towards night we made a good fire, which we were forced to endure. The second, it was cold clear weather, with a West wind, the same day we took the height of the Sun, and found that it was elevated above the Horizon 6. degrees and 48. minutes, and his Declination was 7. degrees and 12. minutes, which substracted from 90. degrees, resteth 76. degrees for the height of the Pole. The third, it was fair weather with a West wind, at which time our Sick men were somewhat better, and sat upright in their Cabins, to do some thing to pass the time away, but after they found that they were too ready to stir before their times. The fourth, it was fair weather, with a West wind, the same day there came a Bear to our House, whom we watched with our Pieces, as we did before, and shot at her, and hit her, but she run away, at that time five of us went to our Ship, where we found that the Bears had made work, and had opened our Cook's cupboard, that was covered over with snow, thinking to find some thing in it, and had drawn it out of the Ship where we found it. The seventh, it was still foul weather and as great a wind, so that we were shut up in our House, and they that would go out, must climb up through the Chimney, Note. which was a common thing with us, and still we saw more open water in the Sea, and about the Land, whereby we were in doubt that the Ship in that foul weather, and driving of the Ice, would be loose (for as then the Ice drove) while we were shut up in our House, and we should have no means to help it. The eight, it was still foul weather, with a South-west storm, and great store of Snow, whereby we could see no Ice in the North-east, nor round about in the Sea, whereby we were of opinion, that North-east from us there was a great Sea. The ninth, it was foul weather, but not so foul as the day before, and less snow, and then we could see further from us, and perceive that the water was open in the North-east, but not from us towards Tartary, for there we could still see Ice in the Tartarian Sea, otherwise called the Ice Sea, so that we were of opinion, that there it was not very wide, for when it was clear weather, we thought many times that we saw the Land and showed it to our companions, South and Southeast from our house, like a hilly Land, as land commonly showeth itself, when we see it. The eleventh, it was cold, but fair Sunshine weather, the wound North-east, than we took the height of the Sun with our Astrolabium, and found it to be elevated above the Horizon 10. degrees and 19 minutes, his Declination was 3. degrees and 41. minutes, which being added to the height aforesaid, made 14. degrees, which substracted from 90. degrees, there resteth 76. degrees for the height of the Pole. Then twelve of us went to the place where we used to go, to fetch a Sled of Wood, but still we had more pain and labour therewith, because we were weaker, and when we came home with it, and were very weary, we prayed the Master to give each of us a draught of Wine, which he did, wherewith we were somewhat relieved and comforted, and after that were the willinger to labour, which was unsupportable for us, if mere extremity had not compelled us thereunto, saying oftentimes one unto the other, That if the Wood were to be bought for Money, we would give all our Earnings or Wages for it. The twelfth, it was foul weather, the Wind North-east, than the Ice came mightily driving in, which the South-west Wind had been driven out, and it was then as cold, as it had been before in the coldest time of Winter. The fifteenth, it was fair weather, the Wind North, that day we opened our door to go out, but the cold rather increased then diminished, and was bitterer than before it had been. The sixteenth, it was fair clear weather, but extreme cold with a North Wind, which put us to great extremity, for that we had almost taken our leaves of the cold, and then it began to come again. This continued till the one and twentieth. The one and twentieth, it was fair weather, but still very cold, the Wind North, the same day the Sun entered into Aries in the Equinoctial Line, and at noon we took the height of the Sun, and found it to be elevated 14. degrees above the Horizon, but for that the Sun was in the middle Line, and of the like distance from both the Tropickes, Sol in Aries. there was no declination, neither on the South nor North side, and so the 14. degrees aforesaid being substracted from 90. degrees, there rested 76. degrees for the height of the Pole. The same day, Shoots of Felt and Ruyg. we made shoes of Felt or Ruyg, which we drew upon our feet, for we could not go in our shoes, by reason of the great cold, for the shoes on our feet were as hard as horns, and then we fetched a Sled full of Wood home to our house, with sore and extreme labour, and with extremity of cold which we endured, as if March meant to bid us farewell, for our hope and comfort was, that the cold could not still continue in that force, but that at length the strength thereof would be broken. The three and twentieth, it was very foul weather, with infernal bitter cold, the wind North-east, so that we were forced to make more fire, as we had been at other times, for than it was as cold as ever it had been, and it froze very hard in the floor and upon the walls of our house. The four and twentieth, it was alike cold, with great store of snow, and a North wind, whereby we were once again shut up into the house, and then the Coals served us well, which before by reason of our bad using of them, we disliked of. The six and twentieth, it was fair clear weather, and very calm, than we digged ourselves out of the house again, and went out, and then we fetched another Sled of Wood, for the great cold had made us burn up all that we had. The eight and twentieth, it was fair weather, the wind South-west, whereby the Ice drove away very fast. The same day, six of us went aboard the ship to see how it lay, and found it still in one sort; but we perceived that the Bears had kept an evil favoured house therein. April. The second of April, it was fair weather, the wind North-east and very calm, than we took the height of the Sun, and found it to be elevated above the Horizon 18. degrees and 40. minutes, his declination being 4. degrees and 40. minutes, which being substracted from the height aforesaid, there rested 14. degrees, which taken from 90. degrees, the height of the Pole was 76. degrees. The sixth, it was still foul weather, with a stiff Northwest wind, that night there came a Bear to our house, Bear assault the house. and we did the best we could to shoot at her, but because it was moist weather, and the cock foisty, our Piece would not give fire, wherewith the Bear came boldly toward the house, and came down the stairs close to the door, seeking to break into the house, but our Master held the door fast to, and being in great haste and fear, could not bar it with the piece of Wood that we used thereunto; but the Bear seeing that the door was shut, she went back again, and within two hours after she came again, and went round about and upon the top of the house, and made such a roaring, that it was fearful to hear, and at last got to the chimney, and made such work there, that we thought she would have broken it down, and tore the sail that was made fast about it in many pieces, with a great and fearful noise, but for that it was night, we made no resistance against her, because we could not see her, at last she went away and left us. The fourteenth, it was fair clear weather, with a West wind, than we saw greater hills of Ice round about the ship, than over we had seen before, which was a fearful thing to behold, and much to be wondered at, that the ship was not smitten in pieces. The fifteenth, it was fair calm weather with a North wind, than seven of us went aboard the ship, to see in what case it was, and found it to be all in one sort, and as we came back again, there came a great Bear toward us, against whom we began to make defence, but she perceiving that, made away from us, and we went to the place from whence she came to see her Den, Bears Den. where we found a great hole made in the Ice, about a man's length in depth, the entry thereof being very narrow, and within wide, there we thrust in our Pikes to feel if there was any thing within it, but perceiving it was empty, one of our men crept into it, but not too far, for it was fearful to behold, after that we went along by the Seaside, and there we saw, that in the end of March, and the beginning of April, the Ice was in such wonderful manner risen and piled up one upon the other, that it was wonderful, in such manner as if there had been whole Towns made of Ice, with Towers and Bulwarks round about them. The sixteenth, it was foul weather, the wind Northwest, whereby the Ice began somewhat to break. The seventeenth, it was fair clear weather, with a South-west wind, and then seven of us went to the ship, and there we saw open water in the Sea, and then we went over the Ice-hills as well as we could, to the water, for in six or seven months we had not gone so near unto it, and when we got to the water, there we saw a little bird swimming therein, but as soon as it espied us, it dived under the water, which we took for a sign, that there was more open water in the Sea then there had been before, and that the time approached that the water would open. The eighteenth of April, it was fair weather, the wind South-west, than we took the height of the Sun, and it was elevated above the Horizon 25. degrees and 10. minutes, his declination 11. degrees and 12. minutes, which being taken from the height aforesaid, there rested 13. degrees and 58. minutes, which substracted from 90. degrees, the height of the Pole was found to be 75. degrees 58. minutes; then eleven of us went with a Sled to fetch more Wood, and brought it to the house, in the night there came another Bear upon our house, which we hearing, went all out with our Arms, but the Bear ran away. The eight and twentieth, it was fair weather, with a North wind, than we took the height of the Sun again, and found it to be elevateed 28. degrees and 8. minutes, his declination 14. degrees and 8. minutes, which substracted from 90. degrees, there rested 76. degrees for the height of the Pole. The nine and twentieth, it was fair weather, with a South-west wind, than we played at Colfe, both to the ship, and from thence again homewards, to exercise ourselves. The thirtieth, it was fair weather, the wind South-west, then in the night we could see the Sun in the North (when it was in the highest) just above the Horizon, so that from that time we saw the Sun both night and day. §. III. Their preparation to go from thence: they depart in a Boat and Scute both open, and come to Cola, 1143. miles. Their many dangers by Bears, Ice, Famine, Scorbute, in the way. THe first of May, it was fair weather with a West wind, than we sod our last flesh, which for a long time we had spared, and it was still very good, May. and the last morsel tasted as well as the first, and we found no fault therein, but only that it would last no longer. The second, it was foul weather, with a storm out of the South-west, whereby the Sea was almost clear of Ice, and then we began to speak about getting from thence, for we had kept house long enough there. The third, it was still foul weather, with a South-west wind, whereby the Ice began wholly to drive away, but it lay fast about the ship, and when our best meat, as flesh, and other things began to fail us, which was our greatest sustenance, and that it behoved us to be somewhat strong, to sustain the labour that we were to undergo, when we went from thence, the Master shared the rest of the Bacon amongst us, which was a small Barrel with salt Bacon in pickle, whereof every one of us had two ounces a day, which continued for the space of three weeks, and then it was eaten up. The fourth, it was indifferent fair weather, the wind South-west, that day five of us went to the ship, and found it lying still as fast in the Ice as it did before, for about the middle of March it was but seventy five paces from the open water, and then it was five hundred paces from the water, and enclosed round about with high hills of Ice, which put us in no small fear, how we should bring our Scute and our Boat through or over that way into the water, when we went to leave that place. That night there came a Bear to our house, but as soon as she heard us make a noise, she ran away again, one of our men that climbed up in the Chimney, saw when she ran away, so that it seemed that as than they were afraid of us, and durst not be so bold to set upon us, as they were at the first. The fifth, it was fair weather, with some snow, the wind East, that Eevening, and at night we saw the Sun when it was at the lowest, a good way above the Earth. The sixth, it was fair clear weather, with a great South-west wind, whereby we saw the Sea open both in the East and in the West, which made our men exceeding glad, longing sore to be gone from thence. The seventh, it was foul weather, and snew hard, with a North wind, whereby we were closed up again in our house. The tenth, it was fair weather with a Northwest wind, that night the Sun by our common Compass being North North-east, and at the lowest, we took the height thereof, and it was elevated 3. degrees and 45. minutes, his declination was 17. degrees and 45. minutes, from whence taking the height aforesaid, there rested 14. degrees, which substracted from 90. degrees, there rested 76. degrees for the height of the Pole. The fourteenth, we fetched our last Sled with firewood, and still ware our shoes made of Ruyg on our feet. The five and twentieth, it was fair weather, with an East wind, then at noon time we took the height of the Sun, that was elevated above the Horizon 34. degrees and 46. minutes, his declination 20. degrees and 46. minutes, which taken from the height aforesaid, there rested 14. degrees, which taken from 90. degrees, rested 76. degrees for the height of the Pole. The six and twentieth, it was fair weather, with a great North-east wind, whereby the Ice came in again. The seven and twentieth, it was foul weather, with a great North-east wind, which drove the Ice mightily in again, whereupon the Master, at the motion of the company, willed us to make preparation to be gone. The nine and twentieth in the morning, it was reasonable fair weather, with a West wind, than ten of us went unto the Scute to bring it to the house to dress it, and make it ready to sail, but we found it deep hidden under the snow, and were fain with great pain and labour to dig it out, but when we had gotten it out of the snow, and thought to draw it to the house, we could not do it; because we were too weak, wherewith we became wholly out of heart, doubting that we should not be able to go forward with our labour, but the Master encouraging us, bade us strive to do more than we were able; saying, that both our lives and our welfare consisted therein: and that if we could not get the Scute from thence, and make it ready, than he said we must dwell there as Burghers of Nova Zembla, Burghers of Nova Zembla. and make our Graves in that place: but there wanted no goodwill in us but only strength, which made us for that time to leave off work and let the Scute lie still, which was no small grief unto us, and trouble to think what were best for us to do; but after noon being thus comfortless come home, we took hearts again, and determined to turn the Boat that lay by the house with her keel upwards, and to amend it, that it might be the fitter to carry us over the Sea, for we made full account that we had a long troublesome Voyage in hand, wherein we might have many crosses, and wherein we should not be sufficiently provided for all things necessary, although we took never so much care, and while we were busy about our work, there came a great Bear unto us, wherewith we went into our house, and stood to watch her in our three doors, with Harquebuses, and one stood in the Chimney with a Musket, this Bear came boldlier unto us then ever any had done before, for she came to the neither step that went to one of our doors, and the man that stood in the door saw her not, because he looked towards the other door, but they that stood within saw her, and in great fear called to him, wherewith he turned about, and although he was in a maze, he shot at her, and the Bullet past clean through her body, whereupon she ran away. Yet it was a fearful thing to see, for the Bear was almost upon him before he saw her, so that if the Piece had failed to give fire (as oftentimes they do) it had cost him his life, and it may be, that the Bear would have gotten into the house: the Bear being gone somewhat from the house lay down, wherewith we went all armed and killed her out right, and when we had ripped open her belly: Buck. we found a piece of a Buck therein, with hair, skin and all, which not long before she had torn and devoured. The one and thirtieth of May, it was fair weather, but somewhat colder than before, the wind being South-west, whereby the Ice drove away, and we wrought hard about our Boat, but when we were in the chiefest part of work, there came another Bear, as if they had smelled that we would be gone, and that therefore they desired to taste a piece of some of us, for that was the third day, one after the other, that they set so fiercely upon us, so that we were forced to leave our work, and go into the house, and she followed us, but we stood with our Pieces to watch her, and shot three Pieces at her, two from our doors, and one out of the Chimney, which all three hit her: but her death did us more hurt than her life, for after we ripped her belly, we dressed her Liver and eat it, which in the taste liked us well, but it made us all sick, specially three that were exceeding sick, Bear's Liver venomous. and we verily thought that we should have lost them, for all their skins came off, from the foot to the head, but yet they recovered again. june. The third of june, in the morning it was fair clear weather the wind West, and then we were somewhat better, and took great pains with the Boat, that at last we got it ready, after we had wrought six days upon it: about evening it began to blow hard, and therewith the water was very open, which put us in good comfort that our deliverance would soon follow, and that we should once get out of that desolate and fearful place. The fourth, it was fair clear weather, and indifferent warm, and about the Southeast Sun, eleven of us went to our Scute where it then lay, and drew it to the ship, at which time the labour seemed lighter unto us than it did before, when we took it in hand and were forced to leave it off again. The reason thereof was, the opinion that we had that the snow as then lay harder upon the ground, and so was become stronger; and it may be that our courages were better, to see that the time gave us open water, and that our hope was that we should get from thence; and so three of our men stayed by the Scute to build her to our minds: and for that it was a Herring Scute, which are made narrow behind, therefore they sawed it off behind, and made it a broad stern: and better to brook the Seas, they built it also somewhat higher, and dressed it up as well as they could, the rest of our men were busy in the house to make all other things ready for our Voyage, and that day drew two Sleds with victuals and other goods unto the ship, that lay about half way between the house and the open water, that after they might have so much the shorter way, to carry the goods unto the water side, when we should go away: at which time all the labour and pains that we took seemed light and easy unto us, because of the hope that we had to get out of that wild Desert, irksome, fearful, and cold Country. The fifth, it was foul weather, with great store of hail and snow, the wind West, which made an open water, but as then we could do nothing without the house, but within we made all things ready, as Sails, Oars, Masts, Spirit, Rother, Sword, and all other necessary things. The sixth, in the morning it was fair weather, the wind North-east, than we went with our Carpenters to the ship, to build up our Scute, and carried two sleds full of goods into the ship, both victuals and Merchandise, with other things, which we meant to take with us; after that there rose very foul weather in the South-west, with snow, hail, and rain, which we in long time had not had, whereby the Carpenters were forced to leave their work, and go home to the house with us, whereby also we could not be dry, because we had taken of the Deals, therewith to amend our Boat and our Scute, there lay but a sail over it, which would not hold out the water, and the way that lay full of snow began to be soft, so that we left off our shoes made of Ruyg and Felt, and put on our Leather shoes. The eight, it was fair weather, and we drew the wares to the ship, which we had packed and made ready, and the Carpenters made ready the Scute, so that the same evening it was almost done, the same day all our men went to draw our Boat to the ship, and made ropes to draw withal, such as we use to draw with in Scutes, which we cast over our shoulders, and held fast with all our hands, and so drew both with our hands and our shoulders, which gave us more force, and specially the desire and great pleasure we took to work at that time, made us stronger. The tenth, we carried four Sleds of goods into the ship, the wind then being variable, and at evening it was Northerly, and we were busy in the house to make all things ready, the Wine that was left we put into little vessels, that so we might divide it into both our vessels, and that as we were enclosed by the Ice, (which we well knew would happen unto us) we might easilier cast the goods upon the Ice, both out and into the Scutes, as time and place served us. The eleventh, it was foul weather, and it blew hard North Northwest, so that all that day we could do nothing, and we were in great fear left the storm would carry the Ice and the ship both away together, (which might well have come to pass) than we should have been in greater misery than ever we were, for that our goods both victuals and others, were then all in the ship, but God provided so well for us, that it fell not out so unfortunately. The twelfth, it was indifferent fair weather, than we went with Hatchets, Halberds, Shovels, and other instruments, to make the way plain, where we should draw the Scute and the Boat to the water side, along the way that lay full of knobs and hills of Ice, where we wrought sore with our Hatchets and other instruments, and while we were in the chiefest of our work, there came a great lean Bear out of the Sea upon the Ice towards us, which we judged to come out of Tartary: for we had seen of them twenty or thirty miles within the Sea, and for that we had no Muskets, but only one, which our Surgeon carried, I ran in great haste towards the ship to fetch one or two, which the Bear perceiving ran after me, and was very likely to have over taken me, but our company seeing that, left their work and ran after her, which made the Bear turn towards them, and left me, but when she ran towards them, she was shot into the body by the Surgeon, and ran away; but because the Ice was so uneven and hilly, she could not go far, but being by us overtaken, we killed her out right, and smote her teeth out of her head, while she was yet living. Bear slain. The thirteenth, it was fair weather, than the Master and the Carpenters went to the ship, and there made the Scute and the Boat ready, so that there rested nothing as then, but only to bring it down to the water side, the Master and those that were with him, seeing that it was open water, and a good West wind, came back to the house again, and there he spoke unto William Barents (that had been long sick) and showed him, that he thought it good, They depart▪ (seeing it was a fit time) to go from thence, and so willed the company to drive the Boat and the Scute down to the water side, and in the name of God to begin our Voyage, to sail from Nova Zembla: then William Barents wrote a Letter, which he put in a Musket's charge, and hanged it up in the Chimney, showing how he came out of Holland, to sail to the Kingdom of China, and what had happened unto us being there on Land, with all our crosses, that if any man chanced to come thither, they might know what had happened unto us, and how we had been forced in our extremity to make that house, and had dwelled ten months therein, and for that we were put to Sea in two small open Boats, and to undertake a dangerous and adventurous Voyage in hand, the Master wrote two Letters, which most of us subscribed unto, signifying how we had stayed there upon the Land in great trouble and misery, in hope that our ship would be freed from the Ice, and that we should sail away with it again, and how it fell out to the contrary, and that the ship lay fast in the Ice, so that in the end the time passing away, and our victuals beginning to fail us, we were forced for the saving of our own lives, to leave the ship, and to sail away in our open Boats, and so to commit ourselves into the hands of God. Which done, he put into each of our Scutes a Letter, that if we chanced to lose one another, or that by storms or any other misadventure we happened to be cast away, that then by the Scute that escaped, men might know how we left each other, and so having finished all things as we determined, we drew the Boat to the water side, and left a man in it, and went and fetched the Scute, and after that eleven Sleds with goods, as Victuals, with some Wine that yet remained, and the Merchant's goods, which we preserved as well as we could, uz. six packs with fine woollen Cloth, a Chest of Linen, two packets with Velvet, two small Chests with Money, two Dryfats with men's Clothes and other things, thirteen Barrels of Bread, a Barrel of Cheese, a flitch of Bacon, two Runlets of Oil, six small Runlets of Wine, two Runlets of Vinegar, with other packs belonging to the Sailors, so that when they lay all together upon a heap, a man would have judged that they would not have gone into the Scutes, which being all put into them, we went to the house, and first drew William Barents upon a Sled to the place where our Scutes lay, and after that we fetched Claes Adrianson, both of them having been long sick, and so we entered into the Scutes, and divided ourselves into each of them alike, and put into either of them a sick man, than the Master caused both the Scutes to lie close one by the other, and there we subscribed to the Letters which he had written, and so committing ourselves to the will and mercy of God, The Letter is omitted. It was subscribed by jacob Hemskerke, Peter Peterson Vos, Master Hans Vos, Laurence Willimson, Peter Cornelison, john Remarson, William Barents, Gerrat de Veer, Leonard Hendrickson, jacob johnson Scheadam, jacob johnson Sterrenburg. Orange Island. Open Scutes. with a West Northwest wind, and an indifferent open water, we set sail and put to Sea. The fourteenth of june in the morning, the Sun Easterly, we put off from the Land of Nova Zembla, and the fast Ice thereunto adjoining, with our Boat and our Scute, having a West wind, and sailed East North-east all that day to the Lands point, which was five miles, but our first beginning was not very good, for we entered fast into the Ice again, which there lay very hard and fast, which put us into no small fear and trouble, and being there, four of us went on Land, to know the situation thereof, and there we took many Birds, which we killed with stones upon the cliffs. The sixteenth, we set sail again, and got to the Island of Orange, with a South wind, which is eight miles distant from the Point of Desire, there we went on Land with two small Barrels, and a Kettle, to melt snow, and to put the water into the Barrels, as also to seek for Birds and Eggs, to make meat for our sick men. We put to the Sea again with a Southeast wind and drowsy miseling weather, whereby we were all dankish and wet, for we had no shelter in our open Scutes, and sailed West, and West and by South, to the Ice-point, and we made our Scutes fast to a great piece of Ice, and there eat somewhat, but the weather was still fouler and fouler, so that we were once again enclosed with Ice, and forced to stay there. The seventeenth in the morning, when we had broken our fasts, the Ice came so fast upon us that it made our hairs stare upright upon our heads, it was so fearful to behold: by which means we could not make fast our Scutes, so that we thought verily that it was a foreshowing of our last end, for we drove away so hard with the Ice, and were so sore pressed between a flake of Ice, that we thought verily the Scutes would burst in a hundred pieces, at last, being in this discomfort, and extreme necessity, the Master said, if we could take hold with a rope upon the fast Ice, we might therewith draw the Scute up, and so get it out of the great drift of Ice, but as this counsel was good, yet it was so full of danger, that it was the hazard of his life that should take upon him to do it, and without doing it, was it most certain, that it would cost us all our lives: this counsel as I said was good, but no man (like to the tale of the Mice) durst hang the Bell about the Cat's neck, fearing to be drowned, yet necessity required to have it done, and the most danger made us choose the least, so that being in that perplexity, I being the lightest of all our company, Dangerous attempt to draw the Boat over the Ice. took on me to fasten a rope upon the fast Ice, and so creeping from one piece of driving Ice to another, by Gods help got to the fast Ice, where I made a rope fast to a high howell, and they that were in the Scute, drew it thereby unto the said fast Ice, and then one man alone could draw more than all of them could have done before, and when we had gotten thither, in all haste we took our sick men out, and laid them upon the Ice, laying clothes and other things under them, and then took all our goods out of the Scutes, and so drew them upon the Ice, whereby for that time we were delivered from that great danger, making account that we had escaped out of death's claws, as it was most true. The eighteenth, we repaired and amended our Scutes again, being much bruised and crushed with the racking of the Ice, and were forced to drive all the nails fast again and to piece many things about them, God sending us Wood, wherewith we moult our Pitch, and did all other things that belonged thereunto, that done, some of us went upon the Land to seek for Eggs, which the sick men longed for, but we could find none, but we found four Birds, not without great danger of our lives, between the Ice and the firm Land, wherein we often fell, and were in no small danger. The nineteenth, it was indifferent weather, the wind Northwest, and West South-west, but we were still shut up in the Ice, and saw no opening, which made us think that there would be our last abode, and that we should never get from thence. W. Barents dieth. The twentieth, Claes Adrianson and William Barents died, the death of William Barents put us in no small discomfort, as being the chief Guide, and only Pilot on whom we reposed our selves, next under God. The two and twentieth in the morning, it blew a good gale out of the Southeast, and then the Sea was reasonable open, but we were forced to draw our Scutes over the Ice to get unto it, which was great pain and labour unto us; for, first we were forced to draw our Scutes over a piece of Ice of fifty paces long, and there put them into the water, and then again to draw them up upon other Ice, and after drew them at the least an hundred paces more over the Ice, before we could bring them to a good place where we might easily get out, and being gotten unto the open water we committed ourselves to God, and set sail the Sun being about East North-east, with an indifferent gale of wind out of the South, and South Southeast, and sailed West, and West and by South, Enclosed again with Ice: till the Sun was South, and then we were round about enclosed with Ice again, and could not get out, but were forced to lie still, but not long after the Ice opened again like to a sluice, and we passed through it and set sail again, and so sailed along by the Land, but were presently enclosed with Ice, and again. but being in hope of opening again, mean time we eat somewhat, for the Ice went not away as it did before: after that we used all the means we could to break it, but all in vain, and yet a good while after, the Ice opened again, and we got out, and sailed along by the Land, West and by South, with a South wound. The three and twentieth, we sailed still forward West and by South, till the Sun was Southeast, and got to the Trust-point, which is distant from the Ice-point five and twenty miles, Trust-point. and then could go no furtheer, because the Ice lay so hard and so close together, and yet it was fair weather: the same day we took the height of the Sun with the Astrolabium, and also with our Astronomical Ring, and found his height to be 37. degrees, and his Declination 23. degrees and 30. minutes, which taken from the height aforesaid, there rested 13. degrees and 30. minutes, which substracted out of 90. degrees, the height of the Pole was 76. degrees and 30. minutes, and it was fair Sunshine weather, and yet it was not so strong as to melt the Snow, that we might have water to drink, Extreme cold so that we set all our Tin platters and other things full of Snow to melt, and so moult it, and put snow in our mouths, to melt it down into our throats, but all was not enough, so that we were compelled to endure great thirst. FRom the Low-land, to the Stream Bay, the course East and West, four miles. The stretching of the Land from the house where we wintered, along by the North-side of Nova Zembla, to the straits of Weygats, where we passed over to the Coast of Russia, and over the entry of the white Sea to Cola, according to the Card here ensuing. From the Stream Bay, to the Ice-haven point, the course East and by North, four miles. From the Ice-haven point, to the Lands point, the course East North-east, five miles. From the Lands point, to the Flushingers' point, the course North-east and by East, three miles. From the Flushingers' point, to the Head point, the course North east, four miles. From the Head point, to the point of Desire, the course South and North, six miles. From the point of Desire, to the Island of Orange, Northwest, eight miles. From the Lands of Orange, to the Ice point, the course West, and West and by South, five miles. From the Ice point, to the point of Trust, the course West and by South, five and twenty miles. From the point of Trust, to Nassawes point, the course West, and West and by North, ten miles. From the Nassaw point, to the East end of the Cross Island, the course West and by North, eight miles. From the East end of the Cross Island, to William's Island, the course West and by South, three miles. From William's Island, to the Black point, the course West South-west, six miles. From the Black point, to the East end of the Admirable Island, the course West South-west, seven miles. From the East to the West point of the Admirable Island, the course West South-west, five miles. From the West point of the Admirable Island, to Cape Planto, the course South-west and by West, ten miles. From Cape de Planto, to Lombsbay, the course West South-west, eight miles. From Lombsbay, to the Staffs' point, the course West South-west, ten miles. From the Staffs' point, to Langenesse, the course South-west and by South, fourteen miles. From Langenesse, to Cape de Cant, the course South-west and by South, six miles. From Cape de Cant, to the point with the Black cliffs, the course South and by West, four miles. From the point with the Black cliffs, to the Black Hand, the course South Southeast, three miles. From the Black Island, to Constint-sarke, the course East and West, two miles. From Constint-sarke, to the Cross point, the course South Southeast, five miles. From Cross point, to Saint Laurence Bay, the course South Southeast, six miles. From Saint Laurence Bay, to Mel-haven, the course Southeast, six miles. From Mel-haven to the two Lands, the course South Southeast, six miles. From the two Lands, where we crossed over to the Russia Coast, to the Lands of Matfloe and Delgoy, the course South-west, thirty miles. From Matfloe and Delgoy, to the Creek where we sailed the compass round about, and came to the same place again, two and twenty miles. From that Creek, to Colgoy, the course West Northwest, eighteen miles. From Colgoy, to the East point of Camdenas, the course West Northwest, twenty miles. From the East point of Camdenas, to the West side of the White Sea, the course West Northwest, forty miles. From the West point of the White Sea, to the seven Lands, the course Northwest fourteen miles. From the seven Lands, to the West end of Kilduin, the course Northwest, twenty miles. From the West end of Kilduin, to the place where john Cornelis came unto us, the course Northwest and by West, seven miles. From thence to Cola, the course West Southerly, eighteen miles. So that we sailed in the two open Scutes, sometimes in the Ice, then over the Ice, and through the Sea, three hundred and eighty one miles Flemish, which is one thousand one hundred forty and three miles English. The four and twentieth of june, the Sun being Easterly, we rowed here and there in the Ice, to see where we might best go out, but we saw no opening, but when the Sun was South, we got into the Sea, for the which we thanked God most heartily, that he had sent us an unexpected opening, and then we sailed with an East wind, and went lustily forward, so that we made our account to get above the point of Nassawes close by the land, and we could easily see the point of Nassawes, and made our account to be about three miles from it. The six and twentieth, it still blue hard out of the South, and broke the Ice whereunto we were fast in pieces, and we thereby drove into the Sea, and could get no more to the fast Ice, whereby we were in a thousand dangers to be all cast away, and driving in that sort in the Sea, we rowed as much as we could, but we could not get near unto the Land, therefore we hoist up our Focke, and so made up with our sail, but our Fock-mast broke twice in pieces, and then it was worse for us then before, and notwithstanding that there blew a great gale of Wind, yet we were forced to hoist up our great Sail, but the wind blew so hard into it, that if we had not presently taken it in again, we had sunk in the Sea, or else our Boat would have been filled with water, for the water began to leap overboard, and we were a good way in the Sea, at which time the waves went so hollow, that it was most fearful, and we thereby saw nothing but death before our eyes, and every twinkling of an eye looked when we should sink. But God that had delivered us out of so many dangers of Death, holp us once again, and contrary to our expectations, sent us a Northwest wind, and so with great danger we got to the fast Ice again, when we were delivered out of that danger, and knew not where our other Scut● was, we sailed one mile along by the fast Ice, but found it not, whereby we were wholly out of heart, and in great fear that they were drowned, at which time it was misty weather, and so sailing along, and hearing no news of our other Scute, we shot off a Musket, which they hearing shot off another, but yet we could not see each other, mean time approaching nearer to each other, and the weather waxing somewhat clearer, as we and they shot once again, we saw the smoke of their Piece, and at last we met together again, and saw them lie fast, between driving and fast Ice, and when we got near unto them, we went over the Ice, and holp them to unlade the goods out of their Scute, and drew it over the Ice, and with much pain and trouble brought it into the open water again, and while they were fast in the Ice, we found some Wood upon the Land by the Sea side, and when we lay by each other, we sod some Bread and Water together, and eat it up warm, which did us much good. The eight and twentieth, when the Sun was in the East, we laid all our goods upon the Ice, and then drew the Scutes upon the Ice also, because we were so hardly pressed on all sides, with the Ice, and the wind came out of the Sea upon the Land, and therefore we were in fear to be wholly enclosed with the Ice, and should not be able to get out thereof again, and being upon the Ice, we laid sails over our Scutes, and lay down to rest, appointing one of our men to keep watch, and when the Sun was North, there came three Bears towards our Scutes, wherewith he that kept the Watch cried, Three Bears. three Bears, three Bears, at which noise we leapt out of our Boats with our Muskets, that were laden with hailshot to shoot at Birds, and had no time to discharge them, and therefore shot at them therewith, and although that kind of shot could not hurt them much, yet they ran away, and in the mean time they gave us leisure to lad our Muskets with bullets, and by that means we shot one of the three dead, which the other two perceiving ran away, but within two hours after they came again, but when they were almost at us and heard us make a noise, they ran away, at which time the wind was West, and West and by North, which made the Ice drive with great force into the East. The nine and twentieth of june, the Sun 〈◊〉 South South-west, the two Bears came again to the place where the dead Bear lay, One Bear carrieth another in his mouth and eat it. where one of them took the dead Bear in his mouth, and went a great way with it over the rugged Ice, and then began to eat it, which we perceiving shot a Musket at her, but she hearing the noise thereof ran away, and let the dead Bear lie, than four of us went thither, and saw that in so short time she had eaten almost the half of her, we took the dead Bear and laid it upon a high heap of Ice, that we might see it out of our Scute, that if the Bear came again we might shoot at her, at which time we tried the great strength of the Bear, Strong Bear. that carried the dead Bear as lightly in her mouth, as if it had been nothing, whereas we four had enough to do to carry away the half dead Bear between us. The first of july, it was indifferent fair weather, with a West Northwest wind, and in the Morning the Sun being East, july. there came a Bear from the driving Ice towards us, and swum over the water to the fast Ice whereon we lay, but when she heard us, she came no nearer but ran away, and when the Sun was Southeast, the Ice came so fast in towards us, that all the Ice whereon we lay with our Scutes and our goods, broke and ran one piece upon another, whereby we were in no small fear, for at that time most of our goods fell into the water, but we with great diligence drew our Scutes further upon the Ice towards the Land, where we thought to be better defended from the driving of the Ice, and as we went to fetch our goods, we fell into the greatest trouble that ever we had before, for that we endured so great danger in the saving thereof, that as we laid hold upon one piece thereof, the rest sunk down with the Ice, and many times the Ice broke under our own feet, whereby we were wholly discomforted, and in a manner clean out of all hope, expecting no issue thereof, in such sort that our trouble at that time surmounted all our former cares and impeachments, and when we thought to draw up our Boats upon the Ice, the Ice broke under us, and we were carried away with the Scute, and all by the driving Ice, and when we thought to save the goods, the Ice broke under our feet, and with that the Scute broke in many places, especially that which we had mended, as the Mast, the mast plank, and almost all the Scute, wherein one of our men that was sick, and a Chest of money lay, which we with great danger of our lives got out from it, for as we were doing it, the Ice that was under our feet drove from us, and slid upon other Ice, whereby we were in danger to burst both our arms and our legs, at which time, thinking that we had been clean quit of our Scute, we beheld each other in pitiful manner, knowing not what we should do, our lives depending thereon, but God made so good provision for us, that the pieces of Ice drove from each other, wherewith we ran in great haste unto the Scute, and draw it to us again in such case as it was, and laid it upon the fast Ice by the Boat, where it was in more security, which put us unto an exceeding and great and dangerous labour, from the time that the Sun was Southeast, until it was West South-west, and in all that time we rested not, which made us extreme weary, and wholly out of comfort, for that it troubled us sore, and it was much more fearful unto us, then at that time when William Barents died, for there we were almost drowned, and that day we lost (which was sunk in the Sea) two Barrels of Bread, a Chest with Linen Cloth, a Dry Fat with the Sailor's Clothes, our Astronomical Ring, a pack of Scarlet Cloth, a Roundlet of Oil, and some Cheeses, and a Roundlet of Wine, which bouged with the Ice so that there was not any thing thereof saved. The fourth, it was so fair clear weather, that from the time we were first in Nova Zembla, we had not the like. The fifth, it was fair weather, the Wind West, South-west, the same day died john Franson of Harlem. The seventh, it was fair weather with some Rain, the Wind West, South-west, and at Evening West, and by North, than we went to the open water, and there killed thirteen Birds, which we took upon a piece of driving Ice, and laid them upon the fast Ice. The ninth, in the morning, the Ice began to drive, whereby we got open water on the Land side, and then also the fast Ice whereon we lay, began to drive whereupon the Master and the men went to fetch the Pack and the Chest, that stood upon the Ice, to put them into the Scute, and then drew the Scute● to the water, at least three hundred and forty paces, which was hard for us to do, in regard that the labour was great, and we very weak, and when the Sun was South Southeast we set sail with an East-wind, but when the Sun was West, we were forced to make towards the fast Ice again, because thereabouts it was not yet gone, the Wind being South, and came right from the Land, whereby we were in good hope that it would drive away, and that we should proceed in our Voyage. The tenth, from the time that the Sun was East North-east, till it was East, we took great pains and labour to get through the Ice, and at last we got through, and rowed forth, until we happened to fall between two great flakes of Ice that closed one with the other, so that we could not get through, but were forced to draw the Scutes upon them, and to unlade the goods, and then to draw them over to the open water on the other side, and then we must go fetch the goods also to the same place, being at least one hundred paces long, and when we were in open water again, we rowed forward as well as we could, but we had not rowed long, before we fell between two great flakes of Ice, that came driving one against the other, but by God's help, and our speedy rowing, we got from between them, before they closed up, and being through we had a hard West Wind, right in our Teeth, so that of force we were constrained to make towards the fast Ice that lay by the shore. The eleventh, in the morning as we sat fast upon the Ice, the Sun being North-east, there came a great Bear out of the water running towards us, Huge Bear. but we watched for her with three Muskets, and when she came within thirty paces of us, we shot all the three Muskets at her, and killed her outright, so that she stirred not a foot, and we might see the fat run out at the holes of her skin, that was shot in with the Muskets, swim upon the water like Oil, and so driving dead upon the water, we went upon a flake of Ice to her, and putting a Rope about her neck, drew her up upon the Ice, and smit out her Teeth, at which time we measured her body, and found it to be eight foot thick, than we had a West Wind with close weather, but when the Sun was South it began to clear up, than three of our men went to the Island that lay before us, and being there, they saw the Cross Island, lying Westward from them, and went thither to see if that Summer there had been any Russian there, and went thither upon the fast Ice, that lay between the two Lands, and being in the Island, they could not perceive that any man had been in it since we were there, there they got seventy Eggs, but when they had them, they knew not wherein to carry them, at last one of them put off his Breeches, and tying them fast below, they carried them between two of them, and the third bore the Musket: and so came to us again, after they had been twelve hours out, which put us no small fear to think what was become of them, they told us that they had many times gone up to the knees in water, upon the Ice between both the Lands: and it was at least six mile to and fro, that they had gone, which made us wonder how they could endure it, seeing we were all so weak. With the Eggs that they had brought, we were all well comforted, and fared like Lords, so that we found some relief in our great misery, and then we shared our last Wine amongst us, whereof every one had three Glasses. The twelfth, in the morning, when the Sun was East, the Wind began to blow East, and East North-east, with misty weather, and at Eevening six of our men went into the Land, to seek certain stones, and found some, but none of the best sort, and coming back again, either of them brought some wood. The thirteenth, it was a fair day, than seven of our men went to the firm Land to seek for more stones, and found some, at which time the Wind was Southeast. The fourteenth, it was fair weather, with a good South Wind, and then the Ice began to drive from the Land, whereby we were in good hope to have an open water, but the Wind turning Westerly again, it lay still, when the Sun was South-west, three of our men went to the next Island that lay before us, and there shot a Bercheynet, which they brought to the Scute; and gave it amongst us, for all our goods were common. The sixteenth, there came a Bear from the firm Land, that came very near unto us, by reason that it was as white as Snow, whereby at first we could not discern it to be a Bear, because it showed so like the snow, but by her stirring at last we perceived her, and as she came near unto us, we shot at her and hit her, but she ran away: that morning the Wind was West, and after that again, East North-east with close weather. The seventeenth, about the South Southeast Sun, five of our men went again to the nearest Island, to see if there appeared any open water, for our long staying there was no small grief unto us, perceiving not how we should get from thence, who being half way thither, they found a Bear lying behind a piece of Ice, which the day before had been shot by us, but she hearing us went away, but one of our men following her with a Boat-hooke, thrust her into the skin, wherewith the Bear rose up upon her hinder feet, and as the man thrust at her again, she struck the Iron of the Boat-hooke in pieces, wherewith the man fell down upon his buttocks, which our other two men seeing, two of them shot the Bear into the body, and with that she ran away, but the other man went after her with his broken staff, and struck the Bear upon the back, wherewith the Bear turned about against the man three times one after the other, and then the other two came to her and shot her into the body again, wherewith she sat down upon her buttocks, and could scant run any further, and then they shot once again, wherewith she fell down, and they smote her Teeth out of her head: all that day the Wind was North-east, and East North-east. The eighteenth, about the East Sun, three of our men went up upon the highest part of the land to see if there was any open water in the Sea, at which time they saw much open water, but it was so far from the land, that they were almost out of comfort, because it lay so far from the land, and the fast Ice, being of opinion that we should not be able to draw the Scutes and the goods so far thither, because our strengths still began to decrease: and the sore labour and pain that we were forced to endure more and more increased, and coming to our Scutes, they brought us that news, but we being compelled thereunto by necessity abandoned all weariness and faintheartedness, and determined with ourselves to bring the Boats and the goods to the water side, and to row unto that Ice, where we must pass over to get to the open water, and when we got to it, we unladed our Scutes, and drew them first over the Ice to the open water, and after that the goods; it being at the least one thousand paces, than we set sail, till the Sun was West and by South; and presently fell amongst the Ice again, where we were forced to draw up the Scutes again upon the Ice, and being upon it, we could see the Cross Island; which we guest to be about a mile from us, the Wind then being East, and East North-east. The nineteenth, lying in that manner upon the Ice, about the East Sun, seven of our men went to the Cross Island, and being there they saw great store of open water in the West, wherewith they touch rejoiced, and made as great haste as they could to get to the Scutes again, but before they came away they got 100 Eggs, and brought them away with them, and coming to the Scutes, they showed us that they had seen as much open water in the Sea as they could discern, being in good hope, that that would be the last time that they should draw the Scutes over the Ice, and that it should be no more measured by us, and in that sort put us in good comfort, whereupon we made speed to dress our Eggs, and shared them amongst us, and presently the Sun being South South-west we fell to work, to make all things ready to bring the Scutes to the water, which were to be drawn at least two hundred paces over the Ice, which we did with a good courage, because we were in good hope that it would be the last time, and getting to the water, we put to Sea with God's help, with an East, and East North-east Wind, and a good gale, so that with the West Sun, we passed by the Cross Island, which is distant from Cape de Nassawes ten miles, and presently after that the Ice left us, and we got clear out of it, yet we saw some in the Sea, but it troubled us not, and so we held our course West and by South, with a good gale of Wind out of the East, and East North-east, so that we guest that between every meal-tide we sailed eighteen miles. The twentieth, having still a good gale about the Southeast Sun, we passed along by the Black Point, which is twelve miles distant from the Cross Island, and sailed West South-west, and about the Eevening with the West Sun, Admiral's Island. we saw the Admiral's Island, and about the North Sun passed along by it, which is distant from the Black Point eight miles, and passing along by it, we saw about two hundred Sea-horses, lying upon a flake of Ice, and we sailed close by them, and drove them from thence, which had almost cost us dear, for they being mighty strong fishes, and of great force, swam towards us, (as if they would be revenged on us for the despite that we had done them (round about our Scutes) with a great noise, as if they would have devoured us, but we escaped from them, by reason that we had a good gale of Wind, yet it was not wisely done of us to wake sleeping Wolves. The one and twentieth, we passed by Cape Plancio, about the East North-east Sun, Cape Plancio▪ which lieth West South-west eight miles from the Admiral's Island, and with the good gale that we had about the South-west Sun, we sailed by Langenes, nine miles from Cape Plancio: there the Land reacheth most South-west, and we had a good North-east wind. Langenes. The two and twentieth, we having so good a gale of wind when we came to Cape de Cant, Cape Cant. there we went on land to seek for some Birds and Eggs, but we found none, so we sailed forwards, but after that about the South Sun we saw a Clift that was full of Birds, thither we sailed and casting stones at them, we killed two and twenty Birds, and got fifteen Eggs, which one of our men fetched from the Clift, and if we would have stayed there any longer, we might have taken a hundred or two hundred Birds at least, but because the Master was somewhat further into Seaward then we, and stayed for us, and for that we would not lose that fair forewind, we sailed forwards along by the Land, and about the South-west Sun, we came to another point, where we got a hundred twenty and five. Birds, Strange Bird● breeding in strong cold. which we took with our hands out of their Nests, and some we killed with stones, and made them fall down into the water, for it is a thing certain that those Birds never used to see men, and that no man had ever sought or used to take them, for else they would have flown away, and that they feared no hodie, but the Foxes and other wild beasts, that could not climb up the high Cliffs, and that therefore they had made their Nests thereon, where they were out of fear of any beasts coming unto them, for we were in no small danger of breaking of our legs and arms, especially as we came down again, because the Clift was so high and so steep, those Birds had every one but one Egg in their Nests, and that lay upon the bare Clift without any straw or other thing under them, which is to be wondered at, to think how they could breed their young ones in so great cold, but it is to be thought and believed, that they therefore sit but upon one Egg, that so the heat which they give in breeding so many, may be wholly given unto one Egg. The four and twentieth, it was fair weather, but the wind still Northerly, whereby we were forced to lie still, and about noon we took the height of the Sun with our Astrolabium, and found it to be elevated above the Horizon 37. degrees and 20. minutes, his declination 20. degrees and 10. minutes which substracted from the height aforesaid rested 17. degrees and 10. minutes, which taken from 90. degrees, the height of the Pole was 73. degrees and 10. minutes, and for that we lay still there, some of our men went oftentimes on Land to seek stones, and found some that were as good as ever any that we found. The seven and twentieth, we had sailed from Cape de Cant, along by Constinsarke, to the Cross Point, twenty miles, our course South Southeast, the Wind Northwest. The eight and twentieth, it was fair weather with a North-east wind, than we sailed along by the Land, and with the South-west Sun, got before Saint Laurence Bay, or Sconce Point, Two Russian Lodies or Lodgies. and sailed South Southeast six miles, and being there, we found two Russians Lodgies, or ships beyond the Point, wherewith we were not a little comforted, to think that we were come to the place where we found men, but were in some doubt of them, because they were so many, for at that time we saw at least thirty men, and knew not what they were, there with much pain and labour we got to Land, which they perceiving, left off their work, and came towards us, but without any Arms, and we also went on shore, as many as were well, for diverse of us were very ill at ease, and weak by reason of a great scouring in their bodies, and when we met together, we saluted each other in friendly wise, they after theirs, and we after our manner, and when we were met, both they and we looked each other steadfastly in the face, for that some of them knew us, and we them, to be the same men which the year before, when we passed through the Weygates had been in our ship: at which time we perceived that they were abashed and wondered at us, to remember that at that time we were so well furnished with a great ship, that was exceedingly provided of all things necessary, and then to see us so lean and bare, with so small Scutes in that Country: and amongst them there were two, that in friendly manner clapped the Master and me upon the shoulder, as knowing us since that Voyage: for there was none of all our men that was as then in that Voyage, but we two only, and asked us for our Crable, meaning our ship, and we showed them by signs as well as we could (for we had no Interpreter) that we had lost our ship in the Ice, wherewith they said, Crable pro pal (which we understood to be, Have you lost your ship?) and we made answer, Crable pro pal, which was as much as to say, That we had lost our ship, and many more words we could not use, because we understood not each other, than they made show to be sorry for our loss, and to be grieved that we the year before had been there with so many ships, and then to see us in so simple manner, and made us signs that then they had drunk Wine in our ship, and asked us what drink we had now, wherewith one of our men went into the Scute and drew some water, and let them taste thereof, but they shaked their heads, and said, No dobbre (that is, It is not good) than our Master went nearer unto them, and showed them his mouth, to give them to understand that we were troubled with a looseness in our bellies, and to know if they could give us any counsel to help it, but they thought we made show that we had great hunger wherewith one of them went unto their Lodging, and fetched a round Rye Loaf, weighing about eight pounds, with some smored Fowls which we accepted thankfully, and gave them in exchange half a dozen of Muschuyt, than our Master led two of the chief of them with him into his Scute, and gave them some of the Wine that we had, being almost a Gallon, for it was so near out: and while we stayed there, we were very familiar with them, and went to the place where they lay, and sod some of our Mischuyt with water by their fire, that we might eat some warm thing down into our bodies, and we were much comforted to see the Russians for that in thirteen months time, that we departed from john Cornelison, we had not seen any man, but only monstrous and cruel wild Bears. The nine and twentieth, it was reasonable fair weather, and that morning the Russians began to make preparation to be gone, and to set sail: at which time they digged certain Barrels with Train Oil out of the sieges which they had buried there, and put it into their ships. The thirtieth, lying at Anchor, the Wind still blue Northwest, with great store of Rain, and a sore storm, so that although we had covered our Scutes with our Sails, yet we could not lie dry, No Rain. which was an unaccustomed thing unto us: for we had had no Rain in long time before, and yet we were forced to stay there all that day. The one and thirtieth, in the morning, about the North-east Sun, we rowed from that Island to another Island, whereon there stood two Crosses, we thought that some men had laid there about Trade of Merchandise, as the other Russians that we saw before had done, but we found no man there, the Wind as then being Northwest, whereby the Ice drove still towards the Weygates: Scurvygrass, or Leple leaves cure their scouring and scorbutical infirmity. there to our great good we went on Land, for in that Island we found great store of Leple leaves, which served us exceeding well, and it seemed that God had purposely sent us thither: for as then we had many sick men, and most of us were so troubled with a scouring in our bodies, and were thereby become so weak, that we could hardly row, but by means of those leaves we were healed thereof: for that as soon as we had eaten them, we were presently eased and healed, whereat we could not choose but wonder, and therefore we gave God great thanks for that, and for many other his mercies showed unto us, by his great and unexpected aid lent us, in that our dangerous Voyage: and so as I said before, we eat them by whole handfuls together, because in Holland we had heard much spoken of their great force, and as then found it to be much more than we expected. August. The first of August, the Wind blew hard Northwest, and the Ice that for a while had driven towards the entry of the Weygates, stayed and drove no more, but the Sea went very hollow, whereby we were forced to remove our Scutes on the other side of the Island, to defend them from the waves of the Sea, and lying there we went on Land again to fetch more Leple leaves, whereby we had been so well holpen, and still more and more recovered our healths, and in so short time, that we could not choose, but wonder thereat, so that as then some of us could eat Biscuit again, which not long before they could not do. The second, it was dark misty weather, the Wind still blowing stiff Northwest, at which time our victuals began to decrease, for as then we had nothing but a little Bread and Water, and some of us a little Cheese. The third, about the North Sun, the weather being somewhat better, we agreed amongst ourselves to leave Nova Zembla and to cross over to Russia, and so committing ourselves to God, we set sail with a Northwest Wind, and sailed South South-west till the Sun was East, and then we entered into Ice again, which put us in great fear, and about the South-west Sun got clear thereof, and entered into the large Sea, where we saw Ice, and then what with sailing and rowing we had made twenty miles, and so sailing forwards we thought to approach near unto the Russian Coast; but about the Northwest Sun we entered into Ice again, and then it was very cold. The fourth, about the Southeast Sun, being gotten out of the Ice, we sailed forward with a Northwest Wind, and held our course Southerly, and when the Sun was South, at noon time we saw the Coast of Russia lying before us, whereat we were exceeding glad, and going nearer unto it, we struck our sails and rowed on Land, and found it to be very low Land, like a bare Strand that might be flowed over with the water, there we lay till the Sun was South-west, but perceiving that there we could not much further ourselves, having as then sailed from the Point of Nova Zembla (from whence we put off) thither full thirty miles, we sailed forward along by the Coast of Russia, with an indifferent gale of Wind, and when the Sun was North, we saw another Russian jolle or ship, which we sailed unto to speak with them, and being hard by them, they came all above Hatches, and we cried unto them Candinaes Candinaes (whereby we asked if we were about Candinaes') but they cried again and said, Pitzora, Pitzora, (to show us that we were there abouts) and for that we sailed along by the Coast, where it was very dry, Pitzora: Compass deceiveth by ill Neighbourhood. supposing that we held our course West and by North, that so we might get beyond the Point of Candinaes', we were wholly deceived by our Compass, that stood upon a Chest bound with Iron bands which made us vary at least two Points, whereby we were much more Southerly than we thought our course had been, and also far more Easterly, for we thought verily that we had not been far from Candinaes', and we were three days sailing from it as after we perceived, and for that we found ourselves to be so much out of our way, we stayed there all night till day appeared. The twelfth of August, it was fair weather, at which time the Sun being East, we saw a Russia Lodgie come towards us, with all his sails up, wherewith we were not a little comforted, which we perceiving from the Strand, where we lay with our Scutes, we desired the Master that we might go unto him, to speak with him, and to get some victuals of them, and to that end we made as much haste as we could, to launch out our Scutes and sailed toward them, and when we got to them, the Master went into the Lodgie, to ask them how far we had to Cardinaes', which we could not well learn of them, because we understood them not, they held up their five Fingers unto us, but we knew not what they meant thereby, but after we perceived, that thereby they would show us, that there stood five Crosses upon it, and they brought their Compass out and showed us that it lay Northwest from us, Russian Compass. which our Compass also showed us, which reckoning also we had made: but when we saw we could have no better intelligence from them, the Master went further into their Ship, and pointed to a barrel of Fish that he saw therein, making signs to know, whether they would sell it unto us, showing them a piece of eight Rials, which they understanding gave us one hundred and two Fishes, with so●e Cakes which they had made of Meal, when they sodde their Fish, and about the South Sun we left them. The sixteenth of August in the Morning, sailing forward Northwest, we perceived that we were in a Creek, and so made towards the Russian Lodgie, which we had seen on our starre-boord, which at last with great labour and much pain we got unto, and coming to them about the Southeast Sun, with a hard wind, we asked them how far we were from Sembla de Cool or Kilduin, but they shook their heads, and showed us that we were on the East-side of Zembla de Candinaes. The seventeenth lying at Anchor, in the Morning at break of day, we saw a Russian Lodgie that came sailing out of the white Sea, to whom we rowed, that we might have some instruction from him, and when we boarded him, without ask or speaking unto him, he gave us a loaf of Bread, and by signs showed us as well as he could, that he had seen our Companions, and that there was seven men in the Boat, but we not knowing well what they said, neither yet believing them, they made other signs unto us, and held up their seven Fingers, and pointed to our Scute, thereby showing that there was so many men in the Boat, and that they had sold them Bread, Flesh, Fish and other victuals: and while we stayed in their Lodgie, we saw a small Compass therein, which we knew that they had bought of our chief Boatson, which they likewise acknowledged. About midnight we found a fall of fresh Water, and then we went on Land to fetch some, and there also we got some Leple-leaves, and as we thought to row forward, we were forced to sail, because the flood was past, and still we looked earnestly out for the point of Cardinaes', and the five Crosses, whereof we had been instructed by the Russians, but we could not see it. The Eighteenth, in the Morning the Sun being East, we pulled up our Stone, (which we used in steed of an Anchor) and rowed along by the Land, till the Sun was South, and then we saw a point of Land reaching into the Sea, and on certain signs of Crosses, which as we went nearer unto we saw perfectly, and when the Sun was West, we perceived that the Land reached West and South-west, so that thereby we knew it certainly to be the point of Candinaes', lying at the mouth of the white Sea which we were to cross, and had long desired to see it. This Point is easily to be known, having five Crosses standing upon it, which are perfectly to be discerned, and having a good North-east wound (which was not for us to slack) we set forward in the Name of God, and when the Sun was Northwest we passed the Point, and all that night and the next day sailed with a good Wind, and all that time rowed but while three Glasses were run out, and the next Night after ensuing, having still a good wound, in the Morning about the East North-east Sun, we saw Land on the Westside of the white Sea, which we found by the rushing of the Sea upon the Land before we saw it, and perceiving it to be full of Cliffs, and not low sandy ground with some Hills, as it is on the East-side of the white Sea, we assured ourselves that we were on the Westside of the white Sea, upon the Coast of Lapland, Lapland. for the which we thanked God, that he had helped us to sail over the white Sea in thirty hours, it being forty Dutch miles at the least, our course being West with a North-east wind. The twentieth, we espied certain Crosses, with Warders upon them, whereby we understood that it was a good way, and so put into it, and being entered a little way within it, we saw a great Russian Lodgie lying at Anchor, whereunto we rowed as fast as we could, and there also we saw certain Houses wherein men dwelled, and when we got to the Lodgie, we made ourselves fast unto it and cast our tent over the Scute, for as than it began to rain, than we went on land into the Houses that stood upon the shore, where they showed us great friendship, leading us into their Stoves and there dried our wet clothes, and then seething some Fish, bade us sit down and eat somewhat with them. In those little houses we found thirteen Russians, Russian Houses. who every morning went out to Fish in the Sea, whereof two of them had charge over the rest, they lived very poorly, and ordinarily eat nothing but Fish and Bread: at Eevening when we prepared ourselves to go to our Scute again, they prayed the Master and me to stay with them in their Houses, which the Master thanked them for, would not do, but I stayed with them all that night: Laplanders mi●rable life. besides those thirteen Men, there was two Laplanders more, and three Women with a Child, that lived very poorly of the overplusse which the Russians gave them, as a piece of a Fish, and some fishes heads which the Russians threw away, and they with great thankfulness took them up, so that in respect of their poverty, we hought ourselves to be well furnished: and yet we had little enough, but as it seemed their ordinary living was in that manner, and we were forced to stay there, for that the wound being Northwest, it was against us. The one and twentieth, we met our other Company wherewith we rejoiced, and showed each other of our proceedings, and how we had sailed too and fro in great necessity and hunger, and yet they had been in greater necessity and danger than we, and gave God thanks that he had preserved us alive, and brought us together again, and then we eat something together and drank of the clear Water, such as runneth along by Collen through the Rhine, and then we agreed that they should come unto us, that we might sail together. The two and twentieth, the rest of our men with the Boat came unto us, about the East Southeast Sun, whereat we much rejoiced, and then we prayed the Russians Cook to bake a sack of Meal for us, and to make it Bread, paying him for it, which he did, and in the mean time, when the Fishermen came with their Fish out of the Sea, our Master bought four Cod of them, which we sodde and eat, and while were were at meat, the chief of the Russians came unto us, and perceiving that we had not much Bread, he fetched a Loaf and gave it us, and although we desired them to sit down and eat some meat with us, yet we could by no means get them to grant thereunto, because it was their Fasting day, and for that we had poured Butter and fat into our Fish: Slutterie a fast breaker. nor we could not get them once to drink with us, because our Cup was somewhat greasy, they were so superstitious touching their Fasting and Religion, neither would they lend us any of their Cups to drink in, lest they should likewise be greased, at that time the wound was Northwest. The four and twentieth, the wind blue East, and then the Sun being East, we got the seven Lands, where we found many Fishermen, of whom we enquired after Cool and Kilduin, and they made signs that they lay West from us, (which we likewise guest to be so) and withal they showed us great friendship, and cast a Cod into our Scute, but for that we had a good gale of wound, we could not stay to pay them for it, but gave them great thanks, much wondering at their great courtesy, and so with a good gale of wound we arrived before the seven Lands, when the Sun was South-west, and past between them and the Land, and there found certain Fishermen that rowed to us, and asked us where our Crable (meaning our Ship) was, whereunto we made answer, with as much Russian language as we had learned, and said, Crable pro Pal, (that is, our Ship is lost) which they understanding, said unto us, Cool Brabouse Crable, whereby we understood, that at Cool there was certain netherlands Ships, but we made no great account thereof, because our intent was to sail to Warehouse, fearing lest the Russians or great Prince of the Country would stay us there. The five and twentieth, sailing along by the Land with a Southeast wound, about the South Sun, Kilduin. we had a sight of Kilduin, at which time we held our course West Northwest, and sailing in that manner between Kilduin and the firm Land, about the South South-west Sun, we got to the West end of Kilduin, and being there looked if we could see any Houses or people therein, and at last we saw certain Russian Lodgies that lay upon the Strand, and there finding a convenient place for us to Anchor with our Scutes, while we went to know if any people were to be found, our Master put in with the Land, and there found five or six small Houses, wherein the Laplanders dwelled, of whom we asked if that were Kilduin, whereunto they made answer, and showed us that it was Kilduin, and said, that at Coola there lay three Brabant's Crables or Ships, whereof two were that day to set sail: we found a small House upon the shore, wherein there was three Men and a great Dog, which received us very friendly, ask us of our affairs, and how we got thither, whereunto we made answer, and showed them that we had lost our Ship, and that we were come thither to see if we could get a Ship that would bring us into Holland: whereunto they made us answer as the other Russians had done, that there was three Ships at Coola, whereof two were to set sail from thence that day, than we asked them if they would go with one of our men by Land to Coola, to look for a ship, wherewith we might get into Holland, and said we would reward them well for their pains, but they excused themselves, and said, that they could not go from thence, but they said they would being us over the Hill, where we should find certain Laplanders whom they thought would go with us, as they did: for that Master and one of our men going with them over the Hill, found certain Laplanders there, whereof they got one to go with our man, promising him two Rials of eight for his pains, and so the Laplander going with him, took a Piece on his neck, and our man a Boat-hooke, and about Eevening they set forward, the wind as then being East, and East North-east. The six and twentieth, it was fair weather, the wound Southeast, at which time we drew up both our Scutes upon the Land, and took all the goods out of them, to make them the lighter; which done, we went to the Russians and warmed us, and there dressed such meats as we had, and then again we began to make two meals a day, when we perceived that we should every day find more people, and we drank of their drink which they call Quasse, which was made of broken pieces of Bread, and it tasted well: for in long time we had drunk nothing else but Water. Some of our men went further into the Land, and there found blue Berries and bramble Berries, which they plucked and eat, and they did us much good, for we found that they healed us of our looseness, the wound still blue Southeast. The eight and twentieth, it was indifferent good weather, and then we drew the Scutes upon the Land again, that we might take the rest of the goods out of them, because the wind still blue hard North, and North Northwest, and having drawn the Scutes up, we spread our sails upon them, to shelter us under them, for it was still misty and rainy weather, much desiring to hear some news of our man, that was gone to Coola with the Laplander. The nine and twentieth, we spied the Laplander coming alone without our man, whereat we wondered, and were somewhat in doubt, but when he came unto us, he showed us a Letter that was written unto our Master, which he opened before us, the Contents thereof being, that he that had written the Letter wondered much at our arrival in that place, and that long since he verily thought that we had been all cast away, being exceeding glad of our happy fortune, and how that he would presently come unto us with victuals, and all other necessaries to succour us withal, we being in no small admiration who it might be, that showed us so great favour and friendship, could not imagine what he was, for it appeared by the Letter that he knew us well: and although the Letter was subscribed, by me john Cornelison Rip, yet we could not be persuaded that it was the same john Cornelison, who the year before had been set out in the other ship with us, & left us about the Bear Island: for those good news we paid the Laplander his higher; and besides that, gave him Hose, Breeches, and other furniture, so that he was apparelled like a Hollander: for as then we thought ourselves to be wholly out of danger, and so being of good comfort, we laid us down to rest. here I cannot choose but show you how fast the Laplander went: for when he went to Coola, as our Companion told us, they were two Days and two Nights on the way, and yet went apace, and when he came back again he was but a Day and a Night coming to us, which was wonderful, it being but half the time, so that we said, and verily thought that he was half a Conjurer, and he brought us a Partridge, which he had killed by the way as he went. The thirtieth, we saw a Russian jowl come rowing with john Cornelison, and our Companion that we had sent to Coola, who being landed, we received and welcomed each other, with great joy and exceeding gladness, as if either of us on both sides had seen each other rise from death to life again: for we esteemed him, and he us to be dead long since: he brought us a Barrel of Roswicke Beer, Wine, Aqua vit●, Bread, Flesh, Bacon, Salmon Sugar, and other things, which comforted and relieved us much, and we rejoiced together for our so unexpected meeting: at that time giving God great thanks, for his Mercy showed unto us. The first of September, in the Morning with the East Sun, September. we got to the Westside of the River of Coola, and entered into it, where we rowed till the Flood was past, and then we cast the Stones that served us for Anchors upon the ground, at a point of Land till the Flood came in again: and when the Sun was South, we set sail again with the Flood, and so sailed and rowed till midnight, and then we cast Anchor again till morning. The second, Trees a rare sight. in the Morning, we rowed up the River, and as we passed along we saw some Trees on the River side, which comforted us, and made us glad as if we had then come into a new world, for in all the time that we had been out, we had not seen any Trees, and when we were by the Salt Kettles, which is about three miles from Coola, we stayed there a while, and made merry, Coola. and then went forward again, and with the West Northwest Sun, got to john Cornelisons Ship, wherein we entered and drunk: there we began to make merry again, with the Sailors that were therein, and that had been in the Voyage with john Cornelison the year before, and bad each other welcome: then we rowed forward, and late in the Eevening got to Coola, where some of us went on Land, and some stayed in the Scutes to look to the goods: to whom we sent Milk and other things to comfort and refresh them, and we were all exceeding glad that God of his mercy had delivered us out of so many dangers and troubles, and had brought us thither in safety. The third, we unladed all our goods, and there refreshed ourselves after our toilsome and weary journey, and the great hunger we had endured, thereby to recover our healths and strengths again. The eleventh, by leave and consent of the Bayart, Th●ir Scute and Boat laid up for a Monument: how much more worthily than the old world Argo. Governor of the great Prince of Moscovia, we brought our Scute and our Boat into the Merchant's House, and there let them stand for a remembrance of our long, far (and never before sailed way) and that we had sailed in those open Scutes, almost four hundred Dutch miles, through, and along by the Sea Coasts to the Town of Coola. The seventeenth of September, john Cornelison and our Master being come aboard, the next day about the East Sun, we set sail out of the River Coola, and with God's grace put to Sea, to sail homewards, and being out of the River, we sailed along by the Land Northwest and by North, the wind being South. Upon the nine and twentieth of October, we arrived in the Maze, with an East North-east wind, and the next morning got to Maseland Sluice, and there going on Land, from thence rowed to Delfe, and then to the Hage, and from thence to Harlem. And upon the first of November about Noon, got to Amsterdam, in the same Clothes that we wore in Nova Zembla, with our Caps furred with white Foxes skins. The news thereof being spread abroad in the Town, it was also carried to the Prince's Court in the Hage, at which time the Lord Chancellor of Denmark, Ambassador for the said King, was then at Dinner with Prince Maurice: for the which cause we were presently fetched thither by the Scout, and two of the Burghers of the Town, and there in the presence of those Ambassadors, and the Burgermasters, we made rehearsal of our journey both forwards and backwards. I thought good to add hither for Barents or Barentsons sake, certain Notes which I have found (the one Translated, the other Written by him) amongst Master Hakluyts Paper. This was Written by William Barentson in a loose Paper, which was lent me by the Reverend Peter Plantius in Amsterdam, March the seven and twentieth, 1609. Intelligence from Samoyeds. THe four and twentieth of August, Stilo novo 1595. we spoke with the Samoieds, and asked them how the Land and Sea did lie to the East of Waygates. They said after five days journey going North-east, 1595. Barks going from Pechora to Gielhsidi: wintering there. Gielhsidi won from the Tartars 1592. we should come to a great Sea, going Southeast. This Sea to the East of Waygates, they said was called Marmoria, that is to say, A calm Sea. And they of Ward-house have told us the same. I asked them, if at any time of the year it was frozen over? They said it was. And that sometimes they passed it with Sleds. And the first of September 1595. Stilo novo, the Russes of the Lodie or Bark affirmed the same; saying, that the Sea is sometimes so Frozen, that the Lodies or Barks going sometimes to Gielhsidi from Pechora, are forced there to Winter: which Gielhsidi was won from the Tartars, three years past. For the Ebb and Flood there I can find none; but with the Wind so runneth the stream. The third of September, 1592. No Ebb not Flood. Stilo novo, the wind was South-west, and then I found the water higher, then with the wind at North or North-east. Mine opinion is grounded on Experience, That if there be a passage, it is small: or else the Sea could not rise with a Southerly Wind. And for the better proof to know if there were a Flood and Ebb, September 9 the ninth of September, Stilo novo, I went on shore on the South end of the State's Island, where the Cross standeth, and laid a Stone on the brink of the Water, to prove whether there were a Tide, and went round about the Island to shoot at a Hare, and returning, I found the Stone as I left it, and the Water neither higher nor lower: which proveth as afore, that there is no Flood nor Ebb. CHAP. VI A Treatise of IVER BOTY a Gronlander, translated out of the Norsh Language into High Dutch, in the year 1560. And after out of High Dutch into Low Dutch, by WILLIAM BARENTSON of Amsterdam, who was chief Pilot aforesaid. The same Copy in High Dutch, is in the hands of JODOCUS HONDIUS, which I have seen. And this was translated out of Low Dutch, by Master WILLIAM STEER, Merchant, in the year 1608. for the use of me HENRY HUDSON. WILLIAM BARENTSONS Book is in the hands of Master PETER PLANTIUS, who lent the same unto me. INprimis, it is reported by men of Wisdom and Understanding borne in Gronland, That from Stad in Norway to the East part of Island, called Horn-nesse, is seven days sailing right West. Item, men shall know, that between Island and Gronland, lieth a Riffe called Gombornse-skare. Gombornse-skare. The long North bottom. There were they wont to have there passage for Gronland. But as they report there is Ice upon the same Riffe, come out of the long North Bottom, so that we cannot use the same old Passage as they think. Item, from Longnesse on the East side of Island to the abovesaid Horn-nesse, is two days sail to the Brimstone Mount. Item, if you go from Bergen in Norway, the course is right West, till you be South of Rokenesse in Island: and distant from it thirteen miles, or leagues. And with this course you shall come under that high Land that lieth in the East part of Groneland, and is called Swafster. A day before you come there, you shall have sight of a high Mount, called Huit-sarke: Swafster. and between Whitsarke and Groneland, lieth a Head-land called Hernoldus Hooke; Whitsarke. Hernoldus Hooke. Sound Haven in Groneland. and thereby lieth an Haven, where the Norway Merchants Ships were wont to come: and it is called Sound Haven. Item, if a man will sail from Island to Gronland, he shall set his course to Snofnesse, which is by West Rokenesse thirteen miles, or leagues right West, one day and nights sailing, and after South-west to shun the Ice, that lieth on Gombornse-skare; and after that one day and night Northwest. So shall he with this course fall right with the abovesaid Swafster, which is high Land, under which lieth the aforesaid Head-land, called Hornoldus Hooke, and the Sound Haven. Item, the Easter Dorp of Groneland lieth East from Hernoldus hook, but near it, and is called Skagen Ford, and is a great Village. Skagen Ford. Item, from Skagen Ford East, lieth a Haven called Bear Ford: it is not dwelled in. I● the mouth thereof lieth a Riffe, so that great Ships cannot harbour in it. Bear Ford. Item, there it great abundance of Whales: A great fishing for Whales. and there is a great Fishing for the kill of them there: but not without the Bishop's consent, which keepeth the same for the benefit of the Cathedral Church. In the Haven is a great Swalth: and when the Tide doth run out, A great Swalth all the Whales do run into the said Swalth. Item, East of Bear Ford, lieth another Haven c●lled Allabong Sound: Allabong Sound and it is at the mouth narrow, but farther in, very wide: The length whereof is such, that the end thereof is not yet known. There runneth no Stream. It lieth full of little Iles. Store of Oxen. Fowl and Oxen are there common: and it is plain Land on both sides, grown over with green Grass. Item, East from the Icy Mountain, lieth an Haven called Fendebother; so named, The Icy Mountain. The Haven of Fendebother. Note. because in Saint Olafes time there was a Ship cast away, as the speech hath been in Groneland; In which Ship was drowned one of Saint Olafes men, with others: and those that were saved did bury those that were drowned, and on their Graves did set great stone Crosses, which we see at this day. Item, somewhat more East toward the Icy Mountain, lieth a high Land, called Corse Hought, Corse Hought. An hunting of white Bears. More Easterly all Desert. upon which they Hunt white Bears, but not without the Bishop's leave, for it belongeth to the Cathedral Church. And from thence more Easterly, men see nothing but Ice and Snow, both by land and water. Now we shall return again to Hernoldus Hooke, where we first began to come to the first Town that lieth on the East side of Hernoldus Hooke, called Skagen Ford: The Town from Hernoldus Hooke Westward. The Town of Godo●ford. A great Church with a white Cross on it. Peter's Wike. Wartsdall. Boy in the Nors● tongue signifieth a Town. A Monastery Rompnes Ford. A Nunnery. Wegen Kerke. Hot waters in Groneland. A place called Vose, belonging to the King. Saint Nicolas Church. Emestnes Ford. Southwoders Wicke. Bloming. Granwicke. Daleth Garden, A great Wood Oxen, Kine, and Horses. and so we will write the Names of all that lie on the Westside of the Ford or Sound. Item, West from Hernoldus Hooke, lieth a Dorp called Kodosford, and it is well built: and as you sail into the Sound, you shall see on the right hand a great Sea and a Marsh: and into this Sea runneth a great stream: and by the Marsh and Sea standeth a great Church, on which the Holy Cross is drawn, of colour white: it belongeth to E●elnesse de Hokesong, and the Land to Peter's Wike. Item, by Peter's Wike, lieth a great Dorp called Wartsdale, by which lieth a water or Sea of twelve miles or leagues over: in which is much Fish: And to Peter's Wike Church belongeth Wartsdale Boy or Town, and the Villages. Item, near this Boy or Town, lieth a Cloister or Abbey, in which are Canons Regular, it is Dedicated to Saint Olafes, and Saint Augustine's name. And to it belongeth all the Land to the Sea side, and toward the other side of the Cloister. Item, next Godosford, lieth a Ford called Rompnes Ford: And there lieth a Cloister of Nuns of Saint benedict's Order. Item, this Cloister to the bottom of the Sea, and to Weg●● Kerke, was Dedicated to Saint Olafe the King. In this Ford lie many small Iles. And to this Cloister belongeth half the Ford and the Church. In this Sound are many warm Waters. In the Winter they are intolerable hot: but in the Summer more moderate: and many Bathing in them are cured of many diseases. Item, between R●mpn●● and the next Sound, lieth a great Garden called Vose, belonging to the King. There is also a costly Church dedicated to Saint Nicolas. This Church had the King before this. near it lieth a Sea of Fresh water, called, in which is great abundance of Fish, without number. And when there falleth much Rain, that the Waters do rise therewith, and after fall again, there remaineth upon the Land much Fish dry. Item, when you sail out of Emestnes Ford, there lieth an Inlet, called Southwoders Wike: and somewhat higher in the same Sound, and on the same side, lieth little Cape called Bl●ming: and beyond that lieth another Inwike called Gronwike, and above that lieth a Garden called Daleth, which belongeth to the Cathedral Church. And on the right hand as you sail out of the same Sound, lieth a great Wood, which pertaineth to the Church, where they feed all their cattle, as Oxen, Kine, and Horses: And to the Church pertaineth the Sound of Emestnes Ford. The high Land lying by Emestnes Ford, is called The Ramos hayth: So called, because that on those Hills do run many Roe Dear, or Rein Dear, which they use to Hunt, but not without the Bishop's leave. Excellent Stone, that fire cannot hurt. And on this high Land is the best Stone in all Groneland. They make thereof Pots, because fire cannot hurt it. And they make of the same stone Fats or Cisterns, that will hold ten or twelve Tons of water. Item, West from this lieth another high Land, called The long high Land: and by another called whereon are eight great Orchards, Eight great Orchards belonging to the Cathedral Church. Swalster Ford. all belonging to the Cathedral Church. But the Tenths thereof they give to Warsedall Church. Item, next to this Sound lieth another Sound called Swalster Ford, wherein standeth a Church called Swalster. This Church belongeth to all this Sound, and to Romse Ford, lying next it. In this Sound is a great Garden belonging to the King, called Saint He●lestate. Item, next to that lieth Ericks Ford, and entering therein lieth an high Land called Ericks Hought; Ericks Hought. which pertaineth the one half to Devers Kerke, and is the first Parish Church on Groneland, and lieth on the left hand as you sail into Ericks Ford: and Devers Kerke belongeth all to Meydon Ford, which lieth Northwest from Ericks Ford. Item, farther out than Ericks Ford, standeth a Church called Skogel Kerke, which belongeth to all Medford: Skogel Kerke. And farther in the Sound standeth a Church called Leaden Kerke. To this Church belongeth all thereabouts to the Sea; and also on the other side as far as Bousels. There lieth also a great Orchard called Grote Led, in which the Gusman (that is a chief or Bailiff over the Boors) doth well. And farther out than Ericks Ford, lieth a Ford or Sound called Fossa, which belongeth to the Cathedral Church: Fossa Sound. and the said Fossa Sound lieth as men sail out towards Ericks Ford; and to the North of it lie two Villages, the one called E●er-boy, and the other Forther-boy, because they lie so. Breda Ford. Larmut Ford. Ice Dorp. Item, from thence farther North lieth Breda Ford, and after that Lormont Ford from that West, and from Lormont Ford to the West is Ice Dorp. All these are places built, and in them dwell people. The Skerlengers. Many Horses, Oxen, and Kine. Item, from the Easter builded Land to the Wester Dorp, is twelve miles or leagues: and the rest is all waste land. In the Dorp in the West standeth a Church, which in times past belonged to the Cathedral Church, and the Bishop did dwell there. But now the Skerlengers have all the West Lands and Dorps. And there are now many Horses, Oxen, and Kine, but no people neither Christian nor Heathen; but they were all carried away by the Enemy, the Skerlengers. All this before Written was done by one juer Boty borne in Gronland, a principal man in the Bishop's Court: juer Boty the Author. who dwelled there many years, and saw and knew all these places. He was chosen by the whole Land for Captain, to go with Ships to the West land, to drive away their Enemies the Skerlengers. But he coming there, found no people neither Christian nor Heathen, but found there many Sheep running being wild, of which Sheep they took with them as many as they could carry, and with them returned to these Houses. This before named Indo Boty was himself with them. A great Wilderness called Hemel Hatsfelt, to the North of the West land. Mines of Silver, white Bears, white Hawks, all sorts of Fish. Groneland not so cold as Iseland or Norway. Fruits. To the North of the West Land, lieth a great Wilderness with Clives or Rocks, called Hemel Hatsfelt. Farther can no man sail, because there lie many Swalgen or Whirlpools: and also for the Water and the Sea. Item, in Groneland are many Silver Hills, and many white Bears with red patches on their heads; and also white Hawks, and all sorts of Fish, as in other Countries. Item, there is Marble stone of all colours, also Zevell stone or the Load stone, which the Fire cannot hurt, whereof they make many vessels, as Pots, and other great vessels. Item, in Groneland runneth great streams, and there is much Snow and Ice: But it is not so cold, as it is in Island or Norway. Item, there grow on the high Hills, Nuts and Acorns, which are as great as Apples, and good to eat. There groweth also the best Wheat, that can grow in the whole Land. This Sea Card was found in the Isles of Fero or far, lying between Shot-la●t and Island, in an old reckoning Book, written above one hundred years ago: out of which this was all taken. Punu● and Potbarse. Item, Punnus and Potharse, have inhabited Island certain years, and sometimes have gone to Sea, and have had their trade in Groneland. Also Punnus did give the Islanders their Laws, and caused them to be written. Which Laws do continue to this day in Island, and are called by name Punnus Laws. The Course from Island to Groneland. IF men be South from the Haven of Bred Ford in Island, they shall sail West, till they see Whitsarke upon Groneland, and then sail somewhat South-west till Whitsarke be North off you, and so you need not fear Ice, but may boldly sail to Whitsarke, and from thence to Ericks Haven. If men be North the Haven of Bredford in Island, then sail South-west, till Whitsarke bear North: then sail to it, and so come to Ericks Haven. If you see Ice, that cometh out of Trolebothon, you shall go more Southerly, Trolebothon. but not too far South for fear of Freesland, for there runneth an hard stream. And it is fifteen miles or leagues from Freesland. Item, Freesland lieth South, and Island East from Gronland. Item, From the Ice that hangeth on the Hills in Gronland, cometh a great Fog, Frost and Cold. And such a Fog cometh out of the Ice of Trolebothon: Trolebothon, a great Wilderness. The Commodities of Gronland. and it is a great Wilderness. There are Sables, Marterns, Hermelins, or Ermines, White Bears, and White Hawks, Seales, White and Gray, Gold and Silver Hills, also Fish dried and salted, and thousands of Salmon: also store of Losh Hides and other Hides. There are Hares, Foxes, Wolves, Otters, and Veltfrasen. Now if it please God they come to Gronland, then shall they set but two men on shore; Good counsel for travelling to Gronland. who shall take with them diverse kinds of Merchandise: and let them deal with good order, and let them be such as can make good Report, what they there do see or find; and let them observe whether men may there Land or no, with the love of the Inhabitants. And I counsel and charge those that shall Trade for Gronland, that they set no more folk on Land, but they keep men enough to man the Ship. And look well to the course you hold to Gronland, that if those that be set on shore be taken, they may come home again with God's help. For if shipping return, they may come home or be relieved in a year and a day. And in your living there so demean yourselves to them, that in time you may win the Country and the people. Remember my Scholar and Clerk, which shall be there appointed as Commander, that you send those on Land, that will show themselves diligent Writers, and that they carry themselves so, that they may learn thereby the State of the Country. They shall take with them two Boats and eight Oars, and take Tynder-boxes for fire if there be no Habitation. Tynder-boxes for fire. Also set up Crosses of Wood or Stone, if need be. This Note following was found in an old Book of Accounts, in the Year 1596. INprimis, From Gtad in Norway, standing near the Latitude of sixty three Degrees, Courses for Gronland. you shall hold your course due West: and that course will bring you upon Swartnesse in Gronland. And in this course is the least stream and least peril of Swalgen or Indrafts. There is less peril this way, then is on the North-side; you shall keep 2/●. of the Sea on Freesland side, and one third on Island side. And if it be clear weather, A storm in the North. Whitsarke. Ericks Ford. and you have kept your course right West, you shall see the Mount of Snevels jokul in the South-west part of Island. And if you have a storm in the North, you must shun it as you can, till Whitsarke be North of you. Then shall you sail right with it, and seek the Land: and you shall find a good Haven, called Ericks Ford. Item, If you be between Gronland and Island, you may see Snevels jokul on Island, and Whitsarke on Gronland, if it be clear weather. Therefore men of experience do affirm, that it is but thirty leagues between both. Also if you have a storm between Gronland and Island, you must have care you be not laid on Freesland with the stream and Wind; for the stream or Current doth run strong upon Freesland, out of the North. Also if you have a storm out of the South, you shall not sail out of your course, A storm in the South· but keep it as near as you can possibly, till Whitsarke in Gronland bear North off you: then sail toward it, and you shall come into Ericks Ford, as it is aforesaid in the first Article. CHAP. VII. A Description of the Countries of Siberia, Samoieda, and Tingoesia. Together with the journeys leading unto the same Countries toward the East and North-east, as they are daily frequented by the Moscovites. §. I. Discovery of Siberia, The first and second Paragraphs were published in Latin by Hessell Gerardus An. 1612. here a little contracted: the last I found in M. Hakluyts Papers. Arica or Oneeko Wichida. White Sea to the North of Russia. Samoieds. Oysel and Vstiug Mart Towns for the Samoieds. The first Voyage unto the Samoieds countries. and the subiecting of the same to the Russes. THere is in Moscovie, a Kindred called the Sons of Oneeko, of a rustic or base descent, and first sprung from one Oneeko a Husbandman. He being very rich in Lands, dwelled upon a certain River called Wichida, or Witsogda, falling into the River Duina, which about one hundred leagues beneath, near unto the Castle called S. Michael the Archangel, which falleth into the White Sea. This Oneeko being rich (as is said) had also many Children, God having largely blessed and provided him with plenty of all things. Yet nevertheless, he had an earnest desire and affection, to know what Countries were possessed and inhabited by those people, which yearly came into Russia to traffic, bringing with them costly Furs, and diverse other Merchandizes, much differing in Language, Apparel, Religion, and Behaviour, calling themselves Samoieds, and by other unknown names. These people came every year down the River Wichida, and exchanged their Commodities with the Russes and Moscovites, in the Towns of Osel and Vstiug, on the River Duina; which at that time were the Receipts and chief Mart Towns of all kind of Marchandizes, but especially of costly Furs. Oneeko therefore (as hath been said) was most desirous to know, from whence these people came, or what Countries they did inhabit, easily conjecturing, That great wealth was there to be gotten; since the Furs yearly brought them amounted to a great sum of Money. Wherefore secretly he got acquaintance and consorted himself with diverse of them, and sent in their company about ten or twelve of his own people into those parts; enjoining them, that through what Countries so ever they should travel, they should make diligent search of every particular thing therein, and fully observe the Manners, Rites, Dwellings, and whole course of life of those Nations; that at their return they might bring from thence perfect knowledge thereof. Which they having at length performed, he entertained them bountifully at their return, and showed them all favour, but with especial charge to keep silence. He likewise kept all these things close to himself, not revealing them to any man. The second Voyage. And the next year following, he sent thither a greater number of his people, joining with them certain of his Kindred and Alliance. These carried with them diverse base Merchandise; as small Bells, and other like Dutch small Wares; and took diligent notice of every thing in those parts, and after they had passed many Deserts, and diverse great Rivers, they came to the River Obi; where making Acquaintance and Friendship with the Samoieds, Many Deserts and diverse great Rivers. River Obi. Great wealth to be gotten by the Tr●de to the River of Obi. Conditions of the people. Government. Dy●t. No Bread. Shooting. Apparel. Houses. they found that Furs were to be had for a small price, and that great wealth was there easily to be gotten; and further, that this people had not any Cities, but lived together in Companies, and peaceably, and governed by some of the ancientest among them; that they were loathsome in their feeding, and lived on the flesh of such beasts as they took: that they had no knowledge of Corn or Bread, were cunning and skilful Archers, making their Bows of a gentle and flexible kind of Wood, and that their Arrows were headed with sharpened stones or fish bones: with those they killed wild beasts, which are exceeding plentiful in those places: that they sowed also with bones of fishes, serving them for Needles; their thread being made of the sinews of certain small beasts, and so they sew together the Furs, wherewith they cloth themselves: the Furrie side in Summer turned outward, and in Winter inward. That they covered their Houses with the Skins of Elkes and such like beasts, little esteemed among them. Finally, these Messengers of Oneeko, searched curiously into every matter, and returned home stored with costly Furs. Now when as Oneeko understood by their report, that which he so much longed to know, he together with certain others of his Friends, continued his Traffic into those Countries for diverse years together: Great wealth obtained by continuance of this Voyage. by means whereof the Oneekos grew very mighty, and bought great Possessions in all parts. Those that dwelled near unto them being ignorant from whence all this wealth arose, greatly wondered at it. For the Oneekos builded Churches in some of their Villages. Yea, afterward they erected in the Town of Osoil upon the Wichida, where at that time they dwelled, an exceeding fair Church, which was raised from the very foundations of hewn stone. Finally, they knew no end of their goods. Now among the Russes it goeth for a common Proverb, that He which hath no friends in Court, is scarce to be accounted in the number of the living. For most commonly it happeneth, that they that excel others in any thing, are presently envied and falsely accused in the Prince's Court, where if they have not a friend to succour them, they are forthwith without hearing the cause, oppressed; yea, and utterly ruined. L. Boris, that Theodore Emperor. The Russes pronounce th' as ph. For which cause the Oneekos being grown to much wealth, as is said, got into the favour of one of the greatest in the Court, which was Borisodanova, Brother to the Wife of the Emperor Pheodor Euanowich then reigning; to whom also he succeeded in the Empire. Unto this Boris the Oneekos determined to reveal the whole matter: who first presenting him with gifts after the custom of the Country, prayed him to grant them hearing in a matter, which they had to deliver for the benefit of the whole Empire. Boris presently liftning to this Petition, received them with extraordinary kindness: and after they had declared unto him the situation of the Countries of Samoiedia, and Siberia, than what they had seen and observed therein, and how great Riches might thence arise unto the Empire of Moscovia. Boris presently grew into an ardent desire to set forward this business, entertaining them as his Children, and gracing them to the uttermost of his power, procuring them from the Emperor a most ample Privilege, by which it was ordained, Imperial privilege. That they should for ever enjoy the Lands which they possessed, and might dispose of them unto their Heirs at their pleasure. And farther, if it happened they were abiding in the City of Moscua, he took them into his own Sled: which among the Moscovites is the greatest kind of honour, especially being offered by principal Noblemen, such as then was Boris, a man of the greatest power, and in whom the chief authority of the Empire rested. Boris pondering these things attentively, signified the whole matter to the Emperor, to whom it was very pleasing; And not sleeping about the matter, employed therein certain Captains, and Gentlemen of small ability of his own followers: commanding them to prepare themselves to go to that journey, in company of such as the Oneekos should appoint unto them, and that they should apparel themselves gallantly, and like unto Ambassadors, adding further certain Soldiers, and Presents of small value to be distributed among the people, to which they should come: enjoining them further to note diligently all Passages, Rivers, Highways, Woods, and what else they should meet with in their travel; as also to commit to memory the names of them; that at their return they might make a faithful and true report thereof: adding further that they should entreat the people with all courtesy, and that they should seek out some convenient place for building of Castles and Fortresses, and that in any case (if it were possible) they should bring back with them into Moscovia, some of the Inhabitants of those Countries. These Messengers being sufficiently furnished with all things necessary for the journey, The first Voyage set out by Boris Godonova. namely, Apparel, Weapons, Money, and Presents, departing from the Moscua, not long after came to the River Wichida, and to the Oneekos: who also sent some of their own people with them. as soon as they were arrived into those parts, they began to perform what was given them in charge, showing freely all tokens of courtesy unto the barbarous people, and carefully observing who were of greatest authority among them, to whom they used reverence and gave gifts, such as were of small and almost no value to themselves, but which seemed so precious unto the other, that when the Moscovites were coming a far off towards them, they would stay for them with great dance and clapping of their hands, and cast themselves down at the feet of the Givers, being so gallantly attired, accounting them altogether as Gods. The Moscovites using the Samoieds for their Interpreters, which had continued certain years in the Villages of Moscovia, to learn their Language, began to discourse with the Barbarians concerning their Emperor of Moscovie, whom they wonderfully extolled, and made him little less than an Earthly God, interlacing other things with all, whereby those people were stirred up to wish that they might behold these things with their eyes. These their desires were pleasing to the Moscovites, who signified that they were likewise well contented therewithal: Adding, that they would leave certain pledges among them, which during the Samoieds abode in Moscovia, might learn their Language: And by this means they drew unto their purpose the good will of many of the people on the Westside of Obi, who of their own accord subjected themselves to the authority of the Moscovites, and suffered them to lay a Taxation upon them, They submit themselves to the Moscouite●▪ promising yearly of every head (not excepting the Boys that were but yet learning to handle the Bow) two skins of Sables: which to themselves were of no value, but esteemed of the Moscovites as precious as jewels. These they promised to deliver to such a Treasurer as the Empero●r should ordain. Neither did they fail to perform the same. After this the Messengers passed over the River Obi, and traveled beyond it almost two hundred leagues toward the East and North-east, Trau●il beyond Obi. having seen by the way many wild beasts of strong shapes, most clear Fountains, extraordinary Plants and Trees, pleasant Woods, and Samoieds or diverse sorts, whereof some did ride on Elkes or Loshes, Elkes or L●shes. other were drawn in Sleds by Raine Dear, and others also were drawn by Dogs, which are equal to Hearts for swiftness. Finally, Rain Dear. Dogs equal in swiftness to Hearts. many other things in their whole journey they met with, not before seen, and therefore to be marvelled at: which orderly and truly noted down, that they might more certainly report the same at their return. And so at length taking with them some voluntary Samoieds, and leaving there diverse of their own people to learn their Language, they returned back into Moscovia; where at their first conveniency they made known to Boris, and by him unto the Emperor the whole success of their Voyage. Samoieds shooting. They marvelled at the Samoieds which were brought unto them, commanding them to make some show of their cunning in shooting; which they did so perfectly, that almost it seemed to any man incredible. For taking a piece of Coin less than our * Stiver. Penny, and fastening it to the stock of a Tree, and then going as far from the same, as they could very hardly discern it, they did every time that they did shoot so assuredly hit the same, that they did not once miss it. Where at many of the beholders did above measure wonder. And on the other side, the Samoieds as greatly wondered both at the Moscovites manner of living and fashions, as also at the stateliness of the City: neither did they without a certain terror behold the Emperor himself, so richy attired and mounted either on Horseback, or in his Coach drawn by many Horses together, and environed with so many Nobles most gallantly adorned. Then with admiration they beheld the Guards furnished with their Calivers, of whom about four hundred waited on the Emperor at his going abroad. So oft also as they heard the ringing of the Bells, which are very many among the Moscovites, and saw so many fair shops, and the rest of the City's beauty, they were altogether astonished, and thought themselves to be in some Mansion of the Gods; wishing withal, that they were a while among their Countrymen to tell them of all things. Yea, they reported themselves to be happy, that they had the fortune to serve so glorious an Emperor, whom they altogether accounted as a Divine power. The Meats which the Moscovites did set before them, they did greedily eat: whereby it plainly appeared, that the same were more pleasant to their taste, than the raw flesh, or fish dried in the wind, wherewith they feed themselves at home. Finally, they promised to receive the Emperor for their Lord; and to persuade their Countrymen, inhabiting far and wide to do the same. They humbly also prayed the Emperor to vouchsafe them the favour, to send them certain Governors to rule over them, and to whom they might pay the aforesaid Tribute. Concerning their Idolatry, there was no speech made thereof, but they were left to their own customs. Notwithstanding, I think that the Christian Faith would easily be spread among them, if they had sufficient and godly Teachers. Neither doubt I but the Moscovites would have taken order therein, if they had not been hindered by these most troublesome Wars. These things so done as is declared, the Oneekos were raised to great Honours, and endowed with great Privileges, as also with Supreme Authority over many places, adjoining unto their Lands, enjoying Possessions lying one hundred miles asunder upon the Rivers of Duina, Whichida, and Suchana: so that they are very mighty and rich, and increase daily in greater Honours. It was further ordained by the Moscovites, that there should be places chosen by the River Oby, and in the fields adjoining unto it, fortified by the natural situation for the building of Castles thereon, and furnishing them with Garrisons, and that there should be sent thither a chief Governor, principally for further discovering the Country, and bringing it under subjection. These things so ordained, did likewise take effect. And first of all, there were builded certain Castles enclosed with certain strong beams, Castles builded. cut out of the Woods thereby, and fastened one in another in double rues, filled between with earth, and fortified with Garrisons; And so great a multitude of men is duly sent thither, that in some places there are Cities assembled, Sink of bad people. consisting of Poles, Tartars, Russes, and other Nations mingled together. For, into these parts are sent all that are banished, Murderers, Traitors, thieves, and the scum of such as deserve death: some of which are for a time kept in prison, others enforced to continue there for certain years, every one according to the rate of his offence: whereby there are very populous assemblies of people grown together, who with the Castles already builded, do almost make a pretty Kingdom: Many men of the mean sort, daily flocking thither, the rather for that they enjoy great privileges, neither pay any thing for the Lands which they possess. Siberia and Siber. The whole Country is called Siberia, the City builded therein Siber. And in deed at the first, the Offenders among the Moscovites, did no less tremble at the name of Siberia, then * Then Malefactors of Amsterdam at the Prison, etc. do evil persons in London, when they are threatened with Newgate: for they were forthwith sent away into Siberia. But now the often inflicting of that punishment is almost grown into contempt. But Noblemen and great Personages, if at any time they incur the Prince's displeasure, do as yet very much loath the name of Siberia. For many times both themselves, with their Wives and Families are sent away into those parts: where some Office is committed unto them, till the Emperor's anger be assuaged, and they called home into Moscovia. I will now show the way by which they travel out of Moscovia into those parts, and that in the best manner that I could get notice thereof. Which whatsoever it shall seem to be, I have not attained unto it, without great pains and ready furtherance of some friends, This journal to the North-east was hardly obtained by some friends in Court. The great danger for imparting this journey. which I found in the Court, while I continued in Russia: who though they were ready to pleasure me, and that I had been very instant with them about it, yet with much ado were brought to communicate this particular journal unto me. For if at any time after, when the land should be at quiet, it should any way come to light, doubtless it would cost them all their lives. For such is the disposition of the Russes, that they will not endure to have the secrets of their State to be made known. §. II. A brief Description of the ways and Rivers, leading out of Moscovia toward the East and North-east into Siberia, Samoiedia, and Tingoesia, as they are daily frequented by the Russes: with further Discoveries towards Tartary and China. FRom the City Osoil upon the River Wichida, where the Oneekos dwell, Osoil. they go against the stream, until they come to javinis, a little Town built by the Russes, javinis 17. days journey distant from Osoil, against the stream. jugoria. River Petsora. Neem River 3. week's journey from javinis. and it is distant from Osoil almost seventeen days journey. Whither before they come, they pass many Rivers and Woods. The River Wichida springeth out of the Mountains of jugoria, which to the South join upon Tartary, and from thence run Northwards to the Ocean Sea. Out of the same Mountains issueth the River Petsora, which falleth into the Ocean Sea on this side the Straight of Waygats. From javinis, after three week's journey, they come to Neem; a River so named of the gentle gliding of her streams through the Woods. For Neem in English signifieth Still or Dumbe. On this River they proceed about five days space with their Boats; and then, for that the Neem taketh his course another way, for shortening their journey, they must of force cause their stuff to be carried by Land, the space of a league: And so they come to the Wisera, From Neem to Wisera 5. days journey. From Wisera to Soil Camscoy 9 days. Volga by the Tartars called Etil. a River issuing out of certain Rocks adjoining to the Mountains of jugoria. These Rocks the Moscovites call Camena's. From hence they are carried down the River Wisera, for the full space of nine days, until they come to Soil Camscoy, a small Town builded by the Moscovites, for refreshing of Travellers for a short space, which hence forward are to proceed on their journey by Land. As for the Wisera, it keeping on his course somewhat farther, at length falleth into the Cam, which passing by Viatcam, a Town of Moscovia, falleth into the great River Rha, commonly called Volga, which entereth with seventy branches into the Caspian Sea, as I have received from eye witnesses. The Town of Soil Camscoy is reasonably inhabited, having many Villages round about it. Soil Camscoy. The Inhabitants, for the most part are Russes or Tartars. Here is great store of cattle, and chiefly of Horses. Travellers having here somewhat refreshed themselves, do lad their carriages on Horses, and travel for the most part through Mountains full of Firres, Pines, and other trees of strange sorts. Between these Mountains they pass over the Rivers Soiba, The River Soiba. The River Cosna. Mountains in three parts. Coovinscoy Camen. Cirgniscoy Camen. Poduinscoy Camen. and from thence over Cosna, both running toward the North-east. Now these Mountains are divided into three parts: whereof the two first are passed over each of them in two days, and the third in four days. The first part is called Coosuinscoy Camen: The second Cirginscoy Camen: The third Poduinscoy Camen. And doubtless all these mountainous Countries are much different from the other Countries out of which they enter into them. For the Woods upon them, are fairer and thicker grown with trees, bearing every where diverse sorts of Plants. These three Deserts are frequented by none in a manner but Tartars, and Samoieds, who only hunt after those costly Furs, which are to pay their tribute to the Emperor of Moscovia. The Mountains of Poduinscoy Camen are higher than the rest, and for the most part covered with Snow and Clouds, and therefore difficult for Travellers to pass over: but by little and little they have a gentle descent. From thence they come to Vergateria, Vergateria. in which Town they must abide until the Spring, by reason of the River Toera, Toera River. which arising not far from thence, is all the rest of the year very shallow. But the Spring approaching, when the Snow melts from the hoary Hills, and the Land waters arise, it is passed over with skiffs and small Boats. Vergateria the first Town of Siberia. Vergateria is the first Town of the Country of Siberia, and was begun to be builded with some other Towns within these one and twenty years. It is reasonably full of buildings, and the lands about it are tilled as in Moscovia. here there is resident for the Emperor of Moscovia a Governor, 1590. Russian Governor. which yearly at the beginning of the Spring, by way of the Rivers doth distribute great store of Corn, and Victuals among the Castles with Garrisons throughout all Siberia: furnishing also in like manner the Moscovites, which remain beyond the River Oby. For in those places the ground is not yet tilled; and the Samoieds, as before is said, for the most part feed on the flesh of wild beasts. down the River Toera, in five days they come to japhanis, a Town builded and inhabited within these two years. Five days journey to japhanis. Thence again they pass down the Toera, and having proceeded two days thereon, they are enforced by reason of the often windings and turnings of the River, to cut over it in certain places, for shortening of the way. In these places there now dwell here and there, Tartars and Samoieds, living for the most part upon cattle and Fishing. Tabab a mighty River 200. leagues from Toera. From japhanis to Tinna 12. days journey by fled. Many travel far beyond Oby toward the East & South. Tobolsca the chief Town of Siberia. At length leaving Toera, they come to the mighty River Tabab, distant from Vergateria about two hundred leagues. And from thence they proceed farther to Tinna, a populous Town, and builded by those above mentioned. But many travel also from japhanis to Tinna, by Sleds in the Winter time, in the space of twelve days. And here is used much buying and selling of costly Furs, between the Muscovites, Tartars, and Samoieds. And this is a very convenient place, for such as determine to stay in the Country not above six months. But many do search the further parts, and travel far beyond the Oby, toward the East and South. From Tinna they come to Tobolsca, the chief of all the Towns of Siberia: wherein is the seat of the chief Governor of Siberia, and of the Moscovites that are in the same. To this place yearly are brought from the other Towns of the whole Country, as well on this side, as beyond Oby the tributes, which being brought together, and guarded with Soldiers, are after carried into Moscovia to the Emperor. Here also the Law is most severely administered: and all the other Governors in Samoiedia, and Siberia, are bound to obey him only. In this City besides is the chief Market of commodities brought out of Moscovia; the Tartars out of the South parts, and almost farthest parts of Tartary, and men of other Nations repairing thither: who, the farther that the report of these Countries reacheth, do in so much the greater number assemble thither: whereby there ariseth great profit to the Moscovites. Furthermore, in diverse places there are Churches and Chapels erected, wherein the Greek Religion is exercised, which among the Russes, and other Northern People is most used, although corrupted with diverse Superstitions. But howsoever, no man is forced against his will to their Religion: but certain gentle means are used by the Russes, by which these people are persuaded and won thereunto. Tobolsca on the River Yrtis. The City Tobolsca is situated on the River Yrtis, which with a most forcible stream, and as it were another Danubius, rising from the South, taketh his course toward the Oby, through which it seemeth to run with the same course. Tobol River. Tassa River. On the other side is the River Tobol, of which the City taketh her name. Into this falleth the River Tassa, which seemeth to spring from the North-east, and from certain Mountains there upon the Coast. On the side of this River the Moscovites have of late builded a Town, Pohemy a Town. called Pohemy, inhabited with dwellers drawn out of Siberia, for no other cause, but that it is environed with an exceeding fertile soil, as also with very pleasant Woods, wherein diverse sorts of wild beasts do breed, as Panthers, Ounces, Foxes, Sables, and Marterns. Now Pohemy is distant from Tobolsca, about two week's journey toward the North-east. Yrtis River. Yrtis with almost the like distance from Tobolsca, falleth into the Oby. And at the mouth of it was builded a Town called Olscoygorod, but afterward razed down by commandment of the Governor of Siberia: Olscoygorod razed. The cause whereof was not then known: which notwithstanding I guess to have been either the extremity of the cold, or that the Town stood rer unto the Sea than they thought fit, and feared lest some inconvenience might grow thereby▪ for which cause about fifty leagues above that razed Town, they builded another upon an Island of the River Oby, Zergolta a town builded in an Island of the River Oby. called Zergolta. From hence sailing up the River, they use small sails, either because winds blow faintly, or for the highness of the shore: so that, though the Oby be almost every where very broad; notwithstanding, they drew their Boats in it with ropes, altogether after the same sort that they travel up the Rivers of Moscovia. Noxinscoy Castle 200. leagues above Zergolta. Two hundred leagues above Zergolta, they came to Noxinscoi, a Castle builded thirteen years ago, at which time the Governor sent certain men thither out of Siberia, to seek ou● Countries profitable for mankind, and fit to build Towns in. Wherefore at that time they builded this Castle, and furnished it with a certain Garrison, in a very pleasant, wholesome, warm, and fertile soil, and wherein were great store of Beasts and Fowls of rare kinds. The very Castle being situated toward the Southeast, by little and little grew to be a City. The Inhabitants whereof were enjoined to proceed by degrees into further and more temperate Countries, and to traffic truly in every place, and courteously and kindly to entreat all people that they met withal: whereby at length they might more largely extend the Dominion, and spread abroad the Russian Name. Wherefore flocking thither in great numbers, and piercing into the Inland four hundred leagues, They travel 400. leagues into the Inland beyond Noxinscoy. The Reign of Boris Godonova. they found goodly Countries, but not inhabited. And whereas ten years past, having sailed two hundred leagues up the River Oby, they lighted upon a Country very fruitful and pleasant, which was very temperate, and free from all discommodities, and the Winters very short, and in a manner none at all. They took occasion thereupon to return into Siberia, & to send word of these things into Moscovia. Boris Godonova was then Emperor there, who having received such good tidings, forthwith commanded the Governor of Siberia, that with all speed he should cause a City to be builded there. The Governor obeyed, and there was a Castle builded upon his commandment, with certain houses adjoined; so that now it is a large City. The name thereof is Tooma, because they understood, that a great multitude of Tartars in times past were seated there, The City Tooma. of whom this City took that name for the pleasantness of the situation thereof. And it is reported that these Tartars had at that time a King, whose name was Altin: Whereby it came to pass, that the City which was first builded, Tartar King. held out many assaults of sundry people that dwelled in those Champion Countries. And now this City is so mighty, that in process of time, some reasonable great Kingdom is likely to grow out off it. Furthermore, between this Castle of Noxinscoi, and the City Tooma, and Siberia, the Moscovites daily do discover many people dwelling in the Inland parts, some of whom call themselves Ostachies, and now are grown into one body with the Tartars, Samoieds, and Russes, Ostachies a people. living friendly together; they have many Kings among them, almost like unto the Indians (I speak of the petty Kings, not of the greater Kings of India.) And to be brief, the Moscovites have proceeded so far into that main Land, that we have just cause to marvel thereat. Moreover, there are many Castles and Towns between the Rivers of Obi and Yrtis, builded almost at the same time when Tobolsca was, and are now proper Towns: whose Inhabitants are Moscovites, Tartars, and Samoieds of their kind, which we call, The tame Samoieds, in respect of those which are altogether wild. Tara a Town. jorgoetum. Besobia, Mangansoiscoigorod. Narim and Tooma beyond Obi. Rein Dear and exceeding swift Dogs used instead of Horses, and fed with Fishes. Telta River to the East beyond Obi. Comgof-scoi Castle. Ten weeks travel Eastward from Obi. wherein the Tingoesies were first discovered. Tingoesie a people dwelling in Companies upon the great River jeniscè. The Tingoesies deformed with swellings under their throats: a disease attending drinkers of Snow-water. Mountains on the East side of jeniscè casting out fire and brimstone. The overflowing of jeniscè in the spring: as it may seem from melted Snow. Reason why Waygats is stopped with Ice. Ice 60. or 50. fathoms thick in the Straight of Waygats. And the first of the Towns is Tara: from which place it is near ten days journey between Obi and Yrtis. Then jorgoetum, builded about fifteen years past. Besobia, and Mangansoiscoigorod, both of them builded above jorgoetum toward the South. The Inhabitants that dwell on the west side of the River Obi, seek daily to discover more and more. On this side of Obi are seated the Cities Tobolsca, Siberia, Beresaia, and certain others, builded upon certain Rivers: and more are builded daily. Beyond Obi are Narim, Tooma, and diverse other Cities, the Inhabitants whereof instead of Horses use Rein Dear, or exceeding swift Dogs, which they fatten with diverse kinds of fishes, and especially with Thornbacks; because they think they be made the stronger with that kind of food. jorgoetum, whereof I spoke before, is builded in an Island of the River Obi. Also above Narim as men travail toward the East, they meet with the River Telta: on the bank whereof they have builded a Castle, named Comgof-scoi. The gar●ison Soldiers of which Castle, together with the Inhabitants of Nar●m, about seven years past, were commanded by the Governor of Siberia to travel East, and diligently to search what unknown Nations dwelled in those parts. Therefore travelling through certain vast Deserts, for the space of ten weeks or there abouts, passing in the way through many fair Countries, many Woods, and Rivers, at length they espied certain Cottages set up in the fields, and certain Hordes or Companies of people. But because they had Samoieds and Tartars for their guides, which were acquainted with those places, they were not afraid. The people came unto them reverently, and with humble behaviour, and signified by the Samoieds and Tartars, that they were called Tingoesi, and that their dwelling was upon the bank of the great River jeniscè, which they said did spring from the South Southeast, but that they knew not the head thereof. These people were deformed with swellings under their throats, and in their speech they throttled like Turkey-cocks. Their language seemed not much to differ from the Samoieds, which also understood many of their words. jeniscè being a River far bigger than Obi, hath high mountains on the East, among which are some that cast out fire and brimstone. The Country is plain to the West, and exceeding fertile, stored with plants, flowers, and trees of diverse kinds. Also many strange fruits do grow therein, and there is great abundance of rare Fowls. jeniscè in the spring overfloweth the fields about seventy leagues, in like manner as they report unto us, as Nilus doth Egypt. Wherewith the Tingoesi being well acquainted, do keep beyond the River, and in the mountains, until it decrease, and then return, and bring down their herds of cattle into the plains. The Tingoesi being a very gentle people, by the persuasion of the Somoieds, without delay submitted themselves to the same Governors which they obeyed, whom they reverenced as a kind of Gods. But what God they worship, or with what rites, it is uncertain, neither as yet can be known, the Moscovites being negligent searchers into such things. Neither hereafter will I marvel, though the Straight of Waygats be stopped up to the North-east, with such huge Mountains of Ice, since the Rivers Obi and jeniscè, and very many more, whose names are not yet known, pour out so huge a quantity thereof, that in a manner it is incredible. For it cometh to pass in the beginning of the spring, that in places near unto the Sea, the Ice through the excessive thickness and multitude thereof, doth carry down whole woods before it. And without doubt this is the cause, that about the shores of the Straight of Waygats, so great abundance of floating wood is every where seen. And whereas in that Straight near unto Nova Zembla, it is extreme cold, it is no marvel, if an regard of the narrowness of the Straight, so huge heaps of Ice are gathered and frozen together, that in the end they grow to sixty, or at least to fifty fathoms thickness, as this present year (1612) they measured the same, which at the cost of Isaac Lamer went thither in a small Bark, in whose company the said Isaac Lamer would have sent me, but I would not. For I am ready to prove, that this is no passable way, and that they will still lose their labour, whosoever shall attempt the same, unless they take another course in the business. But let us return to our purpose. The fi●st voyage Eastward beyond the River jenisce. Many Nations dwell toward the South▪ which are in war one with another. Such are the Zagatay Tartars, as before in Goes is seen. The second voyage. East beyond the River jenisce. Certain people taken. The River Pisida. Bells. Furthermore, those whom I mentioned before, undertook a long journey beyond the River jenisce Eastward, and were somewhat afraid to turn to the South, taking with them certain Tingoesies, by whom they were informed, that many Nations dwelled toward the South, which differed much from them, whose Kings were most commonly in war one with another. But having traveled certain days to no great purpose, at length they returned home; Yet before their return they gave order to the Tingoesies, to search those Countries more thoroughly; who promise that they would do so: And they renewed the league which formerly they had made with the Moscovites. The Moscovites at their departure, left diverse of their people in those parts, and also certain Samoieds and Tartars their confederates, after they had bestowed some small gifts among the Tingoesies. The year following, the Tingoesies sent diverse of their own people Eastward: who travelling somewhat farther than they had done before, at length found another mighty River, somewhat lesser than jenisce, but as swift as it: And following the course thereof some few days, they lighted upon certain people whom they took, being swifter a foot then they: But they could not understand their language, saving that by certain signs and words of the Saluages, which often repeated am ●m, they conjectured that on the other side of the River, they heard it often thunder. They added also, that they had often heard the noise of men in those parts: And pointing to the River with their fingers, they often repeated the word Pisida: whereby the Tingoesies gathered, that that should be the name of the River; but by the voices am ●m, the Moscovites did afterward gather, that they were knollings of Bells. The Tingoesies at their return from thence, carried with them diverse of the people of that Country, which died all by the way, either for fear, or through change of air. The Tingoesies were very sorry for their deaths. The description of the people dwelling upon the River Pisida. Such are the people of the East both Tartars and Chinois. The third voyage beyond jenisce Eastward. For at their return they affirmed, that they were men of good understanding, well set, with small eyes, flat faced, brown colour, and inclining to tawny. When the Moscovites understood these things by the Samoieds, which returned into Siberia out of the Country of the Tingoesies, eftsoons they were stirred up with a great desire to search out the farther parts of that Country, wherefore they became suitors to the Governor, that they might be sent thither with some others joined with them. He presently yielded to their request, granting unto them a certain company of Soldiers, and enjoined them curiously to search out all things, and to take with them Tingoesies, Samoieds, and Tartars. So being about seven hundred men, they passed the River Obi, and came to the River jenisce, through the countries of the Samoieds and Tingoesies. And passing the River, they marched forth Eastward, having the Tingoesies for their guides: which did not only serve them as guides, but also plentifully provided all the company with victuals, taking with wonderful dexterity, Fowls, Goats, Rein Dear, and such like wild beasts: as also no small quantity of fish out of the Rivers which they met in the way. Having travailed as far as the River Pisida, they pitched their Tents on the banks thereof, with purpose to stay there till it were passable, the Ice being shortly to break up, because the spring was at hand, at which time they came thither, yet they durst not pass over the River Pisida; having now plainly heard the sound, whereof they were advertised before: which they certainly judged to be nothing else but the tolling of Brazen Bells; The ●owling of brazen Bells: of which they have in China, and perhaps in the North parts above it. Horses in Pisida. Vessels sailing down Pisida with square sails. They came not home till Autumn. The plesantness of this Country in April and May. and when the wind blew from the farther side of Pisida, they sometimes heard the noise of men and horses. Moreover they saw certain sails, though but a few; whereby they conjectured that they were vessels, which sailed down the stream. They said further, that the sails were square, like the Indian sails, as we suppose. But seeing no people at all on that side of the River where they remained, after they had stayed there a certain space, and had perceived that in the spring time the River did greatly swell (which nevertheless they can hardly affirm for a certainty, since the shore is high on both sides:) At length by very great journeys, and yet not before Autumn they returned home to Siberia; reporting, and that upon their oaths, That in the months of April and May, they were very much delighted with the exceeding fair show of that Country; And that they had seen therein many rare Plants, Flowers, Fruits, Trees, Fowls, and wild Beasts. But the Moscovites are nothing curious in such things, as men that seek after nothing but gain, in all things else very negligent and rude. These news being brought to the Court of Moscovia, the Emperor Boris, and the Noblemen that were with him, much wondering thereat, and inflamed with a great desire to search out exactly all particulars, resolved the year next ensuing, to send Ambassadors thither, which should carry presents with them, and should take Tartars, Samoieds, and Tingoesies in their company. And they were enjoined to search out the further side of the River Pisida, and to make a league of friendship with the Kings if they found any, and set down in writing all things that they could observe by the way, and should make report of them most exactly. But these things did not take effect, because of the breaking out of the civil wars, among the Moscovites in the mean season. I am of opinion, that in this country is the beginning, and the bounds of the Kingdom of Cataia, which bordereth upon China. Yet I fear the Moscovites will lose their labour, The opinion of th● Author of this Story The fourth Voyage to the River P●sida. if they ever return thither. But time will declare the event hereof. Yet for all this, by the commandment of the Governors, even in the time of this war, there was a voyage made into those parts, many Inhabitants of Siberia being employed in the same, who passing over the River jeniscé, traveled further on foot, diverse of whom died by the way, being not accustomed to hardness. The ●owling of Brazen Bells. Mountains casting out flames of fire. The fifth Voyage by Obi and the sea-coast to the River jeniscé. These also found many things agreeable to the relation of the former. And they likewise did oftentimes hear the ●owling of brazen Bells. But upon the dissuasions of the Tingoesies they durst not pass the River: But they stayed awhile in the Mountains, out of which they saw oftentimes flames of fire ascend; & they brought thence some small quantity of brimstone, and o● touchstone: so that some 〈…〉 those hills. Moreover▪ the Governor of Siberia caused certain 〈…〉 to be made▪ and commanded them to ●aile down by the shore of the River▪ Obi, in the first beginning of the spring, and to coast the same continually till they came to the River of jeniscé; wherein the● should afterward sail certain days, discharging itself (as he thought) into the sea. He sen● others likewise to travel over Land: giving commandment to both of them before they went▪ To the Land-men, that they should stay by the River's side until the Boats arrived; and that if they did not arrive there▪ then after one year they should return. To them that were in the Boats, over whom he made one Lucas Captain, he gave in charge, Lucas Captain of the Discovery by Sea. diligently to discover the Coast, and whatsoever thereon was worthy to be observed. They did as they were enjoined. And the Mariners arriving at the mouth of the River jeniscé, met with certain of them which traveled over Land, which were sent before in Boats and skiffs down the River. In their journey, they found all things in a manner to fall out as the Governor had foretell. But Lucas being dead by the way, and some others, they thought is the best course, for both of the Companies to return the same way that they came▪ And when they came home into Siberia, they declared unto the Governor the whole success of their journey: which caused the same to be sent unto the Emperor: And this Relation is laid up among the Treasures of Moscovia until these Wars be ended; and then, as it is thought, it shall be examined. But we fear that by this time it is perished, which if it be so, truly it i● much to be lamented, in regard that they have found so many rare and sundry Lands, Rivers, Fowls, and wild beasts, and tha● far beyond the River jeniscé. Moreover, the River Taes falleth into the River of Obi, springing as it seemeth, Taes River falleth into Obi. The River Torgalfe falleth into jeniscé An Ouerhall of two leagues only. 〈◊〉 of place● near unto the River jeniscé, and out of a great Wood in those parts: out of which Wood another River seemeth also to have his Fountain not far from the River Taes and falleth into the River of jeniscé. So that even from Obi they travel by water along the Coast of the Samoieds, and passing only two leagues over Lands, they meet with the River Torgalfe, down which with the stream they fall into the River jeniscé. And this is a very easy way, and lately found out by the Samoieds, and the Tingoesies. Doubtless (it is to be lamented) that the Hollanders have not had good success in passing the Straight of Waygats; but surely they know not the right way to attempt the same. For if they attempt it by ships, though it were an hundred times, it would hardly once take effect. But if they would throughly discover these Countries, The right way to discover the North-east parts. Note. than they should stay two or three years about Petsora and Waygats, where they should not want good Havens, nor Victuals: and from thence they should send out some with small Boats to 〈…〉 parts, by the very example of the Russes, whose Friendship if they would procure with themselves, they should easily find Guides and Pilots: and so at length all these Coasts would throughly be discovered. Doubtless goodly Countries would be found out, and not only Lands, 〈◊〉 the May●● Land also. Yet there is just cause to doubt, whether America above China join not with some of the three parts of the old World: As we see Africa joined unto Asia, with a narrow neck of Land upon the Red Sea. And doubtless, this seemeth likely to be true. For who can affirm, that they be separated? Saving that they have found some things ●n the Writings of profane Authors, whereby it may be proved, and bring many Arguments from thence. And though these parts be not joined together, yet they must needs be divided with some small Straight. §. III. A Note of the Travels of the Russes over Land, and by Water from Mezen, near the Bay of Saint NICHOLAS to Pechora, to Obi, to Yenisse, and to the River Geta, even unto the Frontiers of Cataia; brought into England by Master JOHN MERICKE, the English Agent for Moscovie, and translated out of the Ruff by RICHARD FINCH. Mezen. Pechora. Mont●aia Reca. The Voloc, 〈◊〉 Ouerhall. Zelena Reca. Obi River. Taes River and Castle· Toorou-hansko ●eemouia. Tingo●sie River. Y●nisey River. The Boulashies. Seeahee. Yenisey the greater and less. Imbaki. Ostaki. Geta River. Summer's travel from Tingosey to Geta. Vessels of greater burden drawn with the Rope a thing used in China. FRom Mezen to Pechora, is a thousand Verst●: and the same is traveled with Rein ●e●re. From Pechora to Montuaia Reca, or The troubled River, and to the parts of Mong●sey, it is traveled in Boats called Coaches in seven Weeks. At this place is a certain Ouer-hal, where the foresaid Boats or Vessels are drawn over by men. 〈◊〉 off▪ Montuaia Reca, or The troubled River, passing this Ouerhall, they enter into Zelena Reca, or the Green River. From Zelena Reca, or the Green River to Obi, is three Weeks rowing, running down with the Current; but with a fair wind it is no more but three days and three night's journey. From Obi to Taes Castle, is a Weeks rowing. From Taes Castle to the River Yenissey upon long Wooden Pattens through the Snow, is three Weeks travail. But through the deep Channel in the aforesaid Vessels, called Coaches, is four Weeks travail. It bringeth them to a place, called Toorou-hansko Zeemovia, that is, The Wintering place of one called Toorouhan. Having traveled to this Toorou-hansko Zeemovia, they come out on the back side to a place called, The River of Tingoosie, being a stony of Rocky River, which falleth into the River Yenisey. In that place live the Tingo●sies, and people of the aforesaid Land of Tangoosi. Beyond them live a people called The Boulashees: And beyond the Boulashees inhabit the people of Seelahee. These people report concerning Yenisey the Great, and Tenisey the Lesser: That beyond this foresaid Yenisey inhabit the people Imbaki, and the Ostaki, which are a kind of Tartar●. Also beyond the Tingo●sies is a River called Geta, which was travailed by the Russes of Vashe●, and Russes of Pechora. These men by report lived in the parts of Geta, six years. After which one of the Russe● of Vashe●, named Wolf, returned into Siberia; and he reported, that he was travailing from Tingoosie to Geta a Summer. Likewise, this said Wolf reported, that a Samoied told him, that in Yenisey the greater were Vessels of a great burden, seen to be drawn with the Rope, by a very great number of people: but he could not t●ll what people they were, neither whither they did intend to travail with the said Vessels. CHAP. VIII. A Voyage made to Pechora 1611. Written by WILLIAM GOURDON of Hull, appointed chief Pilot, for Discovery to Ob, etc. THe eleventh of April we weighed Anchor at Blackewall in the River of Thames, in a ship called the Amity; whereof james Vadun was Master, and sailing along the Coasts of England, Scotland, Norway, and Finmarke, on the eleventh of the next month of May, we found ourselves in the latitude of 71. degrees 40. minutes. The twelfth, we ran forty eight leagues North North-east, the wind being at South Southeast, and found ourselves in the latitude of 73. degrees 42. minutes, and at night we had shoaldings of Cherie Island: for we were enjoined by our Commission to touch there, although it were three degrees to the North out of our way. Cherie Island. The thirteenth, being Whit-sunday it cleared up, and then we did see Cherie Island six leagues East Southeast from us. The fourteenth, being fair weather, we stood to the Northwards, thinking to have gone on shore, but we could not for Ice, and labouring to Land on the South side of the Island, we met with jonas Pool about Eevening in the Elizabeth, jonas Poole. who came as then to the Island, and was set forth by the Right Worshipful Company of our Russian Merchants, to discover further Northward, from eighty degrees toward the North Pole. Then we stood to the Eastward, where we found great store of Ice. The fifteenth, we spent on the Southside of the Island, in hope of the arrival of the Marie Margaret, which being a ship of nine score Tons, was set forth very chargeably by the aforesaid Russian Company, Six Biscainers. Cross Road. and had in her six Baskes, being excellent Whale-killers of Saint john de Luz, for the kill of the Whale on the Coast of Greenland, in a Road called cross Road, standing exceeding far to the North, even in the latitude of 79. degrees and better. The same day at night, seeing that there we could do no good, we determined to proceed on our Voyage for the River of Pechora: and Letters being given one to the other for Testimonial of our meeting in that place, we left jonas Pooley, and directed our course to the Eastward. The two and twentieth of May, we came to a small Island, called Bigs Hole by Tapani Harbour. May. Bigs Hole. Kildin in Lappia Olena. The three and twentieth, we arrived at the I'll of Kildin in Lappia. The four and twentieth, josias Logan, which was appointed Factor for Pechora, and myself with two more, went to Olena, and stayed there all the five and twentieth, being Saturday, where we found a ship of Yarmouth, whereof james Wright of Hull was Master, of whom we learned the proceeding of the Hollanders. The seventh of june, in the morning we had sight of the Coast of Lappia, a little short of Cape Comfort, and met with a ship of Amsterdam, june. Cape Comfort. A ship of Amsterdam. by which we sent Letters to Master john Mericke our English Agent, than Resident in Colmogro; and we had two Hogsheads of Beer of them. The eight, we plied to Cape Comfort, the wind at Southeast. The ninth being Sunday, in the morning we put off from the Coast of Lappia, to cross over the White Sea, to the Cape of Callinos corruptly, and commonly called Candinos. At noon we passed through some Ice, the weather being thick and foggy. The eleventh, we plied to the Cape of Callinos, passing through much Ice, the wind at North North-east. And therefore we thought it better to go to the Southward again: Callinos. and in the Eevening we came to an Anchor in ten fathoms. This night we had a sore storm; the wind at North-east. The twelfth, in the morning we weighed, and in weighing broke our Anchor: and then we stood to the Southward, and came to an Anchor; and at night we went on shore for Wood, They go on shore. Ten Lodias of Pinega bound for Nova Zembla. and Water, where was good store of Drift Wood: And within a ledge of Rocks on the Westside of Callinos there lay ten Lodias or Russee small ships, some fourteen or fifteen Tons the biggest (of a Town called Pinega) all which were bound for Nova Zembla, to kill the Morsse: with the men of which Fleet we had some conference, and did see their Provisions: which were Lances of their fashion, and Harping Irons; their Victuals were Saltfish, Butter, Bacon, Meal, their Drink Quasse. The sixteenth, in the morning we weighed and stood our course for the I'll of Colgoiene, the wind being at South South-west, and did find the Ice that was close to the shore to be open: but at night finding that we could not sail our course for the Ice, we thought it better to stay, and so came to an Anchor. The seventeenth, we weighed in the morning, and stood along the shore, which did lie Southeast by East, and Northwest by West. And in the afternoon, we went on shore with our shallop, and came to a River, which we called Hakluyts River, where we did see certain Samoieds, with their Deer: but when they perceived us, they fled into the Land, carrying with them such things as in haste they could get together: but left most of their necessaries, as Bows, Arrows, long Spears, wanting Iron heads burnt at the end, Harping Irons, Wimbles, and Morsse-skinnes, lying hid, some in one place, some in another: which we caused our men to uncover, and would not suffer them to take any thing away; only I took the Pizzell of a Morsse which they had lately killed; and josias Logan left a Knife, that they might not shun us hereafter. The same Eevening we anchored and stayed all night. The eighteenth, we weighed, and at noon we came to an Harbour; which, as we think, A good Harbour. Stephen Burrow was the very same where Master Stephen Burrow was in his Discovery of Vaigatz, and Nova Zembla, 1556. where there is twelve, or thirteen foot at high water upon the Bar, and within six or seven fathoms. Also in this place were three Lodias of Pinega, which when they saw us come in, rowed out, and at night returned, and some of their men came aboard of us, Three Lodias of Pinega. Sharkai Gooba, which is the great Bay of Hayuburi. and told us that they could not pass for Ice; and said, that they were bound for Sharskai Gooba, or Shar Bay to fish for certain fishes; which they call Omilie, which are somewhat like a Shad, and for Morsses. The twentieth, josias Logan and myself went over to the Main, which was distant two leagues, and came to a great River in 67. degrees and 40. minutes, where there had been people: and there we saw four or five great white fishes swimming, They land the third time. A great River. which are four or five yards long, and called by the Russes Belluga, whereof they make Oil, whereof afterward we found at Pechora, great store to be spoilt. The one and twentieth, we sent our men for Wood, Flote-wood. for there was good store of Flote-wood as we had found all the Coast along; but none growing. The two and twentieth, in the morning we came over the Bar, the wind at South Southeast, directing our course for the I'll of Colgiene; and at noon we passed through much Ice, which lay so thick that we could not sail, but took in our sails, and made fast our ship to a piece of Ice. The three and twentieth, in the morning we set sail, and plied to the Wind-ward, the wind at Southeast, with rain: and at night we mored to a Cake of Ice. The four and twentieth, in the morning we set sail, and pyled to windward, the wind at South-west to get clear of the Ice; and at noon we observed and found ourselves to be in 67. degrees 12. minutes, and in the afternoon we had sight of the Land again, being four leagues to the Southwards of the aforesaid Harbour; and finding the Tide to set very sore upon the shore to the Westward, A sore tide upon the shore. we stood to the Eastward, bearing through the Ice, and at twelve at night we mored to a piece of Ice. The five and twentieth, we loosed and sailed to the Eastward, till we found the Ice so thick, that we could not pass further: then we made fast to a piece of Ice: the wind at North North-east, thick fog, and some rain. The six and twentieth, we set our fore topsail, the wind at North North-east, blowing hard and thick fog: we stood sometimes one way, sometimes another, as we could find the Ice open; and at noon we had sight of the shore, being four or five leagues off, and the Ice lying so thick, that we could make no means to get farther from the shore: wherefore we made fast to a great Cake of Ice. The seven and twentieth, we lay still, the Ice lying very close, with thick foggy weather: the wind at North Northwest. The eight and twentieth, in the morning it was clear, and the Land did bear North by West seven leagues off, and then we set sail, passing to the Eastward till noon: then we made fast to a piece of Ice, it being very foggy: the wind at West Northwest. And the same day at eight in the afternoon we loosed from the Ice, it being clear, the wind at Northwest. And at midnight we got clear of the Ice, keeping our course East North-east. Cape Swetinos. The nine and twentieth, at eight in the morning, we had sight of Cape Swetinos, the wind at North Northwest, with thick foggy weather: At noon, finding the Ice to lie close to the shore, William Gourdan goeth on shore. Two Russee Crosses. we cast about to the Westward. And at eight in the Eevening, we came to an Anchor in ten fathoms; and then I went on shore, where there were two Russian Crosses: the Land was smooth, and full of fresh Ponds, being a kind of white Chalk Cliffs. At our coming aboard, we weighed and stood nearer to the shore because of the Ice. The thirtieth, in the morning the Ice came so extremely upon us, that we could not weigh; for our men being cast from the Capstan, our Cable broke, and so we lost an Anchor. Then seeing we could not pass to the Eastward, A deep Bay Westward of Cape Swetinos They go on Land again. An house of wood. we stood to the Westward of Cape Swetinos, into the aforesaid deep Bay in seven fathoms: the wind at East North-east, clear weather. The first of july, we went on shore to see if there were any thing to take notice of: but we found nothing worth the going. For only we saw a wild Deer, and an House of Wood after the Ruff fashion, where people had been. The second, likewise we road still, and going again on shore we did see the Ice all gone to the Eastward; and so came aboard. The third, at six in the morning we weighed, the wind at East North-east, and plied through some Ice: and at four in the afternoon we got clear of it: and at eight of the clock we came to an Anchor, it being calm and clear weather: then I went on shore, where we were first; and came aboard because of the great abundance of Muskitoes or Gnats. They go on Land the sixth time. Abundance of Muskitoes. At our coming having the wind at South-west, we set sail and stood along the shore. The fourth, we sailed along the shore with fair weather, having the wind variable. The fifth, we plied to the Eastward, wind at North-east by East fair weather. The sixth, we plied along the shore, the wind at North by East. And in the afternoon we passed through much Ice. The seventh, we plied through the Ice to the Eastward, the wind at East North-east, thick and foggy. The eight, with clear weather, the wind at North North-east, we plied to the Eastward; and at noon observed the Sun having 69. degrees 40. minutes: At Eevening we had sight of the Land to the Eastward of the River of Pechora; and thinking to get into the shore we could not for the should water. The ninth, in the morning we stood back to find the Bar or entrance of the River of Pechora. Crosses found and certain Russes at the mouth of Pechora. The depth of the B●●re of the River of Pechora. They pass over the Bar, and ride in six fathoms w●ter. They ●oe up the River of Pechora, over The D●y Sea. D●lgoi is seven leagues up from the Bar And in the afternoon, seeing the Sand over the Ice, which was not broken off from the shore, I went thither with my shallop, and going on shore, we espied three Crosses, and certain Russes walking upon the S●nd; who told us, that that was the place that we desired: and one of them came aboard our ship to bring us over the Bar. But coming to should water, we durst not trust his skill, but stood back again, and came to an Anchor in four fathoms. The tenth, in the morning I went to found the Bar; where we had eleven and ten, and in one place but nine foot water. And coming aboard we set sail to come in. And in going over the Bar we were on ground; but, God be thanked, we got well over, and came to an Anchor in six fathoms. The eleventh, the Ice broke off from the shore, and came so fast upon us, that we could not shift from it, but were put on ground upon a Sand; yet God be thanked without any harm. The same day leaving our ship lying so, josias Logan our Factor, myself, William Pursgl●ue, being rowed in our Skiffe by six of our Mariners, took our way toward the Town over a should Sea, which the Russes call, The Dry Sea: which may very well be so called. For on the starboard or West side going up is a low dry Sand, and on the Larboard or East side is all should water, as two, three, or four foot water. And seven leagues within to the South-west is an Island called Dolgoi, that is to say, The long Island, which you must keep on the Larboard or East side, & then steer away South South-west, near upon twenty leagues, all in should water; and than you shall come to the sight of an high Land called The Boluan; which in the Ruff Tongue signifieth, a Block: The Boluan, or East head land of the River Pechora. The channel trendeth South-west. which you must leave on the Larboard, or East side. And be sure to keep the channel, which doth trend South-west, and South-west by West. By report of the Inhabitants the River hath two and seventy mouths. The twelfth, we passed over the Dry Sea, (which the Russes call in their Language, Suchoi Morie,) to the mouth of the River Pechora: where we found many small Lands, some a mile, some two miles in length, and so should water, that we could not get to the shore with our Shallop, but lay in her all night at an anchor, being uncertain which way to take: and seeing so many entrances before us, we could hit right at none. The thirteenth, An Island near the mouth of the River. They find one of the chiefest entrances of the River. in the morning we got to an Island, at the very mouth of the River, where we stayed all the day, having much wind and fog. The fourteenth, being Sunday, we set sail from the Island, the Sea going very high: and at noon we came by God's direction, into one of the chiefest entrances of the River Pechora; and came to an house, where there were two and their families, who made us the best entertainment that they could, and gave us directions how to go to the Town. The fifteenth, we came to a Sari or Farm house of one of the principal men of the Town; They come to a Farm house of a principal man of the Town. who bid us kindly welcome: and as the place and season afforded, he made us good cheer. He lay there at this time, to take Ducks, Swans, Geese, and other Fowls: for than was the time of the year. Their feathers they sell, and their bodies they salt for winter provision. He also gave us a man to bring us to the Town. The sixteenth, we came to the Town of Pustozera, which standeth upon a Lake. The Town is called Pustozera. There was no Gentleman or Governor in the Town at our arrival: for he had destroyed the Castle, and fled away the last Winter. For certain days we could have no answer, whether we might stay or no, all the chief men being abroad for their Winter's provision. But the chief Customer Ma●phe, sending men to know their minds, the three and twentieth day of the same month of july, we were embraced of them, and desired to stay, and they appointed us an house to dwell in. Furthermore, they told us that the River Pechora was more convenient for us, than the River of Duyna: and that a great part of the goods, which come to Colmogro upon Dwina, do pass in one place or other by the River Pechora, which, they say, runneth through Siberia; and how much farther they themselves know not. The five and twentieth, in the morning, Pechora runneth through Siberia, and farther. Two Coaches or Lodias, bound for Mougunzea. He buyeth two Falcons. The stock of goods left in Pustozera. having one of their Boats full with feathers, we departed from the Town, taking our leaves of josias Logan, who stayed behind. The six and twentieth, we came down to the Boluan, where we went aboard of two Coaches of some fifteen tons a piece, bound for Mougunzea. Here I went on shore, and bought an airy of Slight-falcons, being very young. The seven and twentieth, in the Eevening we came aboard our ship, and the same night took in the Feathers, and laded their Boat again with Meal, sending her up to the Town by the Russes that brought her down. The eight and twentieth, we got out our goods, which were appointed to be left at Pechora, under the charge of Master Logan, and made ready our ship. The nine and twentieth, we weighed anchor, and fell lower down, the wind North North-east. The thirtieth, we road still, and in the afternoon two Lodias that were fishing for Omulais, went out to Sea, the wind at Northwest by West. The one and thirtieth, the wind being at West Northwest, 24. Lodias bound for Mugunzea, which is to the Eastward of Ob. there came in four and twenty sails of Lodias or Coaches, all bound for Mugunzea: but the year being far spent they gave over their Voyage, and went to the Town of Pustozera, to winter. Out of one of the which Lodias we hired a man belonging to the Town, to stay with William Pursglove and Marmaduke Wilson, by our goods, till the Lodia came, which we had hired. Which two were to winter with Master Logan in the Country. The aforesaid four and twenty Lodias were of Colmogro, Pinega, Mezen, and Pustozera. The first of August, the wind at West, we weighed, and, God be thanked, They safely pass the Bar of Pechora. came safely over the Bar of Pechora. From thence we directed our course for Nova Zembla: and at noon we came to Ice: where having sailed many points of our Compass, at midnight we took in our sails, and made fast to a piece of Ice; the weather being very thick and foggy. The second being very clear, and seeing no way to pass to the Northward for Ice, we determined to return; and because the year was so far spent to go for Cherie Island, to see if it pleased God to give us there any good success, for the bearing of the charges of this Voyage. So we loosed, and at eight in the Eevening we got clear off the Ice, keeping our course by the edge of it, which did lie East by North, and East North-east. The third, at noon we had sight of Colgoiene Island, Colgoien● Island 69. degrees. 20. minutes. and took the latitude, being on the North side of the Island which was 69. degrees 20. minutes: and at night I went on shore to see the Land, which was high clay ground: and I came where there was an airy of Slight-falcons: but they did fly all away save one, which I took up, Falcons. and brought aboard. This I'll of Colgoiene is but thirty leagues from the Bar of Pechora. The fourth, we passed through some Ice, and at noon we got clear off it, and stood to the Northward, Colgoiene bearing South-west six leagues, the wind at East North-east. The fifth, we had fair weather, the wind at East Southeast, we sailed two and thirty leagues North Northwest, we observed, and found ourselves in 70. degrees and 40. minutes. The sixth, the wind being at South South-west, 70 degrees 40. minutes. 72. degrees 34 minutes. 74. degrees 30. minutes. we steered North Northwest forty leagues, and were in 72. degrees 34. minutes. The seventh, the wind was variable, the weather fair: we steered North by West, eight and thirty leagues, and at noon had the latitude of 74. degrees 30. minutes. And at eight in the Eevening we sounded, and had eighty fathoms green Oze. The eight, the wind at West, we sailed North twenty leagues: in the morning we sounded, and had seventy fathoms Oze: and at three in the afternoon, the wind coming North, we cast about to the Westward. The ninth, fair weather, we sailed thirteen leagues West, the wind at North. At noon we sounded, and had an hundred and twenty fathoms, green slime. The tenth, the wind variable, with fog and rain: we steered West Northwest five and twenty leagues: and at noon we observed, 74. degrees 57 minutes. and had the latitude of 74. degrees 57 minutes. The eleventh, was thick foggy weather; we sailed four and twenty leagues West: and at eight in the Eevening we sounded, and had ninety fathoms, soft Oze. The thirteenth, at noon we had sight of Cherie Island, They arrive at Cherie Island. being within a mile of it, before we did see it: and the same Eevening we got into the Cove, and mored our ship. Here we stayed twelve days, taking what it pleased God to send, which was but little. The six and twentieth of August, we left the Island, because the time of the year was far spent, and returned for England, where (blessed be God) we safely arrived in Saint Catharines' Pool, in the River of Thames, on Saturday being Saint Matthews day, and the one and twentieth of September, 1611. 30. Lodias. There were in the Haven of the River Pechora, at our being there, about thirty Lodias, or small Russee ships, having ten, twelve, fourteen, and sixteen men in each of them: which purposed to have gone, some to Nova Zembla, some to Tasse gorodoc, and some to other places in Mougumsey, to the East of the River Ob. These Lodias for the most part, were of Vstiug, Colmogro, Pinega, Mezen, and Pechora. 50. Cayucks or fishing Boats, haunting the River Pechora. Also, we that went up to the Town, found about fifty Cayucks, or Boats of four, five, six, and seven tons a piece, fishing in the River of Pechora for Salmon, and other kinds of fish; most of which Cayucks come from the great Town of Vstiug, and the Towns thereunto adjoining, by the River jug, through the Land into the River Pechora, and at the Boluan, at the River's mouth they took most part of their Salmon. CHAP. IX. A Letter of RICHARD FINCH to the Right Worshipful Sir THOMAS SMITH, Governor; and to the rest of the Worshipful Company of English Merchants, trading into Russia: touching the former Voyage, and other observations. RIght Worshipful, my duty remembered unto you, with prayer to God for the preservation of your healths and prosperous success in all your worthy affairs. My last Letters unto you were from Typani in Lapland, by Thomas Hare-castle of Hull, dated the four and twentieth of May, 1611. The other, the nine and twentieth of May from Kyldin near Camen, by a ship of Hamburg: which foresaid Letters were directed to our Governor, the right Worshipful Sir Thomas Smith, Knight. May it now please you further to understand, That the ninth day of july, we came to the mouth of the River of Pechora, They arrive in the Port of Pechora●he ●he ninth of july. which the Russes call Pechorskoi Zavorot with our ship. And being entered into the aforesaid Harbour, it was full of Ice, and hard to find: for we found no main Land, save a small Sound behind the Ice. And labouring to and fro along the same, we sent William Gourdon in our Shallop manned to the shore: who, as soon as they were landed, Two Crosses standing on the sand. Pinega. espied two Crosses standing on the sand: and presently our men espied three men coming toward them. These men belonged to three Boats of Pinega, which Boats had been in our company not long before, at a place called by them, Promoya, by us, Obscure, but by other Writers, Morshovitz. One of these Russes came on board of our ship, and told us, that we could go no farther with our ship, than the place, that their Vessels, called Coaches, rid in; and that to the Town we must go in small Vessels; giving us directions to sail by, for the better finding of the Town. After our getting over the Bar of the Pechorskoi Zavorot, and that we were come to an anchor, we road in great danger by the abundance of Ice, and the strong tide both of the ebb and flood, Ship endangered by Ice. which drove the same so forcibly against our ship. For, the eleventh of july, lying in four fathoms water, a piece of an Island of Ice, set with such a power against our ship, that it drove us out of our riding into eight foot and an half, and nine foot water. The eleventh of july, Master josias Logan, William Gourdon, and William Pursglove, with our Shallop went up to the Town of Pechora, taking directions of the Russes for the finding of the same. Nevertheless, two days after their departure from our ship, they had mistaken their way, if by chance they had not met with a small Russee Boat, in which were Russes that directed them. Being about thirty Versts from the Town, they came to the house of one Vasili Deadoolove, who that this present is one of the chiefest Customers: by which Customers the Town of Pechora is now governed, since there was no Gentleman sent from the Moscow. This man gave them good entertainment, and sent up with them a man of his own, fearing that the people would be amazed at our men's sudden and unexpected coming. Our men arrive at Town of Pechora. People afraid of the English. Yet as soon as they espied our people, they were all exceedingly afraid. diverse of them with their women fled into the Woods, until that one of the chiefest Customers had sent for them other Customers, who at that time were all out of Town. But being met together, Master Logan showed them the Privileges, of several of their Emperors granted to your Worships. After the perusing of which, with the good report given of Master Mericke, your Agent, and our Nation by one of Colmogro, with whom Master Logan was acquainted; the Townsmen were well satisfied: and appointed our people an House. And many of them sent Bread, Pies, Ducks, Fish, and such like unto them, entertaining them very well, according to the fashion of the Country, with continual admiration how they found the Town. Touching the Inhabitants, there is no doubt, but that they will be glad of our trading thither. Nevertheless, by that which I have heard and perceived, it is very likely, that the same will be distasteful to the Merchants of the Country, and others that travel thither in the Winter time, out of many parts of Russia: and also, to them that trade in the Summer time, by Sea to Mongosey, and through the River of Peoza in Cayucks to Perm, Oust-zilme, and Pechora. The seven and twentieth of july, our Shallop with a small Russee Boat, returned to our ship from Pechora Town, departing from the same the Thursday before, being the five and twentieth of july, in our foresaid Shallop, and Russee Boat, were sent down by josias Logan, five and forty bags of white Partridges feathers, and an hundred and seventy white Fox skins. White Partridges and Foxes. These Feathers and Fox skins, are bought of a Colmogro man, to be paid for the same in Russia by Master Mericke; and, as I understand, not so cheap as others do buy there of the Fowlers themselves. But if two men were left, one at Pechora, another at Oust-zilme, and Perm, with ready money and a little commodities, Commodities. much good might be done in the Winter time by buying of Sables, Bevers, Bevers wombs, Squirrels, Fox skins white and done, Losh hides, and Dear skins. And for the transportation of your goods to Pechora, or bringing of your goods from Pechora; the same may be done from Archangel upon the Duyna to Mezen, and from Mezen to Pechora, Oust-zilme, and Perm, both by Winter over Land, and in Summer through fresh water Rivers, or alongst the shore with speed, and with a little charge: as by the manner of their ordinary travel appeareth, as it hath been of a truth delivered me, from the mouths of men of long experience. The last of August, came into Pechorskoi Za●orot, or the Haven of Pechora, The Fleet of Mongosey of 26. Lodias. Or Mongal. six and twenty Lodias or Boats, which was the Fleet set out from Oustiug, Colmogro, Pinega, and Mezen: all of them being bound for Mongosey: but having been crossed with contrary winds, & the time of the year being spent, they gave over their intended Voyage; purposing with the next fair wind, to sail to the Town of Pechora, there to lay up their Lodias and commodities till the next Spring, and themselves with their small Boats or Wherries to go home, passing from thence up the River of Peoza, which they told me they could easily do in a month's time. As soon as this Fleet of Lodias was come to an anchor, many of them came aboard of our ship, From Pechora to Colmogro is a month's travail by River. wondering to see a ship there. They demanded of me, how we came thither, and what the intent of our coming was: and whither we purposed to sail from thence. Among these were some which seemed to be Merchants, who asked to buy Lists, remnants of Cloth, Cap-clothes, Aqua vitae, especially, they asked for small Pewter D●shes, Small Pewter Dishes, a great commodity. which I understand to be a commodity sold by them to the Samoyeds, at a great rate. I answered them, that the goods which we had brought, were part already at Pechora, and the rest was to be transported thither, as soon as the Vessel came that was hired to carry the same up: so that, if any of them were minded to buy of our commodities, they might have it of one of our Countrymen there. After which, two or three of them demanded of me, whether I would buy any Sables, or Squirrels: which was but a brag. At this time many of them being on board together, some of them were in private talk, which was my chance to overhear, and was as followeth: If these Neamchines, or Strangers resort to these places, it will be an occasion in short time to make us to be without Bread. The like speeches I heard a little before, of two men of Pinega; and of an old man remaining in Pechora, that came down to our ship with the Feathers. Touching the goods left with William Pursglove, Marmaduke Wilson, and the Ruff, in regard the same lay in no good place, we were desirous to have hired one of their Ruff Boats, to have carried the same to the Town at a reasonable rate; the rather because it was on their way, and their Boats were not overladen: which they with two Boats might have done with ease: yet they would not, unless we would give them thirty or five and twenty Rubbels at the least, and that with Condition, that they might distribute into each Boat somewhat thereof. Therefore understanding their unreasonable demand, having a Boat already hired, we utterly refused to talk with them any further thereof: especially when they were minded to divide the goods into all the six and twenty Lodias or Boats: which had been a trick to have lost all. The first of August, leaving Master josias Logan, William Pursglove, and Marmaduke Wilson, at Pechora, August 1. we sailed over the Bar of Pechorskoie Zavorot, directing our course for Nova Zembla, Huge Ice. till that we had run so far, and were so enclosed in huge Ice, that in a Day and a Night we could go neither backward nor forward: And finding no means to proceed on our intended Voyage for Nova Zembla, we cleared ourselves out of that place. Truth it is, that this hath been an hard Summer to all the Russes, both to them which were bound for Mongozey, and those that went to kill Morses, Omeli Fishing. and fishing of a certain Fish called Omeli. From the foresaid place we set our course for Cherie Island, intending to meet with the I'll of Colgoiene, and Willoughbies Land. With Colgoiene we met, but we miss of the other. The seventh of August, William Gourdon and I with our Shallop went on shore. They land on the I'll of Colgoiene. Geese. Two Hawks taken. This Colgoiene, is a very long and broad Island with many Valleys in it. On the same are many Geese, which the Russes use to take with Nets in the time of the year, before they be over fledge. In this Island seemeth to be store of Hawks. here William Gourdon and our Cooper, caught two Hawks, whereof one was spoilt in the taking, the other remaineth alive. The thirteenth of August, we arrived at Cherie Island, standing in 74. degrees and odd minutes, Cherie Island. and Anchored in the South Cove, finding the same very clear of Ice. And presently after our Ship was at an Anchor, james Vadin the Master, William Gourdon, and I, went on shore on the Cove to look for Morses. Thomas Edge. See sup. c. 2. Here we found a certain Note, which was left there by Thomas Edge: the effect of which was: That he arrived there with three Shalops from Greenland, and that there he had found the Ship called the Elizabeth, and that he was gone in her to Greenland the four and twentieth of july, hoping to find the goods which he had left there: and that he did purpose to return again to Cherie Island with as much speed as could be made. Subscribed: Thomas Edge. At our coming to the Island, we had three or four days together very fine weather: in which time came in reasonable store of Morses, both at the South Cove and at the North-side: and we were in good hope we should have made a saving Voyage. Nevertheless, though there were store of Beasts, Morses fearful. yet by no means would they go on those beaches and places, that formerly they have been killed on. But forty or fifty of them together, went into little holes within the Rock, which were so little, steep and slippery, that as soon as we did approach towards them, they would tumble all into the Sea. The like whereof by the Masters and William Gourdons report, was never done. For lying as they did, and being so shey as they were, it was not possible to do any good upon them. Moreover, to get them off these foresaid Rocks to make them come on shore upon their accustomed places, the Master and our men on both sides of the Island went to drive them away, yet they would not. But by often driving of them out of their holes, we killed as many as we could. In the end the weather growing stormy and cold, there were few or none of them left. Wherefore seeing all hope of good to be done of them to be passed, we departed from thence the six and twentieth of August, August 26. 1611. for England. We did not perceive any Ship of Hull to have been there this Summer. Having touched the chiefest points of our Voyage, I think it meet to set down somewhat of the State, Commodities, and Trade of Pechora, Oust Zilma, and Parmia. The Town of Pechora is small, having three Churches in it: and the most part of the people are poor. Pechora. In the Spring and a great part of the Summer, they live by catching of Partridges, Geese, Ducks, and Swans, of which they every Summer take a great number. The flesh of these Fowls they salt, and live of them the most part of the Winter. But the feathers of the said Fowl they gather together, Oustiug. and sell to the men of Colmogro, Oustiug, and others, that come every year out of Russia to buy the same: Some of them give a little money before hand to the Fowlers. Which must be done with great care as the times are now. One Meafed a man's son of Pechora, A Poud is 37. pound, or the third part of a hundred weight. An Alteen is five of their Pence, a Groat of ours. whose Father is a man of great dealings, told me, That they sold white Partridge feathers to men of Colmogro for ready money, at five Altines the Poud, and Ducks feathers (among which was down) they sold now for seven or eight Altines the Poud. Likewise he told me that in former times the Russes that used to trade thither, before the people of the Country knew what Commodities were worth, had commonly a Poud of Partridge feathers for two pence of their money, and a piece of cake Soap worth at Colmogro ten pence of their money. So that the chiefest Commodity and best cheap is Feathers, being bought at Pechora with ready Russee money of the Fowlers themselves, and not of the Ligers there, that use to sell them to us at Archangel on the River of Duyna. A great fishing of Salmon, beginning the first of August. Moreover one hundred English miles on this side of the Town of Pechora, is a place called by them the Boluano, where they take great store of Salmon. But it is always the first of August before they begin to cast out their Nets. And oftentimes toward the later part of the Summer, they have such store, that they are sold ordinarily for fourpences a Fish, and sometimes for a penny a Fish of their money. Yea, in a plentiful year, I have been told, one may buy whole draughts of Salmon for a very small sum of money. The Salmon here are fat: three Fishes weighing commonly a Proved and no more. The best sort of the people of Pechora, use to preserve a great quantity of their Salmon with a little salt. For they salted eighty, or one hundred Fishes with a Proved of Salt: and many times in plentiful years, much Fish is cast away for want of salt; which they are loath to bestow when Salt is dear. This Salmon is carried by the Pechora men to Mezen in Sleds, drawn with Rein Dear. But if they be minded to carry the said Fish from Mezen to Colmogro, than they carry the same from thence with Sleds drawn with Horses. Also many men of Colmogro, Pinega, and Mezen, buy Salmon at Pechora, and carry it in the Winter time to Mezen, to which place they pay from Pechora for the higher of a Sled and a Rein Dear, ordinarily ten Altines, being twelve days journey: and from Mezen to Colmogro, being six days journey, they pay fourpences a Proved at the most. The Deer that travel from Pechora to Mezen, will not draw above seven Proved weight. This way is traveled every Winter twice. The first is six or eight weeks before Christmas. And the second time is two or three weeks before Shrovetide: which be the times that they very diligently observe to sell the Salmon in. Most part of the men of Pechora, have every one his own Dear to travel with. And some particular men of the better sort have twenty or thirty Deer, Travelling Dear. which they let out to higher in the Winter time; and in the Summer time they put them forth to the Samoyeds to keep. Also when the Winter way is set and beaten, many Merchants and others come out of Russia to buy Sables, Bevers, Bevers wombs, Squirrels, black, white and done Foxes, of which in the Winter time is store, brought thither by the Samoieds round about those parts: which Trading is in the Winter time and not else. The chiefest Russee Merchants or Furriers that use these parts, I have been told, are the Obleazoves, the Shepetkins, and the Yeadomskoys. The Commodities carried by them, are red, and yellow clothes; but chiefly Russee money, with which they buy Commodities there of the Russes, as well as that which they buy of the Samoieds in barter. The Commodities carried from Volochda, O●stiug, Colmogro, Pinega, and Mezen, to Pechora and Mongozei, are Meal, Bacon, Butter, Otemeale, Tolockno, and Salt, with some small quantity of Yeasts and tanned Leather, with some Cloth, and other of our Commodities. These Commodities at Mongozei are sold at great rates. But at Pechora, Commodities are sold sometimes dear and sometimes cheap, in respect of profit. For if the Fleet, being at least thirty Boats that set out every Summer for Mongozey, laden with these Provisions and Commodities aforesaid, be crossed with contrary winds; and that by the lateness of the year they cannot reach to Mongozey, but are constrained to leave the same and come for Pechora, (as this year 1611. they were:) Then commonly Meal, Bacon, and such like Commodities with them are not dear. For by report a little quantity of Meal doth serve all those parts. Fish in stead of Bread. For the greater part of them live of fresh Fish sod and dried in stead of Bread, of which Fish they have plenty. Likewise, there useth not to go from Colmogro with these Provisions, above two Boats in a Summer directly to the Town of Pechora: especially since the Town was burnt, and that there was no Governor in the same. Also by the Mongozey men it did appear, that there was no likelihood for them to utter that quantity of Commodities at Pechora, at any rate. For if there had, there would not have resolved to lay up their goods in Warehouses till the next Spring, and then to proceed for Mongozey. Further from the Town of Pechora, is a place called by the Russes, Oust Zilma. This is, Oust Zilma. by the description given unto me in distance from Pechora, as Oustiug is from Colmogro: and is likewise to be traveled by water against the stream: And in Winter time it is to be traveled in Sleds drawn with Rein Dear. In this place of Oust Zilma, is great store of Squirrels, Bevers, and Bevers wombs, Fox skins white and done, and other Furs, but chiefly Squirrels, of which is great store by all men's report, that I have talked withal. So that having a man in the Winter time at this place, a good quantity of Squirrels and other Furs, may be provided at a reasonable rate. Moreover, here are to be bought Losh-hydes, and Deere-skinnes, which in the Winter time are brought to this Town of Oust Zilma from Perm, which is not far from thence. But to buy Losh-hydes and Deere-skinnes, the best course is to go from Oust Zilma to Perm, and to buy them there, where one should be sure to have Choice, and at a far better rate. Also those that use to come out of Russia in the Winter time to Perm, Perm. to buy these foresaid Hides; toward the later part of Winter carry all these Hides by Sleds, some two or three days journey from Perm to the side of a certain River, near unto which is a small Town or Village; where as soon as the Ice is gone, they have small Dorshenicks and Floats, on which they lad their Hides, and being out of this River, they enter into Duyna, and transport them to Colmogro and Archangel. Likewise being at Pechora, Oust Zilma, or any of those parts, there is in the Winter time to be had among the Samoyeds, Elephant's teeth, whence, and which way. Elephants teeth, which they sell in pieces according as they get it, and not by weight. And I have been told, they sell the same at a very small rate. It is called in Russee, Mamanta Kaost. Thus much may suffice at this time to be spoken of Pechora, Oustzilma, and Perm. Now I will set down as I have been informed by diverse Russes, the Names of the chiefest places which they use to sail unto from Slobodca, an Haven so called in the Province of Mezen, to the Pechorskoie Zavorot, or the Haven of the River of Pechora, and the Distances to each place: with a Direction how to sail from Pechorskoie Zavorot up to the Town of Pechora. I will also set down the Russes sailing from the foresaid Pechorskoie Zavorot, to the Yowhorskoie-share. And from thence to the River of Ob: and thence to Mongozey. I will likewise set down a true Direction, to go by water in their Boats called Cayooks, through the River of Peoza, and other Rivers, till they come from Mezen to Oust Zilma, and Pechora. Likewise I mean to write of the Samoieds, travelling from Vaygats to the parts of Mongozey, in the Winter time, and from thence back again to the foresaid Town of Mezen, called Slobodca. Lastly, I will entreat of such Commodities as are to be had at Mezen, with the speedy passage from thence to Colmogro by Sea, or by Land in the Summer time. And it is as followeth. The things above mentioned, that I have not seen myself, I have not slightly set down from the mouths of one or two, but from the mouths of many ancient men, well experienced in the Travels and Trades of all these parts, which Master james Vadun the Master of our Ship can likewise witness. Therefore if the same may be any way beneficial unto the Company, and that thereby I have discharged my duty unto your Worships, I shall be heartily glad thereof. Thus fearing I have been over tedious by my rude Letter, I rest, with my hearty prayer unto Almighty God, for the happy preservations of yourselves, and all yours. Written on Shipboard, the last of August, 1611. Your Worship's humble Servant to command, RICHARD FINCH. The Names of the principal places, which the Russes sail by from Mezen to the Pechorskoie Zavorot, or the Haven of Pechora. 1611. FRom Mezen to Candinos, with a fair wind and stiff gale, is thirty hours' sail: They sailing commonly almost 40. leagues in four and twenty hours, according to which it is 50. leagues. From Candinos to the I'll of Colgoie, is as before thirty hours sailing, and after 40. leagues in four and twenty hours, is 50. leagues. From Candinos to Promoya or Obscure, is twenty hours sailing, or 35. leagues. From the I'll of Colgoie to Colocol-cova, is fifteen hours sailing, and reckoned as above appeareth, is 25. leagues. Along the shore of this place are heaps of Sand, in the form of Bells. Therefore the Russes call this place Colocol-cova, being derived from Colocol, which in English signifieth a Bell. From Colocol-cova to the Peasaneetsa, is three hours' sail, or 5. leagues. This place is only a small Brook which they use for a Sea-mark, more than for any benefit is to be reaped at the same. From Peasaneetsa to the Pechorskoie Zavorot, is six hours' sail, or 10. leagues. So that from Colgoie Island to this foresaid Pechorskoie Zavorot, is not above 40. leagues at the most. A direction to sail from the Pechorskoie Zavorot, where we road with our Ship in August 1611. to the Town of Pechora, as followeth. FRom this Pechorskoie Zavorot, they sail into the Soohoie Mora, or Dry Sea, and not before: stirring away from hence South-west and by South, and in a fair gale of Wind, in four hours they come to an Island called Dolgoie. Dolgoie Island in the Soosoie Mora. This Island is reported to be three or four Ruff Versts long, having on it in some time of the year many Geese, which the men of Pechora take before they be able to fly. From this Dolgoie, they stir away South South-west; and sailing this course with a fair gale of wind, in eight or nine hours' sail they come in sight of the main Land, The Boluanou. being an indifferent high Land. This Land is called the Boluanou; and this is 20. leagues at the most. This Boluanou they have on their Larboard side. near this place are diverse that inhabit in Russee Houses: where in the Summer time they lie a Fowling, and fishing of a certain Fish called Omeli, which are like our Maccarels. If need be, here a man may have a guide or good instructions to conduct him to Pechora Town. Hard by this Boluanou, is the Oustia or bar of the entering of Pechora River. For as soon as you are over this bar, you come into the River's mouth, which leadeth to Pechora Town. If if be thick foggy weather, than one of them continually soundeth the depth of the Channel, keeping as near as they can in the deepest water: and in so doing, they seldom mistake their way, so that they stir away West from the Boluanou to the River's mouth, keeping the Land on there Starboard side. And by all men's report, from the Boluanou to Pechora Town, is with a fair wind and stiff gale, not above twenty hours' sail: which according to their sailing, is about three and thirty leagues. And it is not above fifty leagues from the Pechorskoie Zavorot, where our Ship lay, to Pechora Town. The names of the places that the Russes sail by, from Pechorskoie Zavorot, to Mongozey: with the manner of their Travel, and Distance between each place, or time of Sailing, Halling, and Rowing unto the same. FRom Pechorskoie Zavorot to Matpheyove Ostrove, or Island, is with a fair wind and stiff gale, Matpheyove Ostrove. at the most thirty hours' sail, which being reckoned as before, after forty leagues in four and twenty hours, is fifty leagues: to which they stir away East. From Matpheyove Ostrove to the Youhorskoie-share, is nine hours' sail or fifteen leagues. When they are come to this Island, Youhorskoie Share. The Meedanetskoie Zavorot: where Hainburie is. The two Lands called Zelentsee, or the Green Lands. Dolgoie Ostrove, or the Long Island. they stir away from thence East to the said Youhorskoie-share. Also in clear weather from Matpheyove Ostrove, they can see the main Land, with the Meedanetskoie Zavorot: where the two Lands be called the Zelentsee or Green Lands: to which Lands many of the Russes resort, to take a kind of Fishes, called Om●li, which are like Maccarels: of which here are store. This main Land they have on their right hand or Starboard side, lying South from Matpheyove Ostrove. Also to the Southward of the Matpheyove Ostrove, is another Island which the Russes call Dolgoie, that is, the long Island. So that there are two Dolgoys: the one, within the Pechorskoie Zavorot, entering into the S●●hoy Mora, or Dry Sea: The other is this, which is betwixt the Matpheyove Ostrove, and the Yougorskoie-share; lying as before was said, South from the said Matpheyove Ostrove. From which Island in a clear day they can see the Land of Vaygats, which lieth on the Larboard side, being very high Land. So that stirring outright, in the middle between the Meadanetskoi● Land on their Starboard, and the Land of Vaygats on their Larboard side, they sail directly into the Yougorskoie-share. Likewise there is not much of this Yougorskoie-share. For they say, that being at one end, they can see the Sea at the other end thereof. Also, about the Land of Vaygats are neither Flats nor Shoalds. Karskoie Gooba, Meastnoy Ostrove, or Meastnoy Island. A River. Mootnoya Reca, or the Thick or troubled River. From the Yougorskoie-share to the Carskoie Gooba, is twelve hours' sail, or twenty leagues. In this Bay or Gooba, is the Meastnoy Ostrove, or Meastnoy Island. Further it is to be remembered, that as soon as they enter this Carskoie Gooba or Bayliff, they sail up a River, leaving this Bay on their Starboard: which River bringeth them into the Mootnoya Reca, which signifieth the thick or troubled River. From Carskoie Gooba to this Mootnoya Reca, is 20. leagues. Likewise, being a little past the Yougorskoie-share, there may be described an high Land, which they call Soco●a Looda, that is, The Hawks perch. And being over the Mootnoya Reca, which they are eight days and eight nights in haling along the shore by the Rope or Beachava, they come into two Lakes, which two Lakes from one end to the other they commonly row over in one Day or two Tides: Two Lakes. the same not being above ten or twelve leagues. Having gotten to the end of those two Lakes, they come to a place called the Navoloke, which signifieth an Ouerhall. And it is almost two hundred fathoms, The N●uoloke, or Ouerhall. or four hundred paces in length: And having emptied their Vessels, called Coaches, laying poles under them, with the Companies or men of four or five Boats, having twelve or thirteen men in a Boat, they hall their Vessels over, launching them into a third Lake, Zelenoy Osera, or The Green Lake. which they call the Zelenoy Osera, that is, the Green Lake. These Ouer-halls constrain them to consort themselves into Companies: otherways they could not get this way to Mongozey. At the end of this Zelenoy Osera, or Green Lake, they come into the Zelenoya Reca, or Green River, Zelenoya Reca, or The Green River falleth into Ob. into which they run with the stream, being often compelled to empty their great Boats with their Lodias, or Wherries, laying their Goods upon the shore: which being done they row their great Lodias over the shoalds empty; and having got over the shoalds, they bring their goods on board again. And thus they do in diverse places of this Zelenoya Reca, or Green River: by reason whereof they are commonly ten days from the Ouerhall, before they can get through this foresaid River, which is all with the stream; but the Distance hereof cannot yet be perfectly learned. Being come to the end of this Zelenoya Reca, they enter into the River of Ob; and having rowed a little way up the same, The River Ob. they come to a place which they likewise call Zavorot: which signifieth a turning, winding, or entering into a place. From this Zavorot, The Zavorot in the River of Ob. Tawze Reca. they turn into the Tawze Reca, stirring away South to Tawze River; but it is four and twenty hours' sail, or forty leagues from the River of Ob, before they come into any part of the Tawze Reca. In the River of Ob, are neither Woods nor Inhabitants, till they sail so far up the same, that they come near to Siberia. But there are Woods. Taes. Tawze Gorodoc, or Castle. When they are entered into this Tawze River, they have four days and four nights sailing to Tawze Castle, with a fair wind and a stiff gale: But if they be driven to row to the Tawze Gorodoc or Castle, than they are twelve days and twelve nights rowing thither at the least, having calm weather. This Tawze Gorodoc, or Tawze little Castle, with the Villages, Towns, and all other places there to belonging, Mongosey. is by all the Russes generally called Mongosey. At this place are two Gentlemen or Governors, with three or four hundred Gunners, and small C●stles in several places of these parts of Mongosey. Moreover, the men of Mezen, from whom I had all these Notes, told me; That in the Winter time there went men from Siberia to Mongosey, to buy Sables: The Samoyede on the Main, over against Vaygats, travel in the Winter to Mongosey. We may learn of these Samoyeds, the trade of Mongosey at Mezen more perfectly. Mezen a Town of great traffic for Furs. delivering unto me, that the Sables taken by the Samoyeds about Mongosey, are richer in Furs then those that come from Siberia. Also they told me, that the Samoyeds inhabiting upon the main land over against Vaygats, traveled in the Winter time with their Rein Dear to the parts of Mongosey, to kill Sables and other beasts: and do carry their Furs from thence to Mezen, to sell there at a place called by the Russes, Slobodca, to which they did commonly resort about Shrovetide, staying not there long, but as soon as they had made sale of their Furs, they departed home again. Further, these men of Mezen told me, that in the Winter time with them was to be sold store of Squirrels, Beavers, Beavers wombs, and 〈◊〉 Sables. And that all those that traveled in the Winter time from any part of Mongosey, Sibi●●, Pechora, and Oust-selma, to any part of Russia whether they were Merchants, or buyers up of the Furs, or the Samoyeds that caught them; they must of force come to their Town of Mezen, to hire Horses to carry them to Colmogro. By which means they told me, their Town was well replenished with all manner of Furs, especially of Squirrels. Also they informed me, that di●ers of Colmogro, and other parts of Russia th●● sold us Furs, for the most part bought the same of them, lying there in the Winter time for that purpose. Therefore, said they, if that any of our Nation would trade into their parts, they would be glad thereof, and that they may be furnished of all sorts of Furs, and at a far better rate than hitherto we have had them at. And that we could upon any occasion he quickly at Colmogro in the Winter time by Sled, or in any part of the Spring or Summer time by Boat●, at a very small charge. Lastly, that in the Spring time▪ we should not fail of a parcel of Trane-cyle, and Deeres skins, which every Summer they transported to Archangel to sell. A true direction of the Russes travelling from Mezen, with Cayooks or small Boats, through the River Peoza, and from thence to a place called by them Peaskanoy Navolock, or The Sandy Ouerhall, passing from thence through other Rivers, till they come to Oust-selma, and to the Town of Pechora: And is as followeth. Mezen. Having embarked themselves at Mezen, in these small Cayooks or Boats, covered with the barks of trees, Peozareca. they sail to a River called Peoza Reca. From thence they sail, or draw their Boats to a place called, Peaskanoy Navoloc. the Peaskanoy Navolock, or Sandy Ouerhall. From Mezen to this Ouerhall is ten days haling along the shore with the rope. This said Ouerhall is five Russee Versts over. And after they have unladen their goods out of their Cayooks, they draw the said Vessels over at times with Horses, that come from Mezen of purpose; lying there the most part of the Summer, to that intent: and they pay six pence Russee for drawing over an empty Boat. Being over this Ouerhall, they drive with the stream in three days to the Town of Oust-selma: and with the stream in four days they drive to a place called Pustozera: and from Pustozera against the stream they come to the Boluanou, Oust-selma. Pustozera. The Boluanou. Pechora. and from the Boluanou to the Town of Pechora. Also, many of these Boats very often in their return home with their foresaid Cayooks, carry Furs to Vsting, and diverse other places into the Country of Russia. All which they do in a Summer's time. CHAP. X. The Voyage of Master JOSIAS LOGAN to Pechora, and his wintering there, with Master WILLIAM PURSGLOVE, and MARMADUKE WILSON. Anno 1611. THe first of july, William Gurdon, Richard Finch, and William Pursglove, The former part of the Voyage is omitted, to avoid tedious repetition. Toxar. went on shore at Suatinose, where two Crosses stand. The second, we weighed anchor again, and stood into the Bay because of the Ice: and that night we went on shore again. The third, we weighed anchor, and stood it about Suatinose. The fifth, we stood to the Eastwards five leagues more, and about twelve of the clock at night, we were thwart of the Island of Toxar. The tenth, at eight of the clock at night, we weighed, and went over a Bar, at two fathoms, and came into Harbour, where we anchored at ten of the clock in the morning in five fathoms, having sands round about us, being land-locked. The eleventh, myself, William Gurdon, and William Pursglove, with six of our men more, departed from the ship with our Shallop, to go up to the Town of Pustozer. The fourteenth, we arrived at the fishing house of one Euan Vasiliou seen sowhau, Pustozera. where the people were afraid of us, and were ready to run away: but we spoke to them, and gave them some Biscuit and Aqua vita, and they sod us some fish, and showed us our way to another Fishery: but they ran away from us, so we departed on our way. The fifteenth day, at four of the clock in the afternoon we met with a Ruff, that was borne at Vstiug, who gave us Milk, and such things as he had, and we gave him some Biscuit, and some Aqua vita, and he directed us unto another Fishery, about some five miles from that place where we arrived, about six of the clock the same night. But coming ashore, we found not any, save one man, who after some conference had with us, and giving him some Bread, and some of our Aqua vitae, he told us, that the Master of the house, with three of his sons were hunting of Ducks, and that their wives were afraid, and were run into the Woods to hide themselves, leaving a young child behind them for haste. So he brought us into the house, where by that time that we had stayed an hour (because there were so many Muschitaes, which are like unto a Midge, and sting most horribly, so that we were not able to stay without) the Master of the house, and his sons came thither, who at the first, were afraid, thinking we came to rob them. And they were about to shoot our men in the Boat; but one of our men holding up a Biscuit cake, they then came to them, and spoke unto them: but our men not understanding them, made them signs to the house, where myself, William Gurdon, and William Pursglove were: who, when they came into the house, being yet afraid, they came in one after another. Now, when we had saluted them after the Ruff manner, they asked us of whence we were, and for what cause we came thither: whereunto I made answer, that we were Englishmen, who because of the troubles in Russia, came thither to seek a Trade, having heard diverse times of the fame of those parts. Then he replied, that in times past those places had been good for trading: but now, by reason of a bad Governor, in those troublesome times, upon a spleen he had fired the Town, and burned above an hundred houses: and so by that means they were fallen into poverty, and trading decayed, by reason of his great exactions. Yet he said, that they have great store of Salmon, july. and that the last year they got above 15000. Salmon, and in the Winter is their chiefest Mart. For then the Samoyeds come thither from diverse places, and bring Sables, and Beavers, white Foxes, Rosamackes, Feathers, and some Squirrels. So having supped with him, we gave him a gallon of our Aqua vitae, and some forty cakes of our white Biscuit, and three or four pound of Raisins: for we heard, that he was one of the principallest men in the Town. Then desiring his favour, he holp us to a man to go with us up to the Town, because of the fearfulness of the people, which they conceive through the Wars of the Poles: and so we departed from thence that night to the Town. The sixteenth, in the afternoon we arrived at the Town of Pustozera, where we found not many people, considering the number of houses there, which are betwixt fourscore and an hundred, being of wood, built after the Russian manner, and they are subject unto the Ruff, observing all their Rites as do the Russes. The people were all abroad (some, in getting of Morses Oil, and Belougaes' Oil, and some fishing of a fish called Ometta, which is a very sweet fish, and some hunting Ducks) saving the Customers, and three or four more, who were likewise afraid of us, although we had one of their own people with us, and were ready to flee away. So we seeing their fearfulness, caused their man to go first on shore with us three above mentioned, not permitting the rest of our men to come on Land as yet: then he calling to them, they stayed, still peeping from behind the corners of their houses, until at the last there was a Ruff, one of Colmogro, that had wintered with them, who knew me, and had seen me some two years before at Cola in Lappia, at his Uncle's house. And so he encouraged them, speaking greatly in our commendation, Cola in Lappia. showing them, that I was a Merchant, and came to trade with them, and not with any intent of harm: for he knew me very well, and told them, that I was at Cola four or five years together, and lay at his Uncle's house. So he came to me, and took me by the hand, ask me how I did, and told me his name, and how he had seen me with his Uncle at Cola. Then I called to mind, that I had seen him there, and so we grew acquainted: and he went with us to the Customhouse, where staying an hour, at length the Customer came: and after many questions had concerning our coming thither, I craved licence, that four of us might winter with them: which they denied, alleging that they durst not without the Emperor of Russia his licence. Whereupon I answered, that the Emperor's Majesty, when he was reigning, was very gracious unto our Nation, above all other strangers; and showed what great privileges he had bestowed on our people: and how by the English-mens means at the first; what a trade is now at Arkania, Arkania. and what profit came, not only into his Majesty's Treasury, but also into all parts of his Dominions, which in time might be brought hither: and withal showed the Emperor's privilege. Wherefore then they began to put away fear, and willed us to stay five or six days, until he had sent for the chiefest men of the Townsmen, who were abroad, and then they would give us an answer. Then I desired, that we might have an house to be in, and not to stay without doors. So he gave liberty to any that would, to entertain us, whereto there was one Callem that made answer, that he would: whereupon we went with him, and were in an Ambar of his, until we received answer from them. In the mean time we made much of them, and feasted them with our Aqua vitae, Biscuit, and Figs, that we might the better obtain their love. The four and twentieth, the Customers came to give us our answer, and told us, that they had concluded that we might stay if we would: but they must write up to the Musko of our being here. So we thanked them, and gave them such entertainment as we could, and sent presents to six of them of the chiefest, which they took very thankfully, and promised what favour they could. So this night I made ready my Letters to send for England. The fourth of August, five and twenty Lodyas arrived at the Town laden with Meal, and others which were bound for Molgomsey: but by reason of contrary winds, they were forced into Pechora, Molgomsey. and came up to the Town of Pustozer, and unladed to make sale. Pole baptised Russee. The six and twentieth, we removed from the house where we were at the first, unto a Poles house, who is christened Russee, where we are to remain all the Winter. The nine and twentieth, the frost was so strong, that the Ozera was frozen over, and the Ice driving in the River to and again, Frost in August. broke all the nets, so that they got no Salmon, no not so much as for their own victuals. The second of September, the frost broke up again, and it was open weather. The eight of September, there was a Soyma, which the Townsmen bought, that went down the River to have gone for jugoria, and had a fair wind: but they neglecting two days sailing, that would have carried them forth of the River to the Sea, the wind came contrary, so that they were wind-bound, and could not get any further: and on the nineteenth, gave over their Voyage, and came up to the Town. The thirteenth of October, the frost was so extreme, that the Ozera stood in one night, that men did walk on it the next day, and so continued all the Winter after. The twelfth of November, there went two men of Penega to Vst-zilma, to buy Squirrels, and Beavers, and other commodities. The thirteenth, the Sun arose at South and by East by the Compass, and set at South-west and by West. The four and twentieth, there went diverse men, with at the least, three or fourscore Sleds drawn with Deer, Slobodca Mart. to a place called Slobodca, where they hold a Mart, from the beginning of December to the middle thereof: and they carried freshwater fish thither, with whom William Pursglove went into Russia. The six and twentieth, the Sun arose at South and by West by the Compass, and set at South-west and by West. The first of December, the Sun arose at South and by West Westerly by the Compass, and set South-west and by West Southerly. The fourth, the Townsmen of Pechora went over land into jugoria, jugoria. to trade with the Inhabitants there, and the Samoyeds. The eleventh, Marmaduke Wilson said that he saw the Sun, but it was but the way of the Sun's beams. The thirteenth, I saw the Sun's beams myself, but I could not see the Sun itself, although I watched it very strictly. The fourteenth, it was snowy, and stormy weather, and continued so until the four and twentieth day, which was close weather also. Sun returneth. The five and twentieth, being Christmas day, I saw the Sun, and it rose at South and by West, and set at South-west and by South, it having the neathermost part of it all the way just with the Horizon. The six and twentieth, it was stormy and snowy weather, and so continued until the end of the month. The second of januarie, the Sun arose at South somewhat Westerly, and set South-west a little Southerly, it mounting a pretty height above the Horizon. The fifth, William Pursglove returned from Colmogro. The eleventh, the Sun arose at South by East by the Compass, and set at South-west and by West. The twelfth, there came a command from the Patriarch, that there should be a general Fast, both for young and old, not exempting the sucking babes; which began the thirteenth, General Fast for three days very strict. continuing three day's space, they neither eating nor drinking, so much as water, neither admitted they their sucking Babes, save those that fainted, to whom they gave a few Figs and a little water. The nineteenth, the Inhabitants of Pustozer that went into jugoria, returned from thence, having had but an hard Voyage, by reason of the Wars which the Samoyeds had amongst themselves: so that they durst not go into Molgomsey, where they catch the most part of the Sables which come into Russia. The three and twentieth, came the Carratchey, which is the chief of the Samoyeds, but they had no commodities to speak of, by reason of the Wars: so that they neither durst trade with the Samoyeds of Molgomsey, neither hunt for the Sables themselves, which at other times they were wont to do. The thirtieth, I had the chief Carratchey, his son, his son's son, and his brother's son at Dinner, and had some conference with him, who told me, that they had seen ships in the Vaygats, two years one after another: but they durst not be seen of them, but fled from them: for the Russes told them, that they would kill them, Russes fraud. or carry them away prisoners. Yet they seemed to be glad of our coming, when they saw our behaviour, and the entertainment that they had of us: Nevertheless, they are very timorous, and unreasonable covetous, as by more acquaintance I perceived by them. The second of February, February. the most part of the Samoyeds went to Slobodca with their commodities, because in the Summer they had been together by the ears with the Samoyeds of Callenose, and had slain one or two of them: wherefore they went to agree with them, Samoyeds quarrel. and to pay ransom for some of their men that were taken afterwards. The fifteenth, the Sun arose at Southeast, a little Southerly, and set at West and by South Westerly. The sixteenth, the Sun arose at Southeast, and set at West due by the Compass as I could set it, the variation being two points Westerly: for, at a South South-west, Variation. the Sun cometh to the Meridian. The twentieth, I had conference with a Ruff, concerning their trade of Molgomsey, The report of a Ruff, a great Traveller of the way from Pechora to Ob. Medemskoy Zovorot. Zyelensa two Lands. Breit-vinnose. Socolia Lowdia. A long Point. From Medemskoy Zavorot to Ob is 16. days sailing. An Island. Ob is full of Lands, broad and should. who had been there twice, and he was the first that ever attempted it, and none hath been farther than he to the Eastwards. And he told me, that their course from Medenskoy Zavorot, at the mouth of Pechora to the Eastward, to the two Lands called Zyelensa, is two days and three night's distance, sailing with a fair wind. From thence to Breit-vinnose, three days and three nights sailing with a fair wind, which is within the Straight of Vaygats. And from thence by an Island, or rather a Rock, called Socolia Lowdia, leaving it on the Starboard side for fear of Rocks, still keeping your course North-east, until you come to a long Point on the Starboard side, with a sand lying off into the Sea three miles, some five or six days sailing. Which when you have gotten about, you must hold your course somewhat more inclining to the South, five or six days more: and then you shall come to the River of Ob; against the mouth whereof lieth an Island: but you must keep the Sea-boord of it, by reason it is should betwixt it and the Main. The Land all alongst the shore is a fine low Land, and the going into the River, is on the East side of the Island. The River is reported to be a Summer days sailing over in breadth, and is full of Lands: whereby they report it to be should. Yet, in my opinion, so great a River cannot be without a main channel; which as yet they have not sought for: and therefore they judge it innavigable. Also they report it to be very plentiful of Fish of diverse sorts: but the people here, and the Russes are unwilling that we should go thither. Moreover, he told me, that from the River Ob to the Eastwards, the Land stretcheth East, The people of Pechora, and the Russes are unwilling that we should go to Ob. The River Yenisce. Samoyeds. Horses. Ploughs. The River of the Tingusseys. some six or eight days sailing more. To the Eastward of the River Ob lieth another great River as large as Ob, and is very deep water, and runneth from the South, how far as yet it is unknown. Although that he affirmed, that he himself had sailed at the least three weeks up the River: and all along as they went, they met with sundry sorts of People, differing in Language one from another, which they call Samoyeds. Yea, and the People there did certify them, that up more towards the South, there are Tartar's inhabiting, who ride upon Horses. And he affirmed, that they found pieces of Ploughs that had been driven down the River by the floods, caused by the Snow melting from the Mountains. This River is very high Land, and deep water on both sides. Into this River, on the East side falleth another River, called Tingussey, and the Inhabitants thereof are so called: whereby I conjecture, that it is not far from the City Tangut in Cathay. These Tingusses report, that there is another huge River, Tangut mentioned by Polo, a large Kingdom Northward from Cathay, or China. The River P●sida. Guns. March. that trendeth to the Southwards, which the neck of a Land parteth from the River of Tingussey: wherein there are great ships, not unlike unto the Russes ships, that sail in it, having many Masts and Guns, which when they are shot off, make all the earth shake with the noise: which should seem to be the Chinians, that trade thither in the Summer, and return back again ere the Winter doth come. The like also affirmeth another, being a Ruff, who hath been in the River of Tingussey, where the people make this report. The first of March, the Russes took their journey from hence, from Pustozer into Russia, with such commodities as they bought. The twelfth, the Sun's altitude by the Quadrant was 67. degrees and 40. minutes; and the declination, no degrees 52. minutes, which being added, maketh 68 degrees and 30. minutes, being the true height of Pustozer. P●stozera in 68 degrees 30. or 35. minutes. The thirteenth, the Sun arose at East and by South a little Southerly, and set at West Northwest. This day the Sun's altitude by the Quadrant was 67. degrees 20. minutes; and the declination, 1. degree 15. minutes: which added together, maketh 68 degrees 35. minutes: so that I conclude, that Pustozer standeth in about 68 degrees 30. minutes. The eight and twentieth, the Sun arose at East and by North, and set at Northwest and by West. April. The eleventh of April, the Inhabitants of this Town returned from Slobodca, bringing with them Rye, Rye-meal, and other provisions. The one and twentieth, having conference with a Permack, concerning what commodities were to be had at the Town of Vst-zilma, he told me, that there were Losh hides, Squirrels, Sables, The report of a Permack. Yenissey: beyond it the land trendeth due East. Pesida River. Catonga River runneth out of Cathay. Stones like Gold and Silver in the midway between Pisida and Catonga. May. white Foxes, and Rosomackes. Moreover, he told me, that beyond the River of Yenissey, the Land trendeth due East, and then there is a River called Peaseda, and beyond that another, called Catonga, which runneth into Cathay: whose King, these Permacks and Russes call Teulka tsar. The River lieth North and South as they of Yenissey say, but they cannot tell how far: for, there hath not any been up the River, by reason they are afraid of their shot. And this Permack told me, that on the Sea coast betwixt these two Rivers, Peaseda and Catonga, they found certain stones like unto Gold, and some like Silver, being about the half way betwixt the two Rivers. The two and twentieth, we had news brought that the Ice was broken, in the Pechora, all alongst by the sides. The ninth of May, the Sun arose at North-east somewhat Easterly, and set at North somewhat Westerly, it being just four hours by the Hourglass under the Horizon. The three and twentieth, the Sun did not go under the Horizon, for it was a pretty height above the Horizon, at a North North-east point of the Compass: it then being at the lowest. The four and twentieth, The River Ice breaks up. we had news that the Pechora broke up, upon the twentieth day of this instant month. The six and twentieth, at four of the clock in the afternoon, I departed from Pustozer, to go to Vst-zilma, where I arrived the thirtieth day instant. And the River of Pechora lieth most part North North-east, Four days journey between Pustozer and Oustzilma. Oustzilma is in 66. degrees 30. minutes, & there grow fair Barley and Rye. june. 17. Soymas depart for Molgomsey. july. Tom combustion. and South South-west, and sometimes North and South. Vst-zilma, is a Village of some thirty or forty houses, and standeth in the height of 66. degrees and 30. minutes. They have Corn growing there, both Barley and Rye: and their Barley is passing fair and white almost as Rice. The ninth of june, I departed from Vst-zilma back again to Pustozer, where I arrived the eleventh of june. The one and twentieth, seventeen Soymas departed from hence to go to Molgomsey: some belonging to this place, some to Vst-zilma, and some to Mezen, and Penega. The two and twentieth, diverse Boats went from hence to the Sea, to fish for Omelyes and Bealowgaes' Oil. The four and twentieth, I sent down William Pursglove to the Sea side, to buy the Oil which God shall send them. The third of july, I received a Letter forth of England, by the way of Colmogro. The fifth, we had news that the Governor and Soldiers of Tom have burnt the Town, and fled from thence, by reason they wanted victuals, and their pay: and about three hundred of them intended to come to Vst-zilma, to rob the Inhabitants thereof. This day I was told, that from Pustozer up Pechora with a fair wind, to the River of Ouse, is three week's travel: and then up the River of Ouse, to Podcamen, ten days, and from thence to Ob, eight days, drawn by Dear: and from thence to Beresova, sixteen days, which is a Town of trading. This mine Host told me, that he was a prisoner at Beresova, and at Tobolsco: and he affirmeth, that Tobolsco is a City of great trade, and that the Teseeks, Bowhars, and Tartars, come thither to trade, who bring Silks, Velvets, Grogran, Sendames, and Kindackes, and that great store of Cloth, Pewter, and Copper may be vented there. Also there is great store of Furs, as Sables, Squirrels, Foxes, Black, Rosamackes, and Beavers. He saith, that from Pustozer to Vade in jugoria, which is on this side Ob, with carriage upon Deer, it is a month's journey, and Nosova is on the other side of Ob; and it is two weeks and an half with light carriage or post. Moreover, he told me, that Pechora runneth into Veleka permia, five week's journey from Pustozer, and from Veleca permia to Verho towria, nine days journey by Horse and Sleds: and from thence to Tumen by River, ten days: and from Tumen to Tobolsco, six days by the River Irtish, and is the chief City of all Siberia. And from Tobolsco to Sowrgout, is six week's journey up the River Ob, from whence come all the rich Furs which come to Arcania. From Sowrgout to Tome, Intelligence of the Country. Course of Pechora. Modeneskoy zavorot. Meastnoy Ostrove. which is amongst the Tartars, is three weeks up the River Ob: and yet none knoweth how far the Ob runneth further, as he saith, he was carried these ways to the Musko, in the beginning of Rostriga his time. The sixteenth, I was told by a Permack, having some speech with him concerning the Vaygats, that from Medniskoy Zavorot to the Vaygats, is one day and a night's sail with a fair wind. And as you go forth of the Vaygats, there lieth an Island called Meastno Ostrove, not being far from Socolia Lowdy: and from Vaygats through Yougorskoy shar into Oarskoy gouba, Scola Lowdia. Yowgarkoy shar. Carskoy Gouba. Mowtnoy a River. Sharrappa Shar. Yowcozova. Naromzia River. Ob. Zylena River. Taz Zavorot. Taz River. An Island in the mouth of Taz. The Town. Pour River. An Island called Trowgan. The River H●utike runneth out of Cathay. (which is a great Bay and deep) is two days and one nights sailing into Mowtnoy River, the course East, somewhat Southerly. And from Mowtnoy to Sharrappa shar, which is an Inlet, is half a days sailing: and from thence to Yowconove is half a days sailing, which is an high Land: and from thence to Naromzia is a days sailing. And there are three little Rivers betwixt them: and there are Morses all alongst that shore, and farther he knew not by Sea. But he saith, that the River Ob is a days sailing right over. And from Zylena reca to the Tazzavorot, the course is Southeast, a days sailing: and from the Zavorot of Taz to the River's mouth, is a day and a nights sailing: and there is an Island in the mouth thereof, being high land. And from thence up the River, the course is Southeast to the Town eight days journey, to be haled with a rope, there runneth such a stream. But, ere you come to the Taz River, there is another River on the Starboard side, called Pour, where they get of the best Sables that come: and you must leave the Island at the Taz on the Larboard side. And from Taz Town up the River Volochanco, is six days journey Easterly against the stream, until you come to a Vollocke, about a mile and an half long, Marish ground, and so into another River, some four days rowing with the stream, to the River that is called Trowhan, which is a great River, and falleth into Yenissey, some three days journey more with the stream: at the entrance whereof lieth an Island; called by the same name, whereon there is a little Town of the same name. From thence down the River Yenissey to the River Hautike, is twelve days sailing: and it is a great River, and runneth to the East (as it is thought) into Cathay, which of the Permacks, is called Kithayskoy Tsarrstua. The fifth of August, myself, and the Boy, went aboard the Lodia departing from Pustozer. August. They depart from Pustozera. The tenth, we arrived at the Gloubocke, which are the deep water, whither William Purseglove was come with the Oil, where we melted what we could, before we departed. The twelfth, I observed in the Gloubocke, and had it on the Quadrant 56. degrees 30. minutes: and the Declination was 12. degrees 42. minutes, so it standeth in 69. degrees 12. minutes. The eighteenth, we departed from the Gloubocke, and entered the Dry Sea, and arrived at the Zavorot the one and twentieth. The two and twentieth, we weighed and went out to Sea, the wind at East North-east, but the wind coming to the Northwest, we put roomer again, Gloubocke in 69 degrees 12. minutes. and came to an Anchor at the Zavorot again. The four and twentieth, I observed at the Zavorot, and had it on the Quadrant 63. degrees no minutes, and the Declination was 7. degrees 26. minutes, so it standeth in about 70. degrees 30. minutes. The six and twentieth, we departed from the Zavorot about noon, the wind being at East, the land trending betwixt it & Collocolcova East & West, being two Voadaes, or sixty Versts distance. The seven and twentieth, we came to an Island called Mezyou Sharry, Collocolcova. Mezyou Sharry. being sixty Versts to the Eastwards of Suatinose, and it is about ten Versts in length, and two Versts broad. At the East end thereof, Oliver Brunell was carried into Harbour by a Ruff, where he was Land-locked, Oliver Brunell. having the Island on the one side, and the Main on the other. The eight and twentieth, we departed from Mezyou Sharry, the wind at North-east, a little gale, but before night it fell thick, and we steered away Northwest, and about midnight, it came to the North North-east blowing a very sore storm: so that we were not able to bear our sail aloft, and having flood under foot, we were fogged into the Bay, and put ashore some two hours before day, upon the long point of the obscure Harbour, about three miles to the Westwards, the wind being at North: where we got all our goods on Land, always looking when the Lodia would have split. But, by God's Almighty Providence, she beat over that Sand, and lay betwixt it and the beach: so that when the tide was fallen, she sat on ground, as if she had been in a creek, the Sands all dry round about her. Also on the West side of Suatinose, in the Bay is a great River, called Indiga, which is, deep Water, and a good Harbour for a ship, Indiga. as the Russes do report. The thirtieth, the storm continued all the day long. The one and thirtieth, about noon it blew less wind, and at night we stopped our leaks as well as we could. The first of September, in the morning we got our goods again aboard. The second, September. in the morning, we went roomer with the obscure Harbour, the wind being at the Northwest, but at noon, it came to the Southeast and East Southeast, so we weighed, and stood to the Westwards again, until we came to the River, where we came on shore the last year: which is called Zenovea, where we anchored a little to the Eastwards, and rid the most part of that night. The third, in the morning we weighed, and stood to the Westwards, but the wind coming to the West South-west blowing hard, and having the tide against us, we anchored again about ten of the clock on Thursday, being the third day: yet within two hours after, we were forced to weigh, and put roomer to a little River or Creek, that is, called Creostova: where we rid until the ninth day. Then we loosed, thinking to have gone forth to Sea, the wind being Easterly; but it blowing hard, and there running a great stream of fresh water, that it put us on ground again, we were in great danger again of losing all. So we were forced to get all things on shore again, and then got her off the eleventh day, and went into the Creak again: and stopping our leaks as well as we could, we got our goods aboard again. The fourteenth, the wind coming to the East Southeast, we got forth to Sea with much ado; and soon after, the wind came to the East North-east, a fair gale: and we stood it alongst the Land Southeast and by South, and Northwest and by North all that afternoon until midnight; at what time we were thwart of Callerose. The fifteenth, about three of the clock in the morning, the wind came to the North-east, and blew very hard, so we steered away South South-west, and at night we fell with a should, which they said, is thwart of the Mezen mouth; Knock john. but I take it, it was Knock john. The sixteenth, in the morning about eight or nine of the clock, having carried but an hullocke of our sail all night, Danielove Stolbe we fell with Danielove Stolbe on the Coast of Lappia, the wind being at South, and blowing hard, so that we went into Harbour at the West of the Island, there standing five Crosses on it, it being a Rock. And there are four Warlocks on the Main, and another on a Rock to the Westwards: yet it is but for Lodyes, and that a bad one also, being full of Rocks round about, where we rid until the six and twentieth. Then we departed forth of Daniela Stolbe about noon, and at night we came to Sosnovets, where we rid all night. The seven and twentieth, Churua Nose. Arkania. Colmogro. in the morning we fell with Churua Nose. The eight and twentieth, we arrived at Arkania, where we landed our Oil. The nine and twentieth, we arrived at Colmogro. Extracts taken out of two Letters of josias Logan from Pechora, to Master Hakluyt Prebend of Westminster. THere use to come hither in the Winter about two thousand Samoieds with their Commodities, which may be such as we dreamt not on yet. For by chance one came to us with a piece of an Elephant's Tooth, This piece of an Elephant's Tooth was sent into England. The Sea Naromzie. which he said he bought of a Samoied. And here are men called Tingussies, whose Country is beyond the Rivers of Obi, and Taes; and bordereth upon the great River Yenisse: which is a good River and a deep, and falleth into the Sea Naromzie: And it should seem it is not far from China. Therefore you may conceive what hope there is of this Enterprise, if it please God it may be followed as it ought to be. Thus beseeching Almighty God to bless you and us, I commit you to the protection of him, who is the giver of all goodness, jul. 24. 1611. In another Letter from Pechora, August 16. THere come two or three thousand Samoieds hither to trade with their Sables, Beavers, Black Foxes, Squirrels, Wolves, Rosomacks, Ermines. And here is caught in September, good store of Salmon, Train of a certain great fish, called a Bealouga, and Morsses, and Seals Oil in the Summer time, and White Foxes and Feathers. I had some conference with a Ruff, who told me that the Samoieds told him, that there lie Minchins, which in their Language is strangers, buried in the Sand in Coffins, with their arms across their breasts▪ which they estimate to be about sixty years ago: And that they found Writing Tables in one of their pockets, and other small Trifles which they took away. The Vaygats is sometimes open and sometimes shut: and upon them groweth Crystal of the Mount. The Russes and Permacks trade yearly with them of the River Obi, Crystal upon the Vaygats. Yowgorsky Shar. Cara Reca. Moetnaia Reca. The Voloc or neck of Land. Zelena Reca. Obi River. Taes River. Yenissey River. and beyond. They go by Sea into the great Bay beyond Pechora, called Yowgorsky Shar: into which there fall four Rivers; The Eastermost whereof they call Cara Reca, on the Black River; beyond which they pass unto another, called Moetnaia Reca; then they come to a Voloc or neck of Land, which continueth but three Versts; over which they draw their Boats and goods, and so come to another River, called Zelena Reca, or The Green River, which bringeth them into Obi: Into which on the Easter side, the River Taes falleth, making but one mouth with the River Obi, being should, and they report it to be as broad toward the mouth, as a man can discern over, having many Lands therein. Moreover, there is another great River, called Yenissey beyond Taes: which they say, is rather bigger and deeper than Obi; and it runneth up into the Land no man knoweth how far: Although they have discovered some fourteen days rowing up therein: neither can they learn of the Inhabitants thereof how far it stretcheth; Tinguissey a people. A White City. Great ringing of Bels. whom they call Tingussey: who are a proper people of themselves. And the Samoieds report that they have traveled so far, that they came within sight of a White City or Town: which should seem to be builded of stone, for they durst not go to make trial: and they heard great ringing of Bels. Also they say, that they saw beasts, but they were not like their Deer; for they had a great Mane, a long Tail, no Horns, and their footing was round, not cloven, as their Deeres are: and they use to ride upon their backs, and not to draw in Sleds as their Dear use to do. These I assure myself are Horses. Horses. People in Armour. They are not far from Cataia and China. And further they report, that there came people unto them all made of Iron, their heads, arms, hands, and legs: so that neither Arrows, Swords, nor Spears, could enter; which, as I conjecture, were people in Armour. For they said, that two hundred of them they thought were able to conquer all their Realm. By this you may gather, that they are not far from Cataia and China. Thus have I showed ●nto you the greatest secret, and the nearest to the truth that I know. Requesting you, if you think it meet, that the Right Honourable the Earl of Salisbury might have a Copy thereof. Thus wishing you health and prosperity in this World, and felicity in the World to come, I cease. CHAP. XI. A brief Relation of a Voyage to Pechora, and wintering there, began in the year 1611. Written by WILLIAM PURSGLOVE. MAster josias Logan, and William Gourdon, having received directions from the Right Worshipful Company of English Merchants, Trading Russia. The eleventh of April, 1611. departed from Blackewall in the River of Thames, in a good ship, called the Amity; whereof james Vndum of Rederiffe was Master. The sixteenth of july, we arrived at Pustozera, being much wondered at by the Inhabitants, a Permac received us into his House, and let us have a Warehouse for our goods. We all continued there until the five and twentieth of july. They were first received into a Permacks' House. Then we returned in our Shallop again to our ship, having a small Russee Boat in our company, to carry some of the Feathers and Down, which we brought there, our own Boat not being able to carry all, being pestered with our Provision, and some Feathers, and White Foxes. We came aboard our ship the seven and twentieth of july, where we delivered those White Foxes, Feathers, and down, and an exceeding rich black Fox skin, having laded the Ruff Boat with part of our goods. The rest of our goods they laid upon the Sand to be sent up afterward, leaving me and Marmaduke Wilson, and an hired Ruff with them, where we attended to hear of 〈◊〉 from the Town. But Master Logan not hearing of any above a ton and an half, could not get any to come down to us; because they feared to go over the dry or should Sea in their little Boats being laden. The one and thirtieth, our ship departed over the Bar, purposing to make their Voyage in Nova Zembla, or some Lands not far distant from thence. At their departure there were five and twenty Coaches or Soymas, in that Road of Pechora, with at least two hundred men in them bound for Molgomsey; but hindered by contrary Winds and Ice, our ships being over the Bar, they all came on shore to us; some threatening, others flattering us, but after I had bestowed two Bottles of Beer among some of the best of them, they all went up to Pustozera: where most of them that had any goods to sell stayed all Winter, and sold their Commodities in barter with the Inhabitants, and when they could happen secretly upon any Samoieds, they would be trading with them also: which is contrary to the Privileges granted by the Emperor to the Pustozerits. Their Wintering there was no little hindrance to us for the sale of our goods. We arrived at the Town the seventh of August. In mine absence Master Logan had hired part of an House of one, called Tiffon Vriawich, a Polonian, who was turned Russee. August. The three and twentieth of November, I departed from Pustozera to go for Russia, November. His Voyage over-land to Slobotca and Colmogro. Mountains & Cameni, or Rocks. at three of the clock in the afternoon, in the Company of certain Russes, Permacks, and Samoieds, which Samoieds were our Guides over the Mountains: and one days journey over the Rocks, which they call Cameni, which are not Rocky Hills, as in Norway, but high Lands, yet in most places smooth, and most marish grounds full of little Hillocks, which being covered with Snow and frozen, did not much annoy us. Our Argeshey or Caravan were about two hundred and ten Sleds, drawn the most part with two Dear in a Sled. They had also about two hundred spare Dear, to ease the wearied. We kept company until the fourth of December together, having passed two third parts of our way to Slobotca, being the first Town in the Country of Mesen, that we saw. And then in company of four Sleds, having each two choice Bucks, with a Samoied in the fifth for our Guide, we left the Argeshey, and rid post for Slobotca, He arriveth at Slobotca, the 9 of December in 16. days. Thomas Ligon. where we arrived the ninth of December, at ten of the clock at night. In this Town I found one Thomas Ligon an Englishman, who had served Master Richard Cocks of London, who saluting me in English, marvelled much to meet me there: and carried me from the rest of my company to his Lodging, and gave me there very kind entertainment. The next morning I departed thence in his Sled, having over night hired an Horse to the next Town, which was fifteenth Versts off: And so travelling day and night, changing Horses at every convenient place. I came to Colmogro the twelfth of December: He arriveth at Colmogro, the 12. of Decemb. and delivered my Letters from Master josias Logan our Factor in Pustozera, to Master Fabian Smith, than Agent for the English Company. Having rested myself four days there, and received certain Money to help to put off some of our goods at Pechora, I departed from Colmogro the seventeenth of December, and came to Slobotca the nineteenth day; the height of the Pole being there some sixty five degrees. I stayed there till the two and twentieth of the said month, by which time the Permacks and the Inhabitants of Pustozera, were ready to return to Pechora with their goods, being Rye, Malt, Hops, Salt, Aqua vitae, and some course Cloth. Moreover, diverse Russes having their Sons or Kinsmen Leigers there, in Winter do send Cloth and Money over Land. Having made my provision for my journey, and taken my leave of Master Thomas Ligon, we set forward that night, and rid not above five and twenty Versts, to a place where we found the Argeshey which set out from Slobotca the two and twentieth day in the morning by break of day. We had better passage in our return, than we had in our journey from Pustozera, by reason of much Snow fallen in the time of our being in Russia, Snow bettereth their Travel. and frozen so hard, that it bore both Dear and Sleds in all places. We kept together with the Argeshey, being then two hundred and fifty Sleds, till we had passed more than two thirds of our way over the Mountains: and then long before day having chosen Bucks of the best, The fourth of januarie. we departed the fourth of januarie, being eight Sleds in company, and rid post all that day and night following, being Moonlight, save sometimes for the space of an hour that we stayed where, the Samoied our Guide knew there was good store of Moss, Moss food for the Dear. (which is white) to refresh our Deer. The fifth of januarie, we came to Pustozera, having in forty hours traveled three hundred and fifty Versts with our choice Bucks. Our Argeshey or Caravan arrived there after us the twelfth of januarie. The manner of travelling with the Samoieds. The Samoieds being the only Guides in Winter, either from Pustozera to Slobotca, or to any other places Eastward, as Ougoria, Siberia, or Molgomsey; know, by their continual travel, the way, though it be never so thick weather, as also where most store of white Moss is growing: and according as they find themselves near unto some mossy place, be it something before night, or within night four or five hours before they can come thither: there for that Night they pitch their Tents, being for the most part made of Dear and Elkes skins: we had in our company four great Tents set up, Their Tents. and some twenty under each Tent. This work of pitching the Tents belongeth unto the Women. In the mean time the men unyoake the Deer, and turn them lose to dig through the Snow, be it never so deep, for their food and sustenance. Then the Samoieds (of every Tent one) out of the next Wood, provide as much Fuel as shall 〈…〉 turns for their abode there. First, they set on Kettles full of Snow water, which being melted, they drink thereof every one a good draught: then they seeth their Supper, using as before Snow water melted for their Drink. Hard-soft lodging. Our lodgings were upon the Snow within our Tents, round about the Fire, having under us for our Beds the skins of Deer, covered with our day apparel. For all the time of our journey, the Merchants, whether Stranger, Russee, or Permac, according to the number of them, make provision of Victuals to feed the whole family in every Tent, Poor Samoieds every man his day about, together with the Samoieds, their Wives and Children; who carry all their Household every where with them; and out of their Sons and Daughters, they appoint a watch over their Deer, Dangerous Wolves. for fear of the Wolf and other Beasts, which notwithstanding their watch sometimes kill in a night one or two of their Deer, as it fell out two nights in our journey to Slobotca. Slobotca. This Slobotca is a pretty Town, having in December and januarie, great resort of people repairing thither, as well Rich Russes out of many places, with money to buy Furs, as others with provision of Meal and Malt, and other Commodities, to furnish the Pustozerits, as also to buy Fish, to wit, Salmon, Oil of Bealugos, Dear skins, and Furs of them. Trade with the Samoieds of Ougoria. Eight or nine hundred Samoieds come to Pustozera. The tenth of january, the Inhabitants of Pustozera, returned from Trading with the Samoieds of Ougoria, on which journey they set forward the five and twentieth of November: and within three days after, came betwixt eight or nine hundred Samoieds with a small quantity of their Commodities, in respect of former years, by reason of War between the Samoieds of Ougoria, and Molgomsey, who were wont to Trade one with another, and not to war one against another. So Sables, and other Commodities being scant, the inhabitants sold them very dear: yet notwithstanding, the Russes bought up all, striving one to have them before another. So that after that little money, which we had was bestowed, we could not do any thing in barter. Moreover, the Russes did not only inform against us to the Inhabitants to stir them up against us, The false suggestions of the Russes against us. but also used the like means to the Samoieds to dissuade them from trading with us, either in their own Countries, or elsewhere; alleging that we would betray them, and not only carry them away to make them Slaves, and rob them, but also would murder and destroy all the rest, wheresoever we should come. The Inhabitants also of Pustozera, being incensed by the Russes, doubting we would enter farther into their Trade Eastward, began also to hinder, and forbid the Samoieds to come to us. Yet by means of our Host being a Polac borne, we spoke with diverse of the principal of the Samoieds, he being our Interpreter, and we ourselves understood certain Samoieds speaking broken Russee, and by these means we found out more at large the despitefulness of the Russes, and the envy of some of the Inhabitants against us; as also their fear, lest we or any other Stranger, should enter into further Discovery of their trafficking toward the East, but especially about the River Ob. Some said we were sent as spies to betray their Land to the Pole or the Swethen, with whom they then had war. Some gave counsel to put us under the Water: others advised to set us upon the Sand, where we should have been without all doubt drowned in short space, others thought best to send us up to the Nobility, and to seize on all our goods to the use of the State. But diverse of the best in the Town, with whom we kept all friendship that possible we could, withstood those bloody practices. The Lord therefore be blessed. The fifth of March, the Inhabitants of Pustozer went again to Slobotca, carrying the Russes with their Commodities thither. March. They returned home the eleventh of April, 1612. The one and twentieth of April, April, 1612. water was first seen upon the main River Pechora above the Ice, descending from above Oustzilma. The twentieth of May, the Ice broke up. The five and twentieth of May, May 20. the Ice broke up. certain of the Inhabitants of Pustozer, went by water unto Oustzilma. The six and twentieth, josias Logan with our Host the Polonian, hired a Boat and went toward Oustzilma, carrying with him certain Cloth and Copper Kettles, in hope to sell them well there, being entreated in the Summer before by one of their Townsmen to come thither, or to send one to Winter there: alleging that they got great store of Losh-hydes, Squirrels, Sables, and Bevers. Which some years indeed, as we were credibly informed, falleth out according to his report. But at his arrival there, diverse of the Townsmen came against him, and would not suffer him nor any of his Boat to Land for the space of ten hours: but in the end, Our men entreated to winter at Oustzilma. they let him go on shore, after, as we suppose, the Inhabitants of Pustozer had bought most of their Commodities. So that he staying there two days, could get but nine Losh-hydes, and half a timber of course Sables, in barter for some Cloth and Copper. The principal cause of his going thither, was, to meet with some of the Permacks out of Permia, who some years come down with Rye, and Rye-meal, and thought to have given notice to those Permacks of our being at Pustozer, and to have willed them to have persuaded their Countrymen to bring thither the next Spring following all their Commodities, being Wax, Honey, Losh-hydes, and Furs, which they might do for half the charge that they are at in bringing them to Archangel, on the River Duina. Oustzilma is a pretty Town of some sixty Houses: Oustzilma. and is three or four days sailing with a fair wind against the stream from Pustozer, but back again they may sail it in two days. The third of june, came the first Russes in their Cayooks by River out of Russia to Pustozer. june 3. These Cayooks, be small Boats of two tons, having two men in each Boate. The twentieth of june, nine Russee Coaches or Soymas, passed by Pustozer from Oustzilma for Molgomsey. The one and twentieth, six Russee Soymas more departed from Pustozer: Sixteen Soymas depart for Molgomsey. all the rest having given over their Voyage, which came thither the Summer before, 1611. The two and twentieth, one Soymas belonging to the Town of Pustozer, departed for Molgomsey. The three and twentieth, and four and twentieth, the Inhabitants of Pustozer, Fishing for Bealugos under the Boluan. went to Fish for Bealugos under the Boluan, being the highest Land near unto the Dry Sea, and two days sailing from the Town. The five and twentieth, I departed after them, and arrived there the seven and twentieth, hoping to have provided good store of Bealugos Oil. But it fell out contrary: though there were above fifty Boats, having in every Boat three men, and in many four, by reason it pleased God to send such windy and stormy weather, that the Boats could not go to Sea in many days together, during their wont time of Fishing for those Beasts; being till the twentieth of july. Then every man leaveth that Fishing, and repair to their own Fisheries, to hunt Ducks, Geese, and Swans, which most years they get in abundance, and make good profit of their Feathers and down: as also of their Flesh, which they salted up in Cask for Winter provision, serving them also all the Summer for Flesh days. These Bealugos they catch with harping Irons, tied fast to a long rope of ninety or an hundred fathoms, Manner of killing them. The Russes upon the Ice use to kill the Morse as they do their Bealugo: but their rope is longer, and a barre●● made fast at one end to buoy it. Samoieds poverty. Bealugo made meat in Italy with a staff of the length of two yards or somewhat longer, being put loose into the Iron, wherewith when the beast cometh within the reach of him that striketh, he smiteth him with the Iron, leaving it in the Beast: then the rope being laid out clear to vere out, the man holding his Staff still in his hand: but the Beast being wounded hasteneth to the bottom, where having beat himself near to death, they hall in their rope by little and little, the Beast ascending thereby. And if they find him not near death, they strike him again: and being dead they cut off his skin with the fat on it in many parts, some the breadth of two hands, some more or less. Then coming on shore, they take the Fat from the skin, and cut it in small pieces to dissolve it to Oil, casting away the Flesh which is red, to the Fowls of the Sea; except some poor Samoied come that way, who taketh it, though it have lain putrifying two or three days, and drieth it, and maketh good cheer with it with his Family. This Beast is as big as two good Sturgeons. Moreover, I was informed by an ancient Traveller, that the Flesh and Fat of that Beast, being cut as Beef and salted in Cask, is a great and rich Commodity in Italy; which cannot choose but to be much better than young Whales, which I have heard that the Biskayners use to preserve for good meat. With the Fat of some one of these Beasts, they will fill three Barrels, of some lesser two barrels, and some yield but one barrel of Blubber, which they call Shilliga. In that Summer when I was there, by reason of Northerly winds blowing hard, they killed by all their Boats not above forty Beasts: with some Boat they killed two, with other three, with some four. But with most not one. The thirteenth of july, I received a Letter from Master josias Logan, the effect whereof was; That the Company of our English Merchants of Russia, july 13. A Boat sent by River to Pustozera, to fetch home Master Logan and his Company into Russia. August. The Gloubuc. had sent a Boat out of Russia by River, which stood them in fourteen Rubbels or Marks for us to go in her, or by Lodia for Russia. For they were purposed not to send a Ship for us that year. The ninth of August, Master josias Logan, and Marmaduke Wilson, came from the Town of Pustozera in a Lodia to go for Russia, and Anchored in the Glowbuc, which is a deep place of the River. here we stayed ten days to make up our Oil. In the mean time the Lodia got her full lading with Omelies, and Seegies salted in Cask, attending a fair wind. The ninth of August, we set sail out of the Glowbuc, and entered the Suchoi-morie, that is, The Dry or should Sea, and stirred away next hand North North-east. The nine and twentieth, a little before day, not thinking we had been so near the Land, we were on the Breeches of Promoi Coskoi, Promoi Coskoi. or the Sands of Promoi, a bad Harbour so called by the Russes, and beat over one Sand by God's providence only, so high, being half full of water, that in despair of ever getting her off again, we unladed most of the goods, as Fish, Oil, Feathers, down, and Losh-hydes, as soon as it began to be daylight, and that the Russes knew us to be upon the main Land. The thirtieth day, being somewhat calm, and the wind Easterly, but thick weather still, there came three men from Vasilie Beregen his Lodia, who was our Consort, while we were working to get our Lodia a float again, and told us, that their Lodia was beaten in pieces upon the main Land, some seven or eight Versts to the Westward off us. The one and thirtieth, we laboured again, and by God's assistance got her a float, having taken out almost all her goods: and that night laded some part again. The first of September, we got all our goods aboard, and at Night-tide being fair weather, the wind Northwest and Moonlight, September. we put from that comfortless place, and went into the Promoi Harbour, having on the Bar nine or ten foot water; but within four or five fathoms. A South-west Moon maketh there a full Sea. It is in the great Bay between Suetinos and Candinos. The second, the wind at East North-east fair weather, we set sail with our leak Lodia, the Pump never resting. The third, the wind variable, we sailed along the the shore till about Noon: then the wind coming to the West, we put back again for Christova Stano●echa, which is the Cross Harbour, where we road in a fine River, having a bad Bar. The ninth, in the Morning we purposed to put to Sea again, the wind Easterly: but the Bar was so grown and warped up with sands, when we came upon the entrance of it, that we could not pass over, neither with Wind nor Oars, but were forced upon the main: where our Lodia was beaten so high upon the sand, that all hope of saving her was past. That day we got out of her an hundred Barrels of Fish and Oil, and yet we could not get her off again. Northwest winds cause high Tides on this Coast. Much Snow. The tenth, the wind being at Northwest, caused high Tides▪ by which means we got her off, and brought her again into Harbour. The eleventh we had so much wind and Snow, that we could not get our goods aboard all that day. The twelfth, we got all aboard, having stopped most of our leaks with Moss and old Clouts. The thirteenth, the wind at East, fair weather, we put to Sea out of that bad Harbour, leaving one of our Boats there, and eight Barrels of Fish to ease our leak Lodia. The fourteenth, about midnight we were thwart of Candinos, Candinos. and stirred South-west, and South South-west all the next day: but the Night following being much wind, the Russes esteeming themselves to be on the Western shore, struck sail, and by Daylight we saw Land to the Westward of the White Sea, being the sixteenth day: and we were forced again into another bad Harbour, called Danilo Stolb, Danilo Stolb in Lapland. that is, daniel's Pillar, on the Coast of Lapland, where we made our Lodia fast among the Rocks: where she lay dry halfe-tide, and lay there beenept and wind-bound until the six and twentieth day: and then at Tide-time we got out of that place. Archangel. The eight and twentieth, we entered into the River of Duyna, and landed that night at the Castle of Archangel in the English House, all our Oil, Losh-hydes, and other goods, as Feathers, down, etc. The nine and twentieth, about midnight we came to the English House at Colmogro, and there continued all the Winter. Colmogro, The three and twentieth of April 1613. the River of Duyna broke up at Archangel. Other Observations of the said WILLIAM PURSGLOVE. Medeniskoie Bar. Vaygats Island. The River Ob. The River Tas FRom Medenskoie Zavorot to the Isle of Vaygats, is two days sailing with a Ruff Lodia. From Vaygats to the River Ob, is four days sailing. The River Ob lieth North and South. The course from Vaygats to Toukoi-coscoy, is North-east; and from thence East to the mouth of Ob. Within the Ob some three days sailing, is a River on the East side called Tas, having as it were a Bar at the entrance thereof: yet there is always eleven or twelve foot water upon it, but within it is very deep. Within two days sailing within the Tas, the Ruff hath builded a Town and a Castle, being called Molgomsey; where all the Hunters of Beasts assemble, Molgomsey a great Mart. and bring their Furs with them. Also the Ruff Soymas or Boats and those of Pustozera come thither with their Meal and other Merchandizes. And having sold or bartered their Commodities, every one returneth home, some to Pustozera, and others to Russia. The Hunters also provide against the next Winter for Hunting again. There are three Rivers under the high Land of Ougoria and Naramzey, Ougoria and Naromzai. and great store of Morsses about the point of Naramzei, whither the Inhabitants of Pustozera do send a Lodia in the Autumn, with diverse Commodities to trade with the Ongorian Samoieds. Also they kill many Morsses, only taking their Teeth, Store of Morsses. They return from Ougoria in januarie. and travel among the Samoieds all the Winter to trade with them, and return over Land to Pustozera in januarie next following. Some years, if the wind do not serve them instantly, they are glad to give over that Voyage by Sea. As for example, in the year 1611. when we wintered there, the frost came upon them before they had wind to serve them; whereupon they were forced to give over that Voyage. And as soon as they could travel by Sled, some of the richest of the Sons and Servants of the Townsmen, were sent with certain Commodities to barter with the Samoieds, against their Fathers or other Friends should come after in the Winter, and to buy up all the best Furs and other Commodities. The Russes when they sail for Molgomsey in their Soymas, go not about Naramzei point to the mouth of the River Ob, but sail up a narrow River, called Moetnaia Reca, that is to say, the Muddy River, Moetnaia Reca. & at the head thereof they hale their Boats over a little neck of land into the River Zelenai, that is, the Green River, & so fall down into the River Ob: Zelenai Reca. Ob Reca. Tas River. An Island in the mouth of Tas, A Town. A neck of Land. and so sail Southward up the River Ob till they come to the River Tas. From the Bar of Tas to the River's mouth, is above a days & a nights sailing. There is an Island in the mouth of Tas, being very high land. From thence the River to the Town, leaving the Island on the left hand are eight days sailing. But ere you come to the Tas River, there is a small River called Power, or Piet; where they get the best Sables of all Molgomsey. And up the River Tas to Volochanko, against the stream are six days sailing Eastward, till you come to a Voloc, or neck of Land a mile and an half over, being marish ground, over which the Russes and Pustozerits hale their Boats into another River, called Torowhan, and rowing down with the stream three days, The River Torowhan. The River Hawtick. they fall into the mighty River Yenisce. At the mouth of the River Torowhan, there dwell people on an Island, having builded them a little Town and a Church. And from thence they sail down the River to Hawtick, which is a great River, and runneth unto the East. The River of the Tingussies, is three days and three nights sailing within the River Yeniscey. The River of the Tingussies. Two or three Rivers from Tingussie to the mouth of Yenisce. There are no Woods near unto the mouth of jenisce. But in the River of Tingussie are great store of Woods. There are two or three Rivers between the mouth of Yenisce and Tingussie, but not so large as the Tingussie River is; near unto which the Russes do fish: and as soon as it freezeth, they go again to their old trade of hunting the Sables, Bevers, and Foxes. And having in two winters so laboured for themselves, those that be good Husbands return rich into Russia: And except they fall again into poverty through fire or other ways, never return thither again. The Tingussies are a taller people than the Samoieds, and wear their Garments made of skins shorter, and made closer to their bodies then the Samoieds. They be a very gentle people to converse withal. From the mouth of Ob to the great River jenisce, as a Ruff told me, is four days and four nights sailing. Betwixt Ob and Yenisce, is high black Land. Beyond jenisce Eastward is another great River, called Pisida. The River Pisida. The River Catowga. The Land trendeth due East beyond the River jenisce to Pisida: and to another River, called Catowga, which cometh out of Cathay, whose King the Permackes call Teulka Tsar. The River lieth North and South, they know not how far. For the Tingussies, of whom they had intelligence of this River, are afraid of Gun-shot that they do hear, which they use on the South part of that River, and dare not travel up it. In it they saw Vessels with two or three sails; which in the Spring, Ships with two or three sails▪ sail down the River Northward, and in the Autumn, return again to the South. But they know not whether they fish, or go to gather some mines, which are supposed to be in those Countries, not daring to go near them. It was told me, that betwixt Pisida and Catowga, about the midway upon the Sea-coast were found diverse Stones, some like unto Gold in colour, other white and like Silver. Also the Tingussies have seen people about that great River, called Catowga, Horses about the River Catowga. riding on Horses: and it is said, that there is great store of Corn, Beefs, Horses, Sheep, and Goats in this Country. The travel from Pechora to Permia, Ougoria, and to the River Ob, and the Towns situated thereupon, over Land. FRom Pustozera up the River Pechora, with a fair wind to the River Ouse, is fourteen days sailing by River. From Ouse to Podcamen, ten days. From Podcamen to Ob eight days by Deer in Winter time, as soon as the Snow is fallen and frozen. From thence to Bereseva sixteen days; Bereseva. which is a Town of Trade, it is from Pustozera to Vade in Ougoria, being on the West side of Ob, a month's journey or travel by Deer. This Vade is a little Town, having the Houses thereof builded under the ground. The River of Pechora, runneth through great Permia; and the head thereof is five Weeks travel from Pustozera. From Great Permia, is nine days travel by Horse and Sled to Vercho-towria. Vercho signifieth in the Ruff Tongue, Verchio-towria. The higher: as Vercho-towria, is Towria The higher. From thence by River is ten days journey to Tumen. From Tumen to Tobolsca, six days down the River Irtish. Tobosca is the chiefest City in Sib●ria. Tumen. Tobolsca. Surgout. Tom. From Tobolsca to Surgout, or Sergalt, is six Weeks journey up the River Ob. From Surgout to the City Tom, seated among the Tartars, is three Weeks up the River Ob. The Russes know no farther of the River Ob; nor how far it stretcheth to the Southward: But they suppose that it runneth much farther to the South, by reason there come so many several Nations down the said River to trade at Surgout, Many Nations come down the River Ob, from the South to trade at Surgout and Tobolsca. and Tobolsca: as namely, the people of Boughar, the Tesicks or Persian Merchants, and many sorts of Tartars. Abraham Michaelovich was chief Customer at Surgout, 1611. And he told me, that he received for the Emperor's Custom for goods, bought and sold that year, the sum of sixteen thousand Robles, or Marks. Moreover, he told me, that the people of Cathay do trade to Surgout, and people from diverse other Kingdoms, The Country of King Alteen. as from Alteen Tzar, or King Alteen, who among other things bring Plates of Silver and sell them. Another Ruff named Philat, who had traveled farther among the Tingussies, than any other Ruff, and speaketh their Language, told me he had bought of a Tingussie, a Plate of Silver weighing in Russee Money forty two Alteens, An Altine is six pence, a Dingo is a penny. four Dingoes, for twenty blue Glass Beads. Beresova upon the Ob, before you come near Tobolsca, is a Town of Trade for Furs, but especially for Losh-hides; which are bought for ten Alteenes a piece. I was told by a Permac, that there was a Ruff which bought four thousand Elkes, or Losh-hides, there for a fourth part of a Roble or Mark a piece. To the Eastward of Pechora are store of Hawks, which I hold to be as good as the Turkey Hawks, namely, slight Falcons, Goshawkes', and jerfalcons, whereof some are as white as Snow, others speckled White and Red. Likewise, there are all kinds of the richest Sables brought from Molgomsey, Hawks as white as snow. and black Foxes. There is also crystal of the Mountain. If we might have liberty to travel those Countries, we might have these Commodities cheaper there then at Pechora. And within the Ob we might vent our Commodities at a better rate. Commodities for Pechora, Siberia, Permia, Ougoria, and among the Tingussies. FIrst, at Pechora ready Money, being Russee Money, is the best and principallest both to put off other goods to profit, Russee Money. as also to get credit among the Merchant's strangers at our first coming thither, till Trade be settled and known through Permia, and Siberia. Salt, Rye, Meal, white Dansk Rye Kil-dryed for heating in the ship, Oatmeal and Butter for the Samoieds; all sorts of course Cloth, some fine Cloth, Copper, and Brass Kettles of the middle size, from two pound to thirty, or thirty five. But Brass not above fifteen pound with ears of Brass, all the Kettles and ears of one piece. Also Files to sharp Arrows and other things, small Horse-bels, course Canvas for upper Gowns. Four penny, six penny, and ten penny Nails: small Anchors of four and twenty pound a piece. Frankincense for their Churches and Houses. Commodities for the Tingussies. PEwter, Pewter Saucers, Little Platters, Flat Poringers, some graven, some ungraven. Nests of Cups, some graven, others ungraven. Saltsellers. Plates, or sheets of Latin being white. A course Hamborough Cloth. Hamborough Lichenaes', Blue, Red, and Tawny. But I think our course Northern dozen, and course Kerseys Northern died into those colours, would vent as well and better than they: they being thicker walked. And the Samoieds delight altogether in thick Cloth. Grey doozens of an easy price would vent well among the Permicks, which were much grey or mingled coloured course Cloth. And some course doozens died Yellow, or Northern course Cloth Red and Yellow, would be no bad Commodity. Aqua vitae of two sorts, the best and indifferent for the Samoieds. Glass Beads, Sky coloured. Needles round and three square. Brass Basins, Russee Linen Cloth, or Polish Linen Cloth. Hops, Malt, Russee Sope. All sorts of strong Wines, as Sack and Canary Wine. Bacon is a good Commodity in Siberia. CHAP. XII. Later Observations of WILLIAM GOURDON, in his Wintering at Pustozera, in the years 1614 and 1615. with a Description of the Samoyeds life. THe twentieth of November, I departed from Pustozera, to go to Yougorie, November. 1614 His journey within 30. leagues of Ob, and near to Bersoma. The River Coy, falling into Pechor●. at four in the afternoon, and did ride most of the Night, before we came to the Choome, going East Southeast. The one and twentieth, Mihiloe returned to the Town, and we removed and went our journey, fair and little wind. The two and twentieth, little wind North, we kept on our course East Southeast, having gone from the Town 50. miles, at night Mihiloe came to us. The three and twentieth, little wind, we went on our journey, and at Noon passed over a little River, called Coy, falling North into Pechora, 14. leagues below the Town, and at Night came all the Russes from the Town, having gone 24. miles' East Southeast. The four and twentieth, we removed on our journey being very cold, and went not above ten miles' East Southeast, at Night we broke one of our Sleds, which went laden with Victuals. The five and twentieth, we went forward very slowly, at Noon I received a Letter from Master Copman by Poma Creticove, this afternoon another had his Sled broken, we went 10. or 12. miles. The six and twentieth, we continued on our journey, and at Eeven we passed over a River, called Shapkina, falling South into Pechora; half way betwixt Pustozer and Oustzilma, The River Shapkina, falling into Pechora. a Sled broken and mended out of hand, going East Southeast 15. miles. The seven and twentieth being Sunday, the wind at South-west, did blow very hard, and Snow all the day, the snow driving that we could hardly see which way to go, yet we kept on East Southeast 18. miles. The eight and twentieth, in the Morning, we passed over Nougorotka River, which falleth West South-west into Shapkina River, six days journey above Oustzilma, The River Nougorotka, falling into Shapkina. Habeaga River, falling into Pechora. the wind South-west, and Snow all day, we kept on still East Southeast 15. miles. The nine and twentieth, the wind South, with Snow all day, being not cold, we went on East Southeast 20. miles. The thirtieth, the wind East Southeast, very cold in the afternoon, we passed over Habeaga River, which falleth into Pechora, six days journey above Oustzilma, going 20. miles. The first of December, the wind East blowing very hard, the Snow did drive so hard, that we could not go forward, but stood still all day and did not remove. The second, December. calm and not so cold, we went on East Southeast 10. miles. The third, in the Morning it was very warm, at Noon the wind North, it was extreme cold, the Snow driving very thick, The River Haryena, falling into Coluoy. in the afternoon we passed over the River Haryena, which falleth into Coluoy Southeast, having gone East Southeast 15. miles. The fourth day warm, we went East, at Eeven we came to a River called Coluoy, The River Coluoy, falling into Ouse. which falleth South into the River Ouse, where we stayed all Night, having gone 20. miles. The fifth, in the Morning we went on upon the River six or seven miles' East and by North, and came where it parted in two, the one keeping North-east, the other being called Sandavets; from the Southeast we went betwixt them both East and by South 12. miles, and took up our lodging upon a Plain where no Wood is to be seen. The sixth, being Saint Nicholas day, which with the Russes is held a principal day, in the morning they caused their Images to be brought into the Choome, Saint Nicholas Bay. lighting Wax-candles before them, making their Prayers to them, according to their order; after which, I gave them a bottle of Aqua vitae, wherewith the Guides were drunk, that they could not guide their Deeres, but set me to direct the way by Compass, which I did all the day, although I had but little skill, we went Southeast and by East 20. miles. The seventh, being very fair weather, our Guides lay all the day with Pohmeall, and could not go forward. The eight, fair and calm, we went forward Southeast and by East 10. miles, A small River falling into Sandavets. and took up our lodging by a small River which falleth into Sandavets' River. The ninth, very cold, that we had much ado to keep ourselves from freezing, going on foot all the day over a plain where no Wood groweth, going Southeast 15. miles, and lay by a Wood side all night. The tenth, the Frost was so extreme, that we lay still and could not proceed. The eleventh, being Sunday, the Frost continued extreme, we removing, Terrible Frost. there were few in the Company that had not some part of their faces frozen, and myself, although I was something better provided then any of them, yet I had something to do to keep myself from freezing, going on foot most part Southeast and by East 15. miles. The twelfth, the Frost was so extreme, that there was no looking forth, but lay still all day. The thirteenth, not altogether so cold, we proceeded on our journey 20. miles' Southeast & by East, and at night we passed over the River Hoseda, The River Hoseda, falling into Azua. which falleth Southeast into the River Azua. The fourteenth, the wind South, with Snow and not so cold, we went thorough Woods 20. miles, East Southeast. The fifteenth, the wind South, with Snow, and not so cold, we went East Southeast, at Noon we passed over Azua River, which falleth South into Ouse, The River Azua, falling into Ouse. The Mountain Yangoda. The River Rogavaya Mensha, falling into Ouse. we continued still East Southeast 30. miles. The sixteenth, the wind South, in the Morning we set forth East Southeast, over a high ridge or Mountain, called Yangoda and upon the top of the same the wind shitling North, with Snow so thick, that our Guides did not know well which way to go, yet sometimes back and sometimes forward, with much ado we got over, in the Eevening passing over the River Rogavaya Mensha, falling South into Ouse, where we stayed all Night, having gone 20. miles. The seventeenth, fair and warm, we passed thorough Woods, where the Snow was very deep, and came to a Plain, called Correapin Tundra, where a Ruff whose name was Correapa died, (and was buried, therefore they gave that place that Name) some thirty years past, where we stayed all Night, having gone 15. miles' Southeast and by East. The eighteenth, in the Morning we went on thorough Woods, The River Rogavaya Bolsha, falling into Ouse. the Snow being very deep, and at Midnight we came to the River Rogavaya Bolsha, where the Russes had a Gorodocke, and bartering with the Samoits, having gone 30. miles' East Southeast, the River falleth with turnings to the Southward into Ouse; here I stayed till the sixth of january. Altitude and Variation. The thirtieth of December, I observed with my Astrolobia, and had the Sun 2. degrees above the Horizon. Latitude 65. degrees and 48. minutes, the variation of the Compass being 20. degrees. The sixth of january, at three in the afternoon, we departed from the Gorodocke, the wind South South-west blowing very hard, januarie. Return. going Northwest 30. miles, and at midnight came to the Choome. The seventeenth, the wind South South-west, blowing very hard, the Snow driving so thick, that we could not go over the Mountain, called Yangoda, but stayed by a Wood side, having gone West Northwest 15. miles. The eight, in the Morning we passed over the River, called Rogavaya Mensha, and at Noon over the Yangoda, keeping back our way 30. miles' West Northwest, fair and warm. The ninth, little wind North but sharp, we went on Northwest and by West, Wild Deer. at Noon we passed over Azua River, and in the afternoon came to a Herd of wild Deer, the Samoits killed three, giving me a haunch; going in all 30. miles. The tenth, calm and very cold, we went on 20. miles, West Northwest. The eleventh, little wind Southeast; at Noon we passed over Hoseda River, which falleth Southeast into Azua, we went 30. miles' Northwest & by West. The twelfth, the wind South and cold, we went West and by South, over many Creeks & Ponds 25. miles. The thirteenth, this day the wind South and not cold, we went West & by South 30. miles, thorough many woods and plains. The fourteenth, fair and warm, at Noon we passed over Sandaets' River, which falleth South-west into Coluoy, we went West and by North 30. miles. The fifteenth, being Sunday, we went West Northwest over a broad plain, with many great Ponds, at Night we passed over Coluoy River, going South into the River Ouse, which falleth into Pechora, nine days journey from Oustzilma, we went 30. miles, having most of our Dear tired, the Snow was so deep. The sixteenth, little wind, we went on West Northwest, at noon we passed over Haryena River, which falleth Southeast into Coluoy, going 20. miles. The seventeenth, the wind South, blowing very hard, the Snow driving, we went West Northwest 25. miles, at Night we took up our lodging upon the River Hab●aga, which falleth into Pechora, six days journey from Oustzilma. The eighteenth, we went on West Northwest 10. miles, where the Townsmen overtook us, riding post to the Town, where making ourselves ready, we followed, the same Eevening we passed over Nougorotka River, which falleth West South-west into Shapkina River, which falleth South-west into Pechora, half way betwixt Pustozer and Oustzilma, and in the Morning we passed over Coy River, which falleth into Pechora 14. leagues Northward from Pustozer; and the same day, being the nineteenth day in the afternoon, we came to the Town, having rid above 150. miles without rest. April. River increasing. May. The last of April, 1615. being Sunday, was the first appearing of the water, increasing at Pustozera. The seventh of May, Euan Croticove, had almost slain with a knife his two Uncles, Foma Croticove, and Erasmi Croticove. The eighteenth, the water was at the highest, being so extreme that many were forced out of their Houses, and we ourselves in like manner, having the water a foot deep in our bed Chamber. The twentieth, the water did a little begin to fall, and so continued falling by degrees. Oustzilma. The ninth of june, my servant Marmaduke Wilson came from Oustzilma, having Wintered there, to buy and sell goods, bringing with him such Commodities as the place doth afford, as Sables, Rosomacks, Wolves, Ermines, Squirrels, etc. The fifteenth, we laded three small Lodias with goods, to carry down to the Glouboka. The three and twentieth, I departed from Pustozer, and came to the Glouboka the five and twentieth, with two small Lodias laden with goods. Glouboka is 67. degrees 55. minutes. The eight and twentieth of june, I observed at the Glouboka, which I found to lie in the height of 67. degrees 55. minutes, and the Compass varied 18. degrees. The last of june, I went from the Glouboka to pass over the Dry Sea, the wind at South, but the wind coming to the North, I returned back the next day. The second of july, being Sunday, the wind at South Southeast, I departed the second time, to come to the Zavorot, but coming near Dolgoy, an Island lying in the Dry Sea, the Ice lay so firm, that we could not pass but returned back to the Glouboka. The fourth of july, john Copman came to the Glouboka, bringing with him all our goods for sail, having paid all Customs and duties for the same. The sixth of the same, july. I departed the third time from the Glouboka, the wind at South, but did not continue, but came to the East, and East North-east, so rowing alongst the shore, we passed to the West side betwixt the shoalds and the shore, and having passed the Wester Island, called Lavetskoy, we came to the Zackharreoveberage or Coast, which doth lie South-west and North-east, and put into a small River, where we stayed (the seventh) all night, and the next day with Sail and Oars, we came to a Bay to the South of Casnets' Nose, where we stayed all night, the wind East Southeast. The eight, in the Morning we passed by Cuznets-Nose amongst the Ice, having much ado to get clear, the wind at North Northwest, and at Night we came to the Zavorot, where were five and twenty sail of small Lodias, some going for Manganzea, other for Fish, and some going to Pustozer, who told me they had been aboard our Ship at Sea. The ninth, this day being Sunday, our Ship came over the Bar, where I was received, not looked for. The eleventh, at Night we departed from the ship, and went to get down our goods from the Glouboka and the Town. The sixteenth, I departed from the Glouboka, with three small Lodias laden with goods, but the wind at East North-east, two of them returned back, but I kept on and came aboard our Ship the eighteenth in the morning. The twentieth, the other two came with the goods aboard, and the one and twentieth, we returned to the Glouboka with three Boats, and got thither that night. The three and twentieth, I came the second time from the Glouboka, with three Boats with goods, and the next morning came to our Ship, where I remained, sending up all the Boats the six and twentieth of july. The eight of August, came john Copman with Thomas Dogget, bringing two Boats laden with goods, fitting to set sail for Holland, but did not depart till the 21. of August. And the three and twentieth of September, (giving hearty thanks to God) we arrived at Dort in Holland. NOw for the manner of the Samoits in their journey, their upper Coat is called a Parka, Apparel of Samoyeds. which is for the most part of Deere-skin, and some of white Fox or Woluerin, which they wear the hair or fur outward, under that they have another Coat, which is called a Mallek, made of young Fawne-skins, or Hare-skins, or Swan-skins, very soft and well dressed, a Cap of Beaver, double and close to their heads, with two flappes for their Ears, tied under their Chin, a pair of Breeches of Deere-skin with the hair inwards, upon their Feet they have socks or stockings of Deere-skin, the hair to their skin, upon that long Boots which they call Pemyes, made of the legs of Deere-skins, thus apparelled, they sit upon their Sled● crosslegged, Sleds. with a Deere-skin under them. Two Deer being yoked to a Sled, they will run with such swiftness, and so long to continue, as is not to be believed, except to those that have seen the same. Dear swiftness. For riding post, they will ride without rest or sleep, two hundred miles in four and twenty hours; but with their Argish or stuff, thirty miles in twelve hours; their Women usually do guide their Argish, which is ten Sleds, and to every Sled a Buck, all made fast one after another, Women. the Men in the way do provide Wood for firing, and do hunt for all manner of Beasts & Fowl, which the women dress. It is the Woman's labour to set up the Choome or Tent, Tent and Chapel. making one place therein always Holy, which the woman must not set her foot into, neither go about the Tent round; which if they chance to do, they will presently remove all, Superstition. for fear of the Wolf or Bear, which they say, would devour them if they did not remove. Their Tent or Choome, is made in this manner; first, they set up long Firre-poles, than they have six quarters double of Deere-skin, which being set up, they throw Snow round about the edges a yard thickness, leaving the top open for to vent smoke, making a Fire in the middle, spreading Deere-skins, upon which they lie, in which manner, it is altogether as warm as the Stoves in Russia, they have no Towns, neither any certain place of abode, No Towns. but with their Deer they travel from place to place, where they find the best Moss for their Deer. Their Wives they buy for Deer, and will have if he have ability four or five Wives, with whom he lieth by turn every night several; Marry Wives, bought and sold. Marriages. he is the richest man that hath most Dear or Daughters, selling them to any that will give most for them. In their Marriages having agreed of price, they use not great Ceremonies; only they make a Feast to their friends, after which the Woman is brought to the Man that hath bought her, she being hung with many Iron Rings and Brazen Bells, all departing out of the Tent save they two till the next Morning, Rings and Bels. and then he departeth; but if he be one of wealth, they will continue their Feast seven days. It falleth out many times, that after they have had their Wife's half a year or a year, they will turn them back to their Friends, taking their Deeres again, paying for the charge of the Feast, Divorce. which is always to be made at her Father's charge, and losing the increase of his Deer. They have not knowledge of the true God, but worship Blocks and Images of the Devil, unto which, they will strangle tame Deer, rubbing the blood on the Idols, Religion. and eating the meat themselves. When a Rich man dyeth, because he should not travel on foot, Funerals. his friends will kill three Deer to draw him in the new World, and they will strangle a Slave to tend on him. The Deer they kill in this manner to serve the dead man, they make a Stake sharp, which they thrust into the Beasts fundament, with many howl and cry, till they be dead. The Master with the Slave they bury, the Dear they eat as well raw, as boiled or roast, although they use all. three Their year but half a year. If a young Child dye under fourteen of their years, which is seven of ours, they do hang it by the neck on some Tree, saying, it must fly to Heaven. If any Controversy be, which cannot be decided or the truth known, than one of the two betwixt whom the Controversy is, judgement or Oath. must be sworn, which is in this manner; they will make an Image of a Man of Snow, bringing a Wolves nose, delivering a Sword to him that must swear, he rehearsing by name all his Friends, desiring that they might all be cut in pieces in that manner, as he doth cut that Image of Snow. Then he himself, doth cut the Image of Snow all to pieces with the Sword; then after, the Wolves nose being laid before him, he desires that the Wolf may destroy all his tame Deer, and that he may never more take or kill any wild Deer after that, if he speak not the Truth, so cutting the Wolves nose in pieces, there is no more to be said of that Controversy. Their persons. The Samoit is stout and bold of Spirit, not very tall but broad Breasted, broad Faces, with hollow Eyes. Their ordinary instruments for War, are Bowes and Arrows, very dangerous, they have long Spears, (the heads be made in Monganzey, by another sort of Samoits) and short Swords, not much unlike some that I have seen brought from East India. Divination. When they would know any thing to come, they send for their Priest or Witch to converse with the Devil, sitting in one side of the Tent, having before his face a piece of an old shirt of Mail, hung with Bells and pieces of Brass, in his right hand a great Tabor made with a Wolves skin, beating upon the same with a Hare's foot, making a very doleful sound, with singing and calling for the Devil, to answer his demand, which being ended, they strangle a Dear for a Sacrifice, making merry with the Flesh. women's hardiness. The Women be very hard of Nature; for at their Childbearing, the Husband must play the Midwife, and being delivered, the Child is washed with cold water or Snow, and the next day the Woman able to conduct her Argish. The Russes have a yearly Trade with the Merchants of Beghar, at a place called Tumen in Tartary, whither they of Boghar come with Camels every year. From Tumen in Tobal in Siberia, they come in fourteen days. From Tobal, they come to Beresova in nine days, all down the River Ob. From Beresova, partly by the River Ob, then over a neck of Land of half a mile over, into the River Ouse, and down the River Ouse into the River Pechora, and so to Pustozera in three weeks. At Pustozera, the English have Wintered three years. CHAP. XIII. diverse Voyages to Cherie Island, in the years 1604. 1605. 1606. 1608. 1609. Written by IONAS POOLE. We set sail * This was Master Bennets second Voyage thither. His first Voyage thither A. 1603. I have added at the end of this Chapter, after Pools Relations: this being set before I saw that. from London the fifteenth of April 1604. in a Ship called the God Speed, of sixty Tons, with thirteen Men and a Boy; our Merchant was one Master Thomas Welden, our Master was one Steven Bonnit of Saint Catherins'. We arrived at Cola in Lapland, the first of May, where we tarried till the last of the same Month, at which time we set sail from Cola, and went to an Harbour called Pechingo, which lieth between Cola and Ward-house. In which Harbour of Pechingo, we continued until the thirtieth of june. At which time we set sail from thence, and through contrary winds and foul weather, were put into Ward-house, where we took in fresh water, and stayed until the sixth of july. The same day, the wind came Southerly, and we steered away Northwest and by North about 56. leagues, we observed the Sun at twelve of the clock at Noon, and found ourselves to be in 73. degrees 5. minutes of Northerly Latitude. The seventh of july, it was all day calm, and we sounded, but had no ground in two hundred and fifty fathoms. The eight day, we had little wind, which was at Southeast, and foggy weather; and at eight of the clock at Night, we saw great flocks of Sea-fowles, which we call Willockes: some of these Fowls had each of them a small Fish in their bills, and flew toward the Northwest and by North. The other without Fish, some of them flew contrary to the former, and some sat in the Sea very near our Ship. About twelve of the clock at night we sounded, and had ground at one hundred and twenty fathoms. We steered away Northwest and by North, till four of the clock the eight day in the morning, A Morse. than it fell calm: and as the ship lay still, our Master spied a Morsse, which came to our ship and swam round about it. While we were all gazing at this Monster, I spied the Island ten leagues off, bearing North Northwest half a point Westerly, which showed very high Land, and much Snow upon it. The wind came to the North-east. The ninth day, Cherie Island described. we came to an Anchor on the South Southeast side, in five and twenty fathoms streamie ground. We ●oysed out our Boat, and Master Welden went toward the Land: but thinking to have landed he could not, because there went a great Sea, and great store of Ice all along the shores side. Within one hour the Boat came aboard, and they ●aid, there were so many Fowls, that they covered the Rocks, and flew in such great flocks, that they showed like a Cloud. Store of fowls. While thus they were talking close by the Boat, rose vp●n huge Morsse, putting his head above the water, looking earnestly at the Boat, and made such an horrible noise and roaring, that they in the Boat thought he would have sunk it. Morses roaring The same day, at eight of the clock at night, we weighed and stood away South-west and by South about four miles▪ where we doubled the Southermost point of the Island, and found the Land to trend North Northwest, and all along the shore some scattering Ice. We sailed along the shore, finding seventeen, eighteen, and sometimes twenty fathoms, streamie ground with white shells. We held this course till we saw all the Northermost part of the Island: and being within three miles of it, and about thirteen miles from the Point, we came round about it. And some two miles from the Land, we anchored in sixteen fathoms, streamie ground. We had not ridden one hour to an end, but a great piece of Ice came directly with the tide upon us; and before we could weigh, it struck the ship with such force, that it hilded on the one side. as soon as it was past, we went on shore, where we found abundance of Sea Fowls, as Willocks, Gulls, Noddies, Sea-mewes, a small Fowl like a Willocke, and diverse others, Abundance of Sea-fowles found on shore. as wild Geese, Sea-pidgeons, Oxbirds, and such like: whereof Master Thomas Welden killed so many with his Piece, that we almost laded our Boat with them. The same night we shot three heaps of fishing-lines, but when we haled them, we found neither fish nor bait: for the Seals had eaten them all off. The ninth day, Master Welden and our Master went on shore, to see what they could find. They went in the forenoon about eight of the clock, and came again about four in the afternoon very weary, seeing nothing but small Foxes, almost like Dogs in every respect, save their smell and their tails. In the mean time, Small 〈◊〉. 74. 〈…〉 minute's. Not●. the Master's Mate and myself observed the Sun, and found that part of the Island to be in 74. degrees and 45. minutes. The tenth day we weighed, having the wind Southerly, and found the Land to trend away East Southeast. The length of this side is about ten miles, good ground. We had not sailed past six miles, but we saw a sandy Bay, against which we came to an Anchor in nine fathoms. We had not furled our Sails, but we saw many Morses swimming by our ship, and heard withal so huge a noise of roaring, as if there had been an hundred Lions. Immediately we manned our Boat, wherein was Master Welden and six men more: we landed, and s●w abundance of Morsses on the shore, close by the Seaside; and drawing near unto them, we perceived that they were all of the same company, which we had seen before. It seemed very strange to us to see such a multitude of Monsters of the Sea, lie like Hogs upon heaps: In the end we shot at them, not knowing whither they could run swiftly or seize upon us or no. To be brief, we had but three Pieces, Master Welden a Fowling Piece, myself a Musket, and another a Musket. Their Pieces were spoilt instantly. For Master Weldens was cloyed, the other man when he had shot one by himself, thought to knock him on the head with the stock, but split his Piece. I shot still, and some when they were wounded in the flesh, would but look up and lie down again. Some were killed with the first shot; and some would go into the Sea with five or six shot: they are of such an incredible strength. When all our Powder and shot was spent, we would blow their eyes out with a little Pease shot, and then come on the blind side of them, and with our Carpenter's Axe cleave their heads. But for all that we could do●, of above a thousand we killed but fifteen. We took off their heads, and when we had done, we went straggling up and down to see what we could find. I found the first Tooth that was cast upon the Island, and going a little farther alone, I found as many Teeth more, as I and three men more could carry, which filled an Hogshead: all which we did deliver to Master Welden. The next day following, being the eleventh day, we went on shore again, The 〈◊〉 Teeth. and killed about six more: And afterward we went up into the Land, and saw nothing but Fowl and Fo●es. I perceived in deed a great print of a Bear's foot; and after that many other footings, but yet saw no Bear or other wild beast. The twelfth, we weighed from thence, and stood to the Eastward: we had not gone past four miles, but we found the Land to fall away Southeast and by South. The length of this side is about twelve miles. All this side we went close by the shore with our Boat, and the ship sailed along about three miles off. We went oftentimes on shore, but could see nothing on all that side but Fowl, and abundance of Drift Wood, the most part whereof was Firres, Abundance of Drift wood. which have been beaten up and down the Sea. This day being Sunday, about eight of the clock at night, we anchored within two miles of the place where we arrived at the first. The same night we went on shore, and in a Bay under an huge Cliff of a Rock, upon the Beach, we found near a thousand Morses: A thousand Morses found. we killed thirty or thereabouts, and when we had taken off their heads, we went aboard. The thirteenth, we went on shore again, and with our Pieces fell a kill of the beasts. One of our company, named Richard Lang-castle split his Piece, and with all his hand: but Master Welden with Salves of his own, healed it so skilfully, that he hath the use of it again. We killed that day sixty Morses, all the heads whereof were very principal. When we had done, we went about a mile to the Eastward, to see what we could find: And landing at a Bay where Master Bennit had been the year before, 1603. Led Vre was found. Pechingo. and found a piece of Lead Vre, we looked for the same, but found none. The same day returning aboard, we set sail for Pechingo in Lapland, where we arrived the five and twentieth of july; and stayed there four days: at which time we set sail for Cola, Cola. and arrived there the eight of August, where we continued till the sixteenth day, at which time we departed thence for England, and arrived in the Thames the fifteenth of October, of the year aforesaid 1604. Why the Island was called Cherie Island. When we came to London, because Sir Francis Cherie Knight and Merchant was at the charges of this Discovery, this Island was called Cherie Island. The third Voyage to Cherie Island, performed by Master WELDEN Merchant, and STEPHEN BENNET Master, in the year 1605. IN the year above said, we set sail from London, the first of May, with one ship of sixty tons, and two and twenty men and boys. The three and twentieth of the said month, we were taken by a ship of Dunkirk. They took from us two Hogsheads of strong Beer, our Muskets, a Fowling Piece of Master Weldens, which cost three pounds sterling. After the Captain had misused us at his pleasure, though we were in peace with his Country, he let us go. The eight and twentieth of june, we put off from Assumption Point, which is a place not far from the North Cape, Assumption. and about 70. degrees in latitude, but by contrary winds we were put back again. july 2. Cherie Island. Yet the second of july, we came to Cherie Island, and anchored on the Southeast side: and having a Shallop in pieces to set up, we carried it on shore, and went to work upon it; and the third day after we had it on float. The sixth day we entered into a Cove, having all our men on shore with shot and javelins, Many Morses killed with shot and javelins. and slew abundance of Morses. The year before we slew all with shot, no● thinking that a javelin could pierce their skins: which we found now contrary, if they be well handled, for otherwise, a man may thrust with all his force and not enter: or if he do enter, he shall spoil his Lance upon their bones; for they will strike with their fore-feets, and bend a Lance round, and break it, if it be not all the better plated. They will also strike with their Teeth at him that is next them: The fight of the Morse. but because their Teeth grow downward, their strokes are of small force and danger. After we had opened the beasts which we had slain, we took out the blubber, and carried it a mile into the Bay, where we set up the shallop. The reason why we carried it thither, was, because we thought that the fire of our Furnace would scare them away: for we did boil all their fat to bring it into Oil. Thus we followed our business till the four and twentieth of july, Oil made of the fat of the Morses. Eleven tuns of Oil. at which time we had very foul weather with fogs. Now the ship riding in the same Cove, where we killed our Morses, had taken in eleven tons of Oil, and the teeth of all the beasts aforesaid. Then we made preparation to be gone home: and I was sent with our shallop, and eight men with me to fetch our Tent, and our boiling Coppers, our men's Clothes and some Teeth. At my return, when I was almost aboard, coming through a place between the Island and a Rock, which of necessity we must needs pass, the side being against us, and a stiff gale of wind blowing out of the Sea, made the Sea fly very high upon the Rocks, whereby we had like to have been sunk: for our Boat was almost full of water; and if we had not speedily rowed back again, we had died each man of us. To make short, we got into a Cove, where the Rocks did keep the grown Seas from us, & we lighted our Boat. In this Cove I found a Mine of Lead Vre, and digged up about thirty pounds' weight of it, A M●ne of Lead. which I brought into England. And calling to mind that we were in sight of our ship, when we shipped the water which I spoke of before, I mistrusted that they thought, as they did indeed, that we were all drowned. Therefore I demanded who would go with me, to the top of a Cliff which stood over against the ship? And one john jenings said, that he would go: he had not gone half way, but he would go no farther because it was so cold, and the Hill stood sloping very steep toward the Sea, and all the side of it was loose Earth, which we must needs pass. Then I went forward all alone, and found all our men on shore, saving an old man, and a sick man. But the Cliff being so high and steep, that they under it could scarce understand what I said, nor I what they said, but with much ado: They demanded, as I took it, if all our men were well: I told them yea, as loud as I could: And then I threw down a piece of the lead Vre which I had found, which M. Welden took up: And when I was going away I heard them shout, and looking behind me, I saw them all point toward the Skiffe that lay at anchor hard by the shore; whereby I perceived that the rope was broken, which made it fast to the shore, and the Skiffe was gone off to the length of her rope; so that they could not go aboard except one of them did swim to the Skiffe, which was exceeding dangerous, both because it was extreme cold, and also for fear of being killed by the Morses, Extreme cold the 25. of july. that were in the Sea all about the Boat. Whereupon with all speed possible I ran to help our men in that distress; and coming to the Shallop, some were willing, and some unwilling: But I said that out I would; and taking nothing aboard with me but a few teeth, we got out: and in the place where we had like to have been sunk before, we had a great hollow Sea: but our Boat being light, and the tide with us, we got through: whereat M. Welden, and Steven Bennet our Master, with all the company were not a little joyful, and gave God humble thanks, that had of his great mercy defended us from a great many of dangers that day. For that day we saw abundance of ice driving toward the Island, but the wind and tide shifting, put it another way. Abundance of driving Ice. Likewise two boys had like to have been slain with the fall of a rock, which fell close by them, they being but newly stepped out of the place where the rock fell. In the time that we were in this distress, Mount Misery▪ I called the Mountain by the name of Mount-miserie, which is so called at this day. Likewise there is a very high Mountain on the East Southeast point of this Island: which, because Master Welden and I got two Foxes near it, I called it Mount maleperdus, alluding to the name in the merry book of Reinold the Fox. The six and twentieth of julie, we got out of the Cove with the Ship, having such a fog, A monstrous fog. that although we rid so near the land, that we could hear the fowl that were on shore, yet we could not see the land. This fog continued until the eight and twentieth of july: on which day having clearer weather, we got our water and other provision aboard; and set sail for England, and passing by the coast of Finmarke and Norway, we arrived at London the four and twentieth of August. 1605. The fourth Voyage to Cherry Island, 1606. WE set sail from London in a Ship and a Pinnace; the Ship being of burden sixty Tuns, August. 24. A Ship and Pinnace set forth. and the same that I was in the Summer before; Master Thomas Welden was Merchant, and Master Bennet Master, having in all two and twenty men and boys. The Pinnace was of twenty Tons, and had eight men in her, and I jonas Pool was Master of her: we were set out by Master Russell, one of the Mosco●ie Company. The eight and twentieth, we had sight of land on the coast of Norway, in the latitude of sixty degrees and a half; nine leagues off. The sixteenth of june, we fell with the Assumption, The Assumption. Much Ice 55. leagues from the North Cape. it bearing South and by West eight leagues off: and we lay beating between the North Cape and it, till the eighteenth of june: At what time we put off, and steered away North Northwest about fifty five leagues, and found much Ice: we thought to have gotten through it, but could not: and when we had spent twelve hours in it, and having the wind Northerly, we put back again. The two and twentieth, we fell with the North Cape again, at twelve of the clock at noon. The four and twentieth, we put off again, and being five and forty leagues from the Cape, we met with Ice, Ice within 45. leagues of the North Cape. A Bear on Ice 27. leagues from any land. july 2. and upon a piece of Ice we saw a Bear. The Ship being on head of us, bore close to the Ice; and Master Welden shot the said Bear dead at the first shot. This Bear was from the nearest land above seven and twenty leagues, and lived of Seals or other fish that he could pray upon. The second of july, we saw Cherie Island at a North sound: the land bearing North and by West about ten leagues off. The same time we founded and had ground at seventy five fathoms, white small shelly ground with small black stones. The third of july we anchored on the West side of the Island in twenty fathoms, having very much Ice. I observed the Sun at the lowest, and found the latitude of that place to be in 74. degrees, 55. minutes. It followeth there South-west and by South; Part of Cherie Island in 74. degrees, and ●5. minutes. The flood cometh from the South-west. The thirteenth of july. The nature of the Morses. and the flood cometh from the South-west. The fifth and sixth days, we were troubled with much Ice; but it being broken, we brought the ends of our Cables to our main Masts; and having a good tide, we did shear, as we term it, clear off the Ice. We rid thus in Ice six days, to wit, until the thirteenth day; at what time the Ice began to go way, and the Morses came on shore. For their nature is such, that they will not come on land as long as any Ice is about the land. The fourteenth, we went on land; Master Welden, and Master Bennet, with the Ships company, and I with the company of the Pinnace. And being altogether on shore, and seeing of the beasts sufficient to make our voyage, we prepared to go to killing. Master Welden and Master Bennet appointed me to take eleven men with me, and to go beyond the beasts where they lay; that they and we might meet at the midst of them, and so enclose them, that none of them should get into the Sea. As I fetched a compass about, before we were aware, rose a great white Bear within a Pikes length of us: A great white Bear. whereupon we made a stand, and myself having both a Musket and a Lance, thought to have shot him: but remembering myself, that the report of my Piece might make all the Morses go into the Sea, and so hazard our Voyage, I went to him with my Lance. All this while he sat foaming at the mouth, and would not stir, but gaped and roared as though he would have eaten us all: but presently we pricked him in the s●out; and then with an easy pace we proceeded on with our business; and before six hours were ended, we had slain about seven or eight hundred Beasts. Seven or eight hundred beasts slain in six hours. A great Frost the 24. of july. And after that Master Welden slew the Bear. For ten days space we plied our business very hard, and brought it almost to an end. The four and twentieth of july, we had the wind at North-east: and it freezed so hard, that the Ice did hang on our Clothes. The six and twentieth, we had taken in two and twenty tuns of the Oil of the Morses, and three hogsheads of their Teeth. The seven and twentieth, Master Welden slew another Bear. The eight and twentieth, we took in Water and wood. The nine and twentieth, we set sail for England. The fifteenth of August, 1606. we arrived in the Thames. The sixth Voyage made to Cherie Island, the South part whereof standeth in 74. degrees and 40. minutes of Northerly latitude, in the year 1608. THe sixteenth of April, in the year 1608. we set sail from Black wall, and came to Gravesend in a ship called the Paul. May 21. Ward-house, The one and twentieth of May, we were within 4. leagues of the North Cape, standing in 71. degrees and 2/● of North latitude. The four and twentieth, we came to Ward-house. The five and twentieth, Tipany. we weighed, and came to Tipany in Lapland the six and twentieth: where we stayed about our business till the thirteenth of june. june 13. The thirteenth of june aforesaid, we weighed anchor, and directed our course for Cherie Island. Cherie Island. The eighteenth, at four of the clock in the morning we saw Cherie Island, it bearing North Northwest 10. leagues off: and at four of the clock at night we anchored on the Northwest side of it: A Bear slain. and Master Welden went on Land on the North side, and slew a Bear. Another Bear slain. The nineteenth, we rid still, and Master Welden went to the North side again, and slew another Bear. The same day we sent two men to the South side of the land, to see if there were any Morses on shore. They came again the next day, and said, that there were great store. Great he●te the 20. and 21. of june. The twentieth and one and twentieth days it was calm, and the weather clear, and we had it as hot as I have commonly felt in England at that time of the year. For the Pitch did run down the ships sides; and that side of the Masts that was to the Sun ward, was so hot, that the Tar did fry out of it, as though it had boiled. The two and twentieth, at a North-east Sun, we weighed and went to the South side of the Island, and came into a Cove, where the Morses were, and slew about 900. or 1000 of them in less than seven hours: 1000 Morses killed in seven hours. and there we plied our business until the second of july: at what time we had taken into our ship 22. tons and three hogsheads of Oil. The third of july, being Sunday, one Richard Stevens of Harewich came to the said Cherie Island, july 3. A Voyage set out by Master Duppa to Cherie Island, 1607. in a ship called the Dragon, being set out by Master Duppa, a Brewer dwelling in Saint Catharines' near the Tower of London; which set out a ship with Master Thomas Welden the year before 1607. The ninth day, we made our Voyage, and came out of the Cove, having taken in 31. tons of Oil, and one hogshead, one barrel, and one terce of Morses teeth: besides 400. other teeth. A living Morse brought into England. The twelfth, we took into our ship two young Morses, male and female, alive: the female died before we came into England: the male lived above ten weeks. When we had watered, we set sail for England about four of the clock in the morning. The fourteenth day, we saw the Island bearing North Northwest, 15. leagues off us, and sounded, and had 85. fathoms, green Oze, like Dove's dung. The twentieth of August, we arrived at London; and having dispatched some private business, we brought our living young Morse to the Court, where the King and many honourable personages beheld it with admiration for the strangeness of the same, the like whereof had never before been seen alive in England. Not long after it fell sick and died. As the beast in shape is very strange, so is it of strange docility, and apt to be taught, as by good experience we often proved. The seventh Voyage to Cherie Island, made in the year 1609. We were furnished with two ships, determining to go to Tipany in Lapland, to buy fish of the Laps and Russes, and afterward to go to Cherie Island: the one was called the Lioness, in which I went for Master, the other, the Paul, which was there the last year, 1608. The one and twentieth day of March, we weighed anchor at Gravesend: and the six and twentieth, we came to Harwich: where it was concluded, that the Lioness should go directly to Cherie Island. The fifteenth of April, we weighed at Harewich: and the last of the same month we fell between Lofoot and Zenam upon the Coast of Finmark. Lofoot. Zenam. May 2. The second of May, we came to the North Cape; and the same day we stood for Cherie Island: but meeting with contrary winds and foul weather, we bore back again for the Cape, and fell with the Land the fourth day. The fifth day in the morning, we put the second time from the North Cape; and the eight day we anchored at Cherie Island. It did freeze very hard, They arrive at Cherie Island the 8. of May, but we found no Ice about the Island, save that which clave to the Rocks. We went into the Cove with our Shallop, and found eight Morses on the Ice hard by the shores side: And we also found all the beasts that were killed the last year not washed away with the Sea, covered over with Snow and Ice. Fowl. We thought to have gotten abundance of Fowl as we had done in the years before: but they would not sit; the reason was, because they were but new come to the Island, and not settled as then: yet some Fowl we got, and came aboard. And because the wind was Northerly, that we could not conveniently go to the North side with the ship, we determined to send some men over Land, to see if there were any Morses on shore upon that side. The ninth day, I prepared to go over Land to the North side, about a North-east Sun, with three men in my company. I myself had a Musket, and about a quarter of a pound of Powder, and six Bullets; an Halfe-pike in mine hand, and an Hatchet at my back. One of the men had a birding Piece; the other two had each of them a javelin. We went over the Snow and Ice apace outward; but came wearily homeward, by reason we rested not any where. And when we were within a mile of the other side, one of my company said, he saw a Bear: whereupon we looked up, and saw three great ones. Whereupon I made a stand, Three Bears. and gave each of my company some Aqua vitae, and a little Bread, and told them, that we must not in any case seem fearful, because the nature of them is such, that whosoever seemeth fearful, Quality of Bears. Fear a Traitor. or offereth to run away, they will seize upon him. In this time I made my Musket ready: and the Bears seeing us to come toward them, stood upon their feet, and two of them went toward the Sea: The third stood still champing and foaming, as though he would have eaten us. When I was within shot of him, he began to follow his fellows, still looking behind him with his former gesture: In the mean while I got ground of him, the three men following me with their weapons. In the end the angry devil turned back, and came directly toward me: I let him come within two long Pikes lengths, and gave him such a welcome, that he fell down stone dead. A Bear slain. The company that were with me were glad as well as I: yet I had been at the kill of Bears before. After this Bear was slain, we told seventeen more, whereof three were young ones. 17. Bears in sight. This done, we went on to the Sea side, where we found the Shallop which we left the year before. We were no sooner set to eat a little food, but there came a Bear with two young ones as big as Lambs of a month old: they skipped about their dams neck, Young Beare-whelps. and played with one another very wantonly. The dame came so near that I shot at her, and being loath to hurt the young ones, being playing about her foreparts, I shot her through the top of the shoulder; then she went away. Immediately we saw another Bear coming toward us, which before he came to us, stood upon his hinder feet twice or thrice, using the same countenance that the first did, which I slew. I let him come very near, and thinking to give him his passport, the flint of my Musket was broken, which made him come very near us. Than the fellow that had the birding piece shot him into the foot: whereupon he ran away faster than we could follow him. We seeing so many Bears, and having no store of Powder nor Shot, bend our journey toward our ship again. We had not come a quarter of a mile, but we saw a huge Bear fast a sleep on the Snow. I went softly toward him, and gave him such a fillip, that he never rose out of the place where he lay. His skin when he was flayed was thirteen foot long. A Bear slain, the skin whereof was 13. foot. A third Bear slain. A near neighbour of his hearing the report of my Piece came toward me: and him I slew also. Now, having but one shot left, I thought it not best to bestow it there, although I saw another lie upon the Snow hard by. While we sat down to rest us in the midway, there came toward us another Bear with one young one: they came almost within shot, and went back again: presently she turned again, and came within shot of me, and stood on her hinder legs directly upright, and so did the young one. I made account they would have come nearer; but they to the contrary ran away. We came being very weary aboard our ship about a Northwest Sun. Then we weighed, and stood to the Northward, having the wind at South; and by three of the clock the next morning, we came to the North-east Point with the ship. The tenth day. There we manned our Shallop, and Master Thomas Welden and I went on shore, where he slew five Bears, and I one, and I wounded two more very sore. Six Bears slain. All the Bears flayed. And before a North Sun, our men had flayed them all; both them that I slew the day before, and them that we slew this last time: for they were all together. The eleventh day, we went on Land, and washed some old fleyed Morses skins, which had lain there two years: but they will hardly prove good. The twelfth day, we rid at the West side, and got some Fowl with shot, and there we rid till the thirteenth. The thirteenth, we saw very much Ice to the Southwards and Westwards, which came driving so fast toward the shore where we rid, that we were forced to weigh, and stood to the North side of the Island. The Ice followed us still: then we stood to the East side of the Island: and there we found both the Island and ourselves encompassed round with Ice. But the wind being Westerly, and a good stiff gale, it blew the Ice about a mile and an half from the Eastern side: by which means we got betwixt the Ice and the Island, and stood to the Southward, but saw not any thing in all the Sea save Ice; saving close by the Land a little open Sea trending to the Southwestward. That way we stood with our fore topsail, and stood one while one way, and another while another way, and could not see open Sea till the fifteenth of the same month; at a Northwest Sun we saw the open Sea: only a ledge of Ice which began to part insunder, was betwixt us and it. Toward that place we stood, and intending by God's help to get through, we made provision to defend the ship from the Ice, by hanging Cables ends, and Planks, and Capstan bars about the bows of our ship. But for all our fendors, our ship had a great knock upon a piece of Ice. About a North Sun, we got out into the open Sea; with humble thanks to God for our deliverance. Frost the 16. of May. The sixteenth day, the Island did bear North-east and by North, eight leagues from us: and it did freeze all that day, the wind being at North, which was almost calm. The seventeenth, at noon the Island did bear North-east and by North, about nine leagues off, the wind Southerly, Snow. snowy weather. The same day we saw a sail, bearing East North-east off us about 5. leagues. The eighteenth, the Island did bear North about 15. leagues off, the wind being at East and by North, Snow. Snow and frosty weather. The nineteenth, at twelve of the clock at noon the Island bare North and by East: and we finding the Ice somewhat scattered, and the wind Southerly, put room toward the Island, Five Seals. and upon one piece of Ice we saw five Seals: one I killed, and one I took alive, and brought it aboard our ship. But we could not come near the Island by six leagues. Snow. The wind came to the West with thick weather and Snow. The twentieth, at twelve at noon the Island bear North Northwest, about twelve leagues off. We sounded, and had 100 fathoms, greenish Oze, fair weather, but cold. The one and twentieth, we saw the ship that we had seen the seventeenth day; we spoke with them about 12. at noon. A ship of Hull. The Master told us he was of Hull. We demanded whether he was bound? He told us, to Cherie Island, and that there he would make his Voyage. The Island at this time did bear North and by East about nine leagues off; and it was fair, but cold frosty weather. Frosty wether. The 22.23.24. and 25. days, we did beat up and down in the Ice. The 26.27. and 28. days, likewise we sailed up and down in the Ice; having the wind Northerly, and the Island bearing between the North and the North North-east, cold weather. The nine and twentieth, Snow & frost. the Island bear North nine leagues off, the wind at North-east, snowy weather and Frost. 26. Seales. The thirtieth day, we slew 26. Seals, and espied three white Bears: we went aboard for Shot and Powder, and coming to the Ice again, we found a she-bear and two young ones: Master Thomas Welden shot and killed her: A Bear killed on the Ice. Two young white Bears brought into England. june 1. after she was slain, we got the young ones, and brought them home into England, where they are alive in Paris Garden. The one and thirtieth, we beat up and down in the Ice, but could not come near the Land for Ice; the wind was Northerly. The first of june, we got within five or six miles of the Island: but finding very much Ice close by the Land, we stood off again, the wind being at North-east, cold weather. The second day, we got within three leagues of the Island: but finding exceeding much Ice round about us, we stood off again, Frost. the wind at North-east, cold frosty weather. From the second day to the fifth, we sailed first one way, and then another, as the wind and Ice would give us leave. The wind being at North and by East, and the Island being between the Northwest and by North, within six leagues and less. The Hull man. 20. leagues Northwest off the Island. The sixth day, we spoke with the Hull man, who told us, that he was put twenty leagues to the Northwest of the Island, being fast in the Ice. We had the wind Northerly, and frosty weather; the Land bearing North Northwest. The seventh and eight, we beat up and down in the Ice: the Island did bear Northwest eight leagues off. The wind was Northerly, with cold and frosty weather. No fog in a month's space The ninth, the Land bear Northwest off us about six leagues off. That day we had the first fog since the time of our arrival, which was the eight of May. Neither lost we the sight of the Island above eighteen hours in all this time. This day, about a North-east Sun it began to thaw; and in six hours the snow was melted, which lay upon the Ice above six inches thick: which put us in good hope that the Ice was almost past. The first thaw. The tenth, we got within six miles of the shore: where I made an attempt to have got to the land with the Shallop: but coming within three miles of the shore, I could get no farther, the Ice was so thick, and such foggy weather. I made another attempt the same day, and got within one mile of the Land: but the Ice was so thick that I could get no farther. The same day we saw good store of Morses on the Ice and in the Sea. The eleventh and twelfth, we plied up and down fair by the Island, to see if we could get on Land with our Shallop; but the Ice was so close about the Land, that we could not by any means. This day the wind was at Southeast, thick foggy weather. The thirteenth, we had thick fog and calm weather; and when it began to clear, Fogs. we had sight of the Souther part of the Island, bearing East Southeast, about six miles off; but it fell thick suddenly again. There we anchored in forty fathoms, white shelly ground; and rid till ten of the clock at night: at what time I prepared to go on shore, as fast as I could with a Shallop and six men. About eleven of the clock we put from the Ship, and with great labour got through the Ice to the Island, by a North-east Sun. The fourteenth day, I landed on the Wester side of the Island, The Bears slain on the North side. and determined to go from thence to the North side, where we slew the Bears. The ninth of May I left three men with the Shallop, and took three men with me. In my journey I found such bad way, that I had no stomach to go through; for where there was no snow, the ground was so soft, and without grass, that we went up to the ankles in dirt; and where the snow lay, which was in some holes, three or four fathoms thick, it was so soft, that we slipped each step up to the twist; so that we were above three hours in going scarce two miles. Whereupon, considering it would be long before I should get ten miles and back again, I returned to our Shallop, and found that the men which I left had killed some fowl, which we sod, and when we had eaten them, I prepared to go in the Shallop to the North side. I went close by the shore; for the Sea was full of Ice. As we went along by the Cliffs, we got good store of Fowl; which made us glad and joyful, because there was no hope to get aboard the Ship that day, nor the next. About a Northwest Sun we got to the place abovesaid, and found nine Bears, three of them I slew, the other took the Sea. Those three that were slain we flayed, and took their flesh and salted it in their skins; Three Bears slain, powdered, and eaten. which I stowed in the Shallop for fear of a dearth. I had a terce full of salt there, which we left in that place the eleventh of May. The fifteenth day, when we had ended our business, and eaten some of our Bear's flesh, and set up an Ensign in token of our possession of the Island, we prepared to be gone: Possession taken of Cherie Island for the Muscovie Company. and about an East North-east Sun the wind came Westerly; which made me think, as it proved, that the Ship would be on the Southeast side of the Island; and when we were coming, and almost at the North-east point, we saw nine men; presently I knew them to be the men of Hull. Along I came to the East side, where we took in drift wood, Drift wood on the East side. and a broad stone to make a fire upon in our Boat. While we were there, we espied our ship under her Fore-topsayle, and her Mizzen. We made all the haste we could, and came to the Cove, where we made our voyage the Summer last passed. There likewise I set up a Pike, with a white cloth upon it, The Cove. and a letter signifying our possession for the right worshipful Company trading to Moscovie. When I had done, I espied the Hull man's Boat rowing into the Cove, and a Tent set up in the bottom of the Bay. I went thither, and told him we had taken possession there, the eight of May last. He answered, That if the beasts came on shore, he would kill them if he could; and that there were as good men which ventured in that Ship, as the Company. I told him he durst not answer these words in England, and so departed and got some Fowl. About a South-west Sun we stood toward our Ship, having the wind at West South-west, and the Ship bearing from us Southeast about four leagues. I had not sailed ten miles, but the Ice was so close and firm, that I could not get aboard, nor back again; for it closed with such force, that it made the Shallops sides crack, as though they would have met together. We laboured very sore to save our Boat, because it did concern our lives, and got her into a place where she lay between two pieces of Ice. After this sort we drove with the Ice till we had lost sight of our Ship, which was about a North sun; and still we drove, being not able otherwise to move till we were above eight leagues from the Island. The sixteenth day, at an East Southeast Sun, the Ice began to open. Then, although my Company were in despair, and said it was impossible to get out, to work we went, and by cutting off Ice, and removing of it one piece from another, we made way through toward the Land. The nearer to the Land we got, we found the more open Sea; and by a North Sun we got on shore. After we had given God thanks for our deliverance out of such extreme danger, we eat some Fowl and Bear's flesh, which we sod under a Cliff. They feed on Bear's flesh. Nine Foxes found. There we found nine young Foxes, and killed the old one. There also we slept upon the cold Sand, which was not passed three inches thick, and underneath Ice; and stayed here till a Southeast Sun the seventeenth day. The seventeenth, we went from this place to the Cove, where we found the Hull man's Boat. I made a tilt of the Shallops sail, and sod some Bear's flesh and Fowl; and stayed about the Cove all that day. And upon an Island, commonly called Gull-Iland, I found three mines of Lead Vre: Three mines of Lead found on Gull-Iland. but having no fit tools to break the Rocks, and also because it was in the view of the Hull man's Tent, I was forced to let it rest, till the Ships could get into the Cove. The eighteenth day, we went to the North side of the Island, and in our way we found good Sea-coals to burn: Good Sea-coles found on the Island. Two Bears slain. some we took with us to try them, and found them good. And on the North side I slew two Bears. Then we shared the bread that was left; and we had but two cakes to a man: for some of my Company while I was asleep, or killing of the Bears, had broken open the chest wherein the bread was, and had conveyed some away. Our beer was spent before this time, and we were fain to drink snow water. The nineteenth, we went to the Cove, the wind being Westerly, to see if we could espy our Ship; but we could not, neither could she come near the Island for Ice; for all the Sea, as far as I could see from the top of an high Hill was covered with Ice, An huge compass of Ice. saving that within a quarter of a mile off the shore, it was clear round about once in a tide. Another Bear slain. The twentieth day, I went to the North side again, and slew a Bear. Thus we spent the time, sometimes on one side, sometimes on the other, never staying above one day in one place till the Ship came in; which was the seven and twentieth of june, on which day I slew another Bear. Another Bear slain. I slew seven in all, whose flesh we eat full savourly, forgetting the oily rankness of it; for hunger is a savoury sauce. Their Ship got in the second time. The seven and twentieth, our ship came to an anchor on the North side, where we than were; as soon as we saw her, we needed no bidding to go aboard. When we were come to the ship side, they bade us welcome: but whereas we thought to have relieved ourselves, we found it far otherwise; because the Ship had a knock with a piece of Ice in the Stern, which broke in the corner of a Plank under the water, so that our bread-roome was full of water, and all our bread spoilt, saving about one hundred weight: which was but a small quantity for three and forty men. The Matthew. This day a Ship called the Matthew came to an anchor by us. Then Master Welden and I went on shore, where we found one john Skinner, Master's mate of the Matthew, with eleven men by him. We set up our Tent, and told him there was no voyage for him to make: but our necessity was such, that we were fain to take four hundred of bread of them, upon some condition, which I will not speak of here. The same day we thought to have taken a Copper aboard, which I digged out of the snow; but by negligence it was let fall into the Sea, yet afterward taken up again and carried aboard. The Marie Margarite. The same day, another Ship called the Mary Margarite came into the said Cove on the South side. The eighteenth, I went to the Cove with the Shallop and six men, where I found the Marie Margarite; there passed no great kindness between them and me. I slew three Morses there, two were lost, the others head I brought aboard. The next day I came aboard our Ship, and we rid on that side, looking still when any beasts would come on shore, till the second of july. july. Then we weighed, and stood to the East side of the Island; because the wound was at West Northwest, and great store of Ice came from those parts. We had not rid one hour to an end, but we saw a Skiffe coming towards us. Logan and Edge. In this Skiffe was one josias Logan, and Thomas Edge, Factors in the Paul for the worshipful Company. They told us that the Paul was in the Cove, and the ship of Hull. They went aboard again, and when the tide was spent, we weighed and thought to have anchored near the Cove; but the wound was so far Easterly, that we could not: so we went to the Wester side, Fowl their chiefest food in extremity. and rid there till the fourth day, where we got Fowl; for in all the time of our being about the Island, and in the Ice, they were our chiefest food. The fourth, we weighed and went to the North side; where we were troubled with much Ice: The wound was at West and by North, which brought the Ice whole upon us; so that we were forced to weigh again. A Bear slain. The sixth, we came into the Cove; where Master Welden slew a Bear. The eight day, he slew another Bear; and the same day I went to the North side, with the Shallop and victuals for the men which kept on that side. Another Bear slain. I stayed there till the fourteenth of july: on which day we had the wound Northerly, with snow and frost, and the Island environed round with Ice. In this time the Ships Company on the South side did dig some Mineral Lead. Snow and Frost. Some Mineral Led digged. Above twenty Foxes eaten. And we caught above twenty Foxes, which we did eat as savourly as if they had been Venison. The fifteenth day, by a North-east Sun we came aboard the Ship, which lay in the Cove, with our Shallop and all our provision that was on the North side. And the Lioness prepared to go to Saint Nicolas in Russia, as it was appointed before in London. The sixteenth, the wind being North-east brought such store of Ice to the Island, that it was compassed round close to the shore; and filled the Cove so full, that by no means possible the Ships could get out, but rid still shut in for five days. The seventeenth, the Ice began to open at the mouth of the Cove, and some were willing to go out with their Ships; but covetousness had like to have brought us all to great misery: for each man striving to ride longest in the Cove, supposing that there the Morses would come first on shore, Dangers by the Ice. they found it clean contrary; for the wind came Southerly, and blew all the Ice from this side of the Island, save that which was in the Cove: which pressed so sore upon our Ships, that our Anchors could not hold us. For the Matthew was put from three Anchors, and drove with that small tide, that runneth there within her length of a sunken Rock: but a great piece of Ice on ground upon the Rock did keep her from it. And when the flood came again, she was driven within half her length of the Rocks; so that they were glad to get most of their victuals out of her upon the Rocks, looking each minute when she should split in sunder. And though the rest of the ships did not drive as she did, yet they had many a sore stroke with the Ice. For the Southerly wind caused a hollow Sea to come in; so that our ships struck with such force against the Ice, that we could hardly stand on our feet in them. Then each man laid to his hand to save his ship, by putting Planks and old Cables ends, and bundles of Hoops between their ships and the Ice. But they were beaten all to pieces presently. Then we put pieces of Elm Plancke between the bows of the Paul, in which ship I was: Immediately, they also were beaten into small pieces, although they were above four inches thick. With the stroke that broke the Plank, the Carpenter said, the ships side did crack, and two timbers were broken. Then presently we also got out of the ship most of our victuals, and carried it to the shore. There might you see a sorrowful spectacle. For all the ships, being five in number, were so fast in the Ice, that all the men that were in them all, which were one hundred eighty two, could not imagine how to save one. Among the rest, we made account that the Matthew would sink, ere long: because the Ice had broken nine timbers on one side, and eleven on the other; so that the Green Sea did come into the ship: and her main beam was broken at that instant likewise. In this sort we continued till the twentieth day following; when we looked still to be put on the Cliffs with the force of the Ice, that pressed upon our ships so sore, that our Anchors could not possibly hold. Upon the twentieth day, it pleased God to bring the wind Westerly, than the Ice began to open, and to drive out of the Cove by little and little, to our great comforts. But that Ice that did not get clean out, came back again, and ran round in a Circle; so that we had a continual labour to defend the ships from it. Whereupon we made means to get out by long l A warp, is a Rope (commonly a Hawser) used to warp a ship, that is, with an Anchor bend to the Hawser and laid out to hale the ship forward▪ which is done when they want wind to carry out, or into a Harbour. Warps, as we term them. We were fain to let slip one Cable, and the Lioness one. The Matthew had but one Cable and Anchor; but they borrowed one of us. By a Northwest Sun, all the ships got out of the Ice to the Coves mouth; where we stayed for the ebb. When the ebb was come, the Lioness departed on her Voyage to Saint Nicholas in Russia. And presently the Matthew, and the Mary Margarite set sail and got out. Then we in the Paul set sail, and before our Anchor was up, it got hold upon one of Matthewes Cables, that she lost, when she drove out, and brought us up to a m A Bitter, is a turn of the Cable about the Bits, for when they come to Anchor, they take a turn with it about the Bits (two main square pieces of Timber, which stand Pillar wise in the loose of the ship, to make fast the Cable unto) that they may by little and little vere it out at ease: otherwise, if a stopper fail, the Cable would run out end for end, that is altogether; but thus stopped, the ship is said to be brought to a Bitter. The Bitter end is that end of the Cable within board at the Bites. Bitter, so that we were very near the Rocks: but we got off again, and ride there till a Northwest Sun the next day. The one and twentieth day, we weighed and stood to the East side of the Island, where we found the Mary Margarite, which had lost her Boat. Straight way we sailed to the North side, where we anchored and rid till a North Sun. The two and twentieth day, it cleared up of a fog, which had continued since the time of our coming out of the Cove. And we thought it best to fetch the victuals aboard, which we carried on shore when the ship was like to be split with Ice. Then josias Logan and I took seven men more with us, and came to the Cove on the South side: where we found abundance of Morses lying on the Ice, that was in the Cove. I slew one of them, and took off his head: we could not get to the shore where our victuals lay, but we made a fire under a Cliff in the same Cove. The three and twentieth day, we got to our victuals, and josias went with it to our ship: but I tarried at the Cove, hoping that the beasts would come on Land when the Ice was gone; as they did afterward. There I tarried till the five and twentieth of july; at what time josias Logan came to me with the Shallop, and a Skiffe laden with Cask and other provision; and told me, that they had slain five or six hundred Morses on the North side. He tarried with me till the seven and twentieth of july: now seeing no beasts did come on Land, because the Ice did hang about the Cove, he went to the North side again: but the same day after he was gone, they began to come on Land. The next day following, being the eight and twentieth, we slew about eighty, and took their Blubber and Teeth. Then they began to come on shore again the thirtieth day: at what time Master Bonner was come into the Cove to seek his Anchors. Then his men came on shore, and we slew about one hundred and fifty beast more. But there rose a storm at Southeast, that brought in such a surge, that it washed above sixty beasts into the Sea; so that most of them were lost. The next day being the last of july, Master Welden and Master jones came to the Cove with about twelve men, being all very weary. For they had left the Shallop in a Cove on the Northwest side of the Island, and came over Land. Then to work we went on all hands, and placed our Coppers. And by the fifth day of August we had ended our business; and the ship came from the North side into the Cove. August. The sixth of August, I took the Skiffe and seven men to fetch the Shallop to the Cove, that Master Welden had left in a Cove, on the Northwest side of the Island, the last of july. When I came to the place, considering I was near the North side, where we commonly make our Voyage, Note. and also desired by Master Welden, if I could go, to do so, I went thither, and found about five and forty as good headed beasts for Teeth, as ever I saw. We had no more Lances to kill th●m with all, but two, I took one, and a lusty fellow that was our Cooper had the other: we had not killed past ten but his Lance broke. Then I slew all the rest in less than two hours; and we took their Teeth; and the next day by a West Sun we came aboard the Paul with them. The eight day, we got the Southermost Point of the Island: where we rid all that day. Their Skiffe from their long Boats stern, and we manned our Boat to fetch her again: but then rose such a fog, that we had like to have lost both our Boats and men; but they got to the ship again with much ado. The ninth day, it was calm; but we had such a fog, that we could not see two Cables length from the ship. And about eight of the Clock at night, we lost our Skiffe altogether. The tenth day, we had a little Wind at Northwest and by West. Then seeing no amendment of the weather, we left the ship of Hull behind us in the Island, and about six of the Clock set sail for England, and arrived safely at London the last of August, 1609. Blessed be God. A Voyage performed to the Northwards, Anno 1603. in a ship of the burden of fifty tons, called the Grace, and set forth at the cost and charges of the Worshipful FRANCIS CHERIE. Written by WILLIAM GORDEN; being the first Voyage to Cherie Island; which came to my hands since the former (or rather later Voyages) were in the Press. THe ship being ready the tenth of April, whereof was Master Stephen Bennet, and for Factor and Overseer William Gorden, our Directions from the said Merchant, were first to proceed to Cola, and there to make sale of such goods as we had, and to take in such other as the Country of Lappia did afford, and then to proceed upon some Discovery. Wherefore omitting our journey to Cola, as a matter of small importance, being so well known before, after our Affairs ended, we were ready to proceed forward. But our men not being hired thereunto would have refused, if there had not been made an agreement by means of josias Logan, who was to lie there as Factor for Master Cherie, the Master and myself, partly with promises, partly with gifts. And thus setting forward the sixth of August, from the River of Cola, being determined to have sailed into 80. degrees of latitude, if nothing did hinder us; An Island. or if we did not light upon some land: our determination was hindered by means of meeting with an Island, and likewise the year being far spent, keeping our course from the West end of Kilden, to the Lands of Ward-house, which we passed the tenth of August with little wind; then directing our course North Northwest, the wind at South-west easy wind, so that the eleventh day we did reckon ourselves to have sailed twenty leagues Northwest. The twelfth day, it was most part calm and foggy. The thirteenth day, it was clear, and the wind at South, and we had sailed twenty two leagues North Northwest. The fourteenth day, the wind at East, we kept our course and sailed ten leagues, and the same day being thick and foggy, we had thought we had seen Land about four of the clock in the afternoon, bearing from us West Northwest, and Northwest by West, but sailing towards it three hours, keeping still his form, and not altering till the wind increasing, caused it to fade away (for it was no other than a bank of fogs) after we had sailed three leagues changing our course, we sailed then fifteen days twenty leagues, Northwest and by North, still having close weather, that we could not make any observation. The sixteenth day in the morning, at two of the clock, we did see two great high Hills, which did seem to us above the Clouds, and did seem very near, but we found it otherwise for sailing towards it, we found it further than we did expect, for it was six of the clock at night before we could come near unto the Land, where we anchored in thirty fathoms. In which time we could not sail less than eighteen leagues North and by West. That night our Master knowing, better what did belong unto those Affairs, would not suffer the Boat to go aland till the morning: which was the seventeenth day of August, and before our going aland, the Master caused a shank of Lines to be shot for, to toy for fish, and then he and myself with four of our Company went aland. First, upon a little Island mere adjoining, where we had much ado to get to our Boat again, by reason of the steepness of the Rocks: then we went on shore upon the Main, where at our coming on Land, we did see two Foxes, one White, the other Black. Thus spending most part of the day, we returned aboard our ship without any profit: only one of our men took up a piece of Lead, and I found a piece of a Morses Tooth, by which we perceived that the Sea Morses did use thither, but the time for that year was past, for we did see none. After our coming aboard, having haled the Line, we found nothing but one but fish thereon, wherefore presently weighing Anchor, we sailed West to see if we could have any true observation, the next day which we had, and found ourselves to be in 74. degrees 30. minutes. The same day directing our course for London, where we arrived the tenth of September, by God's help, in health and safety. CHAP. XIIII. diverse Voyages and Northern Discoveries of that worthy irrecoverable Discoverer Master HENRY HUDSON. His Discovery toward the North Pole, set forth at the charge of certain Worshipful Merchants of London, in May 1607. Written partly by JOHN PLAICE one of the Company, and partly by H. HUDSON. ANno 1607. April the nineteenth, at Saint Ethelburge in Bishop's Gate street, did communicate with the rest of the Parishioners these persons Seamen, purposing to go to sea four days after, for to discover a Passage by the North Pole to japan and China. First, Henry Hudson Master. Secondly, William Colines his Mate. Thirdly, james Young. Fourthly, john Colman. Fiftly, john Cook. Sixtly, james Benbery. Seventhly, james Skrutton. Eightly, john Pleyce. Ninthly, Thomas Baxter. Tenthly, Richard Day. Eleventh, james Knight. Twelfthly, john Hudson a Boy. The first of May 1607. we weighed Anchor at Graues●nd, and on Tuesday the six and twentieth day in the morning, we made the Isles of Shotland, May. The Isles of Shotland. No variation. 61. degrees 11. minutes. The inclination of the Needle. june. and at noon we were in 60. degrees 12. minutes, and six leagues to the Eastward of them: the Compass had no variation. We had sixty four fathoms at our sounding, black, ozie, sandy, with some yellow shells. Our ship made more way than we did suppose. On Saturday the thirtieth of May, by our observation we were in 61. degrees 11. minutes, This day I found the Needle to incline 79. degrees under the Horizon. For four days space we made very little way by contrary winds. On Thursday the fourth of june, we were by our observation still in 61. degrees and 14. minutes, eight and twenty or thirty leagues from the Norther part of Shotland: the Land bearing by our Account East and by North off us, I found variation in five degrees Westerly. The seventh of june, we were in 63. degrees 25. minutes. The eighth, 65. degrees 27. minutes. 67. degrees 30. minutes. all the forenoon we had a fresh gale Southerly; we steered away North and by West, and by observation we were in 65. degrees 27. minutes. The eleventh, we saw six or seven Whales near our ship: we were in sixty seven degrees thirty minutes. About five of the clock, the wind came up at North-east and by East; we steered away North Northwest with a fresh gale all the night at East. The twelfth, the wind was at East North-east, a stiff gale, we steered away as afore, and accounted we had run by this day noon thirty leagues. In the afternoon we steered away North and by West fifteen leagues, all the night proved a great fog with much wind. The thirteenth, between one and two in the morning, we saw some Land on head of us, and some Ice: and it being a thick fog, we steered away Northerly, and having much wind we stood away South and by East, six or eight leagues. Our sail and shrouds did freeze. At eight in the morning it cleared up, the wind being at North-east and by East, with much wind we were hardly able to maintain a sail. This was a very high Land, most part covered with Snow. The neither part was uncovered. At the top it looked reddish, and underneath a blackish Clay, with much Ice lying about it. The part which we saw when we cast about, trended East and West: And the Norther part which we saw, trended North-east and by North, and North-east: and the length which we saw was nine leagues; we saw much Fowl. Also we saw a Whale close by the shore. We called the Head-land which we saw, young's Cape; and near it standeth a very high Mount like a round Castle, which we called, the Mount of God's Mercy. young's Cape. The Mount of God's mercy. Snow. All the afternoon, and all the Eevening it reigned. At eight in the Eevening we cast about, and steered all night North and by West, and sometimes North Northwest. The fourteenth, being near the Land we had Snow. At four in the morning, the wind vering Northerly, we cast about and stood Southeast and by South. This day we had much wind and rain, we shorted sail being near the Land. The fifteenth, in the morning it blowed so much wind at North-east, that we were not able to maintain any sail, we then struck a hull, and let our ship drive, waiting for a fit●er wind; this night was very much rain. The sixteenth, was much wind at North-east. The seventeenth, we set sail at noon, we steered away East and by South, and East Southeast. The eighteenth, in the afternoon a fine gale Southeast, which toward the Eevening increased, and we steered North-east three Watches, twelve leagues. The nineteenth we steered away North North-east sixteen leagues. At noon we had rain with fog. From twelve to four we steered North North-east eight leagues, and did account ourselves in seventy degrees nearest hand: purposing to see whether the Land which we made the thirteenth day, were an Island or part of Groneland. But then the fog increased very thick with much wind at South, which made us alter our course, and to shorten our sail, and we steered away North-east. Being then as we supposed, in the Meridian of the same land, having no observation since the eleventh day, and lying a hull from the fifteenth to the seventeenth day, we perceived a current setting to the South-west. This day we saw three Whales near our ship, and having steered away North-east almost one watch, five leagues, the Sea was grown every way: we supposed we were thwart of the North-east part of that Land which we made the thirteenth day, and the current setting to windward. The reason that moved us to think so; was, that after we had sailed five or six leagues in this Sea, the wind neither increasing nor dulling, we had a pleasant and smooth Sea. All this night was foggy with a good gale of wind, we steered away North-east until the next day at noon, and sailed in that course twenty leagues. The twentieth, all the morning was a thick fog with the wind at South: we steered North-east till noon. Then we changed our course, and steered away North North-east, hoping for an open Sea in our course to fall with the body of Newland. This day at two in the afternoon it cleared up, Note. Land on their Larboard. and we saw the Sun, which we had not seen since the second of this month. Having steered North North-east, two watches and an half, fifteen or sixteen leagues we saw Land on our Larboard, about four leagues off us, trending as we could guess North-east and South-west. We steered away East North-east, the wind at South a good gale, but reasonable clear: Many Fowls. Much drift Ice. we saw many Birds with black backs, and white bellies in form much like a Duck: we saw also many pieces of Ice driving at the Sea. We * To loof, is to keep close to the wind: roomer co●t. loofed for one and went roomer for another. And this morning about four, a thick fog we saw a head of us. The one and twentieth, in the morning we steered North-east, and East North-east two watches, five or six leagues. Then it grew thick fog. And we cast about, and steered North-east and East North-east two watches, six leagues, finding we were embayed. The wind came at East Southeast a little gale: we * To tack the ship, is to bring her head about to lie the other way. tacked about and lay South. All this night was a thick fog with little wind, East we lay with the stem. The two and twentieth, in the morning it cleared up, being calm about two or three of the clock: after we had a pretty gale, and we steered away East and by North three leagues. Our observation was in 72. degrees 38. minutes, and changing our course, we steered North-east, the wind at Southeast a pretty gale. Land not covered with Snow. This morning when it cleared up, we saw the Land, trending near hand East North-east, and West South-west, esteeming ourselves from it twelve leagues. It was a main high Land, nothing at all covered with snow: and the North part of that main high Land was very high Mountains, but we could see no snow on them. We accounted by our observation the part of the main Land, lay nearest hand in 73. degrees. The many fogs and calms with contrary winds, and much Ice near the shore, held us from farther Discovery of it. It may be objected against us as a fault, for haling so Westerly a course. The chief cause that moved us thereunto, was our desire to see that part of Groneland, which (for aught that we know) was to any Christian unknown: and we thought it might as well have been open Sea as Land, and by that means our passage should have been the larger to the Pole: and the hope of having a Westerly wind, which would be to us a landerly wind if we found Land. And considering we found Land contrary to that which our Cards make mention of; we accounted our labour so much the more worth. And for aught that we could see, it is like to be a good Land, and worth the seeing. On the one and twentieth day, in the morning while we steered our course North North-east, we thought we had embayed ourselves, finding Land on our Larboard, and Ice upon it, and many great pieces of Drift Ice: we steered away North-east, with diligent looking out every clear for Land, having a desire to know whether it would leave us to the East, both to know the breadth of the Sea, and also to shape a more Northerly course. And considering we knew no name given to this Land, we thought good to name it, Hold with hope, lying in 73. degrees of latitude. The Sun was on the Meridian on the South part of the Compass, nearest hand. here is to be noted that when we made The Mount of God's Mercy, The Land of Hold with Hope in 73. degrees. and young's Cape, the Land was covered with snow for the most part, and extreme cold, when we approached near it: But this Land was very temperate to our feeling. And this likewise is to be noted, that being two days without observation; notwithstanding, our lying a hull by reason of much contrary wind, yet our observation and dead reckoning were within eight leagues together, our ship being before us eight leagues. This night until next morning proved little Wind. The three and twentieth, in the morning we had an hard gale on head of us, with much rain that fell in very great drops, much like our Thunder showers in England; we tacked about and stood East-Northerly with a short sail, to our feeling it was not so cold as before we had it. It was calm from noon to three of the clock with fog. After the wind came up at East and East Southeast, we steered away North-east with the fog and rain. About seven or eight of the clock, the wind increased with extreme fog, we steered away with short sail East North-east, and sometimes East and by North. About twelve at midnight, the wind came up at South-west, we steered away North, being reasonable clear weather. The four and twentieth, in the morning about two of the clock, the Master's mate thought he saw Land on the Larboard, trending North Northwest Westerly, A main high Land. and the longer we ran North, the more it fell away to the West, and did think it to be a main high Land. This day the wind being Westerly, we steered away North, and by observation we were in 73. degrees nearest hand. At noon we changed our course, and steered away North and by East, and at our last observation, and also at this, we found the Meridian all Leeward on the South and by West, Westerly part of the Compass, when we had sailed two Watches eight leagues. The five and twentieth, the wind scanted and came up at North Northwest, we lay North-east two Watches 8. leagues. After the wind became variable between the North-east and the North, we steered away East and by North, and sometimes East, we had thick fog. About noon three Granpasses played about our ship. This Afternoon the wind vered to the East and Southeast, we haled away North and by East. This night was close weather, but small fog (we use the word Night for distinction of time, but long before this the Sun was always above the Horizon, but as yet we could never see him upon the Meridian North.) This Night being by our account in the Latitude of 75. degrees, we saw small flocks of Birds, with black Backs and white Bellies, and long spear Tails. 75. Degrees: Land not far off. We supposed that Land was not far off, but we could not descry any, with all the diligence which we could use, being so close weather, that many times we could not see six or seven leagues off. The six and twentieth, in the morning was close weather, we had our wind and held our course as afore. This day, our observation was 76. degrees 38. minutes, 76. degrees 38. minutes. and we had Birds of the same sort as afore, and diverse other of that colour, having red Heads; that we saw when we first made the Mount of God's Mercy in Greenland, but not so many. After we steered away North and by East: two Watches 10. leagues, with purpose to fall with the Souther part of Newland, accounting ourselves 10. or 12. leagues from the Land. Then we stood away North-east one Watch five leagues. The seven and twentieth, about one or two of the clock in the morning we made Newland, Greenland or Newland discovered. being clear weather on the Sea; but the Land was covered with fog, the Ice lying very thick all along the shore for 15. or 16. leagues which we saw. Having fair wind we coasted it in a very pleasing smooth sea, and had no ground at an hundred fathoms, four leagues from the shore. This day at noon, we accounted we were in 78. degrees, and we stood along the shore. This day was so foggy, that we were hardly able to see the Land many times, 78. Degrees. but by our account we were near Vogel Hooke. About eight of the clock this Eevening, we purposed to shape our course from thence Northwest. here is to be noted, Vogel Hooke. that although we ran along near the shore, we found no great cold, which made us think, that if we had been on shore the place is temperate. Holding this Northwest course, about ten of the clock at night, Temperate air. we saw great store of Ice on head off us, bearing Wester off us; which we could not go clear off with the foresaid course. Then we tact about, and stood away between the South and the Southeast, as much desirous to leave this Land as we were to see it. The eight and twentieth, was a hard gale of wind all the forenoon between the South and the South-west. We shaped our course, we did it to be farther from the Ice and Land. It pleased God that about twelve of the clock this night it cleared up, and we found that we were between the Land and the Ice; Vogel Hooke then bearing nearest hand East off us. Then we tacked about, and stood in for the shore, having Sea-room between the Ice and the Land. The nine and twentieth, at four in the morning the wind at North-east, a pretty gale, we thought best to shorten our way, so we tacked about and stood North Northwest, the wind a little increasing. About twelve at noon, we saw Ice a head off us; we cast about again, and stood away East Southeast with very much wind, so that we shortened our sails for the space of two Watches. Then about eight this Eevening, we struck a Hull, and it proved the hardest storm that we had in this Voyage. The thirtieth, in the morning was stormy; about noon it ceased, at seven in the Eevening it proved almost calm. The first of july, all the forenoon the wind was at Southeast, we stood North-east for the shore, hoping to find an open Sea between the shore and the Ice. About noon we were embayed with Ice, lying between the Land and us. july. By our observation we were in 78. degrees 42. minutes, whereby we accounted we were thwart of The great Indraught. 78. degrees 4●. minutes. And to free ourselves of the Ice, we steered between the Southeast and South, and to the Westward, as we could have sea; And about six, this Eevening it pleased God to give us clear weather; and we found we were shot far into the Inlet, The great Inlet. being almost a Bay, and environed with very high Mountains, with low Land lying between them; we had no ground in this Bay at an hundred fathoms. Then being sure where we were, we steered away West, the wind at Southeast and calm, and found all our Ice on the Norther shore, and a clear Sea to the Southward. The second, it pleased God to give us the wind at North-east, a fair gale, with clear weather, the Ice being to the Northward off us, and the weather shore, and an open Sea to the Southwards under our Lee. We held on our course Northwest till twelve of the clock; having sailed in that course 10. leagues, and finding the Ice to fall from us to the, we gave thanks to God, who marvellously preserved us from so many dangers, amongst so huge a quantity of Ice and Fogge. We steered away Northwest, hoping to be free from Ice, we had observation 78. degrees 56. minutes, 78. Degrees 56. Minutes. 78. degrees 33. minutes. we fell with Ice again, and trended it as it lay between the West and South Southeast. The third, we had observation 78. degrees 33. minutes. This day we had our shrouds frozen, it was searching cold, we also trended the Ice, not knowing whether we were clear or not, the wind being at North. The shrouds and sails frozen. The mouth of the Inlet. 77. degrees 30. minutes. The fourth, was very cold, and our shrouds and sails frozen, we found we were far in the Inlet. The wind being at North, we bear up and stood South Southeast, and South and South-west by West till ten this night. The fifth, was very much wind at North Easterly: at twelve we struck a Hull, having brought ourselves near the mouth of the Inlet. The sixth, in the morning the wind was as before, and the Sea grown. This morning we came into a very Green Sea, we had our observation 77. degrees 30. minutes. This afternoon the wind and Sea assuaged. About four of the clock we set sail, and steered Northwest and by West, the wind being at North North-east. This day proved the clearest day we had long before. The seventh, at four in the morning was very clear weather, and the fairest Morning that we saw in three weeks before, 78. degrees. The end of the Sack. A Black and open Sea. we steered as afore, being by our account in 78. degrees nearest hand, and out of the Sack. We found we were compassed in with Land and Ice, and were again entered into a Black Sea, which by proof we found to be an open passage. Now having the wind at North North-east, we steered away South & by East, with purpose to fall with the Southermost part of this Land: which we saw, hoping by this mean, either to defray the charge of the Voyage, or else, if it pleased God in time to give us a fair wind to the North-east, to satisfy expectation. All this day and night afterward proved calm. Much Drift-wood. The eight, all the forenoon proved calm, and very thick fog. This morning we saw many pieces of Drift-wood drive by us, we heaved out our Boat to stop a leak, and mended our rigging. Many Seals. Morses. This day we saw many Seals, and two Fishes which we judged to be Sea-horses, or Morses. At twelve, this night we had the wind at East and by South, we stood away North-east. The ninth, all the forenoon was little wind at Southeast, with thick fog. This day we were in amongst Lands of Ice, where we saw many Seals. The tenth, in the morning was foggy, afterward it proved clear, we found we were compassed with Ice every way about us; we tacked about, and stood South and by West, and South South-west one Watch five leagues, hoping to get more Sea-room, and to stand for the North-east, we had the wind at Northwest. From hence it seemeth i● taken out of Hen. Hudsons' own Notes. Blue and Green Seas. The eleventh, very clear weather, with the wind at South Southeast, we were come out of the Blue Sea into our Green Sea again, where we saw Whales. Now having a fresh gale of wind at South Southeast, it behoved me to change my course, and to sail to the North-east, by the Souther end of Newland. But being come into a Green Sea, praying God to direct me, I steered away North ten leagues. After that, we saw Ice on our Larboard, we steered away East and by North three leagues, and left the Ice behind us. Then we steered away North till noon. This day we had the Sun on the Meridian South and by West, Westerly, his greatest height was 37. degrees 20. minutes. 79. degrees 17. minutes. By this observation we were in 79. degrees 17. minutes, we had a fresh gale of wind and a smooth sea, by means whereof our ship had outrun us. At ten this Eevening clear weather, and then we had the company of our troublesome neighbour's Ice with fog. The wind was at South South-west. here we saw plenty of Seals, and we supposed Bears had been here, by their footing and dung upon the Ice. This day, many of my Company were sick with eating of Bear's flesh the day before unsalted. Sick of Bear's flesh unsalted. The twelfth, for the most part was thick fog, we steered between South and by East, and South Southeast 2. 1/ ●. leagues, to clear us of the Ice. Then we had the wind at South, we steered till noon North-east five leagues. This morning we had our shrouds frozen. At noon by our account we were in 80. degrees, being little wind at West South-west, almost calm with thick fog. 80. degrees. This afternoon we steered away North, and sometimes North-east. Then we saw Ice a head off us, we cast about and stood Southeast, with little wind and fog. Before we cast about by means of the thick fog, we were very near Ice, being calm, and the Sea setting on to the Ice, which was very dangerous. It pleased God at the very instant to give us a small gale, which was the means of our deliverance, to him be praise therefore. At twelve this night, it cleared up, and out of the top William Collins our Boatswain saw the Land, called Newland by the Hollanders, bearing South South-west twelve leagues from us. Newland or Greenland, of which the Hollanders hath made a little Discovery by Barents, as before is delivered, but neither so far, nor so exact, nor so useful: nor first as before is observed of Sir H. Willoughbies English exactet Discoveries finding the Whale and Morse benefit, they also enterloped. Green Sea freest of Ice, and the Blue Sea Icy. Collins Cape. Whale danger: The thirteenth, in the Morning the wind at South and by East, a good gale, we cast about and stood North-east and by East, and by observation we were in 80. degrees 23. minutes. This day we saw many Whales. This forenoon proved clear weather, and we could not see any sign of Ice out of the top. Between noon and three of the clock, we steered away North-east and by East five leagues, than we saw Ice on head off us, we steered East two Glasses one league, and could not be clear of the Ice with that course. Then we steered away Southeast two leagues ½. after we sailed East and by North, and East four leagues; till eight the next morning. The foureteenth, in the morning was calm with fog. At nine the wind at East, a small gale with thick fog, we steered Southeast and by East, and running this course we found our Green Sea again, which by proof we found to be freest from Ice; and our Azure Blue Sea to be our Icy Sea. At this time we had more Birds than we usually found. At noon being a thick fog, we found ourselves near Land, bearing East off us; and running farther we found a Bay open to the West and by North Northerly, the bottom and sides thereof being to our sight very high and ragged Land. The Norther side of this Bays mouth being high land, is a small Island, the which we called Collins Cape, by the name of our Boatswain, who first saw it. In this Bay we saw many Whales, and one of our company having a Hook and Line overboard to try for Fish, a Whale came under the Keel of our ship, and made her held, yet by God's mercy we had no harm, but the loss of the hook and three parts of the line. At a South-west Sun from the Northwest and by North, a flood set into the Bay. At the mouth of this Bay we had sounding thirty fathoms, and after six and twenty fathoms, but being farther in, we had no ground at an hundred fathoms, and therefore judged it rather a Sound then a Bay. Between this high ragged, in the swampes and valleys lay much snow. here we found it hot. On the Souther side of this Bay, lie three or four small Lands or Rocks. In the bottom of this Bay, john Colman my Mate, and William Collins my Boatswain, with two others of our company went on shore, and there they found and brought aboard, A Sound is a greater and deeper indraught than a Bay. Heat beyond 80. degrees. a pair of Morses teeth in the jaw, they likewise found Whales bones, and some dozen or more of Deeres Horns, they saw the footings of Beasts of other sorts, they also saw Rote-geeses, they saw much drift Wood on the shore, and found a stream or two of Fresh water. Here they found it hot on the shore, and drank water to cool their thirst, which they also commended. Here we found the want of a better Shipboate. As they certified me, they were not on the shore past half an hour, and among other things brought aboard a Stone of the Country. When they went from us it was calm, but presently after we had a gale of wind at North-east, which came with the Flood with fog. We plied too and again in the Bay waiting their coming; but after they came aboard we had the wind at East and by South a fine gale, we minding our Voyage, and the time to perform it, steered away North-east, and North North-east. This night proved clear, and we had the Sun on the Meridian, on the North and by East part of the Compass, from the upper edge of the Horizon with the cross-staff, we found his height 10. degrees 40. minutes, Sun 10. degrees 40. min. high, about midnight. without allowing any thing for the Semidiameter of the Sun, or the distance of the end of the staff from the Centre in the Eye. From a North Sun to an East Sun, we sailed between North and North North-east, eight leagues. The fifteenth, in the morning was very clear weather, the Sun shining warm, but little wound at East Southerly. By a Southeast Sun we had brought Collins Cape to bear off us Southeast, and we saw the high Land of Newland, that part by us Discovered on our starboard, eight or ten leagues from us, trending North-east and by East, and South-west and by West, eighteen or twenty leagues from us to the North-east, being a very high Mountainous land, like ragged Rocks with snow between them. By mine account, the Norther part of this Land which now we saw, stretched into 81. degrees. All this day proved clear weather, 81. degrees. little Wind, and reasonable warm. The sixteenth, in the morning warm and clear weather, the wound at North. This morning we saw that we were compassed in with Ice in abundance, lying to the North, to the Northwest, the East and Southeast, and being run toward the farthest part of the Land by us discovered, which for the most part trendeth nearest hand North-east and South-west, Land stretching into 82. degrees. we saw more Land joining to the same, trending North in our sight, by means of the clearness of the weather, stretching far into 82. degrees; and by the bowing or showing of the sky much farther. Which when I first saw, I hoped to have had a free Sea between the Land and the Ice, and meant to have compassed this Land by the North. But now finding by proof it was impossible, by means of the abundance of Ice compassing us about by the North, and joining to the land, They returned and seeing God did bless us with a fair wind to sail by the South of this Land to the North-east, we returned, bearing up the Helm, minding to hold that part of the Land, which the Hollanders had discovered in our fight, and if contrary winds should take us, to Harbour there, and to try what we could find to the charge of our Voyage, and to proceed on our Discovery, as soon as God should bless us with Wind. And this I can assure at this present, that between 78. degrees and ½. and 82. degrees by this way there is no passage: but I think this Land may be profitable to those that will adventure it. In this Bay before spoken of, and about this coast, we saw more abundance of Seals than we had seen any time before swimming in the water. Abundance of Seales. At noon, this day having a stiff gale of wind at North, we were thwart of Collins Cape, standing in 81. degrees and a half: and at one of the clock the Cape bear North-east off us. From thence I set our course West South-west, with purpose to keep in the open Sea free from Ice, and sailed in that course 16. leagues. At ten this night we steered away South-west, with the wind at North a hard gale, until eight the next morning 18. leagues. The seventeenth, in the morning a good gale at North: at eight, we altered our course, and steered away South till eight in the Eevening, and ran 12. leagues. This day proved reasonable clear and warm. The eighteenth, in the morning the wind increased at South and by East, with thick fog. All this afternoon and night proved close weather, little fog, and reasonable warm. The nineteenth, at eight in the morning the wind at South, with thick fog, we steered Southeast 4. leagues till noon: then the wind vered more large; we steered Southeast and by East 4. leagues till four: then we vered shete, and steered East and by South Easterly, 15. leagues, till eight the next morning. This day after the morning proved reasonable clear and warm. The twentieth, in the morning little wind: at eight this morning we saw Land ahead of us under our Lee, and to weatherward of us distant from us 12. leagues, being part of Newland. It is very high mountainous Land; the highest that we had seen until now. As we sailed near it, we saw a Sound ahead of us, lying East and west. The Land on the Norther side of this Sounds mouth, trendeth nearest hand West Northwest, and East Southeast 12. leagues, in our sight being 10. leagues from us. And the Land on the Souther side being 8. or 10. leagues in our sight; at this time trendeth South Southeast, and North Northwest; from eight to noon was calm. 77. degr. 26. m. This day by observation we were in 77. degrees 26. minutes. On the Norther side of the mouth of this Inlet lie three Lands, not far the one from the other, being very high mountainous Land. The farthest of the three to the Northwest, hath four very high Mounts like heaps of Corne. That Island next the Inlets mouth, hath one very high Mount on the Souther end. Here one of our company killed a red billed Bird. All this day after the morning, and all night proved calm, inclining rather to hear then cold. This night we had some warm rain. The one and twentieth, all the forenoon calm; at four in the afternoon we had a small gale of wind at South Southeast, with fog; we steered away East to stand in with the Land, and sailed 3. leagues until midnight: then the wind came at North-east, we cast about, and steered South 10. leagues till eight the next morning. The two and twentieth, at eight in the morning much wind at East, and variable, with short sail we steered 3. leagues South and by East: then came down very much wind; we struck a hull. All this afternoon and night, proved very much wind with rain. The three and twentieth, all the forenoon was very much wind at South, with rain and fog. At four this afternoon we saw Land, bearing North-east of us 6. leagues from us. Then we had the wind at South South-west; we steered away Southeast, and Southeast and by East 4. leagues, the Sea being very much grown. We accounted we had hulled Northwest and by North 22. leagues; and North 3. leagues. Then fearing with much wind to be set on a lee shore, we tacked about, and made our way good West and by North, half a point Northerly, all this night with much wind. The four and twentieth, in the morning much wind as afore, and the Sea grown. This morning we struck our main Topmast to ease our ship, and sailed from the last Eevening eight to this noon 15. leagues West and by North half a point Northerly. From twelve to eight, 6. leagues as afore, with the wind at South and by West: at eight we tacked about with the wind at South South-west, and lay Southeast and by East, with much wind, and the Sea grown. The five and twentieth, was a clear morning we set our main Topmast, we saw Land bearing North of us, and under our Lee, we sailing Southeast and by East. Then the wind scanted: we cast about, and lay South-west and by West 2. leagues ½ till noon. Then it began to overcast, and the wind to scant again: we cast about, and lay Southeast and by South, the wind at South-west and by West, and sailed in that course 3. leagues till four in the afternoon. Then the wind scanted again, and we sailed 3. leagues South. Now, seeing how contrary the wind proved, to do the good which we desired this way; I thought to prove our fortunes by the West once again: and this Eevening at eight, we being the latitude of 78. with the better, and from Land 15. leagues, which leagues part whereof bear from the North-east to the East off us, we steered away West, with the wind at Southeast, and clear weather. The six and twentieth, all this day proved rain with thick fog, and an hard gale of wind at East and by North, and East North-east. From the last Eevening at eight to this noon, we ran 25. leagues: from noon till midnight 19 leagues, the wind at East and by South; from midnight till two the next morning, 2. leagues West. The seven and twentieth, extreme thick fog, and little wind at East and by South. Then it proved calm, and the Sea very lofty. We heard a great rut or noise with the Ice and Sea, which was the first Ice we heard or saw since we were at Collins Cape: the Sea heaving us Westward toward the Ice. We heaved out our Boat, and rowed to tow out our ship farther from the danger; which would have been to small purpose, by means the Sea went so high: but in this extremity it pleased God to give us a small gale at Northwest and by West, we steered away Southeast 4. leagues till noon. Here we had finished our Discovery, Danger escaped. if the wind had continued that brought us hither, or if it had continued calm: but it pleased God to make this Northwest, and by West wind the mean of our deliverance: which wind we had not found common in this Voyage. God give us thankful hearts for so great deliverance. Whales Bay. Here we found the want of a good shipboat, as once we had done before at Whale's Bay: we wanted also half a dozen long Oars to row in our ship. At noon the day cleared up, and we saw by the sky Ice bearing off us: from West South-west to the North and North North-east. Then we had a good gale at West, we steered away South till four 7. leagues. From four to six South 4. leagues, and found by the Icy sky and our nearness to Groneland, that there is no passage that way: which if there had been, I meant to have made my return by the North of Groneland to Davis' his straits, and so for England. Here finding we had the benefit of a Westerly wind, which all this Voyage we had found scant, we altered our course, and steered to the Eastward, and ran Southeast four leagues. From eight this Eevening till noon the next day; East Southeast 30. leagues. All this day and night proved very cold, by means, as I suppose, of the winds coming off so much Ice. The eight and twentieth, very cold, the wind at West, not very foggy. At noon this day we steered away Southeast and by East, and by observation we were 76. degrees 36. minutes. From noon to eight 10. leagues. Then the wind scanted to Southeast and by South, we steered away East and by North 18. leagues, till the next day noon. The nine and twentieth, all the forenoon a thick fog and wet, the wind at Southeast and by East, nearest hand, and raw cold. From noon to four, we sailed three leagues East and by North, half a point Northerly. Then the wind vered more large, we steered East and by South 8. leagues till twelve at night. At this timet to windward we heard the rut of Land; which I knew to be so, by the colour of the Sea. It was extreme thick fog, so that we could hardly see a Cables length from our ship. We had ground 25. fathoms, small black pebble stones. We sounded again, and had ground at 30. fathoms small stones like Beans, at the next cast no ground at 60. fathoms. I cast about again, and steered South-west 6. leagues, West and by North two leagues till the next day noon. All this day and night extreme thick fog. The thirtieth, all the forenoon very thick fog. At noon almost calm: after we had little wind, and steered North Northwest till two: than it cleared up, so that we could see from us 2. leagues with the wind at Northwest. Then we steered East Southeast: after it cleared. At South in the Eevening, we saw an Island bearing off us Northwest from us 5. leagues, and we saw land bearing off us from us 7. leagues. We had land likewise bearing off us from East Southeast, to Southeast and by East as we judged, 10. leagues. Then having the wind at West Northwest, we steered South and by East. It presently proved calm till ten this Eevening: then we had a little gale at South-west and by West, we steered away South Southeast till twelve this night, and accounted ourselves in 76. from Land 10. leagues: which was the likeliest Land that we had seen on all the parts of Newland, being plain riggie Land of a mean height, and not ragged as all the rest was that we had seen this Voyage, nor covered with snow. At twelve this night we saw two Morses in the Sea near us, swimming to Land. From twelve at night to four, calm. The one and thirtieth, at four this morning we had the wind at Southeast, we steered South South-west. Then it proved calm, and so continued all the forenoon. The afternoon we had the wind at East Southeast, we steered South 8. leagues. Then being like to prove much wind, contrary to our purpose, and finding our fog more thick and troublesome then before, diverse things necessary wanting, and our time well nigh spent to do further good this year, I commanded to bear up for our return for England, and steered away South South-west. And this night proved a hard gale of wind at Southeast and by East. Cherie Island. We were thwart of Cherries Island the next morning at four of the clock, being to windward off us 5. leagues: knowing we were near it, we looked out carefully for the same, and it proving clear, we saw it, being a very ragged Land on the Wester side, rising like Hey-cockes. The first of August, a very hard gale of wind at East Southeast, we shorted sail, and steered away South South-west. This night was very foggy, with a hard gale of wind at East and by South, we steered by our account 27. leagues: and from eight this Eevening till the next morning four, 10. leagues as afore. All this night was very foggy, wet and raw cold. The second, in the morning calm with a thick fog, cold and slabbie weather. About noon we had a little gale West and by North, we steered away as afore. The third, in the morning calm and clear weather, with a little gale East and by South, we sailed South South-west: then we had the wind at Southeast, we sailed as afore. All this day and night proved close weather, a little fog at noon, which continued not long. At twelve this night the wind vered to the East and by North, we held our course South South-west, as afore. The fifteenth of August, we put into the Isles of far, standing in 52. degrees; and the fifteenth of September, I arrived in Tilberie Hope in the Thames. CHAP. XV. A second Voyage or Employment of Master HENRY HUDSON, for finding a passage to the East Indies by the North-east: written by himself. THeir names employed in this action are as followeth: Henry Hudson, Master and Pilot; Robert * I have Robert juets' journal also, for brevity omitted. juet, the Master his Mate; Ludlowe Arnall; john Cook, Boatswain; Philip Stacie, Carpenter; john Barns; john Branch, Cook; john Adrey, james Strutton, Michael Fierce, Thomas Hills, Richard Tomson, Robert Raynar, john Hudson, and Humphrey Gilby. The courses observed in this journal were by a Compass, that the Needle and the North of the Fly were directly one on the other. April. Anno 1608. the two and twentieth of April, being Friday, we set sail at Saint Katherine's, and fell down to Black wall. May. The twentieth of May, at noon by observation we were in 64. degrees 52. minutes, and at this time and place the Needle declined under the Horizon by the Inclinatory 81. degrees, and we had a smooth Sea, by means whereof my observation was good. The one and twentieth, at night thick fog, we sailed North North-east, with the wind at East. The two and twentieth, in the forenoon the wind at Southeast, we steered North North-east, as afore: in the afternoon little wind and thick fog; we accounted us in 67. degrees, the Sea smooth, the Needle declined 82. degrees, this night was calm and clear. The three and twentieth, in the morning the wind was Easterly, we stood North North-East, and North and by East. All the forenoon was foggy: in the afternoon it cleared, and the wind shortened upon us, we made our way good North all night. The four and twentieth, the wind at East North-east, and East and by North, we lay as near as we could with a full sail; we accounted Lowfoot from us East Northerly, Lowfoot. 16. leagues, distant from us; at four a clock this afternoon, we stood all night, as afore. The five and twentieth, the wind at East North-east, we stood away North as we could lie: all this day was clear weather, and searching cold, which cold begun the one and twentieth day, and then my Carpenter was taken sick, and so doth yet continue; and three or four more of our company were inclining to sickness, I suppose by means of the cold. All the night it was calm. The six and twentieth, cold but clear weather, the wind between East and East North-east, we stood North-easterly till twelve a clock at night: then we had the wind at North-east & North North-east, we stood Southeast and East till noon the next day. The seven and twentieth, cold and dry weather, at noon we had the wind North and North Northwest; We stood away North-east, and East North-east, as we could, and accounted ourselves in 69. degrees 40. minutes, and the Needle inclined, having a smooth Sea, nearest 84. degrees. All night we had wind and weather as afore. The eight and twentieth, dry cold clear weather; the wind between North Northwest and North, Sun 5. degrees 35. minutes at midnight. we made our way good East North-east; we saw the Sun on the North Meridian above the Horizon 5. degrees 35. minutes. All this night we had much wind, as afore. The nine and twentieth, a hard gale at North Northwest: by account we ran from midnight to noon 21. leagues, East North-east. We had the Sun on the Meridian 5. degrees, the latitude 73. degrees 13. minutes, whereby we found our ship to have outrun us. At midnight the wind came to Southeast: we cast about, and stood East North-east. This day partly clear weather with some snow. The thirtieth, cold clear weather, the wind between North-east, and East and by North; we went East Southeast, and observing, were in 73. degrees 50. minutes. The one and thirtieth, cold and clear weather: from the last day till this day noon, we stood Southeast and by South, in the latitude of 72. degrees 45. minutes. june. The first of june, a hard gale at East North-East, with snow: we made our way good South Southeast. The second, a hard gale of wind at North-east: towards night, calm with fog, our course was Southeast all day. North Cape. The third, in the morning we had a sight of the North Cape; and at a West and by North Sun, the Cape bore off us South-west, half a point Southerly, being from us 8. leagues: Variation west 11. degrees. and observing the variation, I found it to the Westward 11. degrees: and having a smooth Sea, the Needle inclined under the Horizon 84. degrees and a half, the nearest I could find. We had the wind at South-west, Needle's inclination 84. degrees and a half. and we stood away North-east and by East. It was clear weather, and we saw Norway Fishermen at Sea. The fourth, warm clear sunshine, we stood away North-east and by East. Now by Gods help our Carpenter recovered, and made a Mast for our shipboat, and the company made a Sail, we had the Sun in the sight on the North Meridian: his height was 5. degrees 40. minutes. Inclination 23. degrees 21. minutes: Poles height 72. degrees 21. minutes. The fifth, in the morning calm weather: we sounded, and had 140. fathoms, sand Oze: here we saw a swelling Sea setting North-east and by East, and South-west and by West, with streame-leches: and we saw drift wood. After we had wind; and we sailed and made our way North North-east: towards night we sounded, and found ground at 150. fathoms, sand Oze. This day clear weather, and not cold. The sixth, we had clear weather, the wind being at East North-East, from the last day till this day noon▪ we shaped our way on diverse courses North and by West, in the latitude of 73. degrees 24. minutes. We found that our ship had outrun us, sounding in 160. fathoms: in the afternoon little wind. The seventh, in the morning the wind at South, after at South Southeast: from the last day till this day noon, we accounted our way from diverse courses North-east, 15. leagues. This day was close but clear weather, and we had a good gale of wind at this time. And three days before this, our Cook and one more of our company were very sick. In the morning, we had ground at 150. fathoms, and at night we had no ground at 180. fathoms, which increased hope. This night we had some snow, which continued four hours: then the wind came at North-east and by East with storm; and with short sail we stood North and by West: here the Needle inclined 86. degrees. I accounted that we were in 74. degrees and a half at nearest hand. 74. degrees 30. minutes. This night we saw the Sun on the North Meridian, his height was 7. degrees 40. minutes, which maketh the Poles height 74. degrees 23. minute's. The eight, from twelve a clock last night till noon, we accounted our way on diverse courses, North and by East: then our latitude was 74. degrees 38. minutes, and we had no ground at 200. fathoms. In the afternoon the wind came at South Southeast, and Southeast and by East. This day and night we had clear weather, and we were here come into a black blue Sea. Dark blue Sea. The ninth, clear weather, the wind came at Southeast and by East: from the last day till this day noon, we had a good way North-east, in latitude of 75. degrees 29. minutes: then we entered into Ice, being the first we saw in this Voyage: our hope was to go through it, we stood into it, and held our course between North-east, and East North-east, losing for one, and bearing room for another, till four in the afternoon: at which time we were so far in, and the Ice so thick and firm ahead, being in it four or five leagues, that we had endangered us somewhat too far; we returned as we went in, and with a few rubs of our ship against the Ice; by eight a clock this Eevening we got free of it. We made our way till next day at noon, South-west and by South, 18 leagues: in the midst of this way we had no ground at 180. fathoms. The tenth, in the morning hasey weather; but at noon it cleared up, and then we cast about, and stood away North and by East, the wind being at East Southeast, two watches, five leagues: then we had the wind at East, we cast about, and stood South Southeast, and made a South way, six leagues. The eleventh, in the morning a hard storm at East, and East and by South we struck a hull. The twelfth, in the morning fog, and all day after clear weather, the wind at South South-west, we steered East and by North: at noon being in the latitude 75. degrees 30. minutes. From noon till four a clock, five leagues East and by North; then we saw Ice ahead of us, and under our Lee trending from the Northwest to the North and East of us: We had sounding 100 fathom, greenish Oze. Here we saw diverse pieces of drift wood by us driving, and stream Leeches lying South South-west, and North North-east. We many times saw the like since we saw the North Cape. The thirteenth, clear weather, the wind at East, we made a South way 6. leagues, two watches: then we cast about, and made a North way one watch 3. leagues 1/●: At twelve at night, much wind with fog, we struck a hull and laid our ship's head to the Southward. The fourteenth, in the forenoon fog, and our shrouds were frozen: the afternoon was clear Sunshine, and so was all the night. The fifteenth, all day and night clear sunshine; the wind at East, the latitude at noon 75. degrees 7. minutes. We held Westward by our account 13. leagues. In the afternoon the Sea was assuaged; and the wind being at East we set sail, and stood South and by East, and South Southeast as we could. This morning, one of our company looking over board saw a Mermaid, Mermaid seen, and described. and calling up some of the company to see her, one more came up, and by that time she was come close to the ships side, looking earnestly on the men: a little after, a Sea came and overturned her: from the Navel upward, her back and breasts were like a woman's, (as they say that saw her) her body as big as one of us; her skin very white; and long hair hanging down behind, of colour black: in her going down they saw her tail, which was like the tail of a Porpos●e, and speckled like a Macrell. Their names that saw her, were Thomas Hills and Robert Rayner. The sixteenth, clear weather, the wind being at East. From the last day till this day noon, we made our way South and by East 9 leagues; and from noon to eight a clock in the Eevening, 6. leagues: then we cast about and stood to the Northwards. The seventeenth, clear weather, the wind at Southeast and by East; from the last day till this day noon, our way was North-east and by East, at noon being in the latitude of 74. degrees 40. minutes. At afternoon we sounded, and had ground at 86. fathom, green Oze, and our water whitish green: Here we saw Whales, Porpoises, and the Sea full of Fowls: from noon to midnight North-east and by East we had the Sun at lowest, on the North and by East, Easterly part of the Compass: latitude 74. degrees 54. minutes. Sounding we had 92. fathoms water, Oze as before. The eighteenth, fair weather, the wind at Southeast and by East, from midnight till this day noon, we sailed North-east and by East, in the Latitude of 75. degrees 24. minutes, and had ground at ninety five fathom Oze, as afore. here we had Ice in our sight to the Northward off us. In the afternoon, having little wind at North-east, we cast about and lay East Southeast, and at six a clock, had ground at ninety five fathoms and a half Oze, as afore. From noon to twelve a clock at night, our way was Southeast, and Southeast and by East, and had the Sun on the Meridian, North and by East half a point Eastward. The Sun's height was eight degrees 40. minutes. Current. Sounding ninety fathom. All this day, we had Ice on our Larboard trending: and at this time, from the Northwest off us to the East Southeast, I have some reason to think there is a Tide or Current setting to the Northwards; the course we held and the way we made between this noon and midnight Observations, do make me suspect it the more. Needle's inclination 89. degrees and a half, in 75. degrees 22. min. The nineteenth, fair and warm weather, the sea smooth. Here the Needle inclined under the Horizon 89. degrees and a half, being in the Latitude at noon of 75. degrees 22. minutes; Sounding we had ground in an hundred fathom. From twelve a clock last night till this day at noon, we accounted our way from East and by North to Southeast, ten leagues, having Ice always in our sight trending on our Larboard, we had the wind between North, and North Northwest. We saw the Sun at the lowest on the North and by East, half a point Easterly, his height was 8. degrees 10. minutes, which maketh the Poles height 74. degrees 56. minutes; Sounding we had ground in one hundred and twenty six fathom. From noon to this time, we accounted our way East and by South, and East Southeast, twelve leagues. The twentieth, fair warm weather, this morning at four of the clock, we had depth one hundred and twenty five fathom. Bears roaring here we heard Bears roar on the Ice; and we saw upon the Ice and near unto it, an incredible number of Seales. We had sounding one hundred and fifteen fathom, Store of Seals. and after ground at ninety five fathom sandy Oze. We had the Sun on the Meridian North and by East, half a point Easterly; his height was 7. degrees 20. minutes. From twelve a clock last night, to twelve a clock this night, our way was made good by our account Southeast and by South, twelve leagues, and Southeast, three leagues and a half, the Ice always being on our Larboard. The wind this day, between North and Northwest. The one and twentieth, at four a clock in the morning we sounded, and had one hundred and twenty fathom green Oze, and the Ice bore off us East, the wind variable; in diverse courses we made our way good South Southeast; our Latitude at noon being 74. degrees 9 minutes, Sun at midnight high 7. degrees 40. minutes, in 74. degrees 33. minutes. juets' notes tell of a sudden variation of the Compass, from the North to the East one point, which had been two immediately before. we were haled to the Northward beyond expectation. All this day fair, clear, and warm weather, and Ice on our Larboard at a North and by East Sun; being then at lowest, his height was 7. degrees 40. minutes, which made the Poles height 74. degrees 33. minutes. From the last day at noon, till twelve a clock this night, by account of our ships way, we made our way good East North-east, six leagues and a half; whereby it doth appear how we were haled to the Northward. here we had ground at one hundred and thirteen fathom, green sandy Oze. The two and twentieth, fair clear weather, the wind at West Northwest. At eight a clock in the Morning, we had ground at one hundred and fifteen fathom, green Oze. From midnight to noon, our course was North-east and by East, being in the Letitude of 74. degrees 35. minutes, and we found that our ships way, and our observation were not but there was careful heed taken of both. here we had Ice a head off us, trending to the Southeast; and all day before Ice on our Larboard. Here we stood Southeast five leagues, than the Ice trended South and by West six leagues; we sailed by it, and doubled it by eight a clock in the Eevening, and then it bore East off us. here having a smooth sea, the Needle inclined 85. degrees, from eight a clock to twelve, North and by East Easterly. Then we had the Sun on the Meridian, North and by East ½. a point Easterly. The Sun's height was 7. degrees 45. minutes, which made the Latitude 74. degrees 43. minutes. The three and twentieth, in the morning thick fog, the wind at North Northwest. From midnight till four a clock this morning, we sailed North-east five leagues, and then we were among the Ice; we cast about, and stood two hours' South-west, two leagues, and had no ground at one hundred and eighty fathom. Then we cast about again, and stood East till eight a clock two leagues, and then it cleared up, and we had Ice a head off us. And from North, we stood to Southeast, and our shrouds were frozen. Then till noon we went East and by South, four leagues, and were near Ice on our Larboard, in the Latitude of 74. degrees 30. minutes. In the afternoon the wind being at North, we stood two hours and a half, five leagues and a half; three hours South Southeast, five leagues; one hour Southeast and by South, one league and a half; an hour East half a league, which brought eight in the Eevening always Ice on our Larboard. This afternoon, we had some snow. From eight a clock to midnight, South South-west four leagues, with Ice as afore. We saw the Sun at the lowest, North North-east, his height was 7. degrees 15. minutes, the Poles height 74. degrees 18. minutes. The four and twentieth, clear, but cold and some snow, the wind between North North-east, and North-east, from midnight to four a clock, we stood Southward two leagues, and Southeast and by East two leagues. And from four a clock till noon, Southeast Southerly nine leagues, sounding we had ground in one hundred and forty fathom. From noon to three a clock, we stood Southeast and by South three leagues; from three to four, South-west and by South one league; and had Ice from the North-east to the Southeast off us. From four a clock to eight, we stood South-west two leagues and a half, Southward half a league, with Ice near us under our Lead. The five and twentieth, cold and clear, the wind at East Southeast; from eight a clock last night till four this morning, our way was South and by East, four leagues and a half; sounding we had ground in eighty fathom, than we had little wind till noon, at East North-east, and the Sun on the Meridian, on the South-west and by South point of the Compass, ere it began to fall, we were in the Latitude of 72. degrees 52. minutes, and had Ice on our Larboard, and our hope of passage was gone this way, by means of our nearness to Nova Zembla, and the abundance of Ice. We had from Noon to eight a clock in the Eevening, the wind between North North-east, and North-east, we stood Southeast three leagues and a half, and had Ice on our Larboard, and shoalding sixty eight fathom. The six and twentieth, fair Sunshining weather, and little wind at East North-east. From twelve a clock at night till four this morning, we stood Southward two leagues, sounding we had sixty six fathom Oaze, as afore. From four a clock to noon, Southeast and by South four leagues, and had the Sun on the Meridian, on the Southeast and by South point of the Compass, in the Latitude of 72. degrees 25. minutes, No passage that way. Swart Cliffed and had sight of Nova Zembla four or five leagues from us, and the place called by the Hollanders, Swart Cliff, bearing off Southeast. In the afternoon, we had a fine gale at East North-east, and by eight of the clock, we had brought it to bear off us East Southerly, and sailed by the shore a league from it. The seven and twentieth, all the forenoon it was almost calm; we being two mile from the shore, I sent my Mate Robert juet, and john Cook my Boatswain on shore, They go a● shore. with four others, to see what the Land would yield that might be profitable, and to fill two or three Casks with water. They found and brought aboard some Whale's Fins, two Deeres Horns, and the Dung of Deer, and they told me that they saw Grass on the shore of the last year, and young Grass came up amongst it a shaftman long; and it was boggy ground in some places, there are many streams of Snow water nigh, it was very hot on the shore, and the snow melted apace, they saw the footings of many great Bears, of Dear, and Foxes. They went from us at three a clock in the morning, and came aboard at a Southeast Sun; and at their coming, we saw two or three companies of Morses in the sea near us swimming, being almost calm. I presently sent my Mate, Ladlow the Carpenter, and six others a shore, to a place where I thought the Morses might come on the shore, they found the place likely, but found no sign of any that had been there. There was a Cross standing on the shore, much Drift-wood, and signs of Fires that had been made there. They saw the footing of very great Deer and Bears, and much Fowl, and a Fox; they brought aboard Whale fins, some Moss, Flowers and green things that did there grow. They brought also two pieces of a Cross, which they found there. The Sun was on the Meridian on the North North-east, half a point Easterly, before it began to fall. The Sun's height was 4. degrees 45. minutes, Inclination 22. degrees 33. minutes, which makes the Latitude 72. degrees 12. minutes. There is disagreement between this and the last observation; but by means of the clearness of the Sun, the smoothness of the Sea, and the nearness to Land, we could not be deceived, and care was taken in it. The eight and twentieth, at four a clock in the Morning our Boat came aboard, and brought two dozen of Fowl, and some Eggs, whereof a few were good, and a Whale's fin; and we all saw the Sea full of Morses, yet no signs of their being on shore. And in this calm, from eight a clock last Eevening, till four this Morning, we were drawn back to the Northward, as far as we were the last Eevening at four a clock, by a Stream or a Tide; and we chose rather so to drive, then to adventure the loss of an Anchor, and the spoil of a Cable. here our new Shipboate began to do us service, and was an encouragement to my Company, which want I found the last year. The nine and twentieth, in the morning calm, being half a league from the shore, the Sea being smooth, the Needle did incline 84. degrees, we had many Morses in the Sea near us, and desiring to find where they came on shore, we put to with Sail and Oars, towing in our Boat, and rowing in our Bark to get about a point of Land, from whence the Land did fall more Easterly, and the Morses did go that way. We had the Sun on the Meridian on the South and by West point, half a point to the Wester part of the Compass, in the latitude of 71. degrees 15. minutes. At two a clock this afternoon we came to anchor in the mouth of a River, River and Island. where lieth an Island in the mouth thereof, four leagues: we anchored from the Island in two and thirty fathoms, black sandy ground. There drove much Ice out of it with a stream that set out of the River or Sound, and there were many Morses sleeping on the Ice, and by it we were put from our Road twice this night; and being calm all this day, it pleased God at our need to give us a fine gale, which freed us out of danger. This day was calm, clear and hot weather: all the night we road still. The thirtieth, calm, hot, and fair weather, we weighed in the morning, and towed and rowed, and at noon we came to anchor near the I'll aforesaid in the mouth of the River, and saw very much Ice driving in the Sea, two leagues without us lying Southeast and Northwest; and driving to the Northwest so fast, that we could not by twelve a clock at night see it out of the top. At the Island where we road, lieth a little Rock, whereon were forty or fifty Morses lying asleep, being all that it could hold, it being so full and little. I sent my company ashore to them, leaving none aboard but my Boy with me: and by means of their nearness to the water, they all got away, save one which they killed, and brought his head aboard; and ere they came aboard they went on the Island, which is reasonable high and steep, but flat on the top. They killed and brought with them a great Fowl, whereof there were many, and likewise some Eggs, and in an hour they came aboard. This I'll is two flightshot over in length, and one in breadth. At midnight our Anchor came home, and we tailed aground by means of the strength of the stream, but by the help of God, we hoved her off without hurt. In short time we moved our ship, and road still all night; and in the night we had little wind at East, and East Southeast. We had at noon this day an observation, and were in the latitude of 71. degrees 15. minutes. july. The first of july, we saw more Ice to Seaward of us; from the Southeast to the Northwest, driving to the Northwest. At noon it was calm, and we had the Sun on the Meridian, on the South and by West point, half a point to the Westerly part of the Compass, in the latitude of 71. degrees 24. minutes. This morning I sent my Mate Eueret, and four of our company to row about the Bay, to see what Rivers were in the same, and to find where the Morses did come on land; and to see a Sound or great River in the bottom of the Bay, which did always send out a great stream to the Northwards, against the tide that came from thence: and I found the same in coming in, from the North to this place before this. When by the means of the great plenty of Ice, the hope of passage between Newland and Nova Zembla was taken away; my purpose was by the Vaygats to pass by the mouth of the River Ob, and to double that way the North Cape of Tartary, His purpose altered. or to give reason wherefore it will not be: but being here, and hoping by the plenty of Morses we saw here, to defray the charge of our Voyage; and also that this Sound might for some reasons be a better passage to the East of Nova Zembla, than the Vaygats, if it held according to my hope conceived by the likeness it gave: for whereas we had a flood came from the Northwards; yet this Sound or River did run so strong, that Ice with the stream of this River was carried away, or any thing else against the flood: so that both in flood and ebb, Stron●●●ream. the stream doth hold a strong course; and it floweth from the North three hours, and ebbeth nine. The second, the wind being at East Southeast, it was reasonable cold, and so was Friday; and the Morses did not play in our sight as in warm weather. This morning at three of the clock, my Mate and company came aboard, and brought a great Deeres horn, a white lock of Deeres hair; four dozen of Fowl, their Boat half laden with drift Wood; and some Flowers and green things, that they found growing on the shore. They saw a herd of white Deer, of ten in a company on the land; Heard of white Deer. much drift wood lying on the shore, many good Bays, and one River fair to see to on the North shore, for the Morses to land on▪ but they saw no Morses there, but signs that they had been in the Bays. And the great River or Sound, they certified me, was of breadth two or three leagues, and had no ground at twenty fathoms, and that the water was of the colour of the Sea, and very salt, and that the stream setteth strongly out of it. At six a clock this morning, came much Ice from the Southward driving upon us, very fearful to look on: but by the mercy of God and his mighty help, we being moored with two Anchors ahead with vering out of one Cable, and heaving home the other, and fending off with Beams and Sparres, escaped the danger: which labour continued till six a clock in the Eevening, and then it was passed us, and we road still and took our rest this night. The third, the wind at North a hard gale: At three a clock this morning we weighed our anchor, and set sail, purposing to run into the River or Sound before spoken of. The fourth, in the morning it cleared up with the wind at Northwest, we weighed and set sail, and stood to the Eastwards, and past over a Reefe, and found on it five and a half, six, six and a half, and seven fathoms water: then we saw that the Sound was full, & a very large River from the Northeastward free from Ice, and a strong stream coming out of it: and we had sounding then, four and thirty fathoms water. The River searched. We all conceived hope of this Northerly River or Sound, and sailing in it, we found three and twenty fathoms for three leagues, and after twenty fathoms for five or six leagues, all tough Ozie ground. Then the wind vered more Northerly, and the stream came down so strong, that we could do no good on it: we came to anchor, and went to supper, and then presently I sent my Mate juet, with five more of our company in our Boat, with Sail and Oars to get up the River, being provided with victual and Weapons for defence, willing them to sound as they went; and if it did continue still deep, to go until it did trende to the Eastward, or to the Southwards, and we road still. The fifth, in the morning we had the wind at West: we began to weigh anchor, purposing to set sail and to run up the Sound after our company: then the wind vered Northerly upon us, and we saved our labour. At noon our company came aboard us having had a hard wrought; for they had been up the River six or seven leagues, and sounded it from twenty to three and twenty; and after brought it to eight, six, and one fathom; and then to four foot in the best: they than went ashore, and found good store of wild Goose quills, a piece of an old Oar, and some Flowers, and green things which they found growing: they saw many Deer, and so did we in our after-days sailing. They being come aboard, we presently set sail with the wind at North Northwest, and we stood out again to the Southwestwards, with sorrow that our labour was in vain: for, had this Sound held as it did make show of, for breadth, depth, safeness of harbour, and good anchor ground, it might have yielded an excellent passage to a more Easterly Sea. Generally, all the Land of Nova Zembla that yet we have seen, Nova Zembla pleasant to the eye. is to a man's eye a pleasant Land; much main high Land with no Snow on it, looking in some places green, and Dear feeding thereon: and the Hills are partly covered with Snow, and partly bare. It is no marvel that there is so much Ice in the Sea toward the Pole, Cause of much Ice in those Seas, which make no navigable passage. so many Sounds and Rivers being in the Lands of Nova Zembla, and Newland to engender it; besides the coasts of Pechora, Russia, and Groenland, with Lappia, as by proofs I find by my travel in these parts: by means of which Ice I suppose there will be no navigable passage this way. This Eevening we had the wind at West and by South: we therefore came to anchor under Dear Point; and it was a storm at Sea, we road in twenty fathoms, Ozie ground: I sent my Mate, Ladlow, with four more ashore to see whether any Morses were on the shore, and to kill some Fowl, (for we had seen no Morses since Saturday, the second day of this month, that we saw them driving out of the Ice.) They found good landing for them, but no sign that they had been there: but they found that fire had been made there, yet not lately. At ten of the clock in the Eevening, they came aboard, and brought with them near an hundred Fowls called Wellocks; this night it was wet fog, and very thick and cold, the wind at West South-west. The sixth, in the morning we had the wind stormy and shifting; between the West and South-west, against us for doing any good: we road still and had much Ice driving by us to the Eastward of us. At nine of the clock, this Eevening we had the wind at North Northwest: we presently weighed, and set sail, and stood to the Westward, being out of hope to find passage by the North-east: And my purpose was now to see whether Willoughbies' Land were, Willoughbies' Land, a conceit of Card-makers: it seeming to be no other than Newland or Greenland (as is before observed cap. 2.) as Costing Sarch of Brunell is to others Nova Zembla. Note. as it is laid in our Cards; which if it were, we might find Morses on it; for with the Ice they were all driven from hence. This place upon Nova Zembla, is another than that which the Hollanders call Costing Sarch, discovered by Oliver Brownell: and William Barentsons observation doth witness the same. It it laid in plot by the Hollanders out of his true place too far North: to what end I know not, unless to make it hold course with the Compass, not respecting the variation. It is as broad and like to yield passage as the Vaygats, and my hope was, that by the strong stream it would have cleared itself; but it did not. It is so full of Ice that you will hardly think it. All this day, for the most part, it was fog and cold. The seventh, clear but cold weather: in the morning the wind was at the North; from the last Eevening to this morning, we set sail and kept our course West and by South, fifteen leagues. from morning to eight a clock in the Eevening it was calm: then we had the wind again at North, and we sailed till nine a clock next morning West South-west, eight leagues; then the wind being West and by South, we went North and by West, three leagues, and we had the Sun at the highest South South-west, in the latitude of 71. degrees 2. minutes. The eight, fair weather; at noon we had the wind at East North-east, we stood North three leagues till four a clock: then the wind being at west and by North, we stemmed North and by West one league and a half, till six a clock in the Eevening; then the wind was at North-east a hard gale, and we stood till next day at noon West and by North, by account three and twenty leagues: we had the Sun on the Meridian, South and by West, half a point nearest West, in the latitude of 70. degrees 41. minutes. The ninth, clear weather: from this to the next day at noon, we sailed South-west and by West, twelve leagues, and Northward three leagues: and in these courses had these soundings, 41.42.46.48. and 45. fathoms: we had the Sun South and by West, half a point to the West part of the Compass. The Sea was lofty: our latitude was 70. degrees 20. minutes. The tenth, clear but close weather: from this till next day noon, we had little wind at West Northwest: by account we made our way five leagues North-easterly. We had the Sun at the highest on the South and by West point, and a terce Westward, in the latitude of 70. degrees 55. minutes, and I think we had a rustling tide under us; and in this time had sounding between forty five and forty fathoms, white sand. The eleventh, clear weather: from this to the next day at noon, little wind at North North-east, and sometimes calm; we sailed West and by North by account five leagues; and had the Sun on the Meridian on the South and by West point ⅓. West in the latitude of 70. degrees 26. minutes, and found a rustling under us. Green Sea. This forenoon we were come into a green Sea, of the colour of the main Ocean, which we first lost the eight of june: since which time we have had a Sea of a black blue colour, which (both by the last and this years experience) is a Sea-pestered with Ice. The twelfth, fair weather: from noon to midnight we had the wind shifting between the North and West; our course was between West Northwest, and South South-west. Then we had the wind at South, we sailed till the next day at noon, West and by North, thirteen leagues: we accounted our way from the last day till this day noon Westward, eighteen leagues. This afternoon we saw more Porpoises then in all our Voyage afore. The thirteenth, close weather: in the afternoon having much wind at South, with short sail we stood away West and by North, till eight a clock in the Eevening: then we had the wind at South, but most times calm till noon the next day: we stood away as afore, four leagues, which made in all twelve leagues: we had the Sun ere it began to fall, South and by West, in the latitude of 70. degrees 22. minutes. The fourteenth, we stood West Northwest till midnight, seventeen leagues: then the wind scanted and came at West, we stood North Northwest, one league and a half; then the wind being more Southerly, we sailed West Northwest, five leagues. From the last till this day at noon, our way was out of diverse courses Northwest and by West, four and twenty leagues. We had the Sun beginning to fall at South and by West, in the latitude of 70. degrees 54. minutes. Thunder. The fifteenth, fair; but towards night like to be stormy with thunder, the wind between South and South Southeast; from this, till the sixteenth day at noon, our course was West and by North, seven and twenty leagues, and the Sun than began to fall at South, three quarters of a point Westward, in the latitude of 70. degrees 42. minutes. The sixteenth, fair; our way was from this till next day at noon Northwest, twelve leagues, out of diverse courses: and we had the wind shifting, sometimes at East, at West South-west, and West and by North; the latitude by a bad observation, 71. degrees 44. minutes. The seventeenth, in the forenoon fair; the wind being at West and by North. At four a clock this morning we saw Land bear off us, West and South South-west, which was about Ward-house: this afternoon we had a storm at West and by North, we laid it to try till eight a clock in the Eevening, and then set sail with the wind between West Northwest, and Northwest: our course till the next day at noon, was South-west and by South, twelve leagues: the Cape Hopewell bore off us South South-west, and we were four or five leagues from land. The eighteenth, gusty, with rain all the forenoon; then we had the wind shifting till next day at noon from South Southeast to East, and Southeast: our course in general was Northwest, four and twenty leagues: then did North Kene bear off us West half a point Southward, being from us four leagues; and the North Cape in sight bearing West and by North, etc. The seven and twentieth, cold with rain and storm; this night we began to burn Candle in the Betacle, No night in ten weeks. which we had not done since the nineteenth of May: by reason we had always day from thence till now. The thirtieth, we had the Sun upon the Meridian due South, in the latitude of 68 degrees 46. minutes; whereby we found us to be afore our ship, ten or twelve leagues, and Lowfoot bore East of us, but not in sight. The seventh of August, I used all diligence to arrive at London, and therefore now I gave my company a certificate under my hand, of my free and willing return, without persuasion or force of any one or more of them: for at my being at Nova Zembla, the sixth of july, void of hope of a North-east passage, (except by the Vaygats, for which I was not fitted to try or prove) I therefore resolved to use all means I could to sail to the Northwest; considering the time and means we had, if the wind should friend us, as in the first part of our Voyage it had done, See Hak. 10.3. and to make trial of that place called Lumleys' julet, and the furious over-fall by Captain Davis', hoping to run into it an hundred leagues, and to return as God should enable me. But now having spent more than half the time I had, and gone but the shortest part of the way, by means of contrary winds; I thought it my duty to save victual, Wages, and Tackle, by my speedy return, and not by foolish rashness, the time being wasted, to lay more charge upon the action than necessity should compel, I arrived at Gravesend the six and twentieth of August. CHAP. XVI. The third Voyage of Master HENRY HUDSON toward Nova Zembla, and at his return, his passing from far Lands, to Newfound Land, and along to forty four degrees and ten minutes, and thence to Cape Cod, and so to thirty three degrees; and along the Coast to the Northward, to forty two degrees and an half, and up the River near to forty three degrees. Written by ROBERT IVET of Limehouse. ON Saturday the five and twentieth of March, 1609. after the old Account, we set sail from Amsterdam; and by the seven and twentieth day, we were down at the Texel: and by twelve of the clock we were off the Land, it being East of us two leagues off. And because it is a journey usually known, I omit to put down what passed, till we came to the height of The North Cape of Finmarke, which we did perform by the fifth of May (stilo novo) being Tuesday. On which day we observed the height of the Pole, and found it to be 71. degrees and 46. minutes; May 5. stilo novo. and found our Compass to vary six degrees to the West: and at twelve of the clock, the North Cape did bear South-west and by South, ten leagues off, and we steered away East and by South, and East. After much trouble with fogs, sometimes, and more dangerous of Ice. The nineteenth, being Tuesday, was close stormy weather, with much wind and snow, and very cold: the wind variable between the North Northwest, and North-east. We made our way West and by North till noon. Then we observed the Sun having a slake, and found our height to be 70. degrees 30. minutes. And the ship had outrun us twenty leagues, by reason of the set of the stream of The White Sea: and we had sight of Wardhouse. Beala 〈◊〉. Wardhouse. They doubled the North Cape. Assumption Point. Then at two of the clock we tack to the Eastward: for we could not get about the North Cape, the wind was so scant; and at eight of the clock at night, on the one and twentieth, the North Cape did bear Southeast and by South seven leagues off. And at midnight Assumption Point did bear South and by East, five leagues off us. The two and twentieth, gusting weather with hail and snow, the Sun breaking out sometimes: we continued our course along the Land West South-west. And at ten of the clock at night we were thwart off Zenam. The body of it did bear East off us five leagues: and the course from the North Cape to Zenam, is for the most part West and by South, Zen●●. and West South-west, fifty four leagues. The three and twentieth, fair Sunshining weather; the wind at East and by South, and East Southeast, we steered along the Land South-west, and South-west and by West, eight leagues a Watch, for so we found the Land to lie from Zenam to Lofoote. And the distance is fifty leagues from the body of Zenam, to the Westermost Land of Lofoote. And from the one to the other, the course is South-west and by West. For the Needle of our Compass was set right to the North. At twelve of the clock at night, the body of Lofoote did bear Southeast, six leagues off. Lofoote. The four and twentieth, fair clear Sunshining weather: the wind variable upon all points of the Compass, but most upon the Southeast, and sometimes calm. We continued our course West South-west as before. And at eight of the clock at night, the Souther part of Lofoote did bear Southeast ten leagues off us. The five and twentieth, much wind at North-east, with some snow and hail. The first watch the wind came to the East a fine gale, and so came to the North-east, the second watch at four of the clock, and freshed in: And at eight of the clock it grew to a storm, and so continued. At noon we observed, and made the ship to be in 67. degrees 58. minutes. We continued our course South-west, twelve leagues a watch. At nine of the clock, Lofoote did bear East of us 15. leagues off. And we found the Compass to have no variation. The wind increased to a storm. The six and twentieth, was a great storm at the North North-east, and North-east. No variation▪ We steered away South-west afore the wind with our fore-course abroad: for we were able to maintain no more sails, it blew so vehemently, and the Sea went so high, and broke withal, that it would have dangered a small ship to lie under the Sea. So we scudded seventy leagues in four and twenty hours. The storm began to cease at four of the clock. The seven and twentieth, indifferent fair weather, but a good stiff gale of wind at North, and North North-east, we held on our course as before. At noon we observed and found our height to be 64. degrees 10. minutes. And we perceived, that the Current had hindered us in forty eight hours to the number of 16. leagues to our best judgement. A great current setting to the North-east. We set our mayne-sayle, sprit-sayle, and our mayne-top-sayle, and held on our course all night, having fair weather. The eight and twentieth, fair weather and little wind at North-east, we held on our course South-west. At noon we observed the height, and were in 62. degrees and 30. minutes. The afternoon was little wind at North Northwest. The second watch it fell calm. At four of the clock we had sight of the Isles called far, far Isles set 14. leagues to far West. and found them to lie out of their place in the Sea Chartley fourteen leagues to far Westerly. For in running South-west from Lofoote, we had a good care to our steerage and observations; and counted ourselves thirty leagues off by our course and observation: and had sight of them sixteen or eighteen leagues off. The nine and twentieth, fair weather sometimes calm, and sometimes a gale with the wind varying at South-west, and so to the North-east. We got to the Lands, but could not get in. So we stood along the Lands. The ebb being come, we durst not put in. The thirtieth fair weather; the wind at Southeast and East Southeast. In the morning we turned into a Road in Stromo, Stromo. one of the Lands of far, between Stromo and Mugge-nes, and got in by nine of the clock: for it flowed so there that day. And as soon as we came in, we went to Romage, and sent our Boat for water, and filled all our empty Casks with fresh water. We made in end of our Rummaging this night by ten of the clock. The one and thirtieth, fair Sunshining weather, the wind at East Southeast. In the forenoon our Master with most of his Company went on shore to walk, and at one of the clock they returned aboard. Then we set sail. june. The first of june, stilo novo, fair Sunshining weather, the wind at East Southeast. We continued on our course South-west and by West. At noon we observed the Sun, and found our height to be 60. degrees 58. minutes: and so continued on our course all night with fair weather. This night we lighted Candles in the m The Bittacle is a close place in which the Compass standeth. Buss Island. Their first sight of stars: for further North, they 〈◊〉 continual Sun-light. Change of water. A strange current out of the South-west. Bittacle again. The second misty weather, the wind at North-east. At noon we steered away West South-west, to find Buss Island, discovered in the year 1578. by one of the ships of Sir Martin Frobisher, to see if it lay in her true latitude in the Chart or no: we continued our course as before all night, with a fair gale of wind: this night we had sight of the first stars, and our water was changed colour to a white green. The Compass had no variation. The third, fair Sunshining weather; the wind at North-east. We steered on our course South-west and by West, with a stiff gale of wind. At noon we observed and found our height to be 58. degrees 48. minutes. And I was before the ship 16. leagues, by reason of the Current that held us so strong out of the South-west. For it is eight leagues in four and twenty hours. We accounted ourselves near Buss Island: by midnight we looked out for it, but could not see it. The fourth, in the morning was much wind with fog and rain. We steered away South-west by west all the forenoon, the wind so increasing, that we were enforced to take in our topsail: the wind continuing so all the afternoon. We steered away South-west all the forepart of the night; and at ten of the clock at night it was little wind; and that was at South, and so came up to the South Southeast. The fifth, stormy weather, and much wind at South, and South by East, so that at four of the clock in the morning, we took in our foresail, and lay a try with our main corpse, and tried away West Northwest four leagues. But at noon it was less wind, and the Sun showed forth; and we observed, and found our height to be 56. degrees 21. minutes. In the afternoon the wind vered to and fro between the South-west and the Southeast, with rain and fog, Note well. and so continued all night. We found that our ship had gone to the Westward of our course. The sixth, thick hasie weather with gusts of wind, and showers of rain. The wind varied between East Southeast and South-west, we steered on many courses a West South-west way. The afternoon watch the wind was at East Southeast, a stiff gale with mist and rain. We steered away South-west, by West eight leagues. At noon the Sun shone forth, and we found the height to be 56. degrees 8. minutes. The seventh, fair sunshining weather all the forenoon, Bonnets are those which are laced and eeked to the sails to enlarge them: with reference whereto the main course, missen course, fore course, is understood of those sails without their Bonnets. and calm until twelve of the clock. In the afternoon the wind came to the Northwest, a stiff gale. We steered South-west by West, and made a South-west way. At noon we found the height to be 56. degrees one minute, and it continued all night a hard gale. The eight, stormy weather, the wind variable, between West and Northwest much wind: at eight of the clock we took off our Bonnets. At noon the Sun showed forth, and we observed, and our height was 54. degrees 30. minutes. The ninth, fair sunshining weather, and little wind all the forepart of the day until eleven of the clock. Then the wind came to the South Southeast, and we steered away West South-west. At noon we found our height to be 53. degrees and 45. minutes, and we had made our way South by West ten leagues. In the afternoon the wind increased and continued all night at East North-east and East. The twelfth, fair weather, the wind variable between East North-east and Southeast, we steered on our course as before. At four of the clock in the afternoon the wind came up at Southeast. And we held our course as before. At noon we observed and found our height to be 52. degrees 35. minutes. The eleventh, in the morning was thick and foggy, the wind varying between South South-west, and Northwest. At four of the clock in the morning, we tacked about to the Southward: At eleven of the clock the wind came to the Northwest, and so to the West Northwest. This day we had change of water, of a whitish green, like to the Ice water to the Northwest. At noon it cleared up, and became very fair weather: we put out our main topsail: then we observed the Sun, and found our height to be 51. degrees 24. minutes. We had sailed many courses and found our ship gone to the Southward of our account ten leagues, A current from the North. Variation one point East. by reason of a current from the Northward. The Compass varied on point to the East. The twelfth, fair Sunshining weather, but much wind at the West: we stood to the Southward all day, the wind shifting between the South-west and the West and by North. We made our way South half a point West, eight and twenty leagues. Our height at noon was 50. degrees 9 minutes. At eight of the clock at night we took off our Bonnets, the wind increasing. The thirteenth, fair Sunshining weather: the wind variable between the West, and North Northwest. We made our way South South-west seven and twenty leagues. At noon we observed, and found our height to be 48. degrees 45. minutes. But not to be trusted, the Sea went so high. In the afternoon the wind was calmer, and we brought to our Bonnets, and stood to the Southward all night with a stiff gale. The fourteenth, fair and clear Sunshining weather: the wind variable between the Northwest and South-west by West. At midnight I observed the North star at a Northwest by West Guard; a good observation 49. degrees 30. minutes. Latitude 48. degrees 6. minutes. And at noon we observed the Sun, and our height was 48. degrees 6. minutes. And I made account we ran between the two observations twelve leagues. At one of the clock in the afternoon, we cast about to the Westward, and stood so all night: the wind increased to a storm, and was very much wind with Rain. The fifteenth, we had a great storm, and spent * To spend the Mast, is understood of breaking it by foul weather only. overboard our foremast, bearing our fore corpse low set. The sixteenth, we were forced to try with our main sail, by reason of the unconstant weather. So we tried four watches Southeast and by South eight leagues and an half, and two watches six leagues. The seventeenth, reasonable fair weather: the wind variable between West South-west, and West Northwest. And a stiff gale of wind, and so great a swelling Sea out of the West South-west, that we could do nothing. So one watch and an half we drove North foure-leagues and an half, and four watches and an half South and by East half a point East twelve leagues. The eighteenth, reasonable weather but close and cloudy, and an hard gale of wind, and a great Sea. The wind being at the Northwest, we lay to the Southward, and made our drift South and by West, five leagues. The afternoon proved little wind, and the night part calm. The nineteenth, in the forenoon fair weather and calm. In the morning we set the piece of our fore mast, and set our fore corpse. The one and twentieth, fair Sunshining weather, but much wind and a great Sea. We split our fore sail at ten of the clock; then we laid it a try * That is, bore no more sail but the main sail, etc. Variation. with our main sail, and continued so all day. In the night it fell to be little wind. This day our height was 45. degrees 48. minutes. The two and twentieth, very fair Sunshining weather, and calm all the afternoon. At noon we made a very good observation, and found our height 44. degrees 58. minutes. At eight of the clock at night we had a small gale of wind at Southeast. And we steered away West for Newfound Land. The true Compass varied one point East. The three and twentieth, thick weather with much wind and some rain. At eight of the clock in the morning, the wind came to the West South-west, and West so stiff a gale, that we were forced to take our topsail, and steered away North Northwest until four of the clock in the afternoon. Then we tact to the Southward the wind at West Northwest. At eight of the clock at night we took in our top-sails, and laid it a try with our main sail, the wind at West. The four and twentieth, a stiff gale of wind, varying between the West and North Northwest, we tried till six of the clock: at which time we set our foresail, and steered way West and by South by our Compass eight leagues in four watches: and we tried away South in one watch and an half. The five and twentieth, fair Sunshining weather, the wind at North Northwest and North, we steered away West by South by our Compass till twelve of the clock: at which time we had sight of a sail, and gave her chafe but could not speak with her. She stood to the Eastward; and we stood after her till six of the clock in the afternoon. Then we tact to the Westward again, and stood on our course. It was fair all night, and little wind sometimes. The six and twentieth, all the forepart of the day very far weather and hot, but at four of the clock in the afternoon it grew to be much wind and rain: the wind was at South Southeast. At noon we observed and found our height to be 44. degrees 33. minutes. At eight of the clock at night, the wind came to South-west, and West South-west. We steered Northwest, one Watch, and at twelve in the night, to the West, and West and by South, very much wind. So we could lie but North Northwest. The seven and twentieth, very much wind and a soar storm, the wind Westerly. In the morning at four of the clock, we took in our fore-corse, and laid it a try with our mayne-corse low set; and so continued all the day and night, two watches to the Northward. At eight of the clock at night, we tacked to the Southward. The eight and twentieth, fair sunshining weather, the wind at West and by South; we lay a try to the Southward till eight of the clock in the morning. Then we set our fore-corse, and stood to the Southward a stiff gale of wind, but fair weather and a great Sea, out of the Westerboord, and so continued all night. The nine and twentieth, fair sunshining weather, the wind at West and by South; we stood to the Southward until six of the clock at night, and made our way South and by East, four leagues. Then the wind came to the South-west, and we cast about to the Westward, and made our way West Northwest all night. At noon, I found the height 43. degrees 6. minutes. The variation one point West. The thirtieth, fair sunshining weather, the wind at South-west and by West, we steered Northwest and by West. And made our way so, by reason of the variation of the Compass. At noon, I found the height to be 43. degrees 18. minutes; we continued our course all night, and made our way Northwest and by West, half a point Westerly, five and twenty leagues. july. The first of july, close, misty and thick weather, but a fair gale of wind at South-west, and South-west by South. We steered away Northwest and by West, Westerly, and made our way so, by reason of the variation of the Compass. At eight of the clock at night, we sounded for the Bank of Newfound Land, but could get no ground. The second, thick misty weather, but little wind, and that at West, and West and by South. At eight of the clock in the morning, The Bank of New found Land we cast about to the Southward, and when our ship was on stays, we sounded for the Bank, and had ground in thirty fathoms, white sand and shells, and presently it cleared: and we had sight of a sail, but spoke not with her. In the night we had much Rain, Thunder and Lightning, and wind shifting. The third, fair Sunshining weather, with a fair gale of wind at East North-east, and we steered away West South-west by our Compass, Variation west 17. degrees. Frenchmen Fishing on the Bank. which varied 17. degrees Westward. This morning we were among a great Fleet of Frenchmen, which lay Fishing on the Bank; but we spoke with none of them. At noon we found our height to be 43. degrees 41. minutes. And we sounded at ten of the clock, and had thirty fathoms grey sand. At two of the clock we sounded, and had five and thirty fathoms grey sand. At eight of the clock at night, we sounded again, and had eight and thirty fathoms grey sand, as before. The fourth, at the forepart of the day clear, with a fair gale of wind, but variable between the East North-east, and South and by East, we held on our course as before. The afternoon was misty, the wind shifting between the South and the West, till four of the clock. Then we took in our topsail and sprit-sayle, and sounded and had no ground in seventy fathoms. The wind shifted still until eight of the clock, than it came to the North North-east, and North-east and by North, Variation 15. degrees Northwest. and we steered away West Northwest, by our varied Compass, which made a West way half point North. The Compass varied 15. degrees from the North to the West. The fifth, fair sunshining weather, the wind at North-east and by North, we steered away West Northwest, which was West half a point North. At noon we found our height to be 44. degrees 10. minutes, and sounded, and had no ground in one hundred fathoms. The afternoon proved calm sometimes, and sometimes little wind, until nine of the clock in the night. Then the wind came to the East, and we held on our course. At midnight I observed and found the height to be 44. degrees 10. minutes, by the North Star and the Scorpion's heart. The Compass varied 13. degrees. Variation 13. degrees. The sixth, the forepart of the day fair weather▪ and a stiff gale of wind, between South Southeast, and South-west, we steered West and by North, and West Northwest. The after-part of the day from two of the clock, was all foggy and thick weather; the wind a hard gale, varying between South-west and by South, Foggy and thick weather. and West and by North, we made our way Northwest half a point Northerly, nineteen leagues, upon many points four Watches. At night at eight of the clock, we sounded and had no ground at one hundred fathoms. The seventh, fair sunshining weather, the wind varying between West and by North, and West and by South. At four of the clock in the morning, we cast about to the Southward, and stood so till one in the afternoon. At noon we found our height to be 44. degrees 26. minutes. At seven of the clock, we tacked to the Northward. At eight at night, we tacked to the Southward, and sounded, and had nine and fifty fathoms, white sand. The eight, in the forenoon fair weather, but the morning foggy till seven of the clock. At four of the clock in the morning we sounded, and had five & forty fathoms, fine white sand, and we had run five leagues South and by West. Then we stood along one Glass, and went one league as before. Then we stood one Glass and sounded, and had sixty fathoms. Then we take't and stood back to the Bank, and had five and twenty fathoms; and tried for Fish, Many great Cod taken. Many great Scoales of Herrings. To sound is to try the depth by Line and Lead, or Pole, etc. and it fell calm, and we caught one hundred and eighteen great Cod, from eight a clock till one, and after Dinner we took twelve, and saw many great Scoales of Herrings. Then we had a gale of wind at South, and it shifted to the West Northwest, and we stood three Glasses and sounded and had sixty fathoms, and stood two Glasses, and had two and forty fathoms, red stones and shells. So we sounded every Glass and had several soundings 35.33.30.31.32.33. and 34. fathoms. The ninth, fair calm weather, we lay becalmed all day and caught some Fish, but not much, because we had small store of salt. At three of the clock in the afternoon, we had a gale at Southeast, and South Southeast, and we steered away Westerly, our Compass was West and by South half a point South. At four of the clock, we sounded and had but fifteen, seventeen, and nineteen fathoms on a fishing Bank; and we founded every Glass. Then we could get no ground in five and twenty fathoms, and had sight of a sail on head off us. At noon our height was 44. degrees 27. minutes. We stood to the Westward all night, and spoke with a Frenchman, which lay Fishing on the Bank of Sablen, in thirty fathoms, and we saw two or three more. The tenth, very misty and thick weather, the wind at South-west, a fair gale. We stood to the southward, and made our way Southeast and by East. At twelve of the clock we sounded, and had eight and forty fathoms: again at two we sounded, and had fifty fathoms. And at six of the clock we sounded: and had eight and forty fathoms on the end of the Bank. Again, at eight of the clock at night we sounded, and had no ground in eighty fathoms, and were over the Bank. So we stood along till midnight. Variation 17. degrees. The Compass varied 17. degrees to the Westward. The eleventh, very thick and misty weather. At twelve of the clock at night, we cast about to the Westward, and stood so all day, and made our way West Northwest. We sounded at twelve of the clock, but had no ground; so we stood to the Westward all the forepart of the night, and sounded but could get no ground in fifty or sixty fathoms till midnight. Then I sounded and had ground at fifteen fathoms, white sand. The twelfth, was very foggy, we stood our course all the morning till eleven of the clock; at which time we had sight of the Land, which is low white sandy ground, right on head off us; Land, being low, white and sandy. and had ten fathoms. Then we tacked to the Southward, and stood off four Glasses: then we tacked to the Land again, thinking to have rode under it, and as we came near it, the fog was so thick that we could not see; so we stood off again. From midnight to two of the clock, we came sounding in twelve, thirteen, and fourteen fathoms off the shore. At four of the clock, we had 20 fathoms. At eight of the clock at night 30. fathoms. At twelve of the clock 65. fathoms, and but little wind, for it deeped apace, but the nearer the shore the fairer shoalding. The thirteenth, fair sunshining weather, from eight of the clock in the forenoon all day after, but in the morning it was foggy. Then at eight of the clock we cast about for the shore, but could not see it; the wind being at South by our true Compass, we steered West and by North. At noon we observed, and found our height to be 43. degrees 25. minutes; 43. degrees 25. minutes. Sight of Land again, and of two Ships. so we steered away West and by North all the afternoon. At four of the clock in the afternoon, we sounded and had five and thirty fathoms. And at six of the clock, we had sight of the Land, and saw two sails on head off us. The land by the water's side is low Land, and white sandy Banks rising full of little Hills. Our soundings were 35.33.30.28.32.37.33. & 32. fathoms. The foureteenth, full of mists flying and vading, the wind between South and South-west, we steered away West Northwest, and Northwest and by West. Our soundings were 29.25.24.25.22.25.27.30.28.30.35.43.50.70.90.70.64.86.100. fathoms, and no ground. The fifteenth, very misty, the wind varying between South and South-west, we steered West and by North, and West Northwest. In the morning we sounded, and had one hundred fathoms, till four of the clock in the afternoon. Then we sounded again, and had seventy five fathoms. Then in two Glasses running, which was not above two English miles, we sounded and had sixty fathoms, and it shoalded a great pace until we came to twenty fathoms. Then we made account we were near the Lands that lie off the shore. So we came to an Anchor, the Sea being very smooth and little wind, at nine of the clock at night. After supper, we tried for Fish, and I caught fifteen Cod, some the greatest that I have seen, and so we road all night. The sixteenth, in the morning it cleared up, and we had sight of five Lands lying North, Five Lands. and North and by West from us, two leagues. Then we made ready to set sail, but the mist came so thick, that we durst not enter in among them. The seventeenth, was all misty, so that we could not get into the Harbour. At ten of the clock two Boats came off to us, with six of the Savages of the Country, Six Saluages come aboard them. seeming gl●d of our coming. We gave them trifles, and they eat and drank with us; and told us, that there were Gold, Silver, and Copper mines hard by us; and that the Frenchmen do Trade with them; which is very likely, for one of them spoke some words of French. So we road still all day and all night, the weather continuing misty. The eighteenth, fair weather, we went into a very good Harbour, and road hard by the shore in four fathoms water. The River runneth up a great way, but there is but two fathoms hard by us. A large River. We went on shore and cut us a fore Mast, then at noon we came aboard again, and found the height of the place to be in 44. degrees 1. minute; 44. Degrees 10. minutes. and the Sun to fall at a South South-west Sun. We mended our sails, and fell to make our foremast. The Harbour lieth South and North, a mile in where we road. The nineteenth, we had fair sunshining weather, we road still. In the afternoon we went with our Boat to look for fresh water, and found some; and found a should with many Lobsters on it, and caught one and thirty. The people coming aboard, showed us great friendship, but we could not trust them. The twentieth, fair sunne-shining weather, the wind at South-west. In the morning, our Scute went out to catch fresh Fish half an hour before day, and returned in two hours, bringing seven and twenty great Cod, with two hooks and lines. In the afternoon we went for more Lobsters, and caught forty, and returned aboard. Then we espied two French Shallops full of the Country people come into the Harbour, but they offered us no wrong, The trade of the French with the Saluages. seeing we stood upon our guard. They brought many Beaver skins, and other fine Furs, which they would have changed for red Gowns. For the French trade with them for red Cassocks, Knives, Hatchets, Copper, Kettles, Trevits, Beads, and other trifles. The one and twentieth, all misty, the wind Easterly, we road still and did nothing, but about our Mast. The two and twentieth, fair Sunshining weather, the wind all Northerly, we road still all the day. In the afternoon our Scute went to catch more Lobsters, and brought with them nine and fifty. The night was clear weather. The three and twentieth, fair sunshining weather and very hot. At eleven of the clock, our fore Mast was finished, and we brought it aboard, and set it into the step, and in the afternoon we rigged it. This night we had some little mist and rain. The four and twentieth, very hot weather, the wind at South out of the sea. The forepart of the day we brought to our sails. In the morning, our Scute went to take Fish, and in two hours they brought with them twenty great Cod, and a great Holibut, the night was fair also. We kept good watch for fear of being betrayed by the people, and perceived where they laid their Shallops. The five and twentieth, very fair weather and hot. In the morning we manned our Scute with four Muskets, They spoil Houses of the Saluages. and six men, and took one of their Shallops and brought it aboard. Then we manned our Boat & Scute with twelve men and Muskets, and two stone Pieces or Murderers, and drove the Saluages from their Houses, and took the spoil of them, as they would have done of us. Than we set sail, and came down to the Harbour's mouth, and road there all night, because the wind blew right in, and the night grew misty with much rain till midnight. Then it fell calm, and the wind came off the Land at West Northwest, and it began to clear. The Compass varied 10. degrees Northwest. The six and twentieth, fair and clear sunne-shining weather. At five of the clock in the morning, the wind being off the shore at North Northwest, we set sail and came to sea, and by noon we counted our ship had gone fourteen leagues South-west. In the afternoon, the wind shifted variably between West South-west, and Northwest. At noon, I found the height to be 43. degrees 56. minutes. This Eevening being very fair weather, we observed the variation of our Compass at the Sun's going down, Variation 10. degrees toward the Northwest and found it to be 10. degrees from the North to the Westward. The seven and twentieth, fair sunshining weather, the wind shifting between the South-west, and West and by North, a stiff gale, we stood to the Southward all day, and made our way South and by West, seven and twenty leagues. At noon, our height was 42. degrees 50. minutes. At four of the clock in the afternoon, we cast about to the Northward. At eight of the clock, we took in our top-sails and our fore-bonnet, and went with a short sail all night. The eight and twentieth, very thick and misty, and a stiff gale of wind, varying between South South-west, and South-west and by West; we made our way Northwest and by West, seven and twenty leagues, we sounded many times and could get no ground. At five of the clock, we cast about to the Southward, the wind at South-west and by West. At which time we sounded, and had ground at seventy five fathoms. At eight, we had sixty five fathoms. At ten, Variation 6. degrees to the West. sixty. At twelve of the clock at midnight, fifty six fathoms, grey sand. The Compass varied 6. degrees the North point to the West. The nine and twentieth, fair weather, we stood to the Southward, and made our way South and by West a point South, eighteen leagues. At noon, we found our height to be 42. degrees 56. minutes, we sounded oft, and had these 60.64.65.67.65.65.70. and 75. fathoms. At night, Variation 5. & a half degrees. we tried the variation of our Compass by the setting of the Sun, and found that it went down 37. degrees to the Northward of the West, and should have gone down but 31. degrees. The Compass varied 5. 1/ ●. degrees. The thirtieth, very hot, all the forepart of the day calm, the wind at South Southeast, we steered away West South-west and sounded many times, and could find no ground at one hundred and seventy fathoms. We found a great current and many over-falls. Our current had deceived us. For at noon we found our height to be 41. degrees 34. minutes. A great current and many overfals. And the current had heaved us to the Southward fourteen leagues. At eight of the clock at night, I sounded and had ground in fifty two fathoms. In the end of the midnight watch, we had fifty three fathoms. This last observation is not to be trusted. The one and thirtieth, very thick and misty all day, until ten of the clock. At night the wind came to the South, and South-west and South. We made our way West Northwest nineteen leagues. We sounded many times, and had difference of soundings, sometimes little stones, and sometimes gross grey sand, fifty six, fifty four, forty eight, forty seven, forty four, forty six, fifty fathoms; and at eight of the clock at night it fell calm, and we had fifty fathoms. And at ten of the clock we heard a great Rutilio, like the Rutilio of the shore. A great Rut. Then I sounded and found the former Depths; and mistrusting a current, seeing it so still that the ship made no way, I let the lead lie on the ground, and found a tide set to the South-west, and South-west by West, so fast, that I could hardly vere the Line so fast, and presently came an hurling current, or tied with overfals, which cast our ship round; A current to the South-west and South-west by West, with overfals▪ August. and the Lead was so fast in the ground, that I feared the Lines breaking, and we had no more but that. At midnight I sounded again, and we had seventy five fathoms; and the strong stream had left us. The first of August, all the forepart of the day was misty, and at noon it cleared up. We found that our height was 41. degrees 45. minutes, and we had gone nineteen leagues. The afternoon was reasonable clear. We found a rustling tide or current, with many overfals to continue still, and our water to change colour, and our sea to be very deep, for we found no ground in one hundred fathoms. The night was clear, and the wind came to the North, and North North-east, we steered West. The second, very fair weather and hot: from the morning till noon we had a gale of wind, but in the afternoon little wind. At noon I sounded and had one hundred and ten fathoms; and our height was 41. degrees 56. minutes. And we had run four and twenty leagues and an half. At the Sunsetting we observed the variation of the Compass, and found that it was come to his true place. At eight of the clock the gale increased, so we ran six leagues that watch, and had a very fair and clear night. The third, very hot weather. In the morning, we had sight of the Land, and steered in with it, thinking to go to the Northward of it. So we sent our shallop with five men, to found in by the shore: and they found it deep five fathoms within a Bow-shot of the shore; They go on Land near Cape Cod. and they went on Land, and found goodly Grapes, and Rose trees, and brought them aboard with them, at five of the clock in the Eevening. We had seven and twenty fathoms within two miles of the shore; and we found a flood come from the Southeast, and an ebb from the Northwest, with a very strong stream, and a great hurling and noises. At eight of the clock at night, the wind began to blow a fresh gale, and continued all night but variable. Our sounding that we had to the Land, was one hundred, eighty, seventy four, fifty two, forty six, twenty nine, twenty seven, twenty four, nineteen, seventeen, sometimes Oze, and sometimes grey sand. The fourth, was very hot: we stood to the Northwest two watches, and one South in for the Land, and came to an Anchor at the Norther end of the Headland, and heard the voice of men call. Then we sent our Boat on shore, thinking they had been some Christians left on the Land: but we found them to be Savages, which seemed very glad of our coming. So we brought one aboard with us, and gave him meat, and he did eat and drink with us. Savages. Our Master gave him three or four glass Buttons, and sent him on Land with our shallop again. And at our Boats coming from the shore he leapt and danced, and held up his hands, and pointed us to a river on the other side: for we had made signs that we came to fish there. The body of this Headland lieth in 41. degrees 45. minutes. We set sail again after dinner, thinking to have got to the Westward of this Headland, but could not; so we bear up to the Southward of it, & made a Southeast way; and the Souther point did bear West at eight of the clock at night. Our soundings about the Easter and Norther part of this Headland, a league from the shore are these: at the Easterside thirty, twenty seven, twenty seven, twenty four, twenty five, twenty. The North-east point 17. degrees 18. minutes, and so deeper. The North-end of this Headland, hard by the shore thirty fathoms: and three leagues off North Northwest, one hundred fathoms. At the Southeast part a league off, fifteen, sixteen, and seventeen fathoms. The people have green Tobacco, and pipes, the boles whereof are made of Earth, and the pipes of red Copper. The Land is very sweet. The fifth, all misty. At eight of the clock in the morning, we tact about to the Westward, and stood in till four of the clock in the afternoon; at which time it cleared, and we had sight of the Head-land again five leagues from us. The Souther point of it did bear West off us: and we sounded many times, and had no ground. And at four of the clock we cast about, and at our staying we had seventy fathoms. We steered away South and South by East all night, and could get no ground at seventy and eighty fathoms. For we feared a great Riffe, that lieth off the Land, and steered away South and by East. The sixth, fair weather, but many times mysting. We steered away South Southeast, till eight of the clock in the morning; Then it cleared a little, and we cast about to the Westward. Then we sounded and had thirty fathoms, gross sand, and were come to the Riffe. Then we kept our Lead, and had quick shoalding, from thirty, twenty nine, twenty seven, twenty four, twenty two, twenty and an half, twenty, twenty, nineteen, nineteen, nineteen, eighteen, eighteen, seventeen; and so deeping again as proportionally as it shoalded. For we steered South and Southeast till we came to twenty six fathoms. Then we steered South-west for so the tide doth set. By and by it being calm we tried by our Lead; for you shall have sixteen or seventeen fathoms, and the next cast but seven or six fathoms. And farther to the Westward you shall have four and five foot water, and see Rocks under you; and you shall see the Land in the top. Upon this Riffe we had an observation, and found that it lieth in 40. degrees 10. minutes. This dangerous Riffe is in 41. degrees 10 minutes, and lieth off East from Cape Cod into the Sea. And this is that Headland which Captain Bartholomew Gosnold discovered in the year 1602. and called Cape Cod; because of the store of Codfish that he found thereabout. So we steered South-west three leagues, and had twenty, and twenty four fathoms. Then we steered West two Glasses half a league, and came to fifteen fathoms. Then we steered off Southeast four Glasses, but could not get deep water; for there the tide of ebb laid us on; and the stream did hurl so, that it laid us so near the breach of a should, that we were forced to Anchor. So at seven of the clock at night, we were at an Anchor in ten fathoms: And, I give God most hearty thanks, the least water we had was seven fathoms and an half. We road still all night, and at a still water I sounded so far round about our ship as we could see a light; and had no less than eight, nine, ten, and eleven fathoms: The mist continued being very thick. The seventh, fair weather and hot, but misty. We road still hoping it would clear, but on the flood it fell calm and thick. So we road still all day and all night. The flood cometh from the South-west, and riseth not above one fathom and an half in nepe streams. Toward night it cleared, and I went with our shallop and sounded, and found no less water than eight fathoms to the Southeast off us: but we saw to the Northwest off us great Breaches. The eight, fair and clear weather. In the morning, by six of the clock at flake water we weighed; the wind at North-east, and set our foresail and main topsail, and got a mile over the Flats. The Flats. Then the tide of ebb came, so we anchored again till the flood came. Then we set sail again, and by the great mercy of God, we got clear off them by one of the clock this afternoon. And we had sight of the Land from the West Northwest, to the North Northwest. So we steered away South Southeast all night; and had ground until the middle of the third watch. Then we had forty five fathoms, white sand, and little stones. So all our soundings are twenty, twenty, twenty two, twenty seven, thirty two, forty three, forty three, forty five. Then no ground in seventy fathoms. The ninth, very fair and hot weather, the wind a very stiff gale. In the morning, at four of the clock, our shallop came running up against our stern, and split in all her stem; So we were fain to cut her away. Then we took in our main sail, and lay atrie under our foresail until twelve of the clock at midday. Then the wind ceased to a fair gale, so we stood away South-west. Then we lay close by, on many courses a South by West way fifteen leagues; and three watches Southeast by East, ten leagues. At eight of the clock at night, we took in our top-sails, and went with a low sail; because we were in an unknown sea. At noon we observed and found our height to be 38. degrees 39 minutes. The tenth, in the morning some rain and cloudy weather: the wind at South-west, we made our way Southeast by East, ten leagues. At noon, we observed and found our height to be 38. degrees 39 minutes. Then we tacked about to the Westward, the wind being at South and by East, little wind. At four of the clock it fell calm, and we had two Dolphines' about our ship, and many small fishes. At eight of the clock at night, we had a small lingering gale. All night we had a great Sea out of the South-west, and another great Sea out of the North-east. The eleventh, all the forepart of the day fair weather, and very hot. We stood to the West South-west till noon. Then the wind shorted, and we could lie but South-west and by South. At noon, we found our height to be 39 degrees 11. minutes. And that the current had laid us to the Northward thirty two minutes contrary to our expectation. A current setting to the North. Variation one point. At four of the clock in the afternoon there came a mist, which endured two hours. But we had it fair and clear all night after. The Compass varied the North point to the West one whole point. The twelfth, fair weather, the wind variable between the South-west and by South, and the North little wind. In the morning we killed an extraordinary fish, and stood to the Westward all day and all night. At noon we found our height to be 38. degrees 13. minutes. And the observation the day before was not good. This noon, we found the Compass to vary from the North to the West ten degrees. Variation 10. degrees. The thirteenth, fair weather and hot: the wind at North-east. We steered away West and by our Compass two and twenty leagues. At noon we found our height to be 37. degrees 45. minutes, and that our way from noon to noon was West South-west, half a point Southerly. The Compass was 7. degrees and a half variation; from the North point to the West. The fourteenth, fair weather, but cloudy, and a stiff gale of wind, variable between North-east and South-west, we steered away West by South, a point South all day until nine of the clock at night; than it began to Thunder and Lighten, whereupon we took in all our sails, and laid it a hull, and hulled away North till midnight, a league and a half. The fifteenth, very fair and hot weather, the wind at North by East. At four of the clock in the morning we set sail, and stood on our course to the Westward. At noon we found our height to be 37. degrees 25. minutes. The afternoon proved little wind. 37. Degrees 25. minutes. At eight of the clock at night, the wind came to the North, and we: steered West by North, and West Northwest, and made our way West. The Compass varied 7. degrees from the North to the West. The sixteenth, faire-shining weather, and very hot, the wind variable between the North and the West, we steered away West by North. At noon we found our height to be 37. degrees 6. minutes. This morning we sounded and had ground in ninety fathoms, 37. Degrees 6. minutes. and in six Glasses running it shoalded to fifty fathoms, and so to eight and twenty fathoms, at four of the clock in the afternoon. Then we came to an Anchor, and road till eight of the clock at night, the wind being at South and Moonlight, we resolved to go to the Northward to find deeper water. So we weighed and stood to the Northward, and found the water to should and deep, from eight and twenty to twenty fathoms. The seventeenth, fair and clear Sunshining weather, the wind at South by West, we steered to the Northward till four of the clock in the morning, than we came to eighteen fathoms. So we Anchored until the Sun arose to look abroad for Land, for we judged there could not but be Land near us, but we could see none. Then we weighed and stood to the Westward till noon. And at eleven of the clock we had sight of a low Land, with a white sandy shore. By twelve of the clock we were come into five fathoms, and Anchored; A low Land with a white sandy shore▪ 37. degrees 26. minutes. and the Land was four leagues from us, and we had sight of it from the West, to the Northwest by North. Our height was 37. degrees 26. minutes. Then the wind blew so stiff a gale, and such a Sea went, that we could not weigh; so we road there all night an hard road. The eighteenth, in the morning fair weather, and little wind at North North-east and North-east. At four of the clock in the morning, we weighed and stood into the shore to see the deeping or shoalding of it, and finding it too deep, we stood in to get a road; for we saw as it were three Lands. So we turned to windward to get into a Bay, as it showed to us to the Westward of an Island. For the three Lands did bear North off us. But toward noon the wind blew Northerly, with gusts of wind and rain. So we stood off into the Sea again all night; and running off we found a Channel, wherein we had no less than eight, nine, ten, eleven, and twelve fathoms water. For in coming over the Bar, we had five, and four fathoms and a half, and it lieth five leagues from the shore, and it is the Bar of Virginia. At the North end of it, it is ten leagues broad, and South and North, but deep water from ninety fathoms to five, Bar of Virginia. King's River. and four and a half. The Land lieth South and North. This is the entrance into the King's River in Virginia, where our Englishmen are. The North side of it lieth in 37. degrees 26. minutes, you shall know when you come to should water or sounding; for the water will look Green or thick, you shall have ninety and eighty fathoms, and shoalding a pace till you come to ten, eleven, nine, eight, seven, ten, and nine fathoms, and so to five, and four fathoms and a half. The nineteenth, fair weather, but an hard gale of wind at the North-east, we stood off till noon, and made our way Southeast by East, two and twenty leagues. Note. At noon we cast about to the Westward, and stood till six of the clock in the afternoon, and went five leagues and a half Northwest by North. Then we cast about again to the Eastward, and stood that way till four the next morning. The twentieth, fair and clear weather, the wind variable between East North-east, and North-east. At four of the clock in the morning, we cast about to the Westward, and stood till noon; at which time I sounded; and had two and thirty fathoms. Then we take to the Eastward again; we found our height to be 37. degrees 22. minutes. 37. degrees 22. minutes. We stood to the Eastward all night, and had very much wind. At eight of the clock at night we took off our Bonnets, and stood with small sail. The one and twentieth, was a sore storm of wind and rain all day and all night, wherefore we stood to the Eastward with a small sail: till one of the clock in the afternoon. Then a great Sea broke into our fore-corse and split it; so we were forced to take it from the yard and mend it; we lay a try with our mayne-corse all night. This night our Cat ran crying from one side of the ship to the other, looking overboard, which made us to wonder; but we saw nothing. The two and twentieth, stormy weather, with gusts of rain and wind. In the morning at eight of the clock we set our fore-corse, and stood to the Eastward under our foresail, mayne-sayle and mizzen, and from noon to noon, we made our way East Southeast, fourteen leagues. The night reasonable dry but cloudy, Variation 4. degrees Westward. the wind variable all day and night. Our Compass was varied 4. degrees Westward. The three and twentieth, very fair weather, but some Thunder in the morning, the wind variable between East by North. At noon we tacked about to the Northward, the wind at East by North. The afternoon very fair, the wind variable, and continued so all night. Our way we made East Southeast, till noon the next day. The four and twentieth, fair and hot weather, with the wind variable between the North and the East. The afternoon variable wind. But at four of the clock, the wind came to the East and Southeast; so we steered away North by West, and in three Watches we went thirteen leagues. At noon our height was 35. degrees 41. minutes, being far off at Sea from the Land. The five and twentieth, fair weather and very hot. All the morning was very calm until eleven of the clock; the wind came to Southeast, and South Southeast; so we steered away Northwest by North, two Watches and a half, and one Watch Northwest by West, and went eighteen leagues. At noon I found our height to be 36. degrees 20. minutes, being without sight of Land. The six and twentieth, fair and hot weather, the wind variable upon all the points of the Compass. From two of the clock in the morning until noon, we made our way North by East, seven leagues. In the afternoon the wind came to the North-east, and vering to the East Southeast, we steered away Northwest fifteen leagues, from noon till ten of the clock at night. At eight of the clock at night we sounded, and had eighteen fathoms, and were come to the Bank of Virginia, The Bank of Virginia. The Coast lieth South South-west, and North Northwest. Latitude 37. degrees 15. minutes. and could not see the Land. We kept sounding, and steered away North, and came to eight fathoms, and Anchored there; for the wind was at East Southeast, so that we could not get off. For the Coast lieth along South South-west, and North North-east. At noon our height was 37. degrees 15. minutes. And we found that we were returned to the same place, from whence we were put off at our first seeing Land. The seven and twentieth, fair weather and very hot, the wind at East Southeast. In the morning as soon as the Sun was up, we looked out and had sight of the Land. Then we weighed, and stood in Northwest two Glasses, and found the Land to be the place, from whence we put off first. So we kept our loof, and steered along the Land, and had the Bank lie all along the shore; This agreeth with Robert Tyndall. and we had in two leagues off the shore, five, six, seven, eight, nine, and ten fathoms. The Coast lieth South South-west, and is a white Sandie shore, and showeth full of Bays and Points. The stream setteth West South-west, and East North-east. At six of the clock at night, we were thwart of an Harbour or River, but we saw a Bar lie before it; and all within the Land to the Northward, the water ran with many Lands in it. At six of the clock we Anchored, and sent our Boat to sound to the shoareward, and found no less than four and a half, five, six, and seven fathoms. The eight and twentieth, fair and hot weather, the wind at South South-west. In the morning at six of the clock we weighed, and steered away North twelve leagues till noon, and came to the Point of the Land; The Point of the Land. and being hard by the Land in five fathoms, on a sudden we came into three fathoms; then we bear up and had but ten foot water, and joined to the Point. Then as soon as we were over, we had five, six, seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve, A great Bay and Rivers. and thirteen fathoms. Then we found the Land to trend away Northwest, with a great Bay and Rivers. But the Bay we found should; and in the offing we had ten fathoms, and had sight of Breaches and dry Sand. Then we were forced to stand back again; so we stood back Southeast by South, three leagues. And at seven of the clock we Anchored in eight fathoms water; and found a Tide set to the Northwest, and North Northwest, and it riseth one fathom, A small Shallop needful. and floweth South Southeast. And he that will throughly Discover this great Bay, must have a small Pinnace, that must draw but four or five foot water, to sound before him. At five in the morning we weighed, and steered away to the Eastward on many courses, The Norther Land is full of shoalds. for the Norther Land is full of shoalds. We were among them, and once we struck, and we went away; and steered away to the Southeast. So we had two, three, four, five, six, and seven fathoms, and so deeper and deeper. The nine and twentieth, fair weather, with some Thunder and showers, the wind shifting between the South South-west, and the North Northwest. In the morning we weighed at the break of day, Many Lands. and stood toward the Norther Land, which we found to be all Lands to our sight, and great storms from them, and are should three leagues off. For we coming by them, had but seven, They strike. six, five, four, three, and two fathoms and a half, and struck ground with our Rudder, we steered off South-west, one Glass, and had five fathoms. Then we steered Southeast three Glasses, than we found seven fathoms, and steered North-east by East, four leagues, and came to twelve and thirteen fathoms. At one of the clock, I went to the topmast head, and set the Land, and the body of the Lands did bear Northwest by North. And at four of the clock, we had gone four leagues East Southeast, and North-east by East, and found but seven fathoms, and it was calm, so we Anchored. Then I went again to the topmast head, to see how far I could see Land about us, and could see no more but the Lands. And the Souther point of them did bear Northwest by West, eight leagues off. So we road till midnight. Then the wind came to the North Northwest, so we weighed and set sail. The thirtieth, in the morning between twelve and one, we weighed, and stood to the Eastward, the wind at North Northwest, we steered away and made our way East Southeast. From our weighing till noon, eleven leagues. Our soundings were eight, nine, ten, eleven, twelve, and thirteen fathoms till day. Then we came to eighteen, nineteen, twenty, and to six and twenty fathoms by noon. Then I observed the Sun, and found the height to be 39 degrees 5. minutes, and saw no Land. In the afternoon, Latitude 39 degrees 5. minutes. the wind came to North by West; So we lay close by with our foresail: and our mayne-sayle, and it was little wind until twelve of the clock at midnight, than we had a gale a little while. Then I sounded, and all the night our soundings were thirty, and six and thirty fathoms, and we went little. The one and thirtieth, fair weather and little wind. At six of the clock in the morning we cast about to the Northward, the wind being at the North-east, little wind. At noon it fell calm, and I found the height to be 38. degrees 39 minutes. And the streams had deceived us, Latitude 38. degrees 39 minutes. Deceitful streams. and our sounding was eight and thirty fathoms. In the afternoon I sounded again, and had but thirty fathoms. So we found that we were heaved too and fro with the streams of the Tide, both by our observations and our depths. From noon till four of the clock in the afternoon, it was calm. At six of the clock we had a little gale Southerly, and it continued all night, sometimes calm, and sometimes a gale; we went eight leagues from noon to noon, North by East. The first of September, fair weather, the wind variable between East and South, September. Latitude 39 degrees 3. minutes. we steered away North Northwest. At noon we found our height to be 39 degrees 3. minutes. We had soundings thirty, twenty seven, twenty four, and twenty two fathoms, as we went to the Northward. At six of the clock we had one and twenty fathoms. And all the third watch till twelve of the clock at midnight, we had soundings one and twenty, two and twenty, eighteen, two and twenty, one and twenty, eighteen, and two and twenty fathoms, and went six leagues near hand North Northwest. The second, in the morning close weather, the wind at South in the morning; from twelve until two of the clock we steered North Northwest, and had sounding one and twenty fathoms, and in running one Glass we had but sixteen fathoms, than seventeen, and so shoalder and shoalder until it came to twelve fathoms. We saw a great Fire, but could not see the Land, than we came to ten fathoms, whereupon we brought our tacks aboard, and stood to the Eastward East Southeast, four Glasses. Then the Sun arose, and we steered away North again, and saw the Land from the West by North, to the Northwest by North, all like broken Lands, and our soundings were eleven and ten fathoms. Then we looft in for the shore, The Land like broken Lands. The course along the Land from the mouth of one River, to the mouth of the Norther Bay or Lake. Variation 8. degrees near the Hills. 2. degrees variation off at Sea. and fair by the shore, we had seven fathoms. The course along the Land we found to be North-east by North. From the Land which we had first sight of, until we came to a great Lake of water, as we could judge it to be, being drowned Land, which made it to rise like Lands, which was in length ten leagues. The mouth of that Lake hath many shoalds, and the Sea breaketh on them as it is cast out of the mouth of it. And from that Lake or Bay, the Land lieth North by East, and we had a great stream out of the Bay; and from thence our sounding was ten fathoms, two leagues from the Land. At five of the clock we Anchored, being little wind, and road in eight fathoms water, the night was fair. This night I found the Land to hall the Compass 8. degrees. For to the Northward off us we saw high Hills. For the day before we found not above 2. degrees of Variation. This is a very good Land to fall with, and a pleasant Land to see. The third, the morning misty until ten of the clock, than it cleared, and the wind came to the South Southeast, so we weighed and stood to the Northward. The Land is very pleasant and high, and bold to fall withal. At three of the clock in the afeer-noone, High and a bold shore. Three great Rivers. The Northermost barred. An excellent River. Latitude 40. degrees 30. minutes. we came to three great Rivers. So we stood along to the Northermost, thinking to have gone into it, but we found it to have a very should bar before it, for we had but ten foot water. Then we cast about to the Southward, and found two fathoms, three fathoms, and three and a quarter, till we came to the Souther side of them, than we had five and six fathoms, and Anchored. So we sent in our Boat to sound, and they found no less water than four, five, six, and seven fathoms, and returned in an hour and a half. So we weighed and went in, and road in five fathoms, Ozie ground, and saw many Salmon, and Mullets, and Rays very great. The height is 40. degrees 30. minutes. The fourth, in the morning as soon as the day was light, we saw that it was good riding farther up. So we sent our Boat to sound, and found that it was a very good Harbour; and four and five fathoms, A very good Harbour. two Cables length from the shore. Then we weighed and went in with our ship. Then our Boat went on Land with our Net to Fish, and caught ten great Mullets, of a foot and a half long a piece, and a Ray as great as four men could hale into the ship. So we trimmed our Boat and road still all day. At night the wind blew hard at the Northwest, and our Anchor came home, and we drove on shore, but took no hurt, thanked be God, for the ground is soft sand and Oze. The people of the Country come aboard, they are very civil. Yellow Copper. Tall Oakes. This day the people of the Country came aboard of us, seeming very glad of our coming, and brought green Tobacco, and gave us of it for Knives and Beads. They go in Dear skins lose, well dressed. They have yellow Copper. They desire clothes, and are very civil. They have great store of Maiz or Indian Wheat, whereof they make good Bread. The Country is full of great and tall Oaks. The fifth, in the morning as soon as the day was light, the wind ceased and the Flood came. So we heaved off our ship again into five fathoms water, and sent our Boat to sound the Bay, and we found that there was three fathoms hard by the Souther shore. The great Bay in 40. degrees and 30. minute. Our men went on Land there, and saw great store of Men, Women and Children, who gave them Tobacco at their coming on Land. So they went up into the Woods, and saw great store of very goodly Oaks, and some Currants. Dried Currants. Mantles of Feathers, Furs, Hemp. Red Copper. For one of them came aboard and brought some dried, and gave me some, which were sweet and good. This day many of the people came aboard, some in Mantles of Feathers, and some in Skins of diverse sorts of good Furs. Some women also came to us with Hemp. They had red Copper Tabacco pipes, and other things of Copper they did wear about their necks. At night they went on Land again, so we road very quiet, but durst not trust them. The sixth, in the morning was fair weather, and our Master sent john Colman, with four other men in our Boat over to the North-side, Another River four leagues to the Northward. A narrow River to the Westward. to sound the other Rivers, being four leagues from us. They found by the way should water two fathoms; but at the North of the River eighteen, and twenty fathoms, and very good riding for Ships; and a narrow River to the Westward between two Lands. The Lands they told us were as pleasant with Grass and Flowers, and goodly Trees, as ever they had seen, and very sweet smells came from them. So they went in two leagues and saw an open Sea, and returned; and as they came back, they were set upon by two Canoes, the one having twelve, the other fourteen men. The night came on, and it began to rain, so that their Match went out; and they had one man slain in the fight, which was an Englishman, Colman slain, and two more hurt. named john Colman, with an Arrow shot into his throat, and two more hurt. It grew so dark that they could not find the ship that night, but laboured too and fro on their Oars. They had so great a stream, that their grapnel would not hold them. The seventh, was fair, and by ten of the clock they returned aboard the ship, and brought our dead man with them, whom we carried on Land and buried, and named the point after his name, Colmans' Point. Colmans Point. Then we hoist in our Boat, and raised her side with waste boards for defence of our men. So we road still all night, having good regard to our Watch. The eight, was very fair weather, we road still very quietly. The people came aboard us, and brought Tobacco and Indian Wheat, to exchange for Knives and Beads, and offered us no violence. So we fitting up our Boat did mark them, to see if they would make any show of the Death of our man; which they did not. The ninth, fair weather. In the morning, two great Canoes came aboard full of men; the one with their Bows and Arrows, and the other in show of buying of Knives to betray us; but we perceived their intent. Treacherous Savages. We took two of them to have kept them, and put red Coats on them, and would not suffer the other to come near us. So they went on Land, and two other came aboard in a Canoe: we took the one and let the other go; but he which we had taken, got up and leapt overboard. Then we weighed and went off into the channel of the River, and Anchored there all night. The tenth, fair weather, we road still till twelve of the clock. Then we weighed and went over, and found it should all the middle of the River, for we could find but two fathoms and a half, and three fathoms for the space of a league; then we came to three fathoms, and four fathoms, and so to seven fathoms, and Anchored, and road all night in soft Ozie ground. The bank is Sand. The eleventh, was fair and very hot weather. At one of the clock in the afternoon, we weighed and went into the River, the wind at South South-west, little wind. Our soundings were seven, six, five, six, seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve, thirteen, and fourteen fathoms. Then it shoalded again, and came to five fathoms. Then we Anchored, and saw that it was a very good Harbour for all winds, Good Harbour and road all night. The people of the Country came aboard of us, making show of love, and gave us Tobacco and Indian Wheat, and departed for that night; but we durst not trust them. The twelfth, very fair and hot. In the afternoon at two of the clock we weighed, the wind being variable, between the North and the Northwest. So we turned into the River two leagues and Anchored. This morning at our first road in the River, there came eight and twenty Canoes full of men, women and children to betray us: but we saw their intent, and suffered none of them to come aboard of us. At twelve of the clock they departed. 28. Canoes full of men. Oysters and Beans. Copper Pipes. They brought with them Oysters and Beans, whereof we bought some. They have great Tobacco pipes of yellow Copper, and Pots of Earth to dress their meat in. It floweth Southeast by South within. The thirteenth, fair weather, the wind Northerly. At seven of the clock in the morning, as the flood came we weighed, and turned four miles into the River. The tide being done we anchored. Then there came four Canoes aboard: but we suffered none of them to come into our ship. They brought great store of very good Oysters aboard, which we bought for trifles. In the night I set the variation of the Compass, and found it to be 13. degrees. Variation 13. degrees. In the afternoon we weighed, and turned in with the flood, two leagues and a half further, and anchored all night, and had five fathoms soft Ozie ground, and had an high point of Land, which showed out to us, bearing North by East five leagues off us. The fourteenth, in the morning being very fair weather, the wind Southeast, we sailed up the River twelve leagues, and had five fathoms, and five fathoms and a quarter less; and came to a Straight between two Points, and had eight, nine, and ten fathoms: and it trended North-east by North, one league: and we had twelve, thirteen and fourteen fathoms. The River is a mile broad: there is very high Land on both sides. Then we went up Northwest, The River a mile broad. a league and an half deep water. Then North-east by North five miles; then Northwest by North two leagues, and anchored. The Land grew very high and Mountainous. Very high and mountainous Land. The River is full of fish. The fifteenth, in the morning was misty until the Sun arose: than it cleared. So we weighed with the wind at South, and ran up into the River twenty leagues, passing by high Mountains. We had a very good depth, as six, seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve, and thirteen fathoms, and great store of Salmon in the River. This morning our two Savages got out of a Port and swum away. After we were under sail, they called to us in scorn. At night we came to other Mountains, which lie from the River's side. There we found very loving people, Very loving people. and very old men: where we were well used. Our Boat went to fish, and caught great store of very good fish. The sixteenth, fair and very hot weather. In the morning our Boat went again to fishing, but could catch but few, by reason their Canoes had been there all night. This morning the people came aboard, and brought us ears of Indian Corn, and Pompions, and Tobacco: Maiz, Pompions and Tobacco. which we bought for trifles. We road still all day, and filled fresh water; at night we weighed and went two leagues higher, and had should water: so we anchored till day. The seventeenth, fair Sunshining weather, and very hot. In the morning as soon as the Sun was up, we set sail, and ran up six leagues higher, Shoalds and small Lands. and found shoalds in the middle of the channel, and small Lands, but seven fathoms water on both sides. Toward night we borrowed so near the shore, that we grounded: so we laid out our small anchor, and heaved off again. Then we borrowed on the bank in the channel, and came aground again; while the flood ran we heaved off again, and anchored all night. The eighteenth, in the morning was fair weather, and we road still. In the afternoon our Master's Mate went on land with an old Savage, a Governor of the Country; who carried him to his house, and made him good cheer. The nineteenth, was fair and hot weather: at the flood being near eleven of the clock, we weighed, and ran higher up two leagues above the Shoalds, and had no less water than five fathoms: we anchored, and road in eight fathoms. The people of the Country came flocking aboard, and brought us Grapes, and Pompions, Grapes and Pompions: Beavers and Otters skins. which we bought for trifles. And many brought us Bevers skins, and Otters skins, which we bought for Beads, Knives, and Hatchets. So we road there all night. The twentieth, in the morning was fair weather. Our Master's Mate with four men more went up with our Boat to sound the River, and found two leagues above us but two fathoms water, and the channel very narrow; and above that place seven or eight fathoms. Toward night they returned: and we road still all night. The one and twentieth, was fair weather, and the wind all Southerly: we determined yet once more to go farther up into the River, to try what depth and breadth it did bear; but much people resorted aboard, so we went not this day. Our Carpenter went on land, and made a Fore-yard. And our Master and his Mate determined to try some of the chief men of the Country, whether they had any treachery in them. So they took them down into the cabin, and gave them so much Wine and Aqua vitae, that they were ●ll merry: and one of them had his wife with him, which sat so modestly, as any of our Country women would do in a strange place. In the end one of them was drunk, which had been aboard of our ship all the time that we had been there: and that was strange to them; for they could not tell how to take it. The Canoes and folk went all on shore: but some of them came again, and brought stropes of Beads: some had six, seven, eight, nine, ten; and gave him. So he slept all night quietly. The two and twentieth, was fair weather: in the morning our Master's Mate and four more of the company went up with our Boat to sound the River higher up. The people of the Country came not aboard till noon: but when they came, and saw the Savages well, they were glad. So at three of the clock in the afternoon they came aboard, and brought Tobacco, and more Beads, Oration. and gave them to our Master, and made an Oration, and showed him all the Country ●ound about. Then they sent one of their company on land, who presently returned, and brought a great Platter full of Venison, dressed by themselves; and they caused him to eat with them: then they made him reverence, and departed all save the old man that lay aboard. This night at ten of the clock, our Boat returned in a shower of rain from sounding of the River; and found it to be at an end for shipping to go in. End of the River's N●uigablenesse. For they had been up eight or nine leagues, and found but seven foot water, and unconstant soundings. The three and twentieth, fair weather. At twelve of the clock we weighed, and went down two leagues to a should that had two channels, They return down the River. one on the one side, and another on the other, and had little wind, whereby the tide laid us upon it. So, there we sat on ground the space of an hour till the flood came. Then we had a little gale of wind at the West. So we got our ship into deep water, and road all night very well. The four and twentieth was fair weather: the wind at the Northwest, we weighed, and went down the River seven or eight leagues; and at half ebb we came on ground on a bank of Oze in the middle of the River, and sat there till the flood. Then we went on Land, Store of Chest-nuts. and gathered good store of Chest-nuts. At ten of the clock we came off into deep water, and anchored. The five and twentieth was fair weather, and the wind at South a stiff gale. We road still, and went on Land to walk on the West side of the River, and found good ground for Corn, and other Garden herbs, Okes, Wal-nut trees, Chest-nut trees, Ewe trees, Cedar trees, etc. with great store of goodly Oaks, and Wal-nut trees, and Chest-nut trees, Ewe trees, and trees of sweet wood in great abundance, and great store of Slate for houses, and other good stones. The six and twentieth was fair weather, and the wind at South a stiff gale, we road still. In the morning our Carpenter went on Land with our Master's Mate, and four more of our company to cut wood. This morning, two Canoes came up the River from the place where we first found loving people, and in one of them was the old man that had lain aboard of us at the other place. He brought another old man with him, which brought more stropes of Beads, and gave them to our Master, and showed him all the Country there about, as though it were at his command. So he made the two old men dine with him, and the old man's wife: for they brought two old women, and two young maidens of the age of sixteen or seventeen years with them, who behaved themselves very modestly. Our Master gave one of the old men a Knife, and they gave him and us Tobacco. And at one of the clock they departed down the River, making signs that we should come down to them; for we were within two leagues of the place where they dwelled. The seven and twentieth, in the morning was fair weather, but much wind at the North, we weighed and set our fore topsail, and our ship would not flat, but ran on the Ozie bank at half ebb. We laid out anchor to heave her off, but could not. So we sat from half ebb to half flood: then we set our foresail and main topsail, and got down six leagues. The old man came aboard, and would have had us anchor, and go on Land to eat with him: but the wind being fair, we would not yield to his request; So he left us, being very sorrowful for our departure. At five of the clock in the afternoon, the wind came to the South South-west. So we made a board or two, and anchored in fourteen fathoms water. Then our Boat went on shore to fish right against the ship. Our Master's Mate and Boatswain, and three more of the company went on land to fish, but could not find a good place. They took four or five and twenty Mullets, Breames, Bases, and Barbils; and returned in an hour. We road still all night. The eight and twentieth, being fair weather, as soon as the day was light, we weighed at half ebb, and turned down two leagues below water; for, the stream doth run the last quarter ebb: then we anchored till high water. At three of the clock in the afternoon we weighed, and turned down three leagues, until it was dark: then we anchored. The nine and twentieth was dry close weather: the wind at South, and South and by West, we weighed early in the morning, and turned down three leagues by a low water, and anchored at the lower end of the long Reach; for it is six leagues long. Then there came certain Indians in a Canoe to us, but would not come aboard. After dinner there came the Canoe with other men, whereof three came aboard us. They brought Indian Wheat, which we bought for trifles. At three of the clock in the afternoon we weighed, as soon as the ebb came, and turned down to the edge of the Mountains, or the Northermost of the Mountains, and anchored: Mountains. because the high Land hath many Points, and a narrow channel, and hath many eddy winds. So we road quietly all night in seven fathoms water. The thirtieth was fair weather, and the wind at Southeast a stiff gale between the Mountains. We road still the afternoon. The people of the Country came aboard us, and brought some small skins with them, which we bought for Knives and Trifles. This a very pleasant place to build a Town on. The Road is very near, and very good for all winds, Small skins. A pleasant place to build a Town on. save an East North-east wind. The Mountains look as if some Metal or Mineral were in them. For the Trees that grow on them were all blasted, and some of them barren with few or no Trees on them. The people brought a stone aboard like to Emery (a stone used by Glas●ers to cut Glass) it would cut Iron or Steel: Yet being bruised small, and water put to it, Likelihood of Minerals. it made a colour like black Lead glistering; It is also good for Painter's Colours. At three of the clock they departed, and we road still all night. The first of October, fair weather, the wind variable between the West and the North. In the morning we weighed at seven of the clock with the ebb, October▪ and got down below the Mountains, which was seven leagues. Then it fell calm and the flood was come, and we anchored at twelve of the clock. The people of the Mountains came aboard us, wondering at our ship and weapons. We bought some small skins of them for Trifles. This afternoon, one Canoe kept hanging under our stern with one man in it, which we could not keep from thence, who got up by our Rudder to the Cabin window, and stole out my Pillow, and two Shirts, and two Bandoliers. Our Master's Mate shot at him, and struck him on the breast, and killed him. Whereupon all the rest fled away, some in their Canoes, and so leapt out of them into the water. We manned our Boat, and got our things again. Then one of them that swam got hold of our Boat, thinking to overthrow it. But our Cook took a Sword, and cut off one of his hands, and he was drowned. By this time the ebb was come, and we weighed and got down two leagues, by that time it was dark. So we anchored in four fathoms water, and road well. The second, fair weather. At break of day we weighed, the wind being at Northwest, and got down seven leagues; then the flood was come strong, so we anchored. Then came one of the Savages that swam away from us at our going up the River with many other, thinking to betray us. But we perceived their intent, and suffered none of them to enter our ship. Treachery of these Savages. A skirmish and slaughter of the Savages. Whereupon two Canoes full of men, with their Bows and Arrows shot at us after our stern: in recompense whereof we discharged six Muskets, and killed two or three of them. Then above an hundred of them came to a point of Land to shoot at us. There I shot a Falcon at them, and killed two of them: whereupon the rest fled into the Woods. Yet they manned off another Canoe with nine or ten men, which came to meet us. So I shot at it also a Falcon, and shot it through, and killed one of them. Then our men with their Muskets, killed three or four more of them. So they went their way, within a while after, we got down two leagues beyond that place, and anchored in a Bay, clear from all danger of them on the other side of the River, where we saw a very good piece of ground: and hard by it there was a Cliff, that looked of the colour of a white green, as though it were either Copper, or Silver Mine: A Mine of Copper or Silver. The Country of Manna-hata. and I think it to be one of them, by the Trees that grow upon it. For they be all burned, and the other places are green as grass, it is on that side of the River that is called Manna-hata. There we saw no people to trouble us: and road quietly all night, but had much wind and rain. The third, was very stormy; the wind at East North-east. In the morning, in a gust of wind and rain our Anchor came home, and we drove on ground, but it was Ozie. Then as we were about to have out an Anchor, the wind came to the North Northwest, and drove us off again. Then we shot an Anchor, and let it fall in four fathoms water, and weighed the other. We had much wind and rain, with thick weather: so we road still all night. The fourth, was fair weather, and the wind at North Northwest, we weighed and came out of the River, into which we had run so far. Within a while after, we came out also of The great mouth of the great River, that runneth up to the Northwest, The great mouth of the great River. borrowing upon the Norther side of the same, thinking to have deep water: for we had sounded a great way with our Boat at our first going in, and found seven, six, and five fathoms. So we came out that way, but we were deceived, for we had but eight foot & an half water: and so to three, five, three, and two fathoms and an half. And then three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine and ten fathoms. And by twelve of the clock we were clear of all the Inlet. Then we took in our Boat, and set our mayne-sayle and sprit-sayle, and our top-sails, and steered away East Southeast, They leave the Coast of Virginia. and Southeast by East off into the main sea: and the Land on the Souther-side of the Bay or Inlet, did bear at noon West and by South four leagues from us. The fifth, was fair weather, and the wind variable between the North and the East. We held on our course Southeast by East. At noon I observed and found our height to be 39 degrees 30. minutes. Our Compass varied six degrees to the West. We continued our course toward England, without seeing any Land by the way, all the rest of this month of October: And on the seventh day of November, stilo nono, being Saturday: by the Grace of God we safely arrived in the Range of Dartmouth in Devonshire, in the year 1609. CHAP. XVII. An Abstract of the journal of Master HENRY HUDSON, for the Discovery of the Northwest Passage, begun the seventeenth of April, 1610. ended with his end, being treacherously exposed by some of the Company. April 17. THe seventeenth of April, 1610. we broke ground, and went down from Saint Katherine's Pool, and fell down to Blackewall: and so plied down with the ships to Lee, which was the two and twentieth day. The two and twentieth, I caused Master Coleburne to be put into a Pink, bound for London, with my Letter to the Adventurers, importing the reason wherefore I so put him out of the ship, and so plied forth. The second of May, the wind Southerly, at Eeven we were thwart of Flamborough Head. May. The Isles of Orkney. The fifth, we were at the Isles of Orkney, and here I set the North end of the Needle, and the North of the Fly all one. The sixth, we were in the latitude of 59 degrees 22. minutes, and there perceived that the North end of Scotland, Note. far Lands 62 degrees 24. minutes. Westmony. Orney, and Shotland are not so Northerly, as is commonly set down. The eight day, we saw far Lands, in the latitude of 62. degrees 24. minutes. The eleventh day, we fell with the Easter part of Island, and then plying along the Souther part of the Land, we came to Westmony, being the fifteenth day, and still plied about the main Island, until the last of May with contrary winds, and we got some Fowls of diverse sorts. june. The first day of june, we put to Sea out of an Harbour, in the Westermost part of Island, and so plied to the Westward in the latitude of 66. degrees 34. minutes, and the second day plied and found ourselves in 65. degrees 57 minutes, with little wind Easterly. The third day, we found ourselves in 65. degrees 30. minutes, with wind at North-east, a little before this we sailed near some Ice. Groneland. The fourth day, we saw Groneland over the Ice perfectly, and this night the Sun went down due North, and rose North North-east. So plying the fifth day, we were in 65. degrees, still encumbered with much Ice, which hung upon the Coast of Groneland. Frobishers' straits. The ninth day, we were off Frobishers straits with the wind Northerly, and plied unto the Southwestwards until the fifteenth day. The fifteenth day, we were in sight of the land, in latitude 59 degrees 27. minutes, which was called by Captain john Davis', Desolation, and found the error of the former laying down of that Land: Desolation. and then running to the Northwestward until the twentieth day, we found the ship in 60. degrees 42. minutes, and saw much Ice, and many Riplings or Ouerfals, and a strong stream setting from East Southeast, A current West Northwest. to West Northwest. The one and twenty, two and twenty, and three and twenty days, with the wind variable, we plied to the Northwestward in sight of much Ice, into the height of 62. degrees 29. minutes. East entrance into the straits. The four and twenty, and five and twenty days, sailing to the Westward about midnight, we saw Land North, which was suddenly lost again. So we ran still to the Westward in 62. degrees 17. minutes. july. The fifth of july, we plied up upon the Souther side, troubled with much Ice in seeking the shore until the fifth day of july, and we observed that day in 59 degrees 16. minutes. Then we plied off the shore again, until the eight day, and then found the height of the Pole in 60. degrees no minutes. Here we saw the Land from the Northwest by West, half Northerly unto the South-west by West, covered with snow, a Champagne Land, and called it, Desire provoketh. Desire provoketh. We still plied up to the Westward, as the Land and Ice would suffer until the eleventh day; when fearing a storm, we anchored by three Rocky Lands in uncertain depth, between two and nine fathoms; and found it an Harbour unsufficient by reason of sunken Rocks, one of which was next morning two fathoms above water. Isles of God's Mercies. We called them the Isles of God's Mercies. The water floweth here better than four fathoms. The Flood cometh from the North, flowing eight the change day. The latitude in this place is 62. degrees 9 minutes. Then plying to the Southwestward the sixteenth day, we were in the latitude of 58. degrees 50. minutes, but found ourselves embayed with Land, and had much Ice: and we plied to the Northwestward until the nineteenth day, and then we found by observation the height of the Pole in 61. degrees 24. minutes, and saw the Land, which I named, Hold with Hope. A mighty grown Sea. Hold with Hope. Hence I plied to the Northwestward still, until the one and twentieth day, with the wind variable. here I found the Sea more grown, than any we had since we left England. The three and twentieth day, by observation the height of the Pole was 61. degrees 33. minutes. The five and twentieth day, we saw the Land; and named it Magna Britannia. The six and twentieth day, we observed and found the latitude in 62. degrees 44. minutes. Magna Britannia. The eight and twentieth day, we were in the height of 63. degrees 10. minutes, and plied Southerly of the West. The one and thirtieth day, plying to the Westward, at noon we found ourselves in 62. degrees 24. minutes. The first of August, we had fight of the Northern shore, from the North by East to the West by South off us: the North part twelve leagues, and the Wester part twenty leagues from us: August. and we had no ground there at one hundred and eighty fathoms. And I think I saw Land on the Sun side, but could not make it perfectly, bearing East North-east. Here I found the latitude 62. degrees 50. minutes. The second day, we had sight of a fair Head-land, on the Norther shore six leagues off, which I called Salisburies' Fore-land: we ran from them West South-west, fourteen leagues: In the midway of which we were suddenly come into a great and whurling Sea, Salisburies' fore-land: A great and whurling Sea: A Straight which led us into the deep Bay of God's great Mercies. whether caused by meeting of two streams, or an Ouerfall, I know not. Thence sailing West and by South seven leagues farther, we were in the mouth of a Straight and sounded, and had no ground at one hundred fathoms: the Straight being there not above two leagues broad, in the passage in this Wester part: which from the Easter part of Fretum Danis, is distant two hundred and fifty leagues there abouts. The third day, we put through the narrow passage, after our men had been on Land, which had well observed there, That the Flood did come from the North, flowing by the shore five fathoms. The head of this entrance on the South side, I named Cape Worsenholme; Cape Worsenholme. Cape Digs. and the head on the North-wester shore, I called Cape Digs. After we had sailed with an Easterly wind, West and by South ten leagues, the Land fell away to the Southward, and the other Isles and Land left us to the Westward. Then I observed and found the ship at noon in 61. degrees 20. minutes, and a Sea to the Westward. A larger Discourse of the same Voyage, and the success thereof, written by ABACUK PRICKET. WE began our Voyage for the Northwest passage; the seventeenth of April, 1610. Thwart of Shepey, our Master sent Master Colbert back to the Owners with his Letter. The next day we weighed from hence, and stood for Harwich, and came thither the eight and twentieth of April. From Harwich we set sail the first of May, along the Coast to the North, till we came to the Isles of Orkney, from thence to the Isles of Faro, Orkney. far Iles. Island. The Southeast part of Island. and from thence to Island: on which we fell in a fog, hearing the Rutilio of the Sea ashore, but saw not the Land whereupon our Master came to an Anchor. here we were embayed in the Southeast part of the Land. We weighed and stood along the Coast, on the West side towards the North: but one day being calm, we fell a fishing, and caught good store of fish, as Cod and Ling, and Butte, with some other sorts that we knew not. The next day, we had a good gale of wind at South-west, and raised the Isles of Westmonie, where the King of Denmark hath a Fortress, by which we passed to raise the Snow Hill foot, Westmonie Island. Mount Hecla casteth out fire. A main of Ice. a Mountain so called on the Northwest part of the Land. But in our course we saw that famous Hill, Mount Hecla, which cast out much fire, a sign of foul weather to come in short time. We leave Island a stern of us, and met a Main of Ice, which did hang on the North part of Island, and stretched down to the West, which when our Master saw, he stood back for Island to find an Harbour, which we did on the Northwest part, called * Or Diraford. Derefer, where we killed good store of Fowl. From hence we put to Sea again, but (neither wind nor weather serving) our Master stood back for this Harbour again, but could not reach it, but fell with another to the South of that, called by our Englishmen, Lousy Bay: where on the shore we found an hot Bath, and here all our Englishmen bathed themselves: the water was so hot that it would scald a Fowl. Lousy Bay. An hot Bath. The first of june. From hence the first of june we put to Sea for Groneland, but to the West we saw Land as we thought, for which we bear the best part of a day, but it proved but a foggy bank. So we gave it over, and made for Gronland, which we raised the fourth of june. Upon the Coast thereof hung good store of Ice, so that our Master could not attain to the shore by any means. The Land in this part is very Mountainous, and full of round Hills, like to Sugarloafs, covered with snow. We turned the Land on the South side, as near as the Ice would suffer us. Our course for the most part was between the West and Northwest, till we raised the Desolations, which is a great Island in the West part of Groneland. On this Coast we saw store of Whales, Island of Desolation. Store of Whales. and at one time three of them came close by us, so as we could hardly shun them: then two passing very near, and the third going under our ship, we received no harm by them, praised be God. From the Desolations our Master made his way Northwest, the wind being against him, who else would have gone more to the North: but in this course we saw the first great Island or Mountain of Ice, whereof after we saw store. About the latter end of june, we raised Land to the North of us, which our Master took to be that Island which Master Davis' setteth down in his Chart. On the West side of his Straight, our Master would have gone to the North of it, but the wind would not suffer him: so we fell to the South of it, into a great Rippling or over-fall of current, the which seateth to the West. Into the current we went, and made our way to the North of the West, till we met with Ice which hung on this Island. Wherefore our Master casting about, cleared himself of this Ice, and stood to the South, and then to the West, through store of floating Ice, and upon the Ice store of Seales. We gained a clear Sea, and continued our course till we meet Ice; first, with great Lands, and then with store of the smaller sort. Between them we made our course Northwest, till we met with Ice again. But, in this our going between the Ice, we saw one of the great Lands of Ice overturn, which was a good warning to us, not to come nigh them, nor within their reach. Into the Ice we put ahead, as between two Lands. Island of Ice overturneth. The next day we had a storm, and the wind brought the Ice so fast upon us, that in the end we were driven to put her into the chiefest of the Ice, and there to let her lie. Some of our men this day fell sick, I will not say it was for fear, although I saw small sign of other grief. The storm ceasing, we stood out of the Ice, where we saw any clear Sea to go to: which was sometime more, Danger by Ice. and sometime less. Our course was as the Ice did lie, sometime to the North, then to the Northwest, and then to the West, and to the South-west: but still enclosed with Ice. Which when our Master saw, he made his course to the South, thinking to clear himself of the Ice that way: but the more he strove, the worse he was, and the more enclosed, till we could go no further. Here our Master was in despair, and (as he told me after) he thought he should never have got out of this Ice, but there have perished. Therefore he brought forth his Card, and showed all the company, that he was entered above an hundred leagues further than ever any English was: Hudson entered 100 leagues further than any had been. and left it to their choice, whether they would proceed any further; yea, or nay. Whereupon, some were of one mind, and some of another, some wishing themselves at home, and some not caring where, so they were out of the Ice: but there were some who then spoke words, which were remembered a great while after. There was one who told the Master, that if he had an hundred pounds, he would give fourscore and ten to be at home: Discontents. but the Carpenter made answer, that if he had an hundred, he would not give ten upon any such condition, but would think it to be as good money as ever he had any, and to bring it as well home, by the leave of God. After many words to no purpose, to work we must on all hands, to get ourselves out, and to clear our ship. After much labour and time spent, we gained room to turn our ship in, and so by little and little, to get clear in the Sea a league or two off, our course being North and Northwest. In the end, we raised Land to the South-west, high Land and covered with Snow. Our Master named this Land, Desire provokes. Desire provokes. Lying here, we heard the noise of a great over-fall of a tide, that came out of the Land: for now we might see well, that we had been embayed before, and time had made us know, being so well acquainted with the Ice, that when night, or foggy, or foul weather took us, we would seek out the broadest Island of Ice, and there come to anchor and run, and sport, and fill water that stood on the Ice in Ponds, both sweet and good. But after we had brought this Land to bear South of us, we had the tide and the current to open the Ice, Exercises of pleasure and profit on the Ice. Difference of Tides and Bays. Ice above 100 fathom. as being carried first one way, and then another: but in Bays they lie as in a pond without moving. In this Bay where we were thus troubled with Ice, we saw many of those Mountains of Ice aground, in six or sevenscore fathom water. In this our course we saw a Bear upon a piece of Ice by itself, to the which our men gave chase with their Boat: but before they came nigh her, the tide had carried the Ice and the Bear on it, and joined it with the other Ice: so they lost their labour, and came aboard again. We continued our course to the Northwest, and raised Land to the North of our course, toward which we made, and coming nigh it, there hung on the Eastermost point, many Lands of floating Ice, and a Bear on one of them, which from one to another came towards us, till she was ready to come aboard. But when she saw us look at her, she cast her head between her hinder legs, and then dived under the Ice: and so from one piece to another, till she was out of our reach. We stood along by the Land on the Southside ahead of us, we met with Ice that hung on a point of Land that lay to the South, more than this that we came up by: which when our Master saw, A dangerous Rock. he stood in for the shore. At the West end of this Island (for so it is) we found an Harbour, and came in (at a full Sea) over a Rock, which had two fathom and an half on it, and was so much bare at a low water. But by the great mercy of God, we came to an Anchor clear of it: Isles of God's Mercy. and close by it, our Master named them, the Isles of God's Mercy. This is an Harbour for need, but there must be care had how they come in. here our Master sent me, and others with me, to discover to the North and Northwest: and in going from one place to another, we sprung a Covey of Partridges which were young: at the which Thomas Woodhouse shot, Partridges. but killed only the old one. This Island is a most barren place, having nothing on it but plashes of water and riven Rocks, as if it were subject to Earthquakes. To the North there is a great Bay, or Sea (for I know not what it will prove) where I saw a great Island of Ice aground, between the two Lands, which with the Springtide was set afloat, and carried into this Bay or Sea to the Northwestward, but came not back again, nor within sight. Here we took in some Drift wood that we found ashore. From hence we stood to the South-west, to double the Land to the West of us, Drift-wood. through much floating Ice: In the end we found a clear Sea, and continued therein, till we raised Land to the Northwest. Then our Master made his course more to the South then before: but it was not long ere we met with Ice which lay ahead of us. Our Master would have doubled this Ice to the North, but could not; and in the end put into it down to the South-west through much Ice, and then to the South, where we were embayed again. Our Master strove to get the shore, but could not, for the great store of Ice that was on the coast. From out of this Bay, we stood to the North, and were soon out of the Ice: then down to the South-west, and so to the West, where we were enclosed (to our fight) with Land and Ice. For we had Land from the South to the Northwest on one side, and from the East to the West on the other: but the Land that was to the North of us, and lay by East and West, was but an Island. On we went till we could go no further for Ice: so we made our ship fast to the Ice which the tide brought upon us, but when the ebb came, the Ice did open, and made way; so as in seven or eight hours we were clear from the Ice, till we came to weather; but only some of the great Lands, that were carried along with us to the Northwest. Having a clear Sea, our Master stood to the West along by the South shore, and raised three Capes or Headlands, lying one above another. The middlemost is an Island, Three Capes. and maketh a Bay or Harbour, which (I take) will prove a good one. Our Master named them Prince Henry's Cape, or Fore-land. When we had laid this we raised another, Prince Henry's Cape. which was the extreme point of the Land, looking towards the North: upon it are two Hills, but one (above the rest) like an Hay-cocke; which our Master named, King james his Cape. To the North of this, King james his Cape. Queen Anne's Cape. lie certain Lands, which our Master named, Queen Anne's Cape, or Fore-land. We followed the North shore still. Beyond the King's Cape there is a Sound or Bay, that hath some Lands in it: and this is not to be forgotten, if need be. Beyond this, lieth some broken Land, close to the Main, but what it is I know not: because we passed by it in the night. We stood to the North to double this Land, and after to the West again, till we fell with Land that stretched from the Main, like a shower from the South to the North, and from the North to the West, and then down to the South again. Being short of this Land, a storm took us, the wind at West, we stood to the North, and raised Land: which when our Master saw, he stood to the South again; for he was loath at any time that we should see the North shore. The storm continuing, and coming to the South shore again, Note. our Master found himself shot to the West, a great way, which made him muse, considering his Leeward way. To the South-west of this Land, on the Main, there is an high Hill, which our Master named Mount Charles. To the North and beyond this, lieth an Island, that to the East hath a fair head, Mount Charles. and beyond it to the West other broken Land, which maketh a Bay within, and a good Road may be found there for ships. Our Master named the first, Cape Salisbury. Cape Salisbury. When we had left this to the North-east, we fell into a Rippling or Ouerfall of a Current, which (at the first we took to be a Should: but the Lead being cast, we had no ground. On we passed still in sight of the South shore, till we raised Land lying from the Main some two leagues. Our Master took this to be a part of the Main of the North Land; but it is an Island, the North side stretching out to the West more than the South. This Island hath a fair Head to the East, and very high Land, which our Master named Deeps Cape: Deeps Cape. Worsenhams Cape. and the Land on the South side, now falling away to the South, makes another Cape or Head-land, which our Master named, Worsenhams Cape. When we were nigh the North or Island Cape, our Master sent the Boat ashore, with myself (who had the charge) and the Carpenter, and diverse others, to discover to the West and Northwest, and to the South-west: but we had further to it then we thought; for the Land is very high, and we were overtaken with a storm of Rain, Thunder and Lightning. But to it we came on the North-east side, and up we got from one Rock to another, till we came to the highest of that part. Here we found some plain ground, and saw some Deer; as first, four or five, and after, a dozen or sixteen in an Herd, Dear. but could not come nigh them with a Musket shot. Thus, going from one place to another, we saw to the West of us an high Hill above all the rest, it being nigh us: but it proved further off then we made account; for, when we came to it, the Land was so steep on the East and North-east parts, that we could not get unto it. To the South-west we saw that we might, and towards that part we went along by the side of a great Pond of water, which lieth under the East side of this Hill: Store of fowl and grass. Sorrel and Scurvy grass. and there runneth out of it a stream of water, as much as would drive an over-shot Mill; which falleth down from an high Cliff into the Sea on the South side. In this place great store of Fowl breed, and there is the best Grass that I had seen since we came from England. Here we found Sorrel, and that which we call Scurvygrass, in great abundance. Passing along we saw some round Hills of stone, like to Grass cocks, which at the first I took to be the work of some Christian. We passed by them, till we came to the South side of the Hill; we went unto them, and there found more; and being nigh them, I turned off the uppermost stone, and found them hollow within, and full of Fowls hanged by their necks. Fowls hanged. Then Greene, and I, went to fetch the Boat to the South side, while Robert Billet and he got down a Valley to the Sea side, where we took them in. Our Master (in this time) came in between the two Lands, and shot off some Pieces to call us aboard; for it was a fog. We came aboard, and told him what we had seen, and persuaded him to stay a day or two in this place, telling him what refreshing might there be had: but by no means would he stay, who was not pleased with the motion. So we left the Fowl, and lost our way down to the South-west, before they went in sight of the Land, which now bears to the East from us, being the same main Land that we had all this while followed. Now, we had lost the sight of it, because it falleth away to the East, after some five and twenty or thirty leagues. Now we came to the shallow water, wherewith we were not acquainted since we came from Island; now we came into broken ground and Rocks, through which we passed down to the South. In this our course we had a storm, and the water did should apace. Our Master came to an anchor in fifteen fathoms water. We weighed and stood to the Southeast, because the Land in this place did lie so. When we came to the point of the West Land (for we now had Land on both sides of us) we came to an anchor. Our Master sent the Boat ashore, to see what that Land was, and whether there were any way through. They soon returned, and showed that beyond the point of Land to the South, there was a large Sea. This Land on the West side, was a very narrow Point. We weighed from hence, and stood in for this Sea between the two Lands, which (in this place) is not two leagues broad down to the South, for a great way in sight of the East shore. In the end we lost sight thereof, and saw it not till we came to the bottom of the Bay, into six or seven fathoms water. Hence we stood up to the North by the West shore, till we came to an Island in 53. where we took in water and ballast. From hence we passed towards the North: but some two or three days after (reasoning concerning our coming into this Bay, Discord: see Widhouse his Relations following. and going out) our Master took occasion to revive old matters, and to displace Robert juet from being his Mate, and the Boatswain from his place, for words spoken in the first great Bay of Ice. Then he made Robert Billet his Mate, and William Wilson our Boatswain. up to the North we stood, till we raised Land, than down to the South, Michaelmas Day, and Bay. and up to the North, than down again to the South: and on Michaelmas day came in, and went out of certain Lands: which our Master sets down by the name of Michaelmas Bay, because we came in and went out on that day. From hence we stood to the North, and came into should water; and the weather being thick and foul, we came to an anchor in seven or eight fathom water, and there lay eight days: in all which time we could not get one hour to weigh our anchor. But the eight day, the wind beginning to cease, our Master would have the anchor up, against the mind of all who knew what belonged thereunto. Well, to it we went, and when we had brought it to a peake, a Sea took her, and cast us all off from the Capstone, Anchor lost. and hurt diverse of us. Here we lost our Anchor, and if the Carpenter had not been, we had lost our Cable too: but he (fearing such a matter) was ready with his Axe, and so cut it. From hence we stood to the South, and to the South-west, through a clear Sea of diverse sounding, and came to a Sea of two colours, one black, and the other white, sixteen or seventeen fathom water, Sea of two colours. between which we went four or five leagues. But the ●●ght coming, we took in our top-sails, and stood afore the wind with our Maine-sayle and Foresail, and came into five or six fathoms, and saw no Land for it was dark. Then we stood to the East, and had deep water again, then to the South and Southwest, and so came to our Westermost Bay of all, and came to an anchor nearest to the North shorae. Out went our Boat to the Land that was next us, when they came near it, our Boat could not float to the shore it was so shallow: Footing of a man. yet ashore they got. Here our men saw the footing of a man and a Duck in the snowy Rocks, and Wood good store, whereof they took some and returned aboard. Being at anchor in this place, we saw a ledge of Rocks to the South of us, some league of length; It lay North and South, covered at a full Sea; for a strong tide setteth in here. At midnight we weighed, and stood to go out as we came in; and had not gone long, but the Carpenter came and told the Master, that if he kept that course he would be upon the Rocks: the Master conceived that he was past them, Stick on a Rock. when presently we ran on them, and there stuck fast twelve hours: but (by the mercy of God) we got off unhurt, though not unscarred. We stood up to the East and raised three Hills, lying North and South: we went to the furthermost, and left it to the North of us, and so into a Bay, where we came to an anchor. Here our Master sent out our Boat, with myself and the Carpenter to seek a place to winter in: and it was time; for the nights were long and cold, and the earth covered with Snow. Having spent three months in a Labyrinth without end, being now the last of October, we went down to the East, to the bottom of the Bay: Last of October. but returned without speeding of that we went for. The next day we went to the South, and the South-west, and found a place, whereunto we brought our ship, and haled her aground: and this was the first of November. By the tenth thereof we were frozen in: but now we were in, it behoved us to have care of what we had; November the tenth frozen in. for, that we were sure of; but what we had not, was uncertain. We were victualled for six months in good proportion, and of that which was good: if our Master would have had more, he might have had it at home and in other places. Here we were now, and therefore it behoved us so to spend, that we might have (when time came) to bring us to the Capes where the Fowl bred, for that was all the hope we had to bring us home. Wherefore our Master took order, first for the spending of that we had, and then to increase it, by propounding a reward to them that killed either Beast, Fish, or Fowl, as in his journal you have seen. About the middle of this month of November, died john Williams our Gunner: john Williams dyeth. God pardon the Master's uncharitable dealing with this man. Now for that I am come to speak of him, out of whose ashes (as it were) that unhappy deed grew which brought a scandal upon all that are returned home, and upon the action itself, the multitude (like the dog) running after the stone, but not at the caster: therefore, not to wrong the living, nor slander the dead, I will (by the leave of God) deliver the truth as near as I can. You shall understand, that our Master kept (in his house at London) a young man, named Henry Greene, borne in Kent, of Worshipful Parents, Henry Green's bad conditions but by his lewd life and conversation he had lost the good will of all his friends, and had spent all that he had. This man, our Master would have to Sea with him, because he could write well: our Master gave him meat, and drink, and lodging, and by means of one Master Venison, with much ado got four pounds of his mother to buy him clothes, wherewith Master Venison would not trust him: but saw it laid out himself. This Henry Greene was not set down in the owner's book, nor any wages made for him. He came first aboard at Gravesend, and at Harwich should have gone into the field, with one Wilkinson. At Island the Surgeon and he fell out in Dutch, and he beat him a shore in English, which set all the company in a rage; so that we had much ado to get the Surgeon aboard. I told the Master of it, but he bade me let it alone, for (said he) the Surgeon had a tongue that would wrong the best friend he had. But Robert juet (the Master's Mate) would needs burn his finger in the embers, and told the Carpenter a long tale (when he was drunk) that our Master had brought in Green to crack his credit that should displease him: which words came to the Master's ears, who when he understood it, would have gone back to Island, when he was forty leagues from thence, to have sent home his Mate Robert juet in a Fisherman. But, being otherwise persuaded, all was well. So Henry Greene stood upright, and very inward with the Master, and was a serviceable man every way for manhood: but for Religion he would say, he was clean paper whereon he might write what he would. Now, when our Gunner was dead, and (as the order is in such cases) if the company stand in need of any thing that belonged to the man deceased, then is it brought to the Main Mast, and there sold to them that will give most for the same: This Gunner had a grey cloth gown, which Greene prayed the Master to friend him so much as to let him have it, paying for it as another would give: the Master saith he should, and thereupon he answered some, that sought to have it, that Greene should have it, and none else, and so it rested. Now out of season and time, Green's conspiracy. the Master calleth the Carpenter to go in hand with an house on shore, which at the beginning our Master would not hear, when it might have been done. The Carpenter told him, that the Snow and Frost were such, as he neither could, nor would go in hand with such work. Which when our Master heard, he ferreted him out of his cabin to strike him, calling him by many foul names, and threatening to hang him. The Carpenter told him that he knew what belonged to his place better than himself, and that he was no House Carpenter. So this passed, and the house was (after) made with much labour, but to no end. The next day after the Master and the Carpenter fell out, the Carpenter took his Piece and Henry Greene with him, for it was an order that none should go out alone, but one with a Piece, and another with a Pike. This did move the Master so much the more against Henry Greene, that Robert Billet his Mate must have the gown, and had it delivered unto him; which when Henry Greene saw, he challenged the Master's promise: but the Master did so rail on Greene, with so many words of disgrace, telling him, that all his friends would not trust him with twenty shillings, and therefore why should he? As for wages he had none, nor none should have, if he did not please him well. Yet the Master had promised him to make his wages as good, as any man's in the ship; and to have him one of the Prince's guard when we came home. But you shall see how the devil out of this so wrought with Green, that he did the Master what mischief● he could in seeking to discredit him, and to thrust him and many other honest men out of the Ship in the end. To speak of all our trouble in this time of Winter (which was so cold, Their hand wintring. as it lamed the most of our Company, and myself do yet feel it) would be too tedious. But I must not forget to show, how mercifully God dealt with us in this time: for the space of three months we had such store of Fowl of one kind (which were Partridges as white as milk) that we killed above an hundred dozen, Store of Partridges. besides others of sundry sorts: for all was fish that came to the net. The Spring coming, this Fowl left us, yet they were with us all the extreme cold. Then in their places came diverse sort of other Fowl, as Swan, Other Fowls succeeding in their seasons. Geese, Duck, and Teal, but hard to come by. Our Master hoped they would have bred in those broken grounds, but they do not: but came from the South, and flew to the North, further than we were this Voyage; yet if they be taken short with the wind at North, or Northwest, or North-east, than they fall and stay till the wind serve them, and then fly to the North. Now in time these Fowls are gone, and few or none to be seen. Then we went into the Woods, Hills, and Valleys, for all things that had any show of substance in them, how vile soever: the moss of the ground, than the which I take the powder of a post to be much better, and the Frog (in his engendering time as loathsome as a Toad) was not spared. Miserable diet But amongst the diverse sorts of buds, it pleased God that Thomas Woodhouse brought home a bud of a Tree, full of a Turpentine substance. Of this our Surgeon made a decoction to drink, Medicinable bud. and applied the buds hot to them that were troubled with ache in any part of their bodies; and for my part, I confess, I received great and present ease of my pain. About this time, when the Ice began to break out of the Bays, there came a Savage to our Ship, A Savage. as it were to see and to be seen, being the first that we had seen in all this time: whom our Master entreated well, and made much of him, promising unto himself great matters by his means, and therefore would have all the Knives and Hatchets (which any man had) to his private use, but received none but from john King the Carpenter, and myself. To this Savage our Master gave a Knife, a Looking-glass, and Buttons, who received them thankfully, and made signs that after he had slept he would come again, which he did. When he came, he brought with him a Sled, which he drew after him, and upon it two Deeres skins, Turk. and two Beaver skins. He had a scrip under his arm, out of which he drew those things which the Master had given him. He took the Knife and laid it upon one of the Beaver skins, and his Glasses and Buttons upon the other, and so gave them to the Master, who received them; and the Savage took those things which the Master had given him, and put them up into his scrip again. Then the Master showed him an Hatchet, for which he would have given the Master one of his Dear skins, but our Master would have them both, and so he had, although not willingly. After many signs of people to the North, and to the South, and that after so many sleeps he would come again, he went his way, but never came more. Now the Ice being out of the Sounds, so that our Boat might go from one place unto another, a company of men were appointed by the Master to go a fishing with our net; their names were as followeth: Fishing. William Wilson, Henry Greene, Michael Perce, john Thomas, Andrew Moter, Bennet Mathewes, and Arnold Lodlo. These men, the first day they went, caught five hundred fish, as big as good Herrings, and some Trout: which put us all in some hope to have our wants supplied, and our Commons amended: but these were the most that ever they got in one day, for many days they got not a quarter so many. In this time of their fishing, Henry Green and William Wilson, with some others, plotted to take the net and the shallop, which the Carpenter had now set up, and so to shift for themselves. But the shallop being ready, our Master would go in it himself, to the South and South-west, to see if he could meet with the people; for, to that end was it set up, and (that way) we might see the Woods set on fire by them. So the Master took the Sayve and the Shallop, and so much victual as would serve for eight or nine days, and to the South he went. They that remained aboard, were to take in water, wood, and ballast, and to have all things in a readiness against he came back. But he set no time of his return; for he was persuaded, if he could meet with the people, he should have flesh of them, and that good store: but he returned worse than he went forth. For, he could by no means meet with the people, although they were near them, yet they would set the woods on fire in his sight. Being returned, he fitted all things for his return, and first, delivered all the bread out of the bread room (which came to a pound a piece for every man's share) and delivered also a Bill of Return, willing them to have that to show, if it pleased God, that they came home: and he wept when he gave it unto them. But to help us in this poor estate with some relief, the Boat and Sayve went to work on Friday morning, and stayed till Sunday noon: at which time they came aboard, and brought fourscore small Fish, a poor relief for so many hungry bellies. Then we weighed, and stood out of our wintering place, and came to an Anchor without, in the mouth of the Bay: from whence we weighed and came to an anchor without in the Sea, where our bread being gone, Belly straits. that store of cheese we had was to stop a gap, whereof there were five, whereat the company grudged, because they made account of nine. But those that were left, were equally divided by the Master, although he had counsel to the contrary: for there were some who having it, would make haste to be rid thereof, because they could not govern it. I knew when Henry Greene gave half his bread, which he had for fourteen days, to one to keep, and prayed him not to let him have any until the next Monday: but before Wednesday at night, he never left till he had it again, having eaten up his first week's bread before. So Wilson the Boatswain hath eaten (in one day) his fortnight's bread, and hath been two or three days sick for his labour. The cause that moved the Master to deliver all the Cheese, was because they were not all of one goodness, and therefore they should see that they had no wrong done them: but every man should have alike the best and the worst together, which was three pounds and a half for seven days. The wind serving, we weighed and stood to the Northwest, and on Monday at night (the eighteenth day of june) we fell into the Ice, and the next day the wind being at West, we lay there till Sunday in sight of Land. Now being here, the Master told Nicholas Simmes, that there would be a breaking up of chests, and a search for bread, and willed him (if he had any) to bring it to him, which he did, and delivered to the Master thirty cakes in a bag. This deed of the Master (if it be true) hath made me marvel, what should be the reason that he did not stop the breach in the beginning, but let it grow to that height, as that it overthrew himself and many other honest men: but there are many devices in the heart of man, yet the counsel of the Lord shall stand. Being thus in the Ice on Saturday, the one and twentieth of june at night, Wilson & Green, their wickedness. Wilson the Boatswain, and Henry Greene came to me lying (in my cabin) lame, and told me that they and the rest of their Associates, would shift the Company, and turn the Master, and all the sick men into the shallop, & let them shift for themselves. For, there was not fourteen day's victual left for all the Company, at that poor allowance they were at, and that there they lay, the Master not caring to go one way or other: and that they had not eaten any thing these three days, and therefore were resolute, either to mend or end, and what they had begun they would go through with it, or dye. When I heard this, I told them I marvelled to hear so much from them, considering that they were married men, and had wives and children, and that for their sakes they should not commit so foul a thing in the sight of God and man, as that would be; for why should they banish themselves from their native Country? Henry Greene bade me hold my peace, for he knew the worst, which was, to be hanged when he came home, and therefore of the two he would rather be hanged at home then starved abroad: and for the good will they bore me, they would have me stay in the Ship. I gave them thanks, and told them that I came into her, not to forsake her, yet not to hurt myself and others by any such deed. Henry Greene told me then, that I must take my fortune in the Shallop. If there be no remedy (said I) the will of GOD be done. Away went Henry Green in a rage, swearing to cut his throat that went about to disturb them, and left Wilson by me, with whom I had some talk, but to no good: for he was so persuaded, that there was no remedy now, but to go on while it was hot, lest their party should fail them, and the mischief they had intended to others should light on themselves. Henry Greene came again, and demanded of him what I said. Wilson answered, He is in his old song, still patient. Then I spoke to Henry Green to stay three days, in which time I would so deal with the Master, that all should be well. So I dealt with him to forbear but two days, nay twelve hours; there is no way then (say they) but out of hand. Then I told them, that if they would stay till Monday, I would join with them to share all the victuals in the ship, and would justify it when I came home; but this would not serve their turns. Wherefore I told them, it was some worse matter they had in hand then they made show of, and that it was blood and revenge he sought, or else he would not at such a time of night undertake such a deed. Henry Greene (with that) taketh my Bible which lay before me, and swore that he would do no man harm, and what he did was for the good of the voyage, and for nothing else; and that all the rest should do the like. The like did Wilson swear. Henry Greene went his way, and presently came juet, who because he was an ancient man, Robert juet. 〈◊〉 Widhouses' notes. I hoped to have found some reason in him; but he was worse than Henry Greene, for he swore plainly that he would justify this deed when he came home. After him came john Thomas, and Michael Perce, as birds of one feather: but because they are not living, I will let them go, as than I did. Then came Moter and Bennet, of whom I demanded, if they were well advised what they had taken in hand. They answered, they were, and therefore came to take their oath. Now, because I am much condemned for this oath, as one of them that plotted with them, and that by an oath I should bind them together to perform what they had begun, I thought good here to set down to the view of all, how well their oath and deeds agreed: and thus it was. You shall swear truth to God, your Prince and Country: you shall do nothing, Oath abused. but to the glory of God, and the good of the action in hand, and harm to no man. This was the oath, without adding or diminishing. I looked for more of these companions (although these were too many) but there came no more. It was dark, and they in a readiness to put this deed of darkness in execution. I called to Henry Greene and Wilson, and prayed them not to go in hand with it in the dark, but to stay till the morning. Now, every man (I hope) would go to his rest, but wickedness sleepeth not; for Henry Greene keepeth the Master company all night (and gave me bread, which his Cabbin-mate gave him) and others are as watchful as he. Then I asked Henry Greene, whom he would put out with the Master? he said, the Carpenter john King, and the sick men. I said, they should not do well to part with the Carpenter, what need soever they should have. Why the Carpenter was in no more regard amongst them, was; first, for that he and john King were condemned for wrong done in the victual. But the chiefest cause was, for that the Master loved him, and made him his Mate, upon his return out of our wintering place, thereby displacing Robert Billet, whereat they did grudge, because he could neither write nor read. And therefore (said they) the Master and his ignorant Mate would carry the Ship whither the Master pleased: the Master forbidding any man to keep account or reckoning, having taken from all men whatsoever served for that purpose. Well, I obtained of Henry Greene and Wilson, that the Carpenter should stay, The Carpenter spared. by whose means I hoped (after they had satisfied themselves) that the Master, and the poor man might be taken into the Ship again. Or, I hoped, that some one or other would give some notice, either to the Carpenter john King, or the Master; for so it might have come to pass by some of them that were the most forward. Now, it shall not be amiss to show how we were lodged, and to begin in the Cook room; there lay Bennet and the Cooper lame; without the Cook room, on the steere-board side, lay Thomas Wydhouse sick; next to him lay Sydrack Funer lame, than the Surgeon, and john Hudson with him; next to them lay Wilson the Boatswain, and then Arnold Lodlo next to him: in the Gun-roome lay Robert juet and john Thomas; on the Larboard side, lay Michael Bute and Adria Moor, who had never been well since we lost our Anchor; next to them lay Michael Perce and Andrew Moter. Next to them without the Gun-roome, lay john King, and with him Robert Billet: next to them myself, and next to me Francis Clements: In the mid-ship, between the Capstone and the Pumps, lay Henry Greene and Nicholas Simmes. This night john King was late up, and they thought he had been with the Master, but he was with the Carpenter, who lay on the Poop, and coming down from him, was met by his Cabbin-mate, as it were by chance, and so they came to their cabin together. It was not long ere it was day: then came Bennet for water for the Kettle, he rose and went into the Hold: when he was in, they shut the Hatch on him (but who kept it down I know not) up upon the Deck went Bennet. In the mean time Henry Greene, and another went to the Carpenter, and held him with a talk, till the Master came out of his cabin (which he soon did) then came john Thomas and Bennet before him, They bind the Master. while Wilson bound his arms behind him. He asked them what they meant? they told him, he should know when he was in the Shallop. Now juet, while this was a doing, came to john King into the Hold, who was provided for him, for he had got a sword of his own, and kept him at a bay, and might have killed him, but others came to help him: and so he came up to the Master. The Master called to the Carpenter, and told him that he was bound; but, I heard no answer he made. Now Arnold Lodlo, and Michael Bute railed at them, and told them their knavery would show itself. Then was the Shallop haled up to the Ship side, and the poor, sick, and lame men were called upon to get them out of their Cabins into the Shallop. The Master called to me, who came out of my cabin as well as I could, to the Hatch way to speak with him: where, on my knees I besought them, for the love of God, to remember themselves, and to do as they would be done unto. They bade me keep myself well, and get me into my cabin; not suffering the Master to speak with me. But when I came into my cabin again, he called to me at the Horn, which gave light into my cabin, and told me that juet would overthrow us all; nay (said I) it is that villain Henry Greene, and I spoke it not softly. Now was the Carpenter at liberty, who asked them, if they would be hanged when they came home: and as for himself, he said, he would not stay in the Ship unless they would force him: The Carpenter let go. they bade him go then, for they would not stay him: I will (said he) so I may have my chest with me, and all that is in it: they said, he should, and presently they put it into the Shallop. Then he came down to me, to take his leave of me, who persuaded him to stay, which if he did, he might so work that all should be well: he said, he did not think, but they would be glad to take them in again. For he was so persuaded by the Master, that there was not one in all the ship, that could tell how to carry her home; but (saith he) if we must part (which we will not willingly do, for they would follow the ship) he prayed me, if we came to the Capes before them, that I would leave some token that we had been there, near to the place where the Fowls bred, and he would do the like for us: and so (with tears) we parted. Now were the sick men driven out of their Cabins into the Shallop; but john Thomas was Francis Clement's friend, and Bennet was the Cooper's, so as there were words between them and Henry Greene, one saying, that they should go, and the other swearing that they should not go, but such as were in the shallop should return. When Henry Greene heard that, he was compelled to give place, and to put out Arnold Lodlo, and Michael Bute, which with much ado they did. In the mean time, there were some of them that plied their work, as if the Ship had been entered by force, and they had free leave to pillage, breaking up Chests, and rifling all places. One of them came by me, who asked me, what they should do. I answered, he should make an end of what he had begun; for I saw him do nothing but shark up and down. Now, were all the poor men in the Shallop, whose names are as followeth; Henry Hudson, john Hudson, Arnold Lodlo, Sidrack Faner, Philip Staff, Thomas Woodhouse, or Wydhouse, Adam Moor, The names of the company exposed in the Shallop, Henry King, Michael Bute. The Carpenter got of them a Piece, and Powder, and Shot, and some Pikes, an Iron Pot, with some meal, and other things. They stood out of the Ice, the Shallop being fast to the Stern of the Ship, and so (when they were nigh out, for I cannot say, they were clean out) they cut her head fast from the Stern of our Ship, than out with their top-sails, and towards the East they stood in a clear Sea. In the end they took in their top-sails, righted their Helm, and lay under their Foresail till they had ransacked and searched all places in the Ship. In the Hold they found one of the vessels of meal whole, and the other half spent, for we had but two; we found also two firkins of Butter, some twenty seven piece of Pork, half a bushel of Pease, but in the Master's cabin we found two hundred of biscuit Cakes, a peck of Meal, of Beer to the quantity of a Butt, one with another. Now, it was said, that the Shallop was come within sight, they let fall the Main-sayle, and out with their top-sails, and fly as from an Enemy. Then I prayed them yet to remember themselves: but William Wilson (more than the rest) would hear of no such matter. Coming nigh the East shore they cast about, and stood to the West and came to an Island, and anchored in sixteen or seventeen fathom water. So they sent the Boat, and the Net ashore to see if they could have a Draught: but could not for Rocks and great stones. Michael Perseus killed two Fowl, and here they found good store of that Weed, which we called Cockle-grasse in our wintering place, whereof they gathered store, L●st sight of the Shallop. and came aboard again. here we lay that night, and the best part of the next day, in all which time we saw not the shallop, or ever after. Now Henry Greene came to me and told me, that it was the Companies will, that I should come up into the Master's cabin, and take charge thereof. I told him it was more fit for Robert juet: he said, he should not come in it, nor meddle with the Master's Card, or journals. So up I came, and Henry Greene gave me the Key of the Master's Chest, and told me then, that he had laid the Master's best things together, which he would use himself when time did serve: the bread was also delivered me by tale. The wind serving, we stood to the North-east, and this was Robert Billets course, contrary to Robert juet, who would have gone to the Northwest. We had the Eastern shore still in sight, and (in the night) had a stout gale of wind, and stood afore it, till we met with Ice, into the which we ran from th●ne to thick, till we could go no further for Ice, which lay so thick ahead of us (and the wind brought it after us asterne) that we could not stir backward, nor forward: but so lay embayed fourteen days in worse Ice, than ever we met to deal withal, for we had been where there was greater store, but it was not so broad upon the water as this: for this floating Ice contained miles, and half miles in compass, where we had a deep Sea, and a Tide of flood and ebb, which set Northwest and Southeast. here Robert juet would have gone to the Northwest, but Robert Billet was confident to go through to the North-east, which he did. At last, being clear of this Ice, he continued his course in sight of the Eastern shore, till he raised four Lands which lay North and South: but we passed them six or seven leagues, Four Lands▪ the wind took us so short. Then we stood back to them again, and came to an Anchor between two of the most Northermost. We sent the Boat ashore, to see if there were any thing there to be had, but found nothing, but cockle Grasse, whereof they gathered store, and so returned aboard. Before we came to this place, I might well see, that I was kept in the ship against Henry Green's mind, because I did not favour their proceedings better than I did. Then he began (very subtly) to draw me to take upon me to search for those things, which himself had stolen: and accused me of a matter no less than Treason amongst us, The wicked flee where none pursueth that I had deceived the company of thirty Cakes of bread. Now they began to talk amongst themselves, that England was no safe place for them, and Henry Greene swore, the ship should not come into any place (but keep the Sea still) till he had the King's Majesty's hand and Seal to show for his safety. They had many devices in their heads, but Henry Greene in the end was their Captain, and so called of them. From these Lands we stood to the North-east and the Easter Land still in sight: we raised those Lands, that our Master called Rumnies Lands. Between these Lands and the shallow ground to the East of them, our Master went down into the first great Bay. We kept the East shore still in our sight, and coming thwart of the low Land, we ran on a Rock that lay under water, and struck but once; for if she had, we might have been made Inhabitans of that place: but God sent us soon off without any harm that we saw. We continued our course and raised Land a head of us, which stretched out to the North: which when they saw, they said plainly, that Robert Billet by his Northerly course had left the Capes to the South, and that they were best to seek down to the South in time for relief, before all was gone: for we had small store left. But Robert Billet would follow the Land to the North, saying, that he hoped in God to find somewhat to relieve us that way, as soon as to the South. I told them that this Land was the Main of Worsenhome Cape, and that the shallow rocky ground, was the same that the Master went down by, when he went into the great Bay. Robert juet and all said, it was not possible, unless the Master had brought the ship over Land, and willed them to look into the Master's Card, and their course how well they did agree. We stood to the East, and left the main Land to the North, by many small Lands into a narrow gut between two Lands, and there came to an Anchor. The Boat went ashore on the North side, where we found the great Horn, but nothing else. The next day we went to the South side, but found nothing there, Cockle grass. save Cockle grass of which we gathered. This grass was a great relief unto us, for without it, we should hardly have got to the Capes for want of victual. The wind serving we stood out, but before we could get clean out, the wind came to the West, so that we were constrained to anchor on the North side. The next day, we weighed and doubled the point of the North Land, which is high Land, and so continueth to the Capes, lying North and South, some five and twenty or thirty leagues. To the North we stood to see store of those Fowls that breed in the Capes, and to kill some with our shot, and to fetch them with our Boat. We raised the Capes with joy, and bare for them, and came to the Lands that lie in the mouth of the straight: but bearing in between the Rocky Isles, A Rock. we ran on a Rock that lay under water, and there stuck fast eight or nine hours. It was ebbing water when we thus came on, so the flood set us afloat, God guiding both wind and Sea, that it was calm, and fair weather: the ebb came from the East, and the flood from the West. Note. When we were afloat, we stood more near to the East shore, and there anchored. july 27. The next day being the seven and twentieth of july, we sent the Boat to fetch some Fowl, and the ship should way and stand as near as they could: for the wind was against us. They had a great way to row, and by that means they could not reach to the place where the Fowl bred: but found good store of Gulls, yet hard to come by, on the Rocks and Cliffs, but with their Pieces they killed some thirty, and towards night returned. Now we had brought our ship more near to the mouth of the straits, and there came to an anchor in eighteen or twenty fathom water, upon a R●ffe or shelf of ground: which after they had weighed their Anchor, and stood more near to the place where the Fowl bred, they could not find it again, nor no place like it: but were fain to turn to and fro in the mouth of the Straight, and to be in danger of Rocks, because they could not find ground to let fall an Anchor in, the water was so deep. Savages. The eight and twentieth day, the Boat went to Digges his Cape for Fowl, and made directly for the place where the Fowl bred, and being near, they saw seven Boats come about the Eastern point towards them▪ When the Savages saw our Boat, they drew themselves together, and drew their lesser Boats into their bigger: and when they had done, they came rowing to our Boat, and made signs to the West, but they made ready for all assays. The Savages came to them, and by signs grew familiar one with another, so as our men took one of theirs into our Boat, and they took one of ours into their Boate. Then they carried our man to a Cove where their Tents stood toward the West of the place, where the Fowl bred: so they carried him into their Tents, where he remained till our men returned with theirs. Our Boat went to the place where the Fowl bred, and were desirous to know how the Savages killed their Fowl: he showed them the manner how, which was thus, They take a long Pole with a snare at the end, Savages manner of fowling. which they put about the Fowls neck, and so pluck them down. When our men knew that they had a better way of their own, they showed him the use of our Pieces, which at one shot would kill seven or eight. To be short, our Boat returned to their Cove for our man, and to deliver theirs. When they came they made great joy, with dancing and leaping, and stroking of their breasts: they offered diverse things to our men, but they only took some Morses Teeth, which they gave them for a Knife, and two glass buttons: and so receiving our man they came aboard, much rejoicing at this chance, as if they had met with the most simple and kind people of the World. And Henry Greene (more than the rest) was so confident, that (by no means) we should take care to stand upon our Guard: Green's confidence. God blinding him so, that where he made reckoning to receive great matters from these people, he received more than he looked for, and that suddenly by being made a good example for all men: that make no conscience of doing evil, and that we take heed of the Savage people, how simple soever they seem to be. The next day, the nine and twentieth of july, they made haste to be ashore, and because the ship rid too far off, they weighed and stood as near to the place where the Fowl bred, as they could: and because I was lame, I was to go in the Boat, to carry such things, as I had in the cabin of every thing somewhat: and so with more haste then good speed (and not without swearing) away we went, Henry Greene, William Wilson, john Thomas, Michael Perseus, Andrew, Moter, and myself. When we came near the shore, the people were on the Hills, dancing and leaping: to the Cove we came, where they had drawn up their Boats: we brought our Boat to the East side of the Cove, close to the Rocks. Ashore they went, and made fast the Boat to a great stone on the shore, the people came, and every one had somewhat in his hand to barter: but Henry Greene swore they should have nothing, till he had Venison, for that they had so promised him by signs. Now when we came, they made signs to their Dogs (whereof there were many like Mongrels, as big as Hounds) and pointed to their Mountain, and to the Sun, Savages dogs. clapping their hands. Then Henry Greene, john Thomas, and William Wilson, stood hard by the Boat head, Michael Perseus, and Andrew Moter were got up upon the Rock, a gathering of Sorrell: not one of them had any weapon about him, not so much as a stick, save Henry Greene only, who had a piece of a Pike in his hand: nor saw I any thing that they had wherewith to hurt us. Savages treachery. Henry Greene and William Wilson had Looking-glasses, and jews Trumpets, and Bells, which they were showing the people. The Savages standing round about them, one of them came into the Boats head to me to show me a Bottle: I made signs to him to get him ashore, but he made as though he had not understood me, whereupon I stood up, and pointed him ashore. In the meantime, another stole behind me to the stern of the Boat, and when I saw him ashore, that was in the head of the Boat, I sat down again: but suddenly I saw the leg and foot of a man by me. Wherefore I cast up my head, and saw the Savage with his Knife in his hand, who struck at my breast over my head: I cast up my right arm to save my breast, he wounded my arm, and struck me into the body under my right Pap. He struck a second blow which I met with my left hand, and then he struck me into the right thigh, and had like to have cut off my little finger of the left hand. Now, I had got hold of the string of the Knife, and had wound it about my left hand, he striving with both his hands, to make an end of that he had begun, I found him but weak in the gripe (God enabling me) and getting hold of the sleeve of his left arm, so bore him from me. His left side lay bare to me, which when I saw, I put his sleeve off his left arm into my left hand, holding the string of the Knife fast in the same hand: and having got my right hand at liberty, I sought for somewhat wherewith to strike him (not remembering my Dagger at my side) but looking down I saw it, and therewith struck him into the body, and the throat. Whiles I was thus assaulted in the Boat, our men were set upon on the shore. Treachery just to unjust Traitors. john Thomas and William Wilson had their bowels cut, and Michael Perseus and Henry Greene being mortally wounded, came tumbling into the Boat together. When Andrew Moter saw this medley, he came running down the Rocks, and leapt into the Sea, and so swam to the Boat, hanging on the stern thereof, till Michael Perseus took him in, who manfully made good the head of the Boat against the Savages, that pressed sore upon us. Now Michael Perseus had got an Hatchet, wherewith I saw him strike one of them, that he lay sprawling in the Sea. Greene slain. Henry Greene crieth Coragio, and layeth about him with his Truncheon: I cried to them to clear the Boat, and Andrew Moter cried to be taken in: the Savages betook them to their Bows and Arrows, which they sent amongst us, wherewith Henry Greene was slain outright, and Michael Perseus received may wounds, and so did the rest. Michael Perseus cleareth the Boat, and puts it from the shore, and helpeth Andrew Moter in: but in turning of the Boat, I received a cruel wound in my back with an Arrow: Michael Perseus and Andrew Moter rowed the Boat away, which when the Savages saw, they ran to their Boats, and I feared they would have launched them, to have followed us, but they did not, and our ship was in the middle of the channel, and could not see us. Now, when they had rowed a good way from the shore, Michael Perseus fainted, and could row no more: then was Andrew Moter driven to stand in the Boat head, and waft to the ship, which (at the first) saw us not, and when they did, they could not tell what to make of us, but in the end they stood for us, and so took us up. Henry Greene was thrown out of the Boat into the Sea, and the rest were had aboard, the Savage being yet alive, yet without sense. Wicked and wretched end of wretched wicked men. But they died all there that day, William Wilson swearing and cursing in most fearful manner. Michael Perseus lived two days after, and then died. Thus you have heard the Tragical end of Henry Greene and his Mates, whom they called Captain, these four being the only lusty men in all the ship. The poor number that was left, were to ply our ship too and fro, in the mouth of the straight, for there was no place to anchor in near hand: besides, they were to go in the Boat to kill Fowl, to bring us home, which they did, although with danger to us all. For if the wind blew, there was an high Sea, and the eddies of the Tides would carry the ship so near the Rocks, as it feared our Master, for so I will now call him. After they had killed some two hundred Fowl, with great labour on the South Cape, we stood to the East: but when we were six or seven leagues from the Capes, the wind came up at East. Then we stood back to the Capes again, and killed an hundred Fowl more. After this, the wind came to the West, so we were driven to go away, and then our Master stood (for the most) along by the North shore, till he fell into broken ground about the Queen's Fore-land, and there anchored. From thence we went to God's Mercies, and from thence to those Lands, which lie in the mouth of our Straight, not seeing the L●nd, till we were ready to run our Bosprite against the Rocks in a fog. But it cleared a little, and then we might see ourselves enclosed with Rocky Lands, and could find no ground to anchor in. There our Master lay atrie all night, and the next day the fog continuing, they sought for ground to anchor in, and found some in an hundred and odd fathoms of water. The next day we weighed and stood to the East, but before we came here, we had put ourselves to hard allowance, as half a foul a day with the pottage: for yet we had some meal left, and nothing else. Then they began to make trial of all whatsoever: we had ●layed our Fowl, Misery pursueth the rest. for they will not pull: and Robert juet was the first, that made use of the skins by burning of the Feathers: so they became a great dish of meat, and as for the garbage, it was not thrown away. After we were clear of these Lands, which lie out with two points, one to the Southeast, and the other to the North, making a Bay to the sight as if there were no way through, we continued our course East Southeast, and South and by East, to raise the Desolations, from thence to shape our course for Ireland. Thus we continued diverse days: but the wind coming against us, made us to alter our course, and by the means of Robert juet who persuaded the company, that they should find great relief in Newfound Land, if our Countrymen were there, and if they were gone before we came, yet should we find great store of bread and fish left ashore by them: but how true, I give God thanks, we did not try. Yet we stood to the South-west, and to the West, almost to fifty seven degrees: when (by the will of God) the wind came up at South-west. Then the Master asked me, if he should take the benefit of this wind, and shape his course for Ireland. I said it was best to go, where we knew Corn grew, and not to seek it, where it was cast away, and not to be found. Towards Ireland now we stood, with prosperous winds for many days together: then was all our Meal spent, and our Fowl resty and dry: but (being no remedy) we were content with the Salt broth for Dinner, and the half Fowl for Supper. Now went our Candles to wrack, and Bennet our Cook made a mess of meat of the bones of the Fowl, Poor Diet. frying them with Candle-grease, till they were crisp, and with Vinegar put to them, made a good dish of meat. Our Vinegar was shared, and to every man a pound of Candles delivered for a week, as a great dainty. Now Robert juet (by his reckoning) saith, we were within sixty or seventy leagues of Ireland, when we had two hundred thither. And sure our course was so much the longer, through our evil steeredge: for, our men became so weak, that they could not stand at the Helm, but were fain to sit. Robert juets' death. Then Robert juet died, for mere want, and all our men were in despair, and said we were past Ireland, and our last Fowl were in the steep-tub. So, our men cared not which end went forward, insomuch as our Master was driven to look to their labour, as well as his own: for some of them would sit and see the foresail, or mayne-sayle fly up to the tops, the sheets being either flown or broken, and would not help it themselves, nor call to others for help, which much grieved the Master. Now in this extremity it pleased God to give us sight of Land, not far from the place, our Master said he would fall withal, which was the Bay of Galloway, and we fell to the West of the Derses, and so stood along by the coast, to the South-west. In the end, there was a joyful cry, a sail, a sail, towards which they stood, than they saw more, but to the nearest we stood, A sail of Fowy Bear Haven in Ireland. and called to him: his Bark was of Fowy, and was at anchor a Fishing: he came to us, and brought us into Bear Haven. Here we stayed a few days, and dealt with the Irish, to supply our wants, but found no relief: for in this place there was neither Bread, Drink, nor money to be had amongst them. Wherefore they advised us to deal with our Countrymen, who were there a fishing, which we did: but found them so cold in kindness, that they would do nothing without present money, whereof we had none in the Ship. In the end, we procured one john Waymouth, Master of the Bark that brought us into this Harbour, to furnish us with money, which he did, and received our best Cable and Anchor in pawn for the fame. With this money, our Master with the help of john Waymouth, bought Bread, Beer, and Beef. Now, as we were beholding to Waymouth for his money, so were we to one Captain Taylor, for making of our contracts with Waymouth, by whose means he took a Bill for our Cable and Anchor, and for the men's Wages, who would not go with us, unless Waymouth would pass his word for the same: for they made show, that they were not willing to go with us for any wages. Whereupon Captain Taylor swore he would press them, and then, if they would not go, he would hang them. In conclusion, we agreed for three pound ten shillings a man, to bring our Ship to Plymouth, or Dartmouth, and to give the Pilot five pound: but if the wind did not serve, but that they were driven to put into Bristol, they were to have four pound ten shillings a man, and the Pilot six pound. Omitting therefore further circumstances, from Bear Haven we came to Plymouth, They arrive at Plymouth. and so to an anchor, before the Castle: and from Plymouth, with fair wind and weather without stop or stay, we came to the Downs, from thence to Gravesend, where most of our men went a shore, and from thence came on this side Erith, and there stopped: where our Master Robert Billet came aboard, and so had me up to London with him, and so we came to Sir Thomas smith's together. Forasmuch as this report of Pricket may happily be suspected by some, as not so friendly to Hudson, who returned with that Company which had so cruelly exposed Hudson and his, and therefore may seem to lay heavier imputation, and rip up occasions further than they will believe; I have also added the report of Thomas Widhouse, one of the exposed Company, who ascribeth those occasions of discord to juet. I take not on me to sentence, no not to examine; I have presented the Evidence just as I had it: let the Bench censure, hearing with both ears, that which with both eyes they may see in those, and these notes; to which, I have first prefixed his Letter to Master Samuel Macham. MAster Macham, I heartily commend me● unto you, etc. I can write unto you no news, though I have seen much, but such as every English Fisherman haunting these Coasts can report better than myself. We kept our Whit sunday in the North-east end of Island; and I think I never fared better in England then we feasted there. They of the Country are very poor, and live miserably: yet we found therein store of fresh Fish and dainty Fowl. I myself in an afternoon killed so much Fowl, Islanders poor. as feasted all our Company, being three and twenty persons at one time, only with Partridges; besides Curlue, Plover, Mallard, Teal, and Goose. I have seen two hot Baths in Island, and have been in one of them. We are resolved to try the uttermost, and lie only expecting a fair wind, and to refresh ourselves to avoid the Ice, which now is come off the West Coasts, of which we have seen whole Lands, The cause of their stay as Island. but God be thanked, have not been in danger of any. Thus I desire all your prayers for us. From Island this thirtieth of May, 1610. A note found in the Desk of Thomas Wydowse, Student in the Mathematics, he being one of them who was put into the Shallop. THe tenth day of September, 1610. after dinner, our Master called all the Company together, to hear and bear witness of the abuse of some of the Company (it having been the request of Robert juet) that the Master should redress some abuses and slanders, as he called them, against this juet: which thing after the Master had examined and heard with equity what he could say for himself, there were proved so many and great abuses, and mutinous matters against the Master, and action by juet, that there was danger to have suffered them longer: and it was fit time to punish and cut off farther occasions of the like mutinies. It was proved to his face, first with Bennet Matthew our Trumpet upon our first sight of Island, and he confessed, that he supposed that in the action would be manslaughter, and prove bloody to some. Secondly, at our coming from Island, in hearing of the company, he did threaten to turn the head of the Ship home from the action, which at that time was by our Master wisely pacified, hoping of amendment. Thirdly, it was deposed by Philip Staff our Carpenter, and Ladlie Arnold, to his face upon the holy Bible, that he persuaded them to keep Muskets charged, and Swords ready in their Cabins, for they should be charged with shot, ere the Voyage were over. Fourthly, we being pestered in the Ice, he had used words tending to mutiny, discouragement, and slander of the action, which easily took effect in those that were timorous; and had not the Master in time prevented, it might easily have overthrown the Voyage: and now lately being embayed in a deep Bay, which the Master had desire to see, for some reasons to himself known, his word tended altogether to put the Company into a fray of extremity, by wintering in cold: jesting at our Master's hope to see Bantam by Candlemas. For these and diverse other base slanders against the Master, he was deposed; and Robert Bylot, who had showed himself honestly respecting the good of the action, was placed in his stead the Master's Mate. Also Francis Clement the Boatson, as this time was put from his Office, and William Wilson, a man thought more fit, preferred to his place. This man had basely carried himself to our Master and to the action. Also Adrian Mooter was appointed Boatsons mate: and a promise by the Master, that from this day juats wages should remain to Bylot, and the Boatsons overplus of wages should be equally divided between Wilson and one john King, to the owners good liking, one of the 〈◊〉 Masters, who had very well carried themselves to the furtherance of the business. Also the Master promised, if the Offenders yet behaved themselves henceforth honestly, he would be a means for their good, and that he would forget injuries, with other admonitions. These things thus premised touching hudson's exposing, and Gods just judgements on the Exposers, as Pricket hath related (whom they reserved as is thought, in hope by Sir Dudley Digges his Master to procure their pardon at their return) I thought good to add that which I have further received from good Intelligence, that the Ship coming aground at Digges Island, in 62. degrees 44. minutes, a great flood came from the West and set them on float: an argument of an open passage from the South Sea to that, and consequently to these Seas. The Weapons and Arts which they saw, beyond those of other Savages are arguments hereof. He which assaulted Pricket in the Boat, had a weapon broad and sharp indented of bright Steel (such they use in java) riveted into a handle of Morse tooth. CHAP. XVIII. The Discoveries of M. M. NICOLO, and ANTONIO ZENI, gathered out of their Letters, by FRANCISCO MARCOLINO: whereto is added QVIRINO his Shipwreck. IN the year 1380. Master Nicolo Zeno being wealthy, and of a haughty spirit, desiring to see the fashions of the world, They are related by Master Hakluit, in his 3. vol pag 121. built and furnished a Ship at his own charges, and passing the Straits of Gibraltar, held on his course Northwards, with intent to see England and Flanders. But a violent tempest assailing him at Sea, he was carried he knew not whither, till at last his Ship was carried away upon the I'll of Friesland; where the m●n and most part of the goods were saved. In vain seems that delivery, Friesland. that delivers up presently to another Executioner. The Islanders like Neptune's, hungry grooms, or his base and black Guard, set upon the men whom the Seas had spared: but here also they found a second escape, by means of a Prince named Zichmui, Prince of that and many Lands thereabouts: who being near hand with his Army, came at the outcry, and chase away the people, took them into protection. This Zichmui had the year before given the overthrow to the King of Norway, and was a great adventurer in feats of Arms. He spoke to them in Latin, and placed them in his Navy, wherewith he won diverse Lands. Nicolo be haved himself so well, both in saving the Fleet by his Sea-skill, and in conquest of the Lands by his valour, that Zichmui made him Knight and Captain of his Navy. After diverse notable exploits, Nicolo armed three Barks, with which he arrived in Engroneland: Saint Thomas Monastery in Greenland. Hot Spring and the strange effects thereof. where he found a Monastery of Friars of the Preachers Order, and a Church dedicated to Saint Thomas, hard by a Hill, that casteth out fire like Vesuni●s and Aetna. There is a Fountain of hot water, with which they heat the Church of the Monastery, and the Friar's chambers. It cometh also into the Kitchen so boiling hot, that they use no other fire to dr●sse their meat; and putting their Bread into brass Pots without any water, it doth bake as it were in an hot Oven. They have also small Gardens, which are covered over in the Winter time, and being watered with this water, are defended from the violence of the Frost and cold, and bring forth Flowers in their due seasons. The common people astonished with these strange effects, conceive highly of those Friars, and bring them presents of Flesh and other things. They with this Water, in the extremity of the cold, heat their Chambers, which also (as the other buildings of the Monastery) are framed of those burning stones, which the mouth of the Hill casts forth. They cast water on some of them, whereby they are dissolved, and become excellent white Lime, and so tough, that being contrived in building, it lasteth for ever. The rest, after the fire is out, serve in stead of stones to make walls and vaults, and will not dissolve or break, except with some Iron tool. Their Winter lasteth nine months: and yet there is a fair Haven, where this water falleth into the Sea, not frozen: by means whereof there is great resort of wild Fowl and Fish, which they take in infinite multitudes. The Fisher's Boats are made like to a Weaver's shuttle, of the skins of Fishes, fashioned with the bones of the same Fishes, and being sowed together with many doubles, they are so strong, that in foul weather they will shut themselves within the same, not fearing the force either of Sea or wind. Neither can the hardhearted Rocks break these yielding Vessels. They have also as it were a Sleeve in the bottom thereof, by which with a subtle device, they convey the water forth, that soaketh into them. The most of these Friars spoke the Latin tongue. A little after this, Nicolo returned and died in Friesland, whither his brother Antonio had before resorted to him▪ and now succeeded both in his goods and honour; whom Zichmui employed in the Expedition 〈◊〉 Estotiland: Estotiland. which happened upon this occasion. Six and twenty years before, four Fisher-boats were apprehended at Sea by a mighty and tedious storm; wherewith after many days, they were brought to Estotiland, above a thousand miles' West from Friesland: upon which, one of the Boats was cast away, and six men that were in it, were taken and brought to a populous City; where, one that spoke Latin, and had been cast by chance upon that Island, in the name of the King asked them what Countrymen they were; and understanding their case, he acquainted the King therewith. They dwelled there five years, and found it ●o be an Island very rich, being little less than Iseland, but far more fruitful. One of them said he saw Latin books in the King's Library, which they at this present do not understand. They have a peculiar Language, and Letters or Characters to themselves. They have mines of Gold and other Metals, and have Trade with Engroneland. They sow Corn, and make Beer and Ale. They build Barks (but know not the use of the Compass) and have many Cities and Castles. The King sent these Fishermen with twelve Barks Southwards, to a Country which they call Drogio: in which Voyage escaping dreadful tempests at Sea, they encountered with Cannibals at Land, which devoured many of them. Drogio. These Fishers showing them the manner of taking Fish with Nets, escaped, and for the presents which they made of their Fish to the chief men of the Country, were beloved and honoured. One of these (more expert it seemeth then the rest) was holden in such account, that a great Lord made war with their Lord to obtain him: and so prevailed, that he and his company were sent unto him. And in this order was he sent to five and twenty Lords, which had warred one with another to get him, in thirteen years' space: whereby he came to know almost all those parts; which, he said, was a great Country, and (as it were) a new World. The people are all rude, and void of goodness: they go naked, neither have they wit to cover their bodies with the Beasts skins which they take in Hunting, from the vehement cold. They are fierce, and eat their enemies, having diverse Laws and Governors. Their living is by hunting. Further to the South-west, they are more civil, and have a more temperate air: They have Cities and Temples dedicated to Idols, where they sacrifice Men, and after eat them; and have also some use of Gold and Silver. He fled away secretly, and conveying himself from one Lord to another, came at length to Drogio, where he dwelled three years. After this time finding there certain Boats of Estotiland, he went thither with them: and growing there very rich, furnished a Bark of his own, and returned into Friesland: where he made report unto his Lord of that wealthy Country. Zichmui prepared to send thither: but three days before they set forth, this Fisherman died. Yet taking some of the Mariners which came with him in his stead, they prosecuted the Voyage, and encountered after many days an Island; where ten men of diverse Languages, were brought unto them, of which they could understand none, but one of Iseland. He told them, that the Island was called Icaria, and the Knights thereof called Icari, descended of the ancient pedigree of Dedalus, King of Scots, who conquering that Island, left his Son there for King, and left them those Laws, which to that present they retained. And, that they might keep their Laws inviolate, they would receive no Stranger. Only they were contented to receive one of our men, in regard of the Language, as they had done those ten Interpreters. Zichmui sailing hence, in four days descried Land, where they found abundance of Fowl, and Birds eggs, for their refreshing. The Haven they called Cap Trin. There was a Hill, which burning, cast out smoke: where was a Spring, from which issued a certain water like Pitch, which ran into the Sea. The people of small stature, wild, and fearful, hid themselves in Caves. Zichmui built there a City, and determining to inhabit, sent Antonio back again, with the most of his people to Friesland. This History I have thus inserted at large, which perhaps, not without cause in some things, Abrah. Ortel. Chart. 6. Hak. vol. 3. Botero. Maginus. Hondius, etc. may seem fabulous; not in the Zeni, which thus writ, but in the relations which they received from others. Howsoever, the best Geographers are beholden to these Brethren, for that little knowledge they have of these parts; of which none before had written: nor since have there been any great inland Discoveries. The Shipwreck of Master PIERO QVIRINO, described by CHRISTOFORO FIORAVANTI, and NICOLO DIEGO MICHIEL * There is also the relation hereof by Quirino himseife, extant together with this in R●musio, Tom. 2. Out of which I have here added diverse annotations. , who were present there: here contracted. IT seemeth to be a convenient duty to make a memorial, and not suffer to be buried in oblivion, that most lamentable, and cruel Voyage full of innumerable and extreme miseries, which befell a Venetian Ship, wherein we carried above seven hundred Butts of Wine, Spices, Cottons, and other Merchandises of great value, furnished in Candia with threescore and eight men, to go towards the * The Italians call the sailing into the Mediterranean, the Levant or East; and thence into the Spanish Ocean, and these parts the Ponent or West. West. The Master whereof was Master Piero Quirini, a Venetian Gentleman, in the year 1431. Who after many troubles * These are particularly related by Quirino the Patron or Owner. They lost their Rudder on a Rock, not far from Cales in Spain, and were fain to make thither to repair it: and other diast●rs followed. , misfortunes, and wants befallen him, after his departure from Candia towards the West, on the sixth of November, in the foresaid year of the Lord, by chance came into the mouth of the Channels of Flanders, and went far beyond them, by a storm from the South, towards the Northwest, about one hundred and forty miles, running still upon the Island of Vssenti, where, by agreement, we Christoforo Fioravanti, and Nicolo Michiel, say, that at noon we founded the bottom of the Sea with the Lead, and found ourselves in five and fifty fathom of water, and afterward toward the Evening we sounded, and found ourselves in ninety fathoms and more, but the storm and fury of the winds was so great, that it broke five of the hinges off our rudder. On the twelfth, in the morning, the storm not ceasing, but increasing every hour more and more, beat upon our weak rudder with so great violence and fury, that it broke away all that held it, in such sort, that it hung on the one side, where, for the last remedy, we fastened a great Cable unto it, with the which, for three days we drew it after us, not being able to do it otherwise, in which time in our judgement, we thought we had run two hundred miles and more, against our wills. Afterward we took away the two Rudders, and with many pieces of Timber we made another, which might rather be called a shadow then a true Rudder, and we put it in his place to guide and direct the ship. But it could not endure longer, then till the six and twentieth of November, when the violence of the Sea carried it all away: so that then we remained deprived of all hope of government and direction. On the fourth of December, the fury of the wind grew so outrageous again, that it carried away all this third sail, and so being spoilt and bereft of Sail and Rudder, we went at adventure until the eight day, always wandering, not knowing by any means how to provide for our safety. Afterward the wind always increasing from the East, and with so great violence and fury, that the Sea began to swell so high, that the waves seemed Mountains, and far greater than we had ever seen before, with the darkness of the extreme long night, so that we seemed to go in the bottomless depth of Hell: whereby you may imagine how great the anguish and trembling of our hearts was, because although we were living, yet at that instant we seemed to be dead, expecting death every hour, which we saw present: In this darkness the Heaven was sometimes seen to open with the lightnings and sudden flashes of fire so bright, that they took away the fight of our eyes. And sometimes we seemed to touch the stars, the ship mounted so aloft, and then again we saw ourselves buried in Hell, insomuch as being all astonished, we had lost our strength and force. And being in this miserable case we did nothing else, but with pity behold one another: & running with so great violence for many hours, in the end a surge of the Sea came over the ship under the wind with such fury, that the water entered into it, filled it almost half full, whereby being now much weakened, it was ready to sink, and turned up the Keel. And surely that was the last hour, and our end, and truly we had been swallowed up of the Sea, if our Lord jesus Christ had not been, who forsaketh not them that religiously call upon him, who put such power and strength into our afflicted minds, that seeing the ship in so dangerous a case, full of water, as it could not be cast out by any humane force, we determined to cut down the main Mast, and cast it together with the main Yard and Tackling into th● Sea, and so we did, whereby the ship being disburdened, paused awhile, and we then taking courage, began to cast out the water, which with our great trouble and labour we overcame in the end. In this manner we went scouring away all that long night. Now when the day was almost come, they agreed to make ready the Boat and the Schiffe, with that little provision of victual which was remaining, equally parted. And the Patron said, With your consent I command you Nicolo di Michiel the Notary, that you set down in a note the names of those that are willing to enter into the Schiffe and Boat▪ so presently he gave him forty five persons in a note, who were willing to enter into the Schiffe, which was capable but of one and twenty men only, and therefore it was necessary to cast Lots who should go therein: and so it was done, and they prepared it, and set it in order, and did the like to the Boat, into the which the Master with forty seven men entered. The one and twenty persons to whom the lot fell, entered the Schiffe, They leave the ship. and a rate was given them according to the proportion of the victual which was remaining of Biscuit, and also of Frisoppi, three hundred pound weight, of Cheese of Candia eighty pounds, of dried Bacon eight pounds, of Tallow to trim their Schiffe forty pounds, of Oil about two pound weight and no more: but besides we bestowed there seven Carrattells of Tyrian Wine, which is a kind of Malvasy, for the Pinnace or Schiffe would hold no more. In like manner forty seven men, reckoning the Master, entered into the Boat or Pinnace, unto whom rateably fell their proportion of victuals, adding thereto a little Green Ginger in Syrup, and Syrup of Lemons, with some small quantity of Spices, which we had taken. We were (in our judgement) distant from the nearest Island or Land about five hundred miles or more, from the point of Land to Lee-ward of the North part, and we sailed with these Conserves in a quiet and calm Sea, that little time of the day together with our one and twenty companions, comforting ourselves in that which we had seen the beginning of so fair a fortune. But when the night came, a dark mist rose, which was a token of the evil success and end, The Schiffe lost. which our companions of the Schiffe were to have, of whom we had now lost the sight, so that we never saw them any more. The ninteenth day, the morning appearing, and not seeing any token of the Schiffe, it made us suspicious of their death, whereupon our minds were much troubled, doubting what might befall them, because the winds raged in such manner, that a wave of the Sea mounted with so great violence into the Pinnace, behind the Poop, where we Christopher and Nicholas were set down, that through the force of the fury thereof, two stays were battered and bend, which left a token of unsupportable trouble and grief, by means that the Pinnace was more charged with the weight of the water, then with her own burden. Wherefore to remedy it, we ran all to lad it out with our hands, and being constrained through fear and necessity, for the freeing of her, we were fain to cast out all that, whether with water or without, which came most fit and ready to our hands. The Pinnace becoming dry again, presently in this storm, we agreed to cast overboard the greatest part of the Wine, and we found ourselves in so great extremity, that if we would taste thereof to comfort our troubled senses, no more than one goblet of Wine apiece fell to every man's share for the whole day, and who so would drink more, was constrained to take the Sea-water: Hard diet. and this measure and quantity of Wine held out eight days, and no more. And afterward being driven to greater necessity, we brought ourselves to a greater extremity, by restraining our proportion to half a goblet a day, and none of us could securely sleep; for the diverse doubts and dangers, wherein we always presently stood. We continued every day and night, four or six of us at the Helm, and those that were at the Pump, stood always firm and upright changing their courses, where we endured cold beyond comparison far greater than that, which not many years since was in Venice, Great Frost a● Venice. when all the Channels were frozen, so that from Margara to Venice, not only Men and Women, but Oxen, Horses, Carts, and Wagons, went over upon the Ice in great multitudes, to the admiration of all the people, because that Region is (without comparison) much colder than the Country of Italy. Now consider what our case was, being without Clothes to cover us, and not having any thing to eat, or drink, or other necessary thing for the maintenance of man's life, except a few Frisoppis which were left, and the nights one and twenty hours long, and also dark. Through the which cold, Extreme cold we began to lose the feeling of our feet, and by little and little, the cold becoming more vehement, possessed the whole body, procuring a dogged and raging appetite and hunger, so that every one sought to devour that which was hid in a corner, and whatsoever he had next at hand, wheresoever he could find it, as well as he might, with that weak and little strength which he had remaining. Afterward, death seizing upon them, you might see them shake the head, and fall down presently dead. In the which Diseases, of seven and forty men (which we found in that case) six and twenty yielded up the ghost, and it was not any wonder, The death of six and twenty. considering we could not have any succour, nay, it is a divine miracle that any one remained alive. And those few of us that are remaining, live only to commend to memory, and highly to exalt the great power of God. Those six and twenty died, from the three and twentieth of December until the fifth of january, now one, now two, and sometimes more, in one day, whom we buried in the Sea. The one and thirtieth of December, our Wine being wholly spent, and having seen the cruel and lamentable experience of our six and twenty Companions, who died with drinking of the Sea-water, necessities gave us a good stomach, that is to say, to take our own water to quench our thirst. Now, there were some of the company exceedingly troubled with giddiness: Great thirst. for, wanting the abundant plenty of Wine, they were not able to endure thirst, nor to expel it, but they accounted it a great favour to be able to obtain of their companions, whereof there were some who denied it to their dearest friend, to keep it for themselves. It is true, that some of us warily mortified it, by mingling a little syrup of green Ginger, or Lemons therewith, which by chance we had remaining. During this time, until the fifth of january, we were every hour more accustomed to greater extremities. The third of january, 1431. we had sight of the first Land, which gave us great hope, although it so fell out, that it was very far distant, Sight of Land. where we saw certain Rocks to weatherward covered to the top with infinite heaps of Snow, to the which, the winds being contrary, we were not able to approach with the sails, and much less with Oars, because our arms were exceedingly weakened: wherefore we stro●e to come near them with the wind, but passing beyond them through the current of the water, we lost sight of them altogether. And after difficult escape from the Rocks, sailing forward towards a very high Rock, we had sight of a Valley situated between the two next Mountains, into the which desiring to enter about the fourth hour of the night, the cruel and outrageous winds would not suffer us. Notwithstanding, inflamed through an exceeding great desire to go on Land, we took courage and strength, and (through force of the Oars, and the help of God) entered into the said Valley, at a point of Land in the least doubtful and dangerous place, as it were at the very beginning and entry thereof, in the which, as soon as they perceived the Pinnace to touch upon the sand, five of our company being more desirous of drink, Hot strong stomaches to cold small drink. then of any other refreshing and recreation, leapt into the water without any regard, although it were very deep, and went their way toward the Snow, and so glutted themselves therewith, that it was an incredible thing. And afterward, they brought a great quantity thereof unto us, who remained in the Pinnace, to defend it from the beating of the Sea, of the which we also with great greediness, received without measure. And running according to our judgement, as we had run in this Pinnace for eighteen days, from the day that we departed from the ship, until this sixth of januarie, sailing always between the North-east and the East, and not with less wind than after six miles an hour, we had run about two thousand five hundred miles and more, without ever seeing any Land. They go on Land. Island of Saints or Santi, bearing off the coast of Norway. See Ortelius his Map of Scandia: he placeth Santi and Rustene in 74. degrees, but too Northerly than they are from the North Cape, from which this Rock (saith Quirino) bore Westward 70. miles other Rocks: not far distant, some inhabited some not. This is off Rustene three miles in compass, and called in their Language for the extreme remoteness, The arse of the World. Four dye and others after. On the sixth of january, at the time of the solemn day of the Epiphanie, nineteen of us went on land in this desolate and dry place, called the Island of the Saints, in the Coast of Norway, subject to the Crown of Denmark, leaving two other to look to the weak Pinnace, that it might not be broken with the beating of the Sea. And being landed there by means of an Oar, we endeavoured to kindle fire, and with a tinder box and steel to strike fire, we retired ourselves into the closest place from the wind, and at the sight of the fire, nature thereby received a little strength. Finding this Island not inhabited, and seeking to go in the Pinnace to another Island five miles off, she so leaked, that part of us landing, as it were all in the water, and some of us up to the middle in shallower water, we strove to draw her on land, and despairing to be ever able to go in her again, we determined to fit her in such sort, that she might serve our turn to cover us, after the best manner that we could. We broke her into two parts: and of the greater we made a shelter, or Cottage for thirteen of us, and of the lesser a shed, capable of five men, under the which we entered covering them with part of our sails, and with the rest, and the cordage of the said Pinnace, we made continual fire to preserve our lives. Now being utterly destitute of all sustenance of meat and drink, we went wand'ring upon the Sea shore, where Nature gave us food to maintain life, with certrine Perewinckles, or Shellfish and Barnacles. And of these, not as many nor when we would, but in very small quantity. And removing the Snow in some places, we found a certain Herb, which together with the Snow we cast into the Cauldron, and when we thought it was boiled, we eat it. Nor could we satisfy ourselves therewith, and thus we lived for thirteen days together, with small charity amongst us, by reason of the great scarcity of all things and extreme famine, leading rather a brutish life, than the life of men. Continuing in this rude and homely kind of life, it happened, that through the intolerable wants four of our companions of the greater retiring place, failed even where the afflicted Master was, with those remedies and slender comforts for their souls and bodies: so that you may think their bodies remaining near unto us, who being very weak had lost all our strength, we were not able to remove them two yards out of sight: and yet I will say more, that we had no sooner taken the frozen or warm water in our mouths, but presently Nature of itself cast it up again, we not being able to abstain from it, nor almost to stand on our feet. Great weakness. The cold season of the year had brought us to such necessity, that (to warm us) we stood close thronged, in such sort, that we seemed (as it were) to be sewed together. Wherefore I entered under the sails, which covered both our Cottages round about down to the ground, the smoke not being able to issue forth, which proceeded (as I think) from the Pitch which was within certain pieces of the Pinnace, which we burned, so that our eyes were swollen that we could not see: Miserable cold nevertheless we endured all, that we might be warm. And our garments which we never put off, were full of vermin, and the Lice swarmed in such number, that taking them from our backs, we cast them by whole handfuls into the fire, and they had entered into the flesh in such manner through the skin, even to the bones, that finally they brought a young man of our company (that was a Notary) even unto death, so that he was never able to defend himself from so loathsome a little vermin. Abundance of Lice. A thing of most manifest example, to abase and abate our pride, and haughtiness of mind. Now concord sailing among us, every one used his own proper advice, whereupon part of our company wand'ring through the Savage and un-inhabited place, came to the knowledge of a solitary and ancient retiring place made by the Shepherds heretofore, for the time of their abode, and it was seated on the highest part of the Coast of the said Island towards the West, distant from ours about a mile and a half. Unto the which, six of the company of the number of those eight, which were found in that first and greater retiring place, determined to remove themselves to that newfound solitary habitation, for their less inconvenience leaving the other two, their other companions alone, in an abandoned and forsaken place, as well because they were not able to travel, as also for that we were altogether unable to conduct them. It came to pass, that those six through the gracious goodness and gift of God, found an exceeding great Fish, They find a Fish. to the which I know not what name to give, whether Whale, or Por piss of the Sea, which we are to think was sent from the Divine and excellent bounty to feed us. And considering that we saw it cast up by the Sea upon the shore, dead, fresh, good and great, and at the time of our so great necessity, we rendered thanks unto our most gracious Lord God, who at that time would sustain our so weak and diseased bodies, with that food, appeased peradventure through the prayers of some vigilant and devout soul. With this Fish, we fed ourselves for nine days sufficiently. And as it happened, those very nine days were so tempestuous with winds, rain and snow, that by no means the cruel storm would have suffered us to go one pace out of our Cottage. The miraculous Fish being spent, the furious tempest was somewhat assuaged, wherefore not having wherewith to maintain life, like Wolves that oppressed with famine, go to seek out other places of abode, we arose out of the Cottage, and went wand'ring through the desert Rocks to find any succour to sustain our life with Perewinckles of the Sea and Barnacles; with the which we were of necessity to be contented, although they were very little things, and so we maintained ourselves until the last of january, 1431. and therefore we were lean, pale, afflicted, and but half alive. 1432. in Foreign account. In which time finding certain dung of Oxen scorched and dried with the cold and wind, (whereof we gathered every day to make a fire) we certainly knew that place to be frequented by Oxen: which thing gave us assured hope of some good end, and through this persuasion we endured part of our grievous cares and sorrows. In the end the hour came, wherein our benign Creator and most gracious Lord, purposed to conduct his little flock so much afflicted, into the Haven of their safety: and it was in this manner. Two young Heifers of a Fisherman near unto this Island within five miles, being strayed the former year from the place where he used to dwell, I'll of Rustene. and never understanding any news of them within the year, nor having any hope to find them again, on the very first day of February, 1431. at night, one of the Sons of the said Fisherman of Rustene (for so the said Island was called) being of the age of sixteen years, dreamt that certainly the two Heifers were escaped, and gone up to the Island of Saints distant from them, where we were lodged, at the point of the West part, upon the which no man durst ever go at the low water. Whereupon the Son who had such a vision or dream, prayed the Father, and an elder Brother of his, that they would accompany him to go to seek them. And so, all three in a Fisher-boate took their way towards the said Island, and came to the point where we were, and the said young men landing there, left their Father to look to the Boat, and having ascended a little upon the Cliff, they saw a smoke arise in the air, from their retiring place which they had formerly used. Whereupon through fear and astonishment they marvelled, and that not a little, how, whence, and by what means it might come to pass. Wherefore, they stood a long time much amazed. And desiring to know the cause, they began to talk one with another. And although we perceived the noise, and heard the voice; yet we could not conceive whence it should be, but rather judged it to be the crying of Crows, than the voice of men. And we were the rather induced thereunto, because some few days before, we had seen (upon the miserable Carcases of our eight companions cast to the wind) multitudes of Crows, that rend the air with their croaking, feeding themselves upon them: whereupon we thought it could be no other. But continuing from good to better, the voices of the children of God sent to save us, we clearly perceived that they were the voices of Men, and not the crying of Fowls. And at that instant Christophor● Fioravanti arose out of the Cottage, and seeing the two young striplings, crying with a loud voice came towards us, saying, Rejoice, behold two come to seek us. Whereupon, inflamed with an earnest desire, we raised ourselves on our feet, going rather with the heart then with the feet, and drawing near unto them, we perceived that through the sudden and extreme strangeness of the matter, they were afraid, and their countenances began to wax pale. But contrarily we cheered ourselves, and being comforted with an assured hope, showed with actions and gestures of humility, that we came not to offend them in any wise. diverse thoughts came in our minds, whether we should detain one of them or both, or whether one or two of us should go with them. The first determination was against us, because we knew not with whom, nor with how many we had to do, for that we understood not them, nor they us. But being advised by the holy Ghost, we went down to their Boat, in the best and most amiable manner that we could, where the Father was, who expected them: and when he saw us, he also remained astonished and amazed. In this mean space, we looked whether there were any thing in their Boat to succour our necessities, to maintain life: but we found nothing there. So, they moved through pity, seeing us affamished▪ by signs and actions which we made unto them, were contented to carry with them Ghirardo damn Lione, a Sewer, and Cola di Otranto, a Mariner, who had some knowledge, and were able to speak the French and the high Dutch, leaving us in great hope of present safety and help. Their Boat coming to Rustene with our two companions, all the people flocked together, and seeing the countenance and habit of our companions, astonished at so great and strange a matter, they demanded among themselves, whence, & how such like fellows as these appeared, or from what place they landed: and that they might be the better advertised, they attempted to speak unto them in diverse Languages, but in the end an Almain Priest of the Order of the Preachers, A german Priest. spoke with one of the said companions in the high Dutch, and by that means, they were certified what we were, from whence, and how we had arrived there. The which matter the morning following, which was the second day of February dedicated to the glorious Mother of Christ, the said Priest published to all the people of Rustene, exhorting them, that through our misfortune, they would be moved to pity and to help us, according to their ability. In this mean space, through the Catholic remembrance of the Almain Priest, on the third day of February, 1431. at the very instant of the day of Saint Biagio, the courteous and pitiful Inhabitants of Rustene came unto us with great plenty of all sustenance, which they use for their provision, to feed us and preserve us, being desirous to conduct us to their kind habitations, to refresh our weak bodies. And so we were guided and received into Rustene upon the said day, where we had great restoratives, which were rather hurtful for us, through the exceeding abundance thereof, because we could never satisfy ourselves with eating, and our weak stomaches not being able to endure it, it made our hearts to grieve, so that we thought we should have died. There were remaining in the first and greater of our two retiring places, two of the company which were impotent and weak, who knew nothing of this our so miraculous succour. Wherefore giving these Catholic Country people notice of them, and likewise of the other eight that were dead and unburied, assembling themselves together, they went with the Priest singing Psalms and Hymns, as well to bury those eight that were dead, as to conduct to the Haven of safety the two that were remaining behind, and arriving at the Island of Saints, they performed a work of mercy to the eight that were dead, to the which number, one of the two remaining was added, whom they found dead. Now imagine, how the other could continue being deprived of company and all humane sustenance, and yet he was brought to Rustene with some little show of life, where, at the end of two days he departed this transitory life. Eleven of us being come to Rustene, we landed and went into the house of our Guide, Host, and Lord, as he and the rest desired, whereinto our most prudent Master, Master Piero Quirini entering, using his wisdom and discretion, performed an action of exceeding great humility, as soon as he saw the companion of our Conductor and Sergeant Maior, declaring by semblance that he would acknowledge her to be the Mistress of the house, he cast himself down at her feet: but she refused and lifted him up from the ground, embracing him and bringing him to the fire, and with her own hand gave him somewhat to eat. In this Island there are twelve little Houses, with about one hundred and twenty persons, for the most part Fishermen, Rustene described. and they are by nature endued with understanding to know how to make Boats, Buckets, Tons, Baskets, Nets of all sorts, and every other thing necessary for their use and trade. And they are very courteous one toward another and serviceable, desirous to please rather for love, then for hope of any gift or good turn to be done them again. Fishes called Stockfish, in all their payments and bartering, are used in stead of coined money, and they are all as it were of one bigness and measure, Stockfish in stead of money. of the which every year they dry an infinite number in the wind: and in the time of May freight themselves with them, carrying them through the Realms of Denmark, that is to say, Sweden, Denmark, and Norway, being all Subject to the King of Dacia: where they barter and exchange the said Fish, for Leather, clothes, Iron, Pulse and other things, whereof they have scarcity. Few other things for maintenance of life are found there, except Fish, yet at certain times, they have some small quantity of Beef, and Milk of Kine, of the which, with Rice, and I know not what other mixture, they make Bread of a naughty taste. Their Drink is sour Milk, Their drink and bread. displeasing unto them, who have not been accustomed thereunto. They use also Ale, that is to say, Wine drawn out of Rye. We eat of the Plaice or Halibut fish, which are exceeding great, Halibuts very great. so that you would not believe it. We saw some of them somewhat longer than six feet of the common Venetian measure, above two foot broad upon the Chine, and more than three quarters of a foot in thickness: a wonderful thing to be spoken. They cloth the men with red Hides, and likewise black, able to defend them from the water, and they use clothes very course, of azure, red, and ash-colour, brought from Denmark, of small price and estimation. These Country people use much to frequent the Church, because they are very devout, and yield great reverence to the worship and service of God. Avarice, is as it were altogether extinguished, Sincerity. for, they understand not in any sort, nor know not what thing of another's may become theirs, but by barter: and therefore they use not to lock Door, House, nor Windows, nor any Chest for fear to be robbed, but only by reason of the wild Beasts. The Inhabitants of this place both young and old, are of so great simplicity of heart, Simplicity. Thus the Italians thought in regard of their differing jealousy, which scarcely permits the grown Son or Brother to sleep under the same roof with the Mother or Sister. and obedient to the Commandment of God, that they neither understand, know, nor imagine in any wise, what Fornication, or Adultery may be: but use Marriage according to God's Commandment. And to give you a true proof hereof I Christoph●r● say, that we were in the house of our foresaid Host, and slept in one and the same Cottage, m Quirino faith in the same Chamber, their houses being built of timber in round form, with one light in the top, which in winter by reason of the unsupportable cold is covered wi●h skins of great fishes, which cast a great lustre. Their children after four days old are set under the same for the snow to fall on them, that they may be hardened for the cold. From the fi●t of Febr. to the 14. of May, it almost always snowed. Their garments are of course clo●h of London, etc. more than of Leather. Funeral. Bathing. Long nights. Quirino saith, that it is three months night with continual light of the Moon: and three others day with continual sight or light at least of the Sun. Birds, M●xi. They return. where he also and his Wife slept, and successively in one Bed near adjoining, were their Daughters and Sons of ripe age together, near to the which Beds we also slept, almost close adjoining to them: so that when they went to sleep, or when they arose, or when they stripped themselves naked, and we in like manner, we indifferently saw one another, and yet with that purity, as if we had been little children. But I will tell you more, that for two days together, our said Host, with his elder Sons arose to go a fishing, even at the time of the most delightful hour of sleep, leaving his Wife and Daughters in the Bed, with that security and purity, as if he had properly left them in the arms and embracements of the Mother, not returning to his home in less time than the space of eight hours. The Inhabitants of this Island, especially the elder ●ort, are found so united in their wills to the will of God, that in every casualty of natural death, which befalleth Father, Mother, Husband, Wife, Children, or whatsoever other Kinsman, or Friend, when the hour of their passage unto another life appeareth, presently without any grief of heart and complaining, they assemble themselves together unto the Cathedral Church, to thank and praise the Heavenly Creator, who hath permitted such an one to live so many years, and at that present, as his creature vouchsafed to call him, or her into his gracious favour, and near unto him: and at the appointed hour they cause them to be washed clean, to have them pure and neat, as they were borne. Whereupon rejoicing and contenting themselves with his infallible will and pleasure, they give him praise and glory, not showing any passion either in words or gestures, as if properly they had but slept. Surely we may say, that from the third of February 1431. until the fourteenth of May 1432. which amounteth to an hundred days and one, we were within the circuit of Paradise, to the reproach and shame of the Countries of Italy. There at the beginning of May we saw great variety and alteration. First, their women use to go unto the Baths, which are very near and commodious, as well for purity, as for the custom they observe, which they hold agreeable unto Nature: they use to come forth of their houses stark naked, as they came out of their Mother's womb, going without any regard to their way, carrying only in their right hand an heap of grass, in manner of a broom, as they say, to rub the sweat from their back, and the left hand they hold upon their hip, spreading it as it were for a shadow to cover their hinder parts, that they should not much appear: where having twice seen them, we passed away by them, as easily as their own people, the Country was so cold, and the continual seeing of them, that it caused us to make no account thereof. On the contrary part, these very women were seen on the Sunday to enter into the Church in long and comely Garments. And that they might not by any means be seen in the face, they wear on their head a thing like a complete Morion with a Gorget, which hath an hole to see through at the end, like the hole of a Pipe, through the which they behold within that, no further off from their eyes then the hole is long, so that they seem to have it in their mouths to pipe: and worse than that, they can neither see nor speak, unless they turn themselves a yard or more, from the hearer. I thought good to note these two extreme varieties, as worthy to be understood. From the twentieth of November, until the twentieth of February, the night continueth and lasteth there about one and twenty hours or more, the Moon never wholly hiding her body or her rays at least. And from the twentieth of May until the twentieth of August, either the whole Sun is always seen, or else his beams never fail. In this Country there is infinite plenty of white Birds, in their Language called Muxi, but we called them Cocks of the Sea, which by nature converse, and willingly abide where men inhabit, whether they find them in Barks or on the Land. And they are so domestical and tame, as House-doves are with us. In this Island, and in the Countries of Succia, we saw very white skins of Bears as white as Armelins, much longer than twelve Venetian feet. We abode in Rustene three months and eleven days, expecting a fit time to pass with our Host into Sueden, with his usual freight of Stockfish, which is in the time of May, when these Country people depart, carrying with them infinite plenty thereof through the Realms of the aforesaid King of Dacia. On the fourteenth day of May 1432. came the hour so much desired, to turn our faces towards our amiable and beloved Country, as our mind and desire always was, and leave the charitable place of Rustene, which was the last succour and refreshing to our miseries. So we took our leave of our Domestical friends of the House, and of our Mistress and Hostess, to whom in token of our love we left, not that whereunto we were in duty bound, but what we had remaining: and that was certain small trifling things of little value in our opinion, as Goblets, Girdles, and small Rings. And likewise we took leave of the Neighbours, and the Priest, and generally of all, showing them by signs and words, as the Interpeter might understand then, that we acknowledged ourselves bound unto them all. And having performed due salutations, we entered into a Bark of the burden of twenty tons, or thereabouts, laden with the said fish, guided by our Patron and Host, with three of his Sons, and certain of their Kindred. B●rga. And we departed on the said day bending our course towards Bergie, which is the first convenient and fit Haven for the dispatch and riddance of such fish, which place is distant from Rustene, about some thousand miles. So we conducted the said Bark through certain direct and safe channels, rowing most commodiously and at ease. Tokens of the Skiffe drowned. But after we were about two hundred miles off from Rustene, we found certain Relics of the planks and ribs of our Skiffe, whereby we plainly knew, that our companions which were in it, were perished and drowned, the first night that they departed from us. Trondon. The nine and twentieth of May 1432. we arrived with the said Bark at Trondon, upon the Coast of Norway, the Princely Seat of the King of Denmark, where the Honourable body of glorious Saint Olaus resteth. Saint Olaus. There we stayed ten days to wait for passage, and a fit time for our Voyage: but not finding it, because we would lose no more time, we took leave of our beloved Host, his Sons and the rest, to proceed on our journey by Land. The ninth of june we departed from Trondon, travelling on foot, going towards Vastena, a place subject to the King of Denmark, Vastena. within the Province of Sweden, where the cheekbone and part of the bone of the head of Saint Bridget remaineth. Being there, we understood by the Venetians, that the Inhabitants for the reverence of their glorious King Saint Olaus, unto whom (as they well knew) our Signiory of Venice did great favour in his going and returning from his Voyage to Jerusalem, were disposed with deeds to provide for us by their counsel, help and money. And first, they advised us not to go the direct way into Dacia, by reason of the dangers of wild beasts, which might befall us, but to address ourselves to go directly to Stichimborgi, to find out a valiant Venetian Knight called M. Giovan Francho, from whom we should receive favour and help in plentiful manner, for love of our Country, although the way were thirty days journey, quite contrary to our direct way. On the eighteenth day we came to the Court of the said Cavallier M. Giovan Francho, an Honourable Baron, and highly esteemed of the Crown of Dacia, where (with great joy) we found our two straggling companions. Venetian Knight. The valorous Knight being now informed of our coming, with a cheerful countenance declared well unto us how great the love of his Country was, and especially knowing the calamity and penury of us his Countrymen, and being easily able to relieve it. And therefore he could not sufficiently satisfy himself in honouring, clothing and feeding us, but gave us money for our necessities, and furnishing us afterward with good Horses, in his own proper person, together with his only Son M. Mapheo, with an hundred and twenty Horses of his own Servants he accompanied us many day's journeys through his Territories, travelling always at his own charge. Afterward, upon his limits and bounds we took our leave to depart, thanking him with the most reverend and kind speeches that possibly we could. Whereupon he being departed, left us for our Guide, his said son M. Mapheo with twenty servants on Horseback, who kept us company unto Vastena, the place from whence about forty days before we had departed, unto the which place, for the avoiding of two month's travel, we were fain to return: so that on the thirtieth day of july we entered into Vastena, where we abode until the second of August, being always accompanied, and our charges borne by the said M. Mapheo. On the second of August, we took our leave of the foresaid M. Mapheo, yielding him such thanks as we could. Lodese. And being departed from him we went to Lodese, where we arrived the eleventh of the said month: in which place we found two passages, the one for England, and the other for the Low Countries: and there we voluntarily divided ourselves into two parts. The two and twentieth of August 1432. we Christophoro Fioravante, one of the Council of the unfortunate ship, together with Girardo da Lione, the Sewer, and Nicolo di Michiel of Venice the Notary, now Writer of this present Discourse, departed from the other eight of our companions, they going towards London and we to Venice, by the way of Rostoch, pretending to go to Rome for a Pardon: and after many troubles and molestations, passing over Mountains, Valleys, Rivers, sometimes on foot, and sometimes on Horseback, through the help of the Omnipotent God, we came unto our so much desired Country of Venice, on the twelfth of October, 1432. safe and sound, leaving the said Girardo da Lion at Vasen●ch, who from thence went unto his Country: and those that went into * Quirino saith when he set foot on England, he seemed to be comen out of Hell and revived. He came to C●mbridge, an University where a Benedictinè gave him sixteen Crowns, thence to London, where he stayed two months, etc. England were these; Master Francisco Quirini, Son of Master jacomo a Venetian Gentleman, being Merchant of the unhappy ship. Master Piero Gradenico, Son of Master Andrea, of the age of eighteen years, a young Merchant, Bernardo da Caghire, Pilot of the ship, whose Wife being young, aswell through the long delay of time passed, as for that it was many times certainly reported, that the said ship with all them that were therein, were in great danger, and no token at all appearing to the contrary, being advised more hastily, then upon mature consideration, as is the manner of needy women, she married herself at Tri●iso. But hearing of our coming, and the certain news of her living and true Husband, she presently separated the bond of the second Marriage, and shut herself up in an honest Monastery, aswell to declare the Integrity of her mind, as to expect the return of her true Husband, who about some three months after came to Venice safe and sound, and took her again unto him, etc. CHAP. XIX. Ancient Commerce betwixt ENGLAND and NORWAY, and other Northern Regions. GReat Alexander is said in ●earing a Flatterers History of his conquest●, making them (how great soe●er in themselves) far greater the● they were, to have caused that book to be thrown into the Sea, with just indignation exclaiming, that those incredibilities would make that which he had indeed done, seem incredible to posterity. And a Liar (said Alexander's Master, Aristotle) gets this by lying, that when he speaks truth he cannot be believed. So hath it fared with that British worthy, King Arthur, whose Great Acts by great Flatterers, seeking to light candles to the Sun, have made others suppose it to be night, and his worth to be a work of darkness and lies. Neither doth the later posterity know how to distinguish the one from the other; and the Writers for and against the truth of three British story, as jeffery of Moumouth and William of Newbridge of old, and others since, have seemed to me to let the truth (as in altercation is usual) to fall down betwixt them, for others more moderate spirits to take up▪ Although therefore many things related of Art●●● are absurd, 〈◊〉 so are not all, nor that altogether which is spoken of his Northern conquests, eleven hundred years since, and of commerce a 〈…〉 not some kind of 〈◊〉 acknowledgement, of 〈◊〉 the King of Ireland, 〈◊〉 of the Orcadeses, Malu●sius of Island, * Dolda●i● of Got●and, Asc●il●● of the Danes, and Lo● King of Norway. Some * add, that King Arthur left people to inhabit the Lands, and that the Norwegian Nobleses took them British wives, and that the Norwegians 〈◊〉 their British 〈◊〉▪ and liking England's fertility better than that their own sterility and rocky barrenness, 〈◊〉 by force of wars often to conquer that which would not be peaceably yielded; till King Edward, a maintainer of peace, with consent of the Kingdom; permitted them to dwell here at pleasure, as sworn brethren to the English Octher, Octhers' voyage see Hak. ●●●1. subject and servant to King Alfr●d above seven hundred years since, related to his said Lord▪ 〈◊〉 voyage from He●gola●● (where he then dwelled) to the North Cape, and (as probable circumstances argue) along the coast to the Bay of Saint Nicolas. Aedgar, that famous founder of Monasteries, is said by Ranulphu● Cest●ensis to have in annual use four thousand ships, and by Flores Historiarum four thousand eight hundred 〈◊〉 yearly to compass this Island, with his Navy quadripartite, twelve hundred in the East, as many in the West, and like proportions on the North, and on the South coasts, to secure the Seas and secure his subjects: And in the Charter of the foundation of the Cathedral Church of Worcester, he useth these words; Mihi autem concessit propitia divinitas 〈◊〉 Anglorum Imperio, omnia Regn● Insularium Oceani cum suis fercissimis Regibus usque Norwegians, Maximamque partem Hyberniae, cum sua nobilissima civitate Dubli●ia, Anglorum Regno subi●g●re etc. He also styles himself King and Emperor of the Ocean, and the Hands about Britain, beginning, Ego Aedg●rus Anglorum Basileus, om●i●mque Regum, Insularum, Oceani●●● Britannium circumiacentis cunctarumque Nationum quae infra eam includuntur, Imperator & Dominus. So potent was he first of the English Kings (for Arthur was a Briton) by his strong shipping, and well manned and managed Navy. Florentius Wigorniensis styleth him, ●los & dec●●s antecess●rum Regum, Pacificus Rex Aedgarus non min●● memorab●lis Anglis quam Romul●s Rowanis, Cyrus Persis, Alexander Macedonibus, Arsaces Parthis, Carolus Magnus Francis: and addeth, as before is notified, 〈…〉 3600. 〈◊〉 sibi congregaverat naves, ex quibus Paschali emensa 〈…〉 Anno 1200. 〈…〉 4000 Matthew Westminster hath 4800. viz 1200. for the South coast also. In orientali, 1200. in occidentals, 1200. in Sep●●●trionali insulae plaga coadunare & ad occidental●● 〈◊〉 orientali class, & illa remissa ad borealem cum occidentali, ipsaque rem●ssa cum boreali ad orien●alem classem remigare, eoque modo totam insulam omni aestate consueverat cincumnavigare, viriliter hoc agens ad defensionem contra exteros Regni sui, & suum sisorumque ad bellicos usus exercitium. Both Florentius and Malmesbury, and Mat. Westminster record, that he sitting at the Stern, was rowed by eight Kings his Tributaries; Kined King of Scots, Macolm of Cumberland, Macon of Man and many Lands, Dufnal of D●metia, Siferth and Howel Kings of Wales, jacob King of Galwales, and jukil of Westmar, having the same day there met at his summons, and sworn fealty and assistance to him by Sea and Land. These rowed him in the River Dee, to the Monastery from his Palace, and thence after service back again: So rightly did he instile himself in his Charter to Malmesbury, Ego Aedgarus totius Albionis Basileus, nec non 〈…〉 Regum circumhabitantium, etc. HONDIUS his Map of NORWEGIA and SVETIA. SVECIA ET Norwegia 〈◊〉 map of Norway and Sweden And such was the Danish tyranny, that every Dane was styled Lord Dane, and had at his commandment the wives, daughters, and the whole household where he became. But after the death of Hardicanutus, that title was turned into the reproachful term of Lurdane, and the day of his death * A. 1042. Hocktide I have seen kept with publi●e feasting in the street, the women also ●inding men, or compelling them to some ransom▪ the Tuesday for●night after Easter. (as the Roman Fugalia) was celebrated with open pastime and feasting in the streets, called Hocktide or Hucktide, as if England (then absolutely freed) made a mock or scorn of her enemies. Canutus by treason of Eadrike Streona obtained the Kingdom, first as partner with Edmund Ironside, and after his death the whole by other perfidy, slaying Eadwy brother of King Edmund, and sending Edmunds two sons, Edward and Edmund, to the King of Sweden to be there made away. But he hating such cruelty, sent them to Solomon King of H●ngary to bring up, where Edmund died, and Edward married Agatha daughter of Henry the Emperor, by whom he had Aedgar Athling, and Margaret married to Malcolm King of Scots (the mother of Maud wife to Henry the first) and Christine a Nun. Canutus' divided the Kingdom into four parts, of which he reserved West Saxony to himself, East England he committed to Earl Turkill, Mercia to Duke Edrike, and Northumberland to Earl Erike. Soon after, he caused Duke Edrike (which treacherously had advanced him to the Crown) to be slain, (a just reward of treason) and then banished Earl Turkill and Earl Erike picking quarrel with them (weary of any stalking horses) the former of which was presently after his landing in Denmark slain. And now did Canutus seek to win the favour of the English by building and endowing Monasteries, making good Laws, and marrying Emma the relict of King Ethelred. Thus having Denmark by inheritance, and England by conquest & treachery, his ambition next aimed at Sweden, where first he had the worse, but after compelled ulf and Eiglaf the Kings of that Country to composition with him, Earl Godwin, the General of the English, provoking and animating the English to recover their pristine glory, English Conquest in Sweden. A. 1024. and by solid virtue to overcome them, who had overcome their new Lord, whose fortune had subjected the English. Thus Canutus prevailed by Godwines' policy and English valour, they by night without the King's knowledge, or assistance of the Danish Army, assaulting and overthrowing the sweden: he, the next day, missing the English, and fearing they had turned to the Enemy, till giving the onset with his Danes upon the forsaken Camp of the Enemy, he found there nothing but carcases and spoil. Anno 1027. having intelligence that the Norwegians contemned their King Olaue for his simplicity, he sent great sums of Gold and Silver to the Grandes of Norway, to corrupt them, Saint Olaue. and caused them to reject Olaue, and to choose him for their King. For perverted with gifts they sent him word to come to them, whom he should find ready to entertain him. An. 1028. he went with a fleet of fifty sail to Norway, and expelled Olaue, subjecting that Kingdom to himself. Olaue which had been the King, Doctor, Preacher and Apostle of the Norwegians, (as Florilegus styleth him) the son of Harald King of Norway, was slain, Anno 1030. and cruelly butchered by his treacherous Norwegians with an Axe or Hatchet, for disannulling their Pagan superstitions, and he since is there superstitiously worshipped for a Saint, whom then traitorously they permitted not to reign or breathe. The same year perished at Sea, or (as some say) was slain in one of the Orcadeses, Earl Hacun, whom Canutus fearing had banished in colour of sending him Ambassador. His greatness (having to wife his sister's daughter) made him grow suspicious: And according to the devotion of that time. Anno 1031. Canutus or Cunto went to Rome on Pilgrimage, and there made magnificent Offerings, and obtained diverse Immunities of the Emperor and Pope. After his return he invaded the Scots, and overcame King Malcolm with two other Kings. He going from Rome to Denmark, sent a Letter to his English subjects thus beginning: Canutus Rex totius Angliae, Romish Pilgrimage a protection for tyrannous usurpation of Norway & England, without restitution to the right Heirs: as if Peter's pretended key were a Picklock to open Heaven to whomsoever. & Danemerciae, & Norreganorum, & partis Suanorum, Aethelnotho Metropolitan & Alfrico Eboracensi Archiepiscopo, omnibusque Episcopis & Primatibus & toti Anglorum genti, tam nobilibu● quam plebeijs, salutem. Notifico vobis me noviter ivisse Romam, oratum pro redemptio●e peccaminum meorum & pro salute Regnorum, quique meo subiacent regimini populorum. Hanc quidem profectionem Deo iam olim devoueram: sed pro negotijs Regni & causis impedientibus huc usque perficere non potui. Nunc autem ipsi Deo meo Omnipotenti valdè humiliter gratias ago, qui mihi concessit in vita mea Sanctos Apostolos suos Petrum & Paulum, & omne Sanctuarium quod iuxta urbem Romam aut extra addiscere potui expetere, & secundum desiderium meum presentialiter venerari & adorare. Ob id ergo maximè hoc patrau●, quia à sapientibus didici sanctum Petrum Apostolum magnam potestatem à Domino accepisse ligandi atque soluendi, clavigerumque esse Regni Celestis, & ideo speciale eius patrocinium apud Dominum diligenter expetere valdè utile duxi, etc. HONDIUS his Map of Denmark. DANIAE REGNUUM map of Denmark Canutus before his death set his Son Suanus in possession of Norway, and Hardecanutus his Son over the Danes. Harald and Hardecanutus divided England betwixt them after his death. Anno 1035. and Harald dying, Anno 1040. that quarrel was ended; and soon after, by the others death the Danish Empire in England; the small space of King Edward interceding that, and another Conquest of the Normans, descended also of like Northern, namely of Norwegian Original. Canutus' his Daughter Cunilda was married to Henry the Emperor, and being accused of Adultery, against a Giantly Champion appeared in her defence a childish English Dwarf which served her, who slew the Giant and presented his head to the Lady, who thereupon divorced herself, and became a Nun. Su●n● King of Norway after five years deceased, and Canutus his illgotten English and Norwegian wings were quickly not only pulled, but cut off. The English had occasion of further invasion to and from Norway. For Suanus decessing, the Norwegians chose Magnus the Son of Saint Olaue for their King; Historia Danica. which when Hardecanutus understood (as the Danish Story set forth by Erpold Lind●nbruch testifieth) he invaded Norway with his English and Danish forces, where he and Magnus came to composition that the Suruivour should enjoy both Kingdoms. When Hard●canu●● was dead, Su●●● the Son of Estrid his Sister, succeeded, and Magnus' King of Norway fought with Su●●● to obtain his covenanted Kingdom of Denmark, and overcame him▪ Su●●● fled into Sweden, Second English Expedition into Norway. and there abode till the death of Magnus, after which he recovered his Danish Sceptre. Flore●tius writeth that Suanus sent to King Edward the Confessor, entreating his side with a Navy against M●gnus; Earle Godwine counselled to send fifty ships, but Earl Leofrike and the people refused; and Magnus with a great Navy fought with Su●●us, and expelled him his Kingdom, which he after recovered. Harald Haruager the Son of Si●ard King of Nor●ay and Brother by the Mother's side to Saint Olaue obtained Norway after his Nephew Magnus, and sent an Embassage to King Edward, whereby Peace and Amity was concluded betwixt both the Kings. He (after King Edward's death) invaded England with a great Navy m Trecenti● coggonibu●. of three hundred ships, and discomfited the Earls Edwine and M●rcar near York; but five days after Harold then King (Son of Earl Godwin) slew his Brother Tosti and Haruagre at Stamford Bridge, permitting his Son Olaue to return upon conditions to Norway. But whiles he converted the spoil to his own proper use, he gave such disgust to the English, that a few days after in the battle with William Earl of Normandy, they were less zealous of his cause; where a new Norman period began: From 787. to 1065. those Northern quarrels having had no other end but this succession. I shall not need to add what followed (the Norman Acts in Italy, Palestina and other places I have handled elsewhere) little occurring of Mars, but Mercury, vid. sup. l. 8. c. 6. ●. 1. of which I have by me Letters from King Henry the Third, the first year of his Reign to 〈◊〉 or Haqu●n, than King of Norway, for mutual Traffic betwixt both their subjects. It is remarkable that the Northern humour of spoil, slaughter and blood continued whiles they were Pagans, and expired in manner with their Paganism both in Norwegians and Danes: as if God would first by them punish the vices of those times, and withal conquer the conquerors, Note. with the Religion of the conquered, and by so strange a way bring the Northern World (by this way of destroying) to salvation. Since that time, the State of Norway, Island and other parts hath decayed in numbers of shipping, courage of men, and other means of Earthly greatness. Somewhat yet for History and an Historians sake, I will add of Matth●●●ari● an Englishman his Voyage to Norway. In the year 1247. Matthew Paris recordeth, that on the day of Saint Olaue, a famous Saint in the Regions and Lands of Norway, Ha●on was crowned King, Ma. Peri● p. 981: and solemnly anointed at Berga by the Bishop of Sabine then Legate (from the Pope) in those parts. For the honour whereof the said King gave the Pope 15000. Marks sterling, besides invaluable Gifts which the Legate himself had; and five hundred Marks by him extorted (saith our Author) from the Church of that Kingdom. The Pope and his Legates dear friends to all Kingdoms. Saint Lewis his offers. The King also receiving the Cross for the Holy Land Expedition, obtained of the Pope the third part of the Ecclesiastical Revenues of that Kingdom towards his charges. Which Lewis the French King knowing, writ in friendly terms to Hacon, to bear him company in the said Expedition, offering him full power (in regard of his Sea-skill) over his Navy, and over the French Army. This Letter was carried by our Author Matthew Paris, to whom King Hacon answered that he gave great thanks to that devour King: but knew in part the nature of the French, & as saith the Poet, 〈…〉, and I say, Omnisque superbus, Impati●us cons●rtis erit. My people is impetuous, indiscreet, and impatient of wrongs, which might occasion irreparable damage; and therefore it is fitter for each to go by himself. But I have written to the King for quiet passage thorough his Country, and provisions as need required. The Kings Answer thereto and Letter● Patents were also delivered to him by this our Author in this form. Ludonicus Dei gratia Francorum Rex, universi 〈◊〉 & fid●libus 〈◊〉, Balli●is, Maio●ibus, His Lett●r. & Praepositis, ad quos praes●ntes liter● p●ruanerint, salutem. Cum clarissimus noster Illustris Hacon Rex Norwegiae in subsidium T●rrae sancta transfretare proponat, sicut nobis per suas literas intima●it, vobis mandamus, quatenus si cundem Regem vel ipsius Navigium per mare co●tiguum terrae nostra tran●ir● contingat, vel in Terram nostram, vel in fe●da nostra alicubi applicar●, ipsum & suos benignè & honorificè recipiatis, permittentes eosdem in terra nostra a victualia 〈◊〉, & sibi p●r forum legitimum de sibi necessarijs providere. Actum apud Sanctum Germanum in Laia, A. D. 1248. When the King of Norway had read this (for he is a discreet, and modest, and well learned man) he rejoiced much, and was grateful to the bearer, M. Par. his voyage to Norway. john Abbie. respecting him with Royal and bountiful gifts. Thus writeth Matthew Paris of himself, and his employment. The cause of his going into Norway he further relateth, that King Cnuto (or Canutus) having founded a famous Monastery of Saint Bennet, of Holm in Norway (of which title and order he had founded another in England) it happened that the said Abbey, with the appurtenances was almost ruined by an impious Abbot, who forsaking his Order, and stealing away privily the Seal of the Chapter, either sold, or by forged writings fraudulently engaged almost all the possessions thereof: wherein he had the Sacrist, the keeper of the Seal, his copartner, both in this fugitive apostasy and treachery. Hereupon the Archbishop of Nidrosia, in whose Diocese the said Abbey was situate, seized the same and the appurtenances into his hands, alleging that the Monks had only the habit, Monks ignorant of their own order. Pope's long hands and Lime-fingered Appeals. but were altogether ignorant of Monastike order, and Saint Bennets rule, some of them also thieves and fugitives. The Monks appealed to the Pope (which caused the Archbishop to suspend his proceedings) and the Prior recovering somewhat, and gathering together a sum of money, went to the Roman Court, where the Abbot had been a little before, and entangled by writings the said house in five hundred marks; which caused the Prior to return frustrate and full of grief. But in his way, hearing that the said Abbot was dead, in the Abbey of Saint Alban in Selio (in Norway) he and the Covent made choice of an Abbot, and this Prior, with another Monk, and three hundred marks in money, together with the King's letter, being sent to Matthew Paris to take pains for their freedom, it was procured happily that the temporalties of the said house were freed from the Caursines (the Pope's Usurers) then residing at London, within one years' space. But their Spiritualities were much maimed, they by bribes purchasing delays, lest the Archbishop should take possession of the Island which wholly belonged to the Abbey, and of it also, expelling the Monks. Now the Cardinal Bishop of Sabine then coming Legate into Norway, the Monks sought to him for succour, and he counselled them to go and petition the Pope to provide them of an Instructor and Reformer, and he would write in their behalf. The Abbot therefore and Prior went with Letters from the King and Legate to the Pope, who gave them leave to choose any man of whatsoever Region or Monastery to be their Instructor. They answered the next day, that all the World had not Monks of that Order living in more composed order then England, nor England any comparable by report, to Saint Alban: of which House they desired Matthew to be their Reformer, of whose wisdom and faithfulness they had had experience; a man also almost familiar and friendly to their King, and able by his means to order the rebellious and unruly. Hereupon the Pope gave them this Brief to the Abbot of Saint Alban, Innocentius, etc. Dilecto Filio Abbati Sancti Albani in Anglia Ordinis S. Benedicti, etc. Cum sicut ex parte dilecti filij Abbatis Monasterij de Hol●s, Ordinis S. Benedicti Nistorsiensis Diocesis, fuit propositum coram nobis; idem Monasterium propter Pradecessorum suorum negligentiam, sit in his quae ad Monasticum Ordinem pertinent deformatum; nec inveniator in illis partibus aliquis qui statuta & obseruantias eiusdem Ordinis bene sciat: Nos ad supplicationem eiusdem Abbatis, discretionem tuam rogamus, attentius & hortamur per Apostolica tibi scripta mandantes, quatenus dilectum filium Fratrem Mattheum Monachum tuum, qui dicitur probeta vitae ac religionis expertae, ad idem Monasterium ut dictum Abbatem & Monachos suos in regularibus disciplinis & statutis quae ad eundem ordinem pertinent, informet & instruat, transmittere pro divina & Apostolicae sedis ac nostra reverentia non postponas. Datum Lugduni, etc. Hereto the Abbot obeying, and Matthew to his Abbot, the business luckily succeeded, and Monkery both in that of Hol●s, and other Norwegian Monasteries was reform. I might here show l Of these s●e Hak. tom. 1. the great stirs which in the first Ages after the Conquest the Norwegians have caused in Ireland, Wales, Man, Anglesey, the Hebrides, and Orcadeses: as also of Harald (whom the Conqueror slew) his two sons and daughter fleeing to Sueno King of Denmark, who gave the daughter in Marriage to jeruslaus, or Waldemarus' King of Russia: and of Nicolas de Lynna, King Harald's children. a Franciscan Friar and Mathematician of Oxford, before mentioned, of whom jacobus Cuoyen saith in his journal that he learned of a Priest who had descended of those which King Arthur had left to people the Lands of Norway, Anno 1364. that in the year 1360. the said Friar had comen into those Lands, and proceeding further by Art Magic, had described those Alsike parts (as the n See pag. seq. Map presents) with four Whirl-pooles or In-draughts. Yea (as Master Dee addeth) at the Northern Lands, the Record whereof at his return he gave to the King of England, Friar of Linne. the Book being called Inuentio fortunata or fortunae, containing a description from fifty four degrees to the Pole. I might also add out of Th●mas of Walsingham, the Travels of Henry Earl of Derby, Hen. 4. (afterwards Henry the Fourth, King of England) into Prussia and Lettow, or Lithuania, where by his help especially was taken Vilna the chief City (Sk●rgalle the King of Lettow, having fled thither for refuge) his Colours being first advanced on the walls, four thousand slain, of which the King of Poland's Brother, and three thousand captived. Also I might add the Voyage of Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Gloucester, son to King Edward the Third, T. of Woodstock. along the Coasts of Denmark, Norway, and Scotland. Other Letters likewise of King Edward the Second to Haquin or Hacon, King of Norway in behalf of English Merchants there arrested: with Intercourses betwixt the English and the Dutch Knights in Liefland. But having only brief mentions of these, and them or the most of them recorded by Master Hakluyts industry before, I do here but Index-wise refer the Reader thither. I rather choose to give new things and rare: and such may seem these Notes which Anno 1605. I writ from the mouth of Master George Barkeley. HONDIUS his Map of the Arctike Pole, or Northern World. POLUS ARCTICUS cum vicinis regionibus. map of the North Pole CHAP. XX. A brief Memorial of the great Travels by Sea and Land, of Master GEORGE BARKLEY Merchant of London, in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, and their Lands. BEing a child, he was transported into the East Countries, and the first place of his landing was Schagen, from thence unto Elsen●re, Sch●gen. Elsenore. a Town as big as Brentwood, where the Danish Custom is taken; and where he hath seen at one time the Dane making stay of all shipping fourteen days, for ostentation to a foreign Nobleman, seven hundred sail. From thence to Coppenhagen, Coppenhagen. thence to Bornholme, thence to Dansk, a Town subject to the Pole, Dantzik. being in continual buildings, if by any means they may fortify themselves against the Hills overlooking the Town, a Rill running between, whence they have their fresh water: they spare no time Sunday nor other. There lieth here in the Sea by casting up of sands a long Island called Frishnering, where alongst, as on Samaiden, is gathered by the Dansk Officers there, and here by the jews, that farm it of the Pole, Amber, cast up by the Sea in great abundance, Amber. Sak. pieces as big as a peck, more or less. The Boars that find it and gather, have so many firkins of some other mean commodity: and if they keep and sell it, they die for it. He hath seen one piece of Amber taken up, in the midst whereof was to be seen through the transparent Amber a Frog in similitude and full proportion: A Frog in a piece of Amber. (Master vassal, his brother, a friend of mine, told me of a piece of Timber in the keel of a ship, where by occasion of a sliver, one cutting nine inches within the Timber every way, he found a great living Toad in the hollow thereof at Woolwich) betwixt this Frishnering and the Land is a great water Frisbh●ff, where at Saint George's day they begin to fish, of which there is exceeding plenty, and for three half pence one may buy a cast as much as they shall draw the next time. One here in his Net drew up a company or heap of Swallows as big as a bushel fastened by the legs and bills in one, Strange report of Swallows. The Vistle. which being carried to their stoves, quickened and slew, and coming again suddenly in the cold Air died. From Dansk he went to Marienberg, a Town also standing on the Vistle, whereby it runneth in another channel, and betwixt both these makes an Island wherein stands Nerdeich, which Island is compassed with a wall to fortify it against the coming down of the Vistle in the Spring at the thaw of the snows, High wall. etc. This wall seemeth in some places as high as Paul's Steeple, and otherwhere as high as Paul's Church, where yet it hath sometime been overflown: full it is of Hoffes and Villages belonging to the Lords of Dansk. HONDIUS his Map of BORUSSIA, or PRUSSIA. PRUSSIA map of Prussia Thence he went to Elbing, a fair Town, where our Trade is now for Flax, which was before at Dansk, thence removed for their insolences. Here our men only pay Custom: others are free, and this they did voluntarily, and have in this respect very much authority amongst the Lords there: the Town still flourisheth with buildings, etc. HONDIUS his Map of LIVONIA or LIEFLAND. LIVONIA map Livonia The Momese are almost Saluadoes, retaining still their old superstitions, as to worship the Sun, Idolatry. or the first Beast they meet with, and especially they have in religious reckoning their Leave. This which they call Se-leave, or the Groves, is a company of Trees, which it is religious to touch; and he knew a Dutchman, Martin Yekell of Derpt, who breaking a bough was swelled a year together as big as his skin would hold. here at Marriages and Burials they pray, but without Image. Marriage. Their marriage is thus. The man and his Bride are set stridling on a Horse, and blinded; and so led into Se-leave, there taken down and married by their Rites; then set up again, blinded as before, and conveyed with their company, and Music to their house, singing Kosoku Kosoku Coniku seamoha: there taken down and had to bed, still blinded till the next morrow, in the mean while they rest drinking, etc. They mourn when one is borne, rejoice and make merry at death. Their mourning (in Curland) is then, and when they walk alone, or fetch wood, Yerow, yerou yerou, masculine babe: the words themselves understand not, but think it to have remained since that Babylonish Tower. When the Momese die, they are buried in their Leaves, with their knife under their arm, and their coat hanging over the grave. The Momese are very ignorant, and ask who learn the Hares in the woods their prayers. At Rye the women have a thing of Red velvet on their heads, made like a Ship with the keel upward, at each end a lock of hair. The women of the Sacs' differ in their fashion of attire each City from other, a plete Petticoat, with a damask Upper body, a velvet Square on their heads, and thereon a Cloak, etc. The maid uncovered, if she have had a child and refuse to go covered, she is brought to the Pillory, her hair cut off, Hospitality. and there nailed, and a Kerchief put on. Here and in Norway, and in White Russia, etc. strangers pay nothing for entertainment, but salute, sit down, and expect the Hosts expenses. Their bed they must bring with them, which is commonly a Bear's skin, or else they there have a lock of straw. To offer money is a disgrace, which yet might seem to arise of the baseness of the coin. Houses. Their houses are all of Timber beams laid square, and others laid on them in notches, so till they come to the roof, which they cover with straw, divided in two rooms; the inner being the Parlour or stove, where they have as it were one Oven over another: the middle hearth being of stones set grate-wise, the fire is put in on the Backside or Halside, & there also the Sink issueth. Before that mouth in the Stove is set a vessel of water, which, when they will have the heat exceeding, they besprinkle on those hot stones. A fire lasteth a day, at night they renew it. Sometimes the old Prusees on the borders of Curland, according to their old heathenish Rites do sacrifice their Priest in fire. HONDIUS his Map of LITHVANIA. LITHUANIA map of Lithuania HONDIUS his Map of POLONIA. POLONIA et SILESIA map of Poland and Silesia The Polanders had a great murrain of beasts attributed to the jews: two Jews coming to a woman offered her money for some of her milk, she answered, her child but then sucked, they left their glass there, promising to fetch it anon and to satisfy her: her husband mean while coming home and seeing so strange a thing as a glass, asked from whence it came, and why; being answered two jews had left it there for milk for a medicine, bid her fleet Cow's milk and fill the glass: which the jews receiving, and having entertained a Boy, caused him to climb up one of the Ladders which there stand together with their three square gallows made of stone, with wooden rafters cross, and to pour it into the mouth of one of the dead men (which there always hang after execution) his mouth, who presently cried like a beast, as the boy revealed, and they thereupon cried they were cozened: a murrain followed which should have been a plague. Many jews executed for it; which yet the jews said to be a pretence for their money. The jews that farmed the Custom at Samaiden in Curland, killed a Polonish Merchant without punishment, Torn. beating out his brains for delaying to open his pack. He returned out of Poland into Prussia to Torn, the first place obtained by the Kreitzherne, where they built a Castle about an Oak which standeth there still, but is dead. Thence along the Vistle (where the Poles have their Masts, etc. with wares three miles together tied down the stream) to Danzig; thence into Pomerland far more barren than Prussia, to Cassubia, Cosslin, Colberg. Thence to Statin, every way exceeding pleasant and good. Thence to Rostock in Mockelberg. Thence to Lubeck, a fairer City than Dansk, so to Oldsloe, to Hamberg, to Breme, to Limenberg, to Mansuelt, to Bamberg, and thence through Bohemia into Silesia, to Bresslaw, where he went to school three years: Norway. whence into Polonia again, and thence to Pruss. Thence home into England. He went again into Norway, to Nilus, Bashus, etc. It is a barren soil, as being nothing but Rocks and Valleys: the Rocks are covered with grass, and the ground between they dig and sow with Corn, which yet is not able to satisfy the Country. The difference between the Gentlemen and Boar, is in his command, being otherwise, as raggedly apparelled as he, with twenty patches on his breech, and barefoot in winter. Sweden. In Sweden he was, at Stockholm the chief City. These now * When he was there. under Duke Charles, hold war with their King, yet all things passing under his name, but so hating the Poles, that though of another Nation, neither the long attire, neither their Curb, or hooked Sword can pass safely among the Boars for suspicion of being Poles: and the rather because they were made believe that the Pole was aided against them by the Tartars that were man-eaters. They are strong in shipping and had given the Dane the overthrow at the battle at Bornaholm, had he not been assisted by the Lubeckers with money, etc. One also of whose Ships with a shot fired and blew up the Admiral of the Sweden. The Lubeckers therefore pay no custom to the Danes, and for their costs hold Boraholm till they be satisfied out of the Revenues thereof. In Sweden (as in Friesland and other those Countries) the Lord holdeth the other his Tenants as Villains and Slaves, and at his pleasure ships their Horses and Daughters to Revel, and there sells them; a bushel and half a Culmet of Salt for a woman, which yet is of person and complexion very comely, and very able to do work. He came again to Leefland; and thence to Finland, where he was with an English Captain in a Castle: and thence into Livonia, and so into Russia, etc. Besides those his Eastern travels, he hath been in our nearer neighbour places, as in Belgia, France, His other travels. Spain, Portugal, etc. and passed to the West Indies by the Lands of Cape Verd: in three of which S. S. Antony's on. Vincent, Lucy, the Inhabitants cannot prosper nor live long, save in those Lands which yet are unkind to other foreigners. He hath also been in Guinea, in Barbary, in the Straits, at Carthage, where the old ruins remain, and the stones of Marble, etc. worth the bringing home, in Italy, Slavonia, Morea, at Venice often, at Ferrara, Milan, Mat. Angelo, thence to Fermo, Loretto. to Loretto (where he visited the Lady of Loretto) it is one street, walled about, the Temple fair, and in the Temple of our Lady's house, inscriptions innumerable of diverse languages, affirming it to have fled the Turks conquests from jury into Sclavonia, and from thence also hither. Here forsooth it was placed in a piece of ground belonging to two Brethren, which because of this new quest and request could not agree on the propriety: and to avoid further suit, in the night it was found removed to a vacant place by the highway, and there this Temple built whither resort Pilgrims in troops, as to a Mart from diverse Nations. The street on one side all Inns, on the other makers of Images, Beads, and such other holy babbles here sanctified by touch of Madonne. The Temple is hanged about with Monuments of her exploits, upon vows conceived in distress of Wars, Diseases, etc. here hang the old Swords, etc. There are two Vestries of incredible wealth, and Priests of diverse Nations for their proper Pilgrims. The House low and mean builded with white Bricks, such as in Barbary they burn in the Sun. There are two rooms, in one whereof the Chimney where she dressed her meat, and her dishes, etc. In the other herself, or statue with a Child, aloft of black colour: to whom one whose office it is, on a staff like a Musket-rest doth lift up Beads, etc. by her touch to be hallowed. The French Queen sent her a Present to hang about her neck, which present would pull her in pieces by the weight. It is round, two foot in diameter made like a Sun, in the centre a Carbuncle, the rest set with Diamonds, the rays pointed with orient Pearls, the Bricks (miraculously) cannot be removed, to which end they report of a Bishops superstitious steal: who was not able to pass without restitution. Travelling in diverse places of Italy, Rome, etc. he returned by the Alpes, from Venice to Mestre, thence to Trevise, so to S●raualle, a Town of Blade-smithes, which with Water-works grind and hammer their Metals: thence up the Alpes by a passage so narrow cut out of the Rock, that sometime the Horse hoof hung over, it being a steep mile high, Alpes. a River running under. Thus to Basill, thence back to tirol. After all ihese travels in these parts of Europe better known, and those others in the more unknown, and in Africa and America, he much affecting the Virginia business and especially that of Bermuda, went thither to order public affairs. And after all this (as you have heard) went in place of Cape Merchant to the East Indies, and being Captain of the English House at Bantam, there and thence traveled to his long home. This I thought good to add to the former relations, which I received many years since from his own mouth, being my loving and familiar friend, and for a general Traveller by Sea and Land, in hot and cold Countries of the old and new world, not easily matchable. Had he lived, I would have better perfected these short Notes; but Death itself hath not taken from me his love, shall not from the world his memory; I rather choosing to give the world these unpolished Notes, as his, then either to bury them with him, or by refining and illustrating to make them mine. The best illustration seems that of Maps, some of which out of Hondius I have added. CHAP. XXI. Collections out of MARTIN BRONIOVIUS de Biezerfedea sent Ambassador from STEPHEN King of Poland, to the Crim Tartar: Containing a Description of Tartary, or Chersonesus Taurica, and the Regions subject to the Perecop or Crim Tartars, with their Customs private and public in Peace and War. BRaslaw is a Town in Podolia with a Castle, numbereth above five hundred Inhabitants, The fields Sauramenses and Oczacouiens●s, betwixt the Rivers Bogus and Nester. good Gunners, and well exercised in Tartarian skirmishes. They are good Guides in the Plains to avoid the Tartars and Kozackes. From thence thorough Woods not very thick, after some mile's journey to the small River Silnica, where the Braslawens keep good guard always against the Excursions of the Tartars and Walachians. down the River Bogus or Hipanis, you may go almost to Oczacow. In the way are the River's Tristenet, Bersad, Olsank, Sauran (whence they are called the Fields of Sauran) a stone Bridge and Bathe sometimes belonging to Vitoldus, Great Duke of Lithuania, ruins and graves, Sinawod Riveret, the strong rocky I'll Probite, a good refuge for ours against the Tartars (the Braslawens in May and june, use there and in the other many Lands of Bogus to fish, armed with their Pieces) Certelna River the greater and the less, and that of Capcacley, and Hancocricus (the Tartars call it Cham) and the Lake Berezania. That Field is fifty miles, Long miles in those parts: and so understand in the rest of this story. Sharp winter. or as they call it seven days journey to a speedy traveller, from Braslaw to Oczacow. There are wild Beasts, Bisonts, Elkes, Horses, Hearts, Rams with one horn, Goats, Swine, Bears: which ten years since were said to be killed with the sharpness of the Winter, and huge heaps of their bones are found in the fields. They had also innumerable herds of Horses, Turkish and Tartarian; Kine and Sheep which fed there, by the borderers of Russia, Volsinia, Ki●w, Podolia, and Moldavia, not long since destroyed. The hills called Mogili, are testimonies of Burials and Wars. The Field is fertile, rich of pasture and pleasure. HONDIUS his Map of TAURICA CHERSONESUS. Taurica Chersonesus map of the Crimea Passing over Prut or Hieras, a River of Moldavia, you come to Stepanovetia or jassi, chief Town of Valachia; or righter to Prutum Technia, a Town and Fort of the Turks, Part of Mo●dauia or the lower Valachia, called sometimes Bessarabia. Lake Vidovo in Necster. Bialogrod. not long since fortified on the Nester; and there are found some Moldavian passages in the Nester, right into the champains. It diffuseth itself into the Lake Vidovo or Obidovo (so called, as some fabulously conceive of Ouidius) and soon after disembokes into the Euxine Sea, over against Bialogrod (named by the ancients Moncastrum) not long since taken by the Turks, from the Valachian or Moldavian Princes, & holden by them. In the very mouth of Tyras or Nester, bearing name of Neoptolemus as may seem by Strabo, who there-awayes placeth Nicovia on the right hand, and Ophiusa on the left hand of the River. After followeth Beriboneum with deep and large ditches near the Sea, Beriboneum. Adrigoli. Dommina Berezania, Carcinitus Leuca. washed by the Lake where sometimes was a good Port. Adzigoli hath three Ditches, many salt Lakes nigh the Sea, where many Cozaks resort and often kill each other in mutual wars and quarrels, which makes it terrible to Travellers. Then follow Domnina Doluia, and the Lake Berezania, and the Bay Care●●tus. Strabo placeth five hundred furlongs in the Sea, from the mouth of Tyras the Island Leuca sacred to Achilles. Oczacovia called anciently Olbia, Olbis, and Olbiopolis, is seated on Boristhenes or the Carcenite Bay; sometimes builded by the Meletians: the Tower is of Stone, the Town but mean, Oczacavia. is subject to the Turks. Boristhenes or Neper, a deep, wide and swift stream, Boresthenes or Neper. Bogus. The Isthmus. runneth from the North into the Bay, and near to Oczacovia into the Euxine. Four miles higher Bogus empties itself into Boristhenes. There the Turks exact Customs. The Isthmus betwixt Boristhenes and the Sea, is a day's journey, over sandy plains, with Hills, Lakes, Salt-pits; with Deeres, Bears, Goats, w●lde Swine well stored. It is extended to Perecopia above thirty miles in length, containing Meadows, Rivers, Their houses and pasture-progresse. and Tartarian Cottages (which they call ulusi) made of small pieces of wood, daubed with mud or mire and dung of beasts, and thatched with reed. The Tartars live not in them in Summer and Autumn, but in April begin their progress, with their wives, children, slaves, and houses which are round, covered with clothes, scarcely commodious for four or five men, carried on two-wheeled carts, with one or two Camels or Oxen, together with their household. They carry with them Camels, Horses, Flocks, and Herds innumerable, leaving others in commodious pastures. They go towards Perecopia, and sometimes into Taurica, Tanais or Don. or over against Perecopia, to Ossow or Azaph, as the Turks call it, a Town by the Don (Tanais, a great and swift River) sometimes fortified by the greeks, and since by the Genuois; where the Turks now have a Garrison, and a Commander. They always travel into the Isthmus, or the large Plains which are betwixt Boristhenes, and the Lake Meotis, and the Pontic Sea, where they find best pastures. In October the reins, colds, and perpetual winds force them to return to their Cottages. For they are afraid of our Nizovian Cozaks, which pass down the stream in Boats, and the Gunners, which then make incursions on them. Neper is frozen over in Winter. Ptolemey calls that Isthmus, Zenos Chersonesus, and Strabo writes that the Roxans and Roxolans (whom we call Russians) pastured those Fields 'twixt Tana●s and Boristhenes (describing their life like that of these later Tartars) Perecopia (anciently called Eupatoria, Pompeiopolis, Holy Grove, Achilles' Race, Gracida, Heraclea) is seated in the confines of Taurica, or the Scythian Chersonesus, Perecopia. the Town obscure and small, the Tower of stone, not well fortified; in which the Tartar Chans have their perpetual Palatine or Beg, which keepeth the Marches and passages of Boristhenes and Don, with all the borders, and is General Lieutenant over all the Tartars in the Plains adjoining. Strabo writes that there was a deep Ditch made, whence the Town had, and still in the Tartarian and Turkish language hath the name. When Sachinbgierei reigned there (he overthrew the Nagay Tartars at Perecopia with a memorable victory) there were seventeen stone Forts raised in that Ditch, some of them of the Skulls of the ●layne, and the ditch repaired. here the Tartars keep continual Guard, permitting no Stranger thence to pass without the Chans' Letters. And there in occasions of Wars is their principal assembling. Coslow is seven miles distant on the right hand, on the shore, Cosslow. Ingermanum. where the Chan hath a perpetual garrison. Ingermenum is hence twelve miles or more: it hath a stone Fort, a Temple, and Vaults under the Castle and over against it, with wonderful Art cut in the stone, being situate in a great and high Mountain; and therefore the Turks give it the name of the Vaults. It hath been a wealthy Town. Over against it the Promontory trendeth some furlongs bread, and three or four miles long. There appear evident signs in the stony Mountains, that the ancient greeks thence cut huge stones and carried them by Ships to build Chersona a City in those times famous, as the Greek Christians still report. Chers●na. The Heraclians of Pontus sent thither a Colony. The Fort of Ingermenum was also built by the greeks, as appeareth by Greek Inscriptions and Scutcheons therein: and thorough all the Isthmus to the walls were sumptuous buildings, and innumerable Wells digged. There were also two great Highways or Causies of stone. There were many good Vineyards and Gardens, now called Belbec, and possessed by Greek Christians, or Italians, and jews, and a few Turks. Of the ruins the Turks and Tartars make great Stalls and Enclosures for their beasts. This Cheronesus, Corsunum, or Chersona the Turks called Sari Germenum, or Yellow Tower of the colour of that Tract; whereof admirable ruins remain to testify the quondam splendour. There are channels or conduits of hewn stone under ground four miles to the City walls, still containing clear water. From a place where is a Village of note, and not far off, near the Sea is a Greek Monastery of Saint George, with anniversary devotion frequented of the greeks remaining in Taurica with great concourse. The City hath not been inhabited these many ages; the Walls and Towers sumptuously built are yet seen entire. But the Turks carry thence excellent Marble, and Serpentine Columns and great stones by Sea, for the use of their public and private buildings. Of the Temples the very ruins, are utterly ruined, and the houses lie buried in that Monument and Selfe-sepulchre. The walls of a Greek Monastery remain very large, but without roof, and the ornaments spoilt. The Russian and Polonian Chronicles relate that Volod●mir, great Duke of the Russians or Kiou, Kiou. carried thence two doors of Corinthian Brass, and some artificial Greek Images which Broleslaus the second King of Poland translated from Kiou to Gnesna, there yet in the great Church to be seen. Volodimir took that City from john Zemisca the Constantinopolitan Emperor: but after, marrying Anna the sister of Emperor Basilius, and being baptised in that Monastery after the Greek Rites by a certain Patriarch, he restored it, as is still related by the Christian remainders in those parts. Parthenium. Before the City was the Promontory Parthenium with a Temple and Image of that Goddess, and other Antiquities by Strabo related. The City Balachei, or jamboli. That which the greeks called jamboli, the Turks have styled Balachei, as the Tower of fishes, in regard of the plenty in that Sea. It was fortified in a high, great and stony Mountain by the Genuois, whiles the proud cowardly Grecians which held that part of Taurica quarrelling amongst themselves, lost it to them. There they had a notable Port, a strong and sumptuous Fortress; and there the Towers, houses and walls with the Genuois Ensigns and Inscriptions, lie ruined. It is now inhabited of a few greeks, jews and Turks, and frequented by fewer Merchants and strangers by Sea. Marcopia, or Mangat a City. Marcopia stretcheth further to the Mountains, and Woods, and is not so near the Sea: it hath had two Castles, Greek Temples and Houses sumptuous, with many clear Rils running out of the stone: but eighteen years after that the Turks had taken it (as the Greek Christians affirm) it was destroyed by a sudden and horrible fire. Neither hath any thing remained of note but the higher Fort, in which is a goodly Gate, adorned with Greek writing and store of Marble, and a high house of stone. Into that house the Messengers of the Muscovites are by the barbarous Chans sometimes thrust, and there endure hard keeping. There remains the Greek Church of Saint Constantius, and another mean one of Saint George. One Greek Priest and some jews and Turks dwell there; Oblivion and Ruin hath devoured the rest; nor are there men or Stories of the quondam Inhabitants, which I with great care and diligence everywhere sought in vain. An old Priest which I saw there, said that a little before the Turks besieged it, two Greek Dukes of the Imperial blood of Constantinople or Trapezond, there resided, which were after carried alive into Constantinople, and by Selim the Turkish Emperor slain. In the Greek Churches on the walls are painted Imperial Images and Habits. The Tower and City Marcopia is nigh to Cercessigermenum a new Turkish Fort taking name from Cercessium; Cercessigermenum. but the Turks, and Tartars, and greeks also have now lost the name. The Greek Dukes are said to have there committed much wickedness. And in that stony Hill whereon it is seated, it hath houses cut with admirable Artifice in the Rock, Admirable Vaults. which still for the most part remain entire, although the place be become woody. A Temple adorned with Marble and Serpentine Pillars, now laid prostrate on the ground, testify the quondam glory. The Palaces or Houses of the Chans' reach unto the Mediterranean Taurica (as Strabo calls it.) It hath a famous Town, Baccasaray. and a principal Storehouse, called Baccasaray, wherein he perpetually resideth. That Town is situated between two Mountains, and a little River flows between, whereof the Town is named. There is a stone Mosche, and the Chans' Sepulchers built within the Town's Liberty of the Christians ruins. Not far also from that Town there is a Mahometan Monastery▪ and very many Tartarian Graves curiously raised out of the Grecian ruins. In the further end of that Town, there is another Town called Salaticum, adorned with fair buildings by the Turks there inhabiting. Salaticum. The Royal Seat or Mansion of the Chans is sumptuously garnished by the ancient Tartarian Princes with Houses, Temples, Sepulchers, and exquisite Baths. When the Princes with their Wives, oft give themselves to ease, pastimes, pleasures, and recreation, they go thither. For that place or Region is commodious for hunt, it hath Orchards, Vineyards, Gardens, and many store of good grounds, and it is watered with Chrystaline streams. There are Mountains and store of Woods, wherein are seen very many ruins of Houses, and large Forts and Cities, yet they remain desert, and are of few or none inhabited. Almassaray at the meeting of the River Alma, is a house of the Kings, where he is wont not often to reside, Almassarai. because he lives not there so commodiously, as in other places, and cannot lodge there with his Court: for there is only one base Village. There are some more obscure bordering Towns and Fortresses, where they are wont to maintain their Wives. Also not a few Castles where the Sultan's, the Chans' brothers, or their sons and wives perpetually dwell. That part of Chersonesus, which the Chan with his Tartars possess from Perecopia, Perecopia. Cremum. toward the Fen or Lake to the City Cremum, is cultivated, plain, champi●n, fertile, and plentiful of grass; but toward the Sea and the Palace of the Chan, and his Towns, Castles, and Villages, the Country is Mountainous, woody, well husbanded, and very fruitful. The Mountains in that Coast are huge and remarkable. But the greatest is the highest of all, and hath in the top a Lake of no small quantity. And although I did not ascend it, yet it is well discerned many miles off, and demonstrates no ordinary height and greatness. Plenty of Rivers and no small ones run from those Mountains. Also they have much fish, but not of any greatness (for the River is shallow) yet very savoury and dainty. But because the Tartars do not often feed on fish, the Christians only and our strangers when they come thither take pains to catch them. There is also abundance of delicious Fowls, which sometimes Christian or Turkish Gunners are wont to seek after, seldom our strangers. There is much game of Hearts, Goats, Boars, and Hares near the Sea under the Tartars and Turks. Oftentimes also the Chan himself is wont to hunt some days there, but more often he goes into the champion with Turkish and Tartarian hunting Dogs. Sortassus is a Tartarian Village adjoining to the Chans' Regal Mansion, Sor●●ssus. wherein the Lettow and Muscovie Ambassadors do often lodge; it is spacious and delightsome. But when Taurica or the Peninsula began subject to the Chans' Dominion, diverse Italian Gentlemen Genuois after Capha was taken by the Turks, or Tartar Princes, having their Charters written and sealed of their right and propriety (which I have seen among them) they held that Village with special Privileges, or purchased it with that Gold which they carried with them out of their Country, or with their service to the Chans. In going Ambassador to Christian Princes, it was permitted them to build a Catholic Temple in that Village, wherein I sometimes entered while I abode there. There was in that Temple one Priest a Franciscan Friar, whom those Christians had then redeemed with their money from Turkish slavery. Cremum, or as the Tartars call it Crimum, is a City and a Castle much unlike in the antiquity, magnitude, and height of the wall, ampleness and renown, to the other Cities of Taurica; Cremum. It is unlike the Mediterranean (for so Ptolemy calls it) perhaps this was called by Ptolemy Taphros, but by Pliny Taphrae. Now in these latter times before the coming of the Genoes' into Taurica, it seems to have been husbanded and inhabited by a great Mahometan Nation, who removed thither out of Asia. For there are seen ancient Mosches or Mahometan Temples not only in the City itself, but also beyond the City very many with Chaldaicke Characters engraven in great stones. There are very few Turkish or Tartar Inhabitants, yet the greeks are fewer, who report this, that their Ancestors have constantly delivered, that that City was whilom dwelled in by the Persian Nation, and that it was a quondam noble and excellent Storehouse of Mechanic Mysteries. A man may certainly conjecture by the ruins and largeness of the place that it hath been a famous City and a great Colony of people. The Tartars are now vulgarly nominated from that place Crims. They have a Mint in that City. Crim Tartars why so called. In the Tower which is the greatest in the City, the Chans' wives are always kept and spend their lives. Sidagios of the greeks, but Sudacum of the Genoes', was called a Castle and City. The Tartars are utterly ignorant of it. Sidagios or Sudacum. In a lofty rocky and spacious Mountain standing near the Sea in the top of it, it hath a higher Tower, a second indifferent, and a third of base esteem. The greeks or Italian Genoes' founded their Castles environed and fortified with Walls and Towers. There are seen innumerable Grecian Churches, and seem but few, as though they were Chapels, not a few undemolished, but very many are ruinated, and lie overturned in the dust. The haughty dissentious and idle greeks being overthrown and weakened by the Italian Genoes', lost that City. There are seen no contemptible signs of the Genoes' much more illustrious than those of the greeks. But it is evident by the ruins, that it was once a famous place, & so it is reported by the Greek, Christians, of whom there are a very few Relics. Moreover, many Christians have erected a multitude of Temples which they report to have been some hundreds. There are three great Catholic Churches, Houses, Walls, Gates, and fair Towers with Arrace and Ensigns of the Genoes', are seen in the lower Castle. I heard from a certain Metropolitan a Greek and an honest man, who then came thither from the Grecian Isles to visit their Priests, and entertained me, That when the most barbarous Nation of the Turks had besieged that City with a great Armada, it was valiantly and manfully defended by the Genoes': but when the Genoes' could no more hold out the daily siege and famine, neither could longer sustain the violence of such a great Army of Turks, some hundreds, or, as he avouched, about a thousand stouthearted men conveyed themselves into the greatest Church which yet abides entire, and some days hardly and courageously preserving themselves in the lower Tower, into which the Turks forceably entered, having made a notorious and memorable slaughter of the Turks, at the length they were all slain in that Temple. The doors and windows of that Temple being stopped up with a wall by the Turks, the slain bodies lie unburied to this day. I was prohibited by the Saniak of Capha sometimes a Turk, that I should not enter into that Temple. The Custom of the City is not mean: it hath very fruitful Vineyards and Orchards, which do extend above two miles, now manured by Caphaes, Turks, jews, and Christians: For the best Wine of all Taurica grows there; all that tract abounds with pleasant Rivers, which run down from the highest and middle Mountains and Woods, which are there very frequent. Having now passed over those upper Cities, and at the last Sudaco, also as far as Theodosia, which the Italian Genoes' call Capha, the bank of Taurica i● in Longitude a thousand furlongs, craggy, mountainous, and tempestuous with North winds. Before the City the Promontory that is there seen, doth hang out into the Sea on the Southside toward Paphlagonia, and the City Amastrum, and Strabo relates, that it is called of the greeks, Orium and Oxon, the Rams forehead. Orium and Oxon. And there is another Promontory Carambis of the Paphlagonians opposite to it, whereby the Euxine Sea is divided into the double Sea, and Euripus straightens them both. Strabo saith, that Carambis is distant from the City of the Cherenesitay, two thousand five hundred furlongs, but from the Rams forehead, a far lesser quantity. Behind that hilly Country, as Strabo calls it, he affirms the City Theodosia to be founded, and that it hath large Fields notable for fertility, and a Haven able to receive a hundred Ships, and that that Limit was assigned to the territory of the Bosphorines and Taurikes. Capha or Theodosia, is the excellentest and best defensed City of all Taurica. It was built by the Italian Genoes', Theodosia, now Capha. and is placed by the Sea. It hath a Haven always frequented. It is perspicuous, that in the times of the Genoes', it was a wealthy and populous City. But after it was taken from the Genoes' by the Turks above a hundred years since, the Italian Christian● were brought into such a strait, that there are but a very few and obscure remains of them left. The City hath in a manner lost her pristine splendour. The Romish Churches of Christians are demolished, the Houses cast down, the Walls and Towers, wherein are seen many tokens of honour of the Genoes' and Latin inscriptions, are fallen. Only two Catholic Temples and two Armenian remain whole, in which it is granted them of the Turk, after their own custom to maintain their proper Priests, and to be present at their public devotions. It is replenished with Turks, Armenians, jews, but very few Italian and Greek Christian inhabitants: Now also it is famous over all that part of Taurica for Navigation and the Haven. It hath almost innumerable Vineyards, Orchards and Gardens. Men sail often to Capha, from all the bordering and remote Lands of Greece, but oftener from the City Constantinople; for with a prosperous wind they come thither by Ship, in the space of two days or little more. The Petigoren Province, or Colchis is enlarged, as far as the Caspian or Hircan Sea, and is much subject to Mountains and very large Woods, Petigorenses or Colchis. which are now seen in these Confines. It is a very free people, and hath many brave Commanders, to whom all the Nations and Families obey. Moreover they profess themselves Christians, and it is manifest in the time of the Genoes' very many of them were Christians, but now wanting Priests and Churches, they only retain the opinion of Religion. Idolaters. Most and the greatest part of them are Idolaters, amongst themselves rapacious and cruel, but to Stranger's hospital and freehearted. The Parents, although they be of the more Noble or of the Rustics, sell their own Children, their Sons for Slaves, their Daughters for Wives to the Turks and Tartars, also to many Christians, and those which they are wont to steal secretly among themselves, they sell closely beyond the Sea to barbarous strangers after a more than barbarous manner. Between Perecopia, Cremum, and Customa, are Towns on the North. Taurica or the Peninsula is exceeding plain, not very hilly, and altogether champain. It hath a very fertile soil, in great part stony, but great scarcity of good water. Yet there are found in diverse places very many extraordinary deep Fountains or Wells of a wonderful profundity and difficulty, in times past digged and made by the elder greeks, Deep Wells. or those great and antique Nations, who inhabited the Peninsula before the greeks. From Perecopia the space of a mile, there is a great Lake congealed naturally of admirable Salt, from whence the purest and best Salt is continually gathered, as if it were frozen; it hath many other Salt lakes. Salt Lake. In certain commodious and in very many places, in Mountains and Groves are found in great number, ancient huge Grecian ruins of Castles, Cities, Temples and Monasteries, which while they have many ages been destitute of inhabitants, by reason of their antiquity, have lost their names. All Taurica or that Peninsula, from the West and North is plain and champain, and hath few Towns, many Villages; extends in length the sum of fifty miles. But from the South and East, it is mountainous and woody, and hath every where marvelous high, large, stony Mountains. In which, between Cremum and Capha, it is reported that veins of Gold and Silver, and the best Iron, were whilom found by the Inhabitants. It hath a very fruitful ground, Floods, delightsome Rivers, Fishes, Meadows, Pastures, abundance of wild Beasts, Hearts, Goats, Boars, Bears, Vineyards, Orchards, Territories, Champains, Towns, Villages, Hamlets, many and large Granges. Taurica or the Peninsula, is spread in Latitude after a sort into a circle; in some places, the distance of one or two days journey, but in most places about the quantity of one. The Castles and Sea-cities, and the rest of all the Peninsula, which are described in their order, with many Villages and Hamlets of Greek Christians, except the Holds and Sea-townes, and many less suspected walled Towns in Perecopia and Cas●louia, and a few Villages of Greek Christians, are subject to the Turkish Emperor, and all obey his behests, and are kept with a sure Garrison. The Peninsula, which lies in the middle from the East and South against Perecopia, hath a mild winter and temperate air. For in the end of December is the beginning of winter, but in the midst of February the sharpness of winter, which is more snowy than cold, or subject to Ice, neither yet doth that endure above three days together, neither continues it any longer then to the beginning of March. Therefore about the beginning of the Spring, and always in a hot Autumn the air is very contagious. In Bratislavia, the Sauranen, Oczacovien, and Bialodogroden, Plains are situate between Hipanis or Bogus, Tyra or Nester. From the North toward Neper or Boristhenes and Bogas, are somewhat plain and champion grounds, but from the West towards the River Nester and Pruth or Hierasus, more woody and hilly. Podolia, Camenecia, and Moldavia between the streams Nester and Pruth, every where border on the middle Tachuia and Bialogrod, which is by the Lake Vidovo or Obidovo, and the Euxine Sea, on the West confine on the Plains, and on the Euxine Sea, on the South Bralogrod, Kibia, and the River Danubius. Oczacovia hath on the North Boristhenes, (into which Bogus there dischargeth itself) and spacious Plains, on the South the Euxine Sea, and the overflowing Salt mere Berezania, from the West the adjoining River Nester. Further, that Continent which is between Oczacovia and Boristhenes in the fashion of an I'll, hath into the West Boristhenes, as though it were between Boristhenes, the Fen Meotis, and the Euxine Sea; on the North the Rivers Tanais or Donum, on the South the Euxine Sea, and that Isthmus or Continent, but beyond Oczacovia and Boristhenes, as far as Perecopia, that Continent is very narrow in many places: but beyond Perecopia to the Castle Ossonum, a rank soil, and all champion and plain: For in that neck of Land almost all the Perecopian and Ossoven Tartars feed their Flocks and Cattle, and live there all Summer and Autumn. That Continent or Isthmus from Oczacovia, as far as Ossonum, for there it is limited, is stretched out in Longitude, as is manifest out of the Tartar's Diaries more than a hundred miles, but in Latitude not after an equal manner. For it is larger, as well beyond Perecopia, as toward Oczacovia, or Boristhenes. The Taurican or Chersonesen Tartars, who are now called Perecopen or Crims, do certainly seem by the ancient Writers of the Schythians to have been the javolgenses, and to have had their original and appellation from Rha, or the River Volga. Moreover between the famous, deep, and great Rivers of the North Tanais, or Don and Boristhenes, it manifestly appear that they passed by little and little into the Plains, and a hundred and sixty years since, or very little more to have come into Taurica or the Peninsula. The stock of the Chans, or of their Tartar Princes was anciently called Cyngis race, Cyngis. Lochton. from whom was Lochtonus a certain Chan, of whom all the Chans take their original. He was the first Emperor of Taurica or Chersonesus in Taurica, or the Peninsula. They have procreated the Sirinen, Bachinien, Manguten, and other Kivazij or Dukes, from whom are the Caiacei, who are the Chans' Counselors and chief Officers, who also marry the Chans' daughters and sisters. The Vlani, which are anciently descended of the Chans' blood, and (if the lawful posterity fail) succeed in the Regal Throne. It is very true that the Mursies are the noblest of each, now also their posterity remain & other warlike Tartars▪ of whom it is certain he had diverse Hordes, of some ten thousand a piece in his company passed into Taurica, or the Peninsula with him. The Chans' predecessors sincerely and constantly much esteemed the Grecian Chieftains, who inhabited at Mancopia, and Ingermene, and the Italian Genoes', who dwelled at jambold and Capha, as also the other people they found in the Peninsula, with whom they had friendship, peace, and league, until they were overcome by the Turks, and consumed in war: they had also many years common money which I have seen there. But Selim, Emperor of the Turks, Selim. Ger●y Chan. compelled and subjugated Mechmet Gererius Chan to his Empire. Those Nations being weakened, almost all the Castles and Cities of the Maritime Peninsula, being taken and possessed: Sachmates the Prince of the javolgan Tartars put him to flight, with a singular and memorable slaughter having destroyed his Army of a hundred thousand. Sachmates. Since which time the Chans acknowledge, as chief, the Empire of the Turks. The Viceroys, or Princes of the Tartars of Taurica, or the Peninsula are constituted by them, they receive thence a Banner, and give their sons and brother's Sultan's for perpetual pledges to the Turks. Notwithstanding, after the ancient custom of their Nation, The Galba or heir apparent. they make a Galga or successor to the Empire (as the French do their Dolphines') the brother or eldest son and more sufficient, who hath the greatest sway in peace and war, but the Chans themselves perpetually depute and elect them, but with the approbation of the Tartar Nobles. And if also any dissension or war be raised between the Sultan's or the Chan about the Empire, the Turkish Emperor neglects not to dispatch the Sultan's pledge, with an Army and Standard into Taurica or the Peninsula: and it is sufficient for him to be Prince, the Chan and Sultan being appeased or forced to go away by war, for which cause he hath always many janissaries in Taurica, or the Peninsula. Election of the Chan. The election of the Chans, after the ancient custom of the Nation, did whilom consist in the free suffrages of the Dukes, Mursies, and noblest Tartars. Furthermore, for their frequent discord and hideous wars which were occasioned by the Nogaien Tartar's bordering on Taurica, or the Peninsula about the Empire, Sachibgiereius. Sachibgiereius and Dealetigereius, being Chans over the Tartars, having by subtlety destroyed the more noble and potent Tartars, and cast them into fetters, began absolutely to domineer over the Tartars, and by force to draw the election to their posterity, the Emperor of the Turks aiding them. But if the Chan will not constitute his brother Galga, but his own son, as it often fortunes, by reason of those discords and reciprocal butcheries among themselves, he circumuents craftily and subtly all the Sultan's brothers, and covertly makes them away. Yet most of them fly to the Turk, of whom they are bountifully entertained and comforted, and receive a perpetual stipend of him. The Sultan's younger sons of the Chans are educated and tutored by the Tartars, or more noble Mursies, lest that when they are at man's estate, by reason of their plurality, dissensions, or wars might arise: for each Chan acknowledge a supreme Dominion, and when they are grown up, those that are fit are set over certain Tartar troops, and allure many voluntary Tartars unto them, notwithstanding they make leaders of the Nogaien Tartars, and remunerate with monies and horses most of their parents, whom they esteem more special and substantial. Very often also through fear of treacheries or seditions among themselves, being aided by their Guardians favour, they fly unto the Christian or bordering Princes of their people. The Chan hath Attalike Counsellors, whom they so term from the care of their women, parents, Attalici. or their wives, by whom those Sultan's also are continually from their youth educated and provided for: Hamiati. he hath Hamiatts, who are the Agents for exotic Princes affairs with him, and also perpetual Court Officers. But especially he convocates to him the Dukes, Coracei, Vlani, and the nobler Mursi, and always useth to consult with them in weighty affairs. He hath principal and meet men Ministers of his Court, whose service he useth in his Ambassages, and in his diverse other necessary businesses and employments, who also are exalted to Counselors and Court Officers. He always maintains those who are chosen out of the more renowned and illustrious Tartarian youth, who are conversant in his Court by months interchangeably, and when they are made fit, are honoured with those dignities. Yet he is chiefly and most delighted with the Cercesins, Nogaiens and Petogorens, who are very industrious, valiant, bold, and warlike. On the principal he bestows honourable gifts and annual pensions, and of these his Court is always replenished. In the Prince's Court, the better reputed and nobler Tartars, are very richly and civilly decked, not to pride or superfluous luxury, but for necessity and decency. For they are so enriched by the lazy cowardice, and especially by the irreligious impiety of the neighbouring Christians, through making often inroads, and getting rich booties, that the greater nobler of them in private wealth and domestic splendour, Wives and children. are little inferior to the Turks. They may have as many women by the mahometical Law as they will, and for the most part, they buy wives of the Petigorens, which although they sustain and maintain, not proudly, but very comely and civilly according to the country guise, but those by whom they have issue very honourably and gorgeously. Arabike letters They deliver their sons in their infancy to be instructed in the Arabike Letters, but they keep not their daughters at home, but commit them to the nearest in blood to be provided for. They place their sons grown to man's age in the Chans or Sultan's service, their marriageable daughters in wedlock to the more honourable and nobler Tartars or Turks. Those Tartars are Mahometans, and have Priests and Mosches, they use the Chaldaick or Arabike Letters, Mahometan Religion. which they have received somewhat corrupted from the Turks, although before they came into Taurica or the Peninsula, they seem to have been a savage and brutish Nation, and of very savage conditions, which now also is very perspicuous by the rustics: for they wanted then altogether those Laws, Rites, Letters, and Manners. But the Tartars being taught by the Turks humanity, and that false worship, the more nobler now generally practise hospitality. Government and Laws. The Cadi and Begs. Law or justice, is administered in the Towns or Cities of the Chan & other Sultan's among the Tartars after the Mahometan Law. There are always presbiterall Cadi or judges in the Villages. Begi or justices, who hear and decide particular injuries: but causes of life, blood, theft, which we call Criminal, or of Land, which we call Civil or Official; the Chan himself decideth with his Counselors. No Attorneys nor Lawyers: they plead their own cause. In resolving of which they need no Lawyer, nor use tricks of law, calumnies, excusations nor procrastinations. The Tartars or Strangers, of mean condition, lay open themselves very freely their wrongs before the judges and Chan, of whom they are always heard and speedily discharged, for at any time any may have access to him. When he comes in public, men of the basest degree are not excluded, but being seen of the Chan are examined, to wit, if they have any suit, that they relate it. For they do not only perform great obedience to the Laws: they adore and venerate their Princes in God's steed. All spiritual judges (after Mahomet's Law) are accounted among them for Saints, men of all equity and integrity, fidelity and opinion. Great peaceableness to the shame of always lawing Gospelers. The Princes and Magistrates execute and dispatch whatsoever is bidden or commanded suddenly and faithfully, with alacrity, promptness, and great fear. They are far from controversies, criminations, justices, unnecessary and personal brawlings, envy, hatred, filthy excess, luxury, and ambition in their victuals and array. I abode their nine months, neither heard I Criminal or Civil Act to have happened among them, or any composition by reason of enmity. In the Prince's Court they wear not, nor at home Swords, neither Bows nor any other weapon; except Wayfarers and Travellers, No daily use of weapons. to whom they are very courteous and friendly. They are always secure from Spoilers; but except they keep perpetual watch, they are less safe from High-way-theeves, and Night-robbers, who steal nothing from them but their Horses. Although they have a rich soil, yet very few Gentlemen, or Plebeians provide for the household estate, for many neither till nor sow their ground: they abound with Horses, Camels, Oxen, Kine, Sheep and Flocks of all Cattle, and thereof live. Yet the Gentlemen have bread, flesh, meat, distilled * Aquavitae. Meat and drink. wine and Metheglin; but the rustics want bread, but use stamped Millet, and macerated with milk and water, which they vulgarly call Cassa, for meat (and for drink they use Mares milk) and cheese. They feed on Camels, Horses, and Oxen unprofitable for burden, and kill them when they are about to dye, sometimes eat sheep's flesh. The Gentlemen dwell not in the Plains, but in the Villages of Taurica or the Peninsula. They which are near Woods live in them, although many do not possess proper Villages; yet they have peculiar Lands and Manors. They use the Vngarian, Russian, Moschovian, Valachian, Slaves. or Moldavian slaves, which they keep, and whereof they have great plenty, as beasts to every work. Their houses are of Timber, much after the Turkish fashion: but the Greek Christians, who are in a few Towns, labour and till their grounds as beasts. The Tartars serve the Chan or Tartarian Nobles, being hired at no price, but only that they may have meat and apparel: but the rest, and the greatest part of them are always idle. In the Cities or Towns are very few Merchants: but some few practice Mechanic crafts, and some Merchants or Artificers are found there, Merchants. either Christian Slaves or Turks, Armenians, jews, Cercessians, Petigorens, (which are Christians) Phylistins, or Cyngans, men of obscure and lowest degree. Those Tartars, which live in the Plains beyond Perecopia, or in the Peninsula have no woods, every where dig Wells. They use in stead of Wood Beasts dung, which their Bondmen gather in the Fields, and dry in the Sun, and houses of the same form, whereof mention is made in the former description. Those Tartars, which are Slaves and Subjects of the Chans, Sultan's, and other Noblemen, are drudges, Tartar slaves. and always keep and pasture their Lords innumerable Herds of Cattle; and although they go from place to place, into the Plains and Pastures, in several Streets, Hamlets, Towns, or Villages, by separated troops (or hordes) whereof they bear the Names, and of their Masters, so that men may easily find there, those Tartars Slaves which they seek to buy. The Chan hath always by the leagues and agreements, Tribute. an annual Donative of the King of Polonia, the great Dukedom of Lituania, the Palatine of Moldavia, and Cercasian, Ambassadors. and Nogaien Tartars. The Legates, Orators, Messengers, Truchmen of those Princes come to him yearly, whom sometimes he entertains benignly and bountifully, but sometimes receives, misuses, and detains a great while after a more than brutish manner. When therefore they come into Perecopia, one of the Chans' men meets them in the Summer, in the Meadow or Plain, where they rest under a Tent: in the Winter they are opportunely and commodiously conveyed into the Village of Alma, or Bacchasanium more safely bordering on the Town of the King's Palace. Alma. Bacchasanium. But after they are lodged there, they are saluted by the Counselors or Servants of the Court in the Chans' name, which procure them refreshing or victuals, two oxen, or one, some sheep, bread, wine, and barley, not liberally, but in a kind of hospitality, and moderately sufficient for once. But when they are called to the Chan, he hears them, the Sultan's, Tuians, Vlans, Marzies, chief Counselors, and many other Ministers of his Court and principal Tartars being present, Audience. they are conducted only by one man to the Chans' gate, but are brought in by two Counselors. When as therefore they are entered in, they reverence the Chan, after the ancient custom of the Nation, and having saluted him on bended knees declare their message, and are admitted to eat with him. They are honoured with cups and goblets gilded and embossed with gems, filled with Mead or Methegline reached from the Chans' hand, after the order of that people, in sign of clemency and benevolence, which they drink on bended knees. And when they are dispatched, the Chan invites them again to a Feast. The Feast being ended, they go back a little from the Palace doors, and are rewarded with Silk Vests woven with Gold as low as the ankles, prepared after the guise of the Nation, with one Horse or two, not seldom with Captives of their own people. And so attired with those Vests they return again to the Chan, and render thanks to him for his hospitality and liberality, and having saluted him, depart from the Banquet. Sometimes a small provision is procured for them by one of the Chans' men in his Dominions when he takes his journey, and he is conveyed by him as far as Boristhenes. The Turkish Emperors have made that authority constant to the Chan, in Taurica, or the Peninsula, so that when the Bassa of Capha, or the Saniak dye, he rules all the Signiories in the Peninsula, Bassa of Capha. until the Turk hath sent thither another Saniak, or whom he will prefer over Capha. The Chan hath a common Customhouse with the Turk, at Perecopia, Casslovia, Capha, and other Cities of Taurica, or the Peninsula, which are of the Turkish Empire. He demands annually a contribution of the Tartars, Armenians, jews, Cercasians, Petigorens, and Grecian Christians, of whom he hath very few in his Dominion; the Turks are only excepted: every day are paid for a perpetual stipend out of the Turks Exchequer twenty five Dollars to the Chan, twelve Dollars and a half to the Galga, to the Soltan pledge two and a half, and to the same Hostage, Villages, and ample Farms near Adrianople, called janbolu, are given by the Turk. To the Dukes, Caiaks, Vlans, and Murzies, and many others which take pay, are given constant wages according to each of their estates. Notwithstanding the Chan always pays every year to the Turkish Emperor Captives taken in war of both sexes, the most excellent and precious Furs, and also base, Butter and Salt, wherewith Taurica or the Peninsula abounds. And into whatsoever war he shall be sent or called, Wars. he may refuse, neither may he wage war with any, but the Duke of Moscho, without the Emperor of the Turks leave or knowledge. The Chan exacts annual pecuniary Rents from the better sort of Captives taken in war, three pieces of Gold; of the rascality one Doller, and a tenth of them; but from each of the Fountains, which are many in his Dominions, in the Plains of Taurica, or the Peninsula, one Horse of the Tartars; but any necessity enforcing the Chan, all the Tartars decree a certain contribution to him. The Tartars Nobleses, always at home, and in war also, yield him sustenance of diverse sorts; for he neither tills nor sows. He hath always proper Herds of Horses, Camels, Oxen, and infinite Flocks of Sheep. He hath a peculiar money of base Copper, which is coined in Crimum, a Town of his Dominion, Money. round money, whereof ten are esteemed at a Turkish Silver Aspe●, which makes one Polonian Groat or less. But I being present, there were stamped greater Copper money silvered over, which was valued at five Asper's. In coining it he hath a great and plentiful gain; for in three or four years, of the same money, which is carried by all the Tartars or Strangers into the Mint, new invented money is always stamped. For in all Taurica, or the Peninsula, it is lawful for none (Tartar or stranger) even in the Cities of the Turks Dominion, under a capitol punishment and confiscation of goods, of what estate soever he be, to exchange Turkish pieces of Gold, or the Doller of Strangers, or the Turks Silver Asper into Tartar coin of the other value. Neither is it lawful to buy with Gold or Silver coin, but Tartarian, which all strangers (none excepted) perpetually receive by the Chans' Edict. Provision for war. When the Chan is about to go to any war, he first signifies to all the Tartars of his Dominions by the Servitors of his Court, and commands them that they prepare themselves for war, within three (or at the most) in four weeks, and that they provide for themselves victuals for three or four months. That sustenance is carried in Leather-bags, and those Bags among the Gentlemen are carried on Horses. And they carry with them food of Millet parched in the fire, or stamped, or ground; for they have Mills, and thereof steeped in water, the most make meat or drink. They carry Cheese and Flesh, and Mares-flesh dried in the Sun: they cut them in pieces boiled or dry, and taking out the bones put them in Sacks. They live with Mares-milke and Cheese, and sour milk, which they tempering with a certain Art, hold an excellent food. The Chan hath only one Chariot with him for any danger of sickness; also a few Camels, whereon is carried for his own person Aquavitae, or some other provision wherewith he is easily satisfied. But the Tartars severally set meat before him and his Courtiers, the gentlemen (yet very few of them) not seldom carry a little dry bread, and a little Aquavitae on Camels, or in lighter Carts. But after the Chan hath determined any warlike Expedition, he prepares very speedily some exercised men in an indifferent number, and chooseth them sometimes Tartars, but more frequently Cercesians, Petigorens, and those which are accounted spies of Regions and Provinces of other Princes, and expert Way-leaders, they very well know each particular passage of Places and Borders, and Fords of Rivers. And when they come into the Marches, they go into the near confining circuits, Manner and Art of war. and each in sundry places view all things, and diligently seek for Captives, which when they have intercepted, they return with them speedily to the Chan, of whom, using interrogatories, the Chan quickly is acquainted with the estate of those Provinces where his scouts have been. Forthwith therefore he assigns the day of progression to the Tartars, wherein he stirs alone, and premiseth speedily some servants of his Court, through all that Hord or Province. They constrain and enforce to go to war and follow the Chan all Tartars and Christians of his government, men and youth, if they can but sit on horses (besides impotent old men and children) who although they want Arms and Horses, yet are accommodated by the wealthier in hope of spoil. But in eight, or at the utmost in ten days after the Chans' departure, all of them follow him into certain new defined places, which are beyond Perecopia toward Boristhenes; the Galga, Soltans, Dukes, Murzies, & the most approved valiant and chief Warriors and Soldiers, being gathered and convocated together: and they being called to his Council, first the later Captives and privy Searchers also are examined, at length they suddenly consult of the seasonableness of time, places, occasion of well ordering the matter, and whether the war be then commodiously to be prosecuted. And mutual consent and counsel being made and determined; yet none of these things is confusedly diuulged to the multitude. From the same place therefore the Ministers of the Court of the Chan, Galga, and Soltans' going before the companies of the Dukes, Murzons and other Tartarian Nobles (which they lead and rule according to the ancient claim of their kindred, and call them by various appellations in their Language) ●he Chan moves the Army under the Ensigns, following in a mean order after the ancient custom of the Nation: but after they have set foot in their enemy's Land, again he sends before a certain number of the most experienced and skilfullest Spials. They go before the Army, and send back to the Chan whatsoever Countrymen or others they shall take and meet with; from whom he may be certified of the condition and army of the enemies. But when the Chan is certainly informed that no army of enemies comes out against him, he again makes a Campe-councell with his Nobles and Peers, how far and wide he ought to endamage his enemy's Dominions. Then at length he goeth slowly forward in a perfect order with all his Host, and commands upon penalty of their heads to kill all the obvious Rustics, lest after they should be taken by the Tartars, they should peradventure make an escape, and certify his enemies of his bands to the hurt of his men. Moreover, they kill not women nor children, nor lay hold on them, nor dare lay hands of any of the prey, lest his army should be surcharged with it, and cause some stay in his proceeding. But when the Chan comes with his army to the Castles, Towns, Villages, Hamlets and manured places, he elects ten, or at the most fifteen thousand Soldiers with their Dukes, Murzons, and chief of his Court, and most notable, best tried, and principal men of Arms of all his Host, and leaves them in his own jurisdiction in his standing Camps, or in the siege of some Fortress; then he makes ready the Galga, other Soltans', Dukes, Murzons, and the rest of the Army, which then is mustered some thousands. And that Army being spread abroad in diverse bands, over each of which the best esteemed and ablest men are made Captains, is extended in longitude more than ten miles, and in latitude as much. And as they assemble among themselves at the farthest in seven or eight days, but at the soon in three or four running about in troops through diverse places, and leading straying preys, and wasting with fire and Sword whatsoever they meet with, return to the Camp: but if they come not back at the prefixed day to the fortified Camp, they wait not for them, but all the Army with wonderful celerity move in their arrays, out of the standing Campe. And when as then also the Chan is truly signified that no Army pursues him, he provides for places not meddled with by his troops, an Army of some thousands of selected Horsemen, and as yet unwearied. He employs as many more also in ambushes in diverse places near the Towns and Castles obvious to the Tartars, lest that Army might without delay fall into the lying in wait on any of their companies. But if he be certified by his Scouts of any numerous host of Enemies, he never commits the matter to an universal fight, but goes forward slowly and cautelously with his bands: but if the Chan be certainly assured that the Troops of his Adversaries are many and valiant, he retires a little, and seeks for the better husbanded and peaceabler places, and with wonderful agility in his precipitious flight, spoils them with fire and sword, and intends to return home with the booty that he had hastily driven away. But if then he hopes his enemies cannot overtake him, he marcheth with his Army, yet not too securely, almost in the order to his confines. But as soon as the Chan is entered into his Borders, The Chans' tenth. he takes the tenth of the principal Captives throughout all the Army. But the Captains of companies, and they which have brought a greater number of captives, cull out of each Band the principal for themselves. The other Tartars of the promiscuous multitude divide the Prisoners among their troops. Notwithstanding before they come to that partition, they first satisfy all those which running about by Bands have lost Horses, Garments, or any thing else. They sell to the Tartars both Noble and Ignoble captives, if they shall appoint no price whereby they may free themselves, because the Chan being vitiated with the Merchant's gifts hath set a great value on them. The condition of captives is very miserable among the Tartars, Misery of Captives. for they are grievously oppressed by them with hunger and nakedness, and the Husbandmen with stripes, so that they rather desire to dye then to live. Many of them moved with the present calamity, and folly, tell the Tartars that they are Gentlemen, and have wealthy and rich parents and friends. They promise of their own accord a great and almost inestimable ransom, which the barbarous, impious, covetous, hungry, and cruel Nation seeks almost daily to increase with all kind of subtleties and Examinations, ties them in fetters, useth them therefore more hardly. But when they understand that an Agent of their people is come to the Chan, they meet him with their captives, of whom sometimes they require the price falsely nominated by themselves, or sometimes promised by the Prisoners: but the Agent who well knows the craft and deceitfulness of the Tartars, finds fault with the captives foolishness, and tell the Tartars that they are neither noble nor rich, Manner of redemption. and that they knew not, nor will ever be able to pay the price, and as though they were neither moved with Piety nor Religion reject them. Yet the Agent is diligent that they be inscribed in the Catalogue, and if they have a purpose to ransom any with their own money, they hold it expedient to suborn Jews or Tartars, and other Merchants being corrupted with money: Ars deluditur arte. by whom, being as it were neglected and rejected by the Agent, they are released at a far easier rate. Nothing therefore is more frequent to the captives, then to promise and offer to the Tartars this price, for which they are sold to the Turks, jews, and stranger Merchants, and others beyond the Sea, or a little more, or twice so much, if they be able to perform it: but if they cannot learn of the Rustics or others what they are, as the Tartars are for the most part, went often to inquire of their captives, they are content with little. Neither do they sell them to strangers, but rather to the Agent of their Nation: but if they are not redeemed by the Agent, they command them to write to their Parents or Kinsfolk. Also many captives are delivered with the exchange of Tartar captives, in providing for and freeing of whom, the Tartars exhibit and show far greater piety, friendliness and care, than our Christians. For disrepecting all price, they first demand their Tartar captives in exchange of ours, which often promising the same and not able to perform it, use to bring upon themselves a far greater discommodity. For they ask of them almost an unualuable sum, wherewith they prise their Tartars, which when they are not able to pay, they sell them to barbarous Nations over the Sea for perpetual slaves, for as great a price as they can, and very often at an excessive rate, or if the Tartars are wealthy, they condemn them to perpetual slavery. The Chan hath all his Tartar Army gathered of Horsemen, except some hundred Gunner's janissaries, Footmen, which are either Turkish Auxiliaries, or some of his own which he maintains. He is accustomed to carry with him some smaller Ordnance to war. From Taurica or the Peninsula the Perecopens, and Crims, Ossoviens, Nogariens, Cercessians, are Tributaries and Soldiers for aid, the Duke of the Cercessians, Petigorens are Stipendaries and Mercenaries, and are wont to go voluntaries to the Chans' wars. The Oczacoviens and Bialogrodens, also they who by the continual covenants which they have with the Turkish Emperor, sometimes also the Dobru●en Tartars and Inhabitants of Danubius, by the command of the Emperor of the Turks follow him to war. All that Host collected out of those Tartars, is wont to make the number of a hundred and twenty thousand, sometimes also thirty thousand more, but not seldom to exceed that Sum. I have been truly informed by many credible Christians, which often follow the Chans' wars, and by some captived Gentlemen of our Nation, who have many times seen his Army. Their Horses. All have according to their use Tartarian Horses, neat, excellent, stomachful, swift, and indifferent good and commodious to undergo great labours. The Chan, most of the Soltans', and Tartar Nobles use in war Turkish, Caramanian, Arabian, and other Asian, Tartarian, and the best Outlandish Horses. The swiftest Horses are accounted among them at a great and almost inestimable price. They always feed them Summer and Winter in the Plains of Taurica or the Peninsula, but very often as far as the Rivers Boristhenes and Tanais: the Gentlemen nourish at home very few Horses, only for their urgent occasions, not for any arrogancy or luxury. They seldom put their jades and unprofitable Horses for riding in the Wagon, for they do all their business with Camels and Oxen. Their Arms. The Tartars use their ancient weapons, a two-edged Sword, or Tartarian Cymiter somewhat long, and a Turkish Dart, or a Persian, shorter and broader of the best Iron, and well wrought; a peculiar Tartarian Bow, along Arrow, and swift, a Quiver, sometimes a short Spear after the old guise of their people. They go with Brest-plates and Helmets, and in Persian or Moscovian Arms, wherewith they abound being enriched by the spoil of Christians. They have ancient Saddles and Bridles after the custom of the Nation, very fitting, not for pride or superfluity: the Nobles have them prepared very elegantly, strongly and compendiously for their use. But most in the Tartar Army are altogether unarmed and cowards, and they carry with them to war by reason of their great Host, almost an infinite number of Horses. For a Tartar even of the basest condition will scarcely be content with one or two Horses, Store of Horses. but three, four, and more, which he may have always ready with him at his hand. Therefore the Army of the Tartars is made so numerous, great and terrible, which when it is seen afar off, is deemed by our men almost an infinite and innumerable Host. Now when the Tartarian Army is come into their enemy's Country, the Tartars rank not themselves in bands or troops, but all set forward and proceed leisurely. They dispose many Watchmen in all parts throughout their companies, which they make greater or lesser for their supply, Flight feigned. but after that the foremost of them have descried their enemy, they sergeant a flight, that they may more easily allure them into those troops, which they have laid in ambushments, and so over-charge him. But when they espy a great Army of enemies, they make a retreat quickly and speedily to their Army, Ranks, and Banners. There is great celerity in constituting and governing their troops, seeing that they are not ruled only by the advertizements of the Generals and Praefects of their Regiments, but also by the show of Whips, as is the long continued practice of the Nation: Their Discipline. and they are subject so to a beck, that they are very easily brought into their Ranges, whensoever it is necessary. The Chan is always fortified in war, His strength. The principal Ensign a Mare's tail. with a band of some thousands of noble and courageous Tartars in number, some hundreds of janissaries, Footmen, and some small Ordnance. In the Chans' Regiment a very great white Mare's tail, and a piece of Greene and Red Silk of the Turkish Emperor is carried before on a great Pike for the Standard. There appear in the troops of the other Tartars, many Ancients and Ensigns of various colours. The more famous Soldiers, and they which are notable in reputation, dexterity and warlike Prowess, and have achieved in war some Noble Service and Enterprise, are greatly honoured by the Chan, Sultan's, Kiniazons, and Murzons. And that respect is had to them, that the Chan doth not only reward them with certain great benefits and such liberality, as he can show them, but also is so mindful of their deserts and 〈◊〉, that he assigns them and their successors in the Assembly, and as the fashion is, at his Table a perpetual place of honour among his more noble Murzons. That dignity among the Tartars is the greatest and Hereditary, for they going to war able and experienced men which possess that place, are dignified by the Chan, with the glory of leading the Troops. The Chan also frees some Tartar captives with the permutation of captives, and in ransoming others he largely pours out his own Treasure, and willingly comforts them as he is able. CHAP. XXII. DITHMAR BLEFKENS his Voyages, and History of Island and Groenland. IN the year 1563. m He published this Book Anno 1607. two Hamburg Merchants ships determined to sail to Island, the Mariners, by an ancient custom, desirous to have a Minister of God's Word with them, commend this care to the Ministers of the Church of Hamburg, and entreat them to provide them a Minister. One Doctor Paulus ab Etzen was then Superintendent of the Church of Hamburg. While therefore I stayed at Hamburg, expecting my Library from Rostoch, I entered into some familiarity with Paulus, and the rest of the Ministers. This Office was bestowed upon me, which I undertook the more willingly, because I had a longing desire to know strange things, and diverse Countries, yielding to their persuasion. Taking ship therefore the tenth of April, we sailed upon the Coast of England and Scotland, and passing beyond the Island Orcades, in number fifteen, whereof the most part lie unmanured for the barrenness; Ferow and Hitland are inhabited: Here we saw a very high Rock, which in the top representeth the head of a cooled Monk, where also there is a safe Harbour against all winds, and this Monk delivereth many from present dangers. The fourteenth of june we descried Island, which seems afar off, like winter clouds. The next day we attained the Land and Haven of Haffenefordt toward the South. Iseland is a rough, hilly and snowy Land, which is supposed to be twice bigger than Sicilia: it is thought to be a hundred leagues in length, which also Olaus Magnus testifieth in his eleventh Book. It hath the name of the perpetual Ice, and coldness of the Air, which is there most sharp: for eight whole months it is troubled with Ice: It burneth notwithstanding with heat and inward fire in many places. The extremity of cold increaseth this heat in the bowels of the earth, which cold continueth the greater part of the year (a few Summer months excepted) and so bindeth the pores in the upper part of the Earth, that it can have no free vent. And this Island hath so great a Latitude from the Aequator, that the Arctic Circle divides it in the midst, that is to say, sixty five degrees and a half. The Lands called Ebudae, are object to the North part of this Island. But whether that be of these, which Ptolemie, and ancient Writers call Thule, or rather Iseland, that great Island, I dare neither affirm, nor altogether deny, because there is no Island found where Ptolemie set Thule. Now, the later Writers make another manner of longitude about Scotland, and the bordering Lands, than Ptolemie ever thought. HONDIUS his Map of ISLAND. ISLAND map of Iceland In these whirlpools and darkness, this Fleet (one only Ship excepted) perished. They that were preserved, See of Island original the next Chapter. Antiquities are often mystical, or mythical & fabulous after many long labours and perils, sailing through the Tartarian Sea, came into a very hot Country, and entering into a large Bay, they went on shore upon the next Land. And when the Inhabitants had hid themselves in secret places, by reason of the great heat and scorching of the Sun, they saw Gold, and other precious things set here and there, without a guard. And when they had carried away as much as they would, and hasted to the Ship, they saw some pursue them with Dogs of strange bigness. One, who was hindered and laden with a prey that he could not escape, was torn in pieces of the Dogs. The rest, after long sailing, shunning these Whirlpools, arrived in Muscovia, thence by the Baltic Sea returning unto Breme, they brought back these tidings to Alebrand the Bishop, with part of the prey. Much about this time, the Norwegians, by example of the Heluetians in julius Caesar's time, are supposed to have come out of Norway, who then long time possessed that part of France, which now also is call Normandy. And when they had performed great attempts by Sea and Land against the Britain's, they did not only scour the Sea by hostile incursions, but also expelled the Saracens, who at that time came into Italy, and sought to seat themselves in Calabria and Apulia. After they brought Colonies Northward into Hitland, Ferow, and Island: which way, they learned of the Bremians, by means of the Nobility of Frisia aforesaid. And even the very propriety of their speech doth testify, that they came out of Norway: for the pronunciation of the Iselanders doth agree with the ancient Inhabitants of Norway. For upon the Sea coast of Norway, especially where the famous Haven and City of Bergen is, by reason of the resort and familiarity with the Germans and Danes, the Language is changed. Of the Iselanders Religion. IN the year of Christ 1398. Woldemarus, the second of that name governed the Danish Kingdom, whereunto Norway was added, whose posterity held it, until Ericus Duke of Pomerania, and Christopher Banar. Unto this Waldemarus all the Arctoian Colonies obeyed, so that now, under that Woldemarus, the Iselanders were first instructed in the Christian Religion, when before they had worshipped strange Gods. And when almost all Christian people, in that lamentable darkness and title of a Church, as it were by Witchcraft deceived, were detained in most deep bonds of superstition; it could not be but they, who were furthest removed from the society of Learned men, and dwelling under an uncivil and barbarous Climate, should fall into most foul Idolatry, when sometimes (as hereafter shall be declared) they had Devils to serve them, as familiar as domestical servants. But after Luther began to be known, The Christian care of King Christian. Christianus the King of Denmark procured purer Doctrine to himself, and purged the Churches in the Kingdom of Denmark, Norway, and all the Lands subject unto him; sending Ministers into Iseland, to sow the seed of the Gospel there. He sent a Printer also out of Denmark, to set forth the Bible, the common places of Philip Melancthon, the Works of Vrbanus Regius and others, in the vulgar Tongue, to the Pastors who were ignorant of the Latin, as at that time almost all of them were. And also sent for fit and apt young men out of Iseland, whom he maintained in the Haff●ian University at his own costs, and gave them charge over Churches and Schools. King Woldemare, as soon as they should profess Christian Religion in Iseland, ordained them two Bishops, one in Scalholden in the East part, and another in holen in the West, Two Bishops in Iseland. whose Successors at this day retain nothing but a shadow, and a bare Title, for they have no other revenues but Butter and Fish. But when that reformation (whereof I spoke) was made by King Christian in the Churches of Iseland, one of the Bishops in Scalholden, conspiring with the people, rejects the Doctrine of the Gospel, and making a rebellion they kill the King's Lieutenant. The year following, which was 1535. the King sent a Noble man of the Order of Knighthood, one Paul Hitfelt (whom I saw an old man in Denmark) furnished with a Fleet, Soldiers, and Munition into the Island. The seditious being slain, he reneweth the reformation of the Doctrine of the Gospel, and returneth into Denmark, leaving a certain Noble man to take charge of the Church and Island. The greatest man in Iseland at that time was one Tadde Bond. He, after the King's Army was departed, Tadde Bonde. conspiring with the principal men (whom by his Authority he drew to take his part) revolted from his Allegiance, and persuaded the rest of the Islanders to follow. They meet together in a place called Waloe, and conspiring to rebel, and cast off the King's subjection, Waloe. they impart their counsels together, and Tadde had his poss●ssions not in one place, and many retainers, and for these causes he thought they could not easily be suppressed. The Bishop who dwelled in the East, had a special care to acquaint the King's Lieutenant with all that was done (for the Lieutenant was absent in the West part of that Island) and the Bishop hated Tadde a long time. For in that first Rebellion, he had falsely accused him to the Lieutenant as guilty, and author of the Rebellion. This accusation only brought great and extreme calamity upon him. The Lieutenant being certified what was done, he persuadeth by fit instruments, some of the Complices of the faction, to continue in their Allegiance, propounding rewards and punishments. Then many of them when they saw the greatness of the danger, leaving him, came humbly to the Lieutenant, and beg pardon, and obtain it. Tadde therefore is adjudged an Enemy, both of the King and of his Country, they promise therefore by an Oath and giving of their Faith, that they will pursue him. Then he, through fear of the danger, with a few of his Domestickes which he had gathered together, kept himself at the foot of Hekelueld, but being circumvented they were all slain, and he taken. They that took him, brought him to the Bishop, to commit him to Prison, but he refused to receive him. Therefore they draw him to another certain man▪ of those who had the chief place in justice, neither would he receive him, fearing the hatred of the people. There was at that time there a certain Iselander, jonas by name, a man of courage. I know (saith he) to whom I will commit him, that will diligently keep him, and forthwith he slew him and buried him. And so the Sedition was appeased. And from that time until this day, the Word of God is taught amongst Barbarous men, after the manner of the Confession of Augusta. The Life and Manners of the Iselanders. IN the whole Island, there are three sorts of men, who are held in any reckoning and account: Three sorts of people. for the common people, by reason of the scarcity of Ships wherewith they fish, make themselves slaves to the richer. Of those three sorts, the first is of them whom they call Loshmaders, that is to say, Men of justice: for Loch in their language, signifieth Law. These men administer justice, and there are many of them, but twelve of them only have the yearly charge of justice. All men obey their judgement and Decrees. Twelve justices each year Another sort is of them, who are called Bonden: They are in the place of Nobles, and as every one of them is richest in Shipping, and Cattle, so he hath most Fishers, and followers. This only power they know. The third sort is of Bishops and Ministers of the word of God, of the which many are found every where throughout the whole Island. There are many of the Iselanders very proud and high minded, especially by reason of the strength of body which they have. Strength. I saw an Iselander, who easily put an Hamburg Tun full of Ale to his mouth, drinking off it as if he had had but one small measure. Both Sexes in Iseland have the same habit, so that by the garments you shall not easily discern whether it be Man or Woman. They want Flax, except it be brought unto them by our Countrymen. Habit. The Womenkind there are very beautiful, but ornaments are wanting. The whole Nation of the Islanders is much given to Superstitions, and they have Spirits familiarly serving them. Superstition and Witchcraft. For they only are fortunate in Fishing, who are raised up by night of the Devil to go a fishing. And although the Ministers of the Gospel use all diligence in dissuading them from this impiety; Night Ravens. yet this wickedness hath taken root, and sticketh so deeply in their minds, and they are so bewitched of Satan, that they can admit no sound Doctrine and Dehortation. Yea, by the Devil's means, if you offer them money, they promise a prosperous wind and perform it, which I know, as hereafter shall be spoken. The like Olaus Magnus writeth of the Finlanders in his third Book. They hold Ships also by enchantment almost immoveable, and that in a prosperous wind. And truly it is a wonder that Satan so sporteth with them. Sweet sacrifice for the Devil, letice suitable his lips. For he hath showed them a remedy in staying of their Ships, to wit, the Excrements of a Maid being a Virgin: if they anoint the Prow, and certain planks of the Ship, he hath taught them that the Spirit is put to flight, and driven away with this stink. In the rest of the carriage of their life, they thus behave themselves. The Parents teach their male Children (even from their childhood) letter's and the Law of that Island, so that very few men are found throughout the whole Island, but they know Letters, and many Women use our letters, Learning▪ and have also other characters, with the which they express some whole words of theirs, which words can hardly be written with our letters. They give themselves to hardness, and fishing from their Infancy; for all their life consists in Fishing. They exercise not Husbandry, because they have no Fields, and the greatest part of their food consisteth in Fish, unsavoury Butter, Fiwing & fish. Milk and Cheese. In stead of Bread they have Fish bruised with a Stone. Their Drink is Water or Whey. Drink. So they live many years, without medicine or Physician. Many of them live till they be one hundred and fifty years old. And I saw an old man who said he had then lived two hundred years. An old man or a loud lie. Nay, Olaus Magnus in his twentieth Book saith, that the Iselanders live three hundred years. The greater part of Iselanders hath never seen Bread, much less tasted it. If our men at any time sell them Meal or Corn, Bread. they mingle it with Milk, and lay it up for a long time, as delicates for Nobles. They call this sauce or mixture, Drabbell. The Germans that trade in Iseland have a place in the Haven of Haffenefordt fenced by Nature, where under Tents they set their Mercbandise to sale, as Shoes, Garments, Glasses, Knives, and such kind of Merchandise of no price. The Iselanders have Oil molten out of the bowels of Fishes, Commodities. known to our Tanners and Shoemakers: they have Fish, Brimstone, white Fox skins, Butter and other things. They barter all these for our Commodities, nor is the bargain ratified, before they be well stuffed with our Meat, Wine or Beer, together with their Wives and Children whom they bring with them, how many soever they have. Coming into the Haven, they have their Daughters with them which are marriage-able: they after they have inquired of our company, Whores. whether they have Wives at home, or not, they promise a night's lodging for Bread, Biscuit, or any other trifling things. Sometimes the Parents yield their Daughters freely, even for a whole month, or as long as they stay. If she prove with Child by that lying with her, the parents love their Daughter better than before, and the Child being borne, they bring it up some years, while either the Father return, or they give it to their Son in law that shall be, for a Dowry with their Daughter, who doth not despise it, because it is borne of the german blood. If any Virgin have familiarity with a german, she is honoured among them, and therefore she is sought of many Suitors. And the time was before this, that whoredom, which was without the degrees of Consanguinity and Affinity, had no Infamy. And although Preachers cry out against it, and the offenders are severely punished, yet they hardly abstain. Drinking and singing. They lay not up Wine and Beer which they buy of our Countrymen, but quaff it up house by house by course one with another, and that freely or for nothing. While they drink, they sing the heroical acts of their ancestors, not with any certain composed order or melody, but as it cometh in every man's head. Neither is it lawful for any one to rise from the Table to make water, but for this purpose the daughter of the house, or another maid or woman attendeth always at the Table, watchful if any beckon; to him that beckeneth she gives the chamber-pot under the Table with her own hands; the rest in the mean while grunt like Swine, lest any noise be heard. The water being poured out, he washeth the Basin, and offereth his service to him that is willing, and he is accounted uncivil who abhorreth this fashion. Loving worms. Lousy love. They entertain them that come unto them with a kiss, and they behold and look each on other, if peradventure they may see Lice creeping on their garments, which greatly trouble them for want of linen: if thy see any, each taketh them from the other, and as often as he taketh away one, so often doth he thank him, with his head discovered, and this they do one to the other, as long as they see one. By night the Master of the house, with all his family, his wife and children lie in one room, Lodging. covered with a cloth made of Wool which they make. And the like clothes they lap under them, without straw or hay put under. All of them make water in one chamber-pot, with the which in the morning they wash their face, mouth, teeth, and hands; they allege many reasons thereof, to wit, that this makes a fair face, maintaineth the strength, confirmeth the sinews in the hands, and preserveth the teeth from putrefaction. If Cattles perish in the waters or snow (which often cometh to pass) they say, they are killed of God, and are accounted among the delicates. And it happened in the year 1564. in a place called Ackermisse, that in the month of january some Kine strayed in the dark, and the fog was so great, and the depth of snow, that they could not be found. In the month of April they were first found untainted, and without any evil smell, and being distributed among the neighbours, some part was brought to the Governor, with whom I lived at that time, which was not lawful for him to despise, yet he commanded it to be given to the poor. In the Winter time, before and after the Solstitium, when the Sun declineth, and being in Sagitarius, Capricornus, and Aquarius, it departeth from them, Long night. neither doth it ascend above the Horizon, while it touch Pisces, therefore they have no light but of the Moon and Stars. In like manner about the Summer Solstitium, when the Sun ascendeth to Gemini, Cancer, and Leo, it never goeth down under the Horizon, therefore at that time they have no Night. In the Winter time, they keep their Beds many days, and exercise themselves in the game of Chess, Chess. the invention whereof is due to Xerxes the Philosopher: the mean while the servants bring them their meat dressed to their beds. They keep Lamps of the oil of Fish continually burning, others burn Tallow candles. In the month of February, as soon as the Sun ascends above the Horizon, by little and little the days grow longer, than they begin to Fish, whereof there is so great plenty, that it is scarce credible, for the Fishes which for three whole months swam in the dark, as soon as they see a fish of Tin fastened to an Iron, they ran to it in schoales, that they are not only drawn up by the jaws, but wheresoever the Iron toucheth them. Having taken them, they pluck out the bones, and lay up their bowels, and make Fat or Oil of them. They heap up their Fish in the open air, and the purity of the air is such there, that they are hardened only with the wind and Sun, without Salt, better surely than if they were corned with salt. Dried Fish. And if they kill any Beasts, they preserve the flesh without stink or putrefaction, without salt, hardened only with the wind. Of the wonderful standing Pools, Lakes and Fountains in Iseland. IN diverse places almost throughout the wh●le Island are Baths and scalding Fountains, Hot Baths. which flow out in great abundance. This water as soon as it begins to cool, hath a sulphury substance in the top thereof. In these scalding waters, wherein I could scarce dip my finger, red Dive-doppers are seen afar off, if you come nearer, they vanish, if you depart, they appear again, so all day long (if any please) they play bo-peep with men. Dive-doppers. Whether they be Dive-doppers indeed, I leave it to others to decide. At the West of this Island, there is a huge smoky Lake, and very cold, which turneth all things that are cast into it into stones, and that in few days, Stone-making water. and (which is worthy of great admiration) if you put a stick upright into the bottom, the lower part which is stuck into the earth, hath the resemblance and hardness of Iron after two days, that which was in the water hath the hardness and show of a Stone, the upper part which remained above the water, keepeth his wont form: And I twice proved the truth of this thing, Note. but when I put the lower part (which represented Iron) to the fire that it might melt, it burned like a Coal. There are two Fountains of most different quality, in a place upon the Sea coast, which is called Turlocks Haven, the one cold, the other hot; these Fountains by pipes are drawn into one place, and tempered for bathing, they make a most wholesome Bath. Not far from these Fountains, there is a certain other Fountain, which bubbles forth liquor like Wax, French disease. which notably cureth the French disease, which is very common there. Not far from the Haven Haffnefordt, there is a cleft in a Rock like to a Fountain of unmeasurable depth. If you look into it, you cannot see the water, but if you cast in a stone, half an hour after you shall hear it falling, as if it fell into brazen Vessels, and forthwith the water ariseth, and it is filled to the top of the Wells brim, and it is a most clear water, which notwithstanding no man dare touch, nor taste, neither doth it flow out, but so long after, as the stone which is cast in, sinketh to the bottom. There is another Lake in the middle of the Island, which casteth forth a pestiferous fume, insomuch as it killeth Birds flying over it with the poison thereof. Of the wonderful Mountains in Island. THere are three Mountains in Island very admirable, the one is called the Mountain of the Cross, the other Snevelsiockell. These two pierce the clouds with their height, whose heads, or tops no man ever saw, nor are they ever seen without Ice and Snow; in those, Lightnings and horrible Thunders are daily heard, when nevertheless, in the neighbouring Valleys the Air is fair and clear, as in Summer time. The third Mountain lieth on the North of the Island, and not very high, but it hath burned very many years; with what fire or matter, it is unknown; but seeing Brimstone is digged out of the Earth throughout the whole Land, it seemeth, that the sulphury matter is sometime inflamed. This Mountain is not far from the Sea, and the Sea on one side beats upon it: it is called Hecla, sometimes it casteth forth flame, sometimes fiery water, Hecla a burning Hill. then black ashes and Pumis stones, in so great abundance, that it darkeneth the Sun. No man also can dwell near it by six mile, neither are there any pastures about it. Sometimes bold men, and such as regard not their lives, cast stones into the hollow places; for sometimes there is a wonderful calm in the Mountain; especially when the Western wind blows, Conceit of Purgatory. it casteth back the stones flung into it with an horrible noise and sound: the common people think the souls of the damned to be tormented here: it is certain that diverse and horrible spirits are observed in this Mountain and about it; for if a Battle be fought in any place, the Islanders, especially they that sail and fish in the Sea near to Hecla, know the day of the Battle fought, although they know not where it be done: for they see (as they report) wicked spirits going forth, and returning, and bringing souls with them. And such a story is rep●rted all Island over. A Fisherman sailing by Hecla, met with another ship, both had a prosperous wind, and when (after the manner of Sailors) he was demanded who he was and of what place, he answered, that he had the Bishop of Breme in his ship, Collusions of men, or Illusions of Devils. A●ngim jonas an Islander scoffs at 〈◊〉 as fabulous. whom he would convey to Hecla: and it was known that the Bishop died the same day, which notwithstanding, I would not set down for truth. If any perish by Sea, or otherwise dye, sometimes leaving their Friends and Acquaintance, they appear very heavy, being demanded whither they go, and from whence, they answer they are brought to Hecla, under a cruel Master the Devil, and so vanish. And they are so bewitched of Satan, that they think them the souls of the departed. But because no man that is well in his wits, will think that Hell is in this Mountain, yet it may be demanded, whence the Hill hath this matter, whereby it should bring forth so many years' flames, so many ashes, and such abundance of Pumis stones? For we see the most solid and firm bodies, and all things to be consumed by fire: and for that cause some think, that it shall come to pass that these flames shall once be extingished? for the cause failing, they deny that any effects can follow. But here (what I think) I will freely speak, yet saving other men's judgements. It is manifest by watery Meteors, that there is a continual generation of water, by the vapours gathered together in the cavities of the Earth; which issueth forth by fountains; but the efficient and material causes abiding perpetually, the effects also continually remain: so also in the bowels of the Earth, there are certain places, which by their own nature draw unto them a hot and dry exhalation, and that it resolves it into flames, ashes, and Pumis stones, which may easily be done in this Mountain, by reason of the Sulphur matter, which is found in Island throughout the whole Land. And as Fountains send forth more abundance of water in the Winter time, then in the Summer, nay, some of them are dry, because matter fails; so is it with this Mountain: for sometimes matter failing, it hath neither flames, nor smoke, and all is quiet, whereby it appeareth that the matter and efficient cause fail. However it be, I know this, that no man may come to the foot of the Mountain without danger and fear, as hereafter shall be declared. Strange Story. The same year I was in Island, the nine and twentieth of November, about midnight in the Sea, near Hecla, there appeared a flame, which gave light to the whole Island, so that all of us astonished, wondered, and carefully expected the issue thereof: the elder sort and such as were skilful in this matter, said, that this light came from Hecla: an hour after, the whole Island trembled, as it should have been moved out of the place: after the Earthquake followed a horrible crack, that if all warlike Ordnance had been discharged, it had been nothing to this terror. It cannot be thought, much less expressed by word, how horrible it was. We thought that the whole frame of the World would fall, and that the last Day was at hand: but it was known afterwards that the Sea went back two leagues in that place, and remained dry. About the beginning of july, at a certain time of the year great store of Ice suddenly floateth to the Island about Hecla, and there goes a rumour through the whole Island, nay it is believed, that the damned souls are tormented in this Ice by course, in the Flame, in the Mountain, and after in the Ice. This Ice for three whole months swimmeth only about Hecla. Another wonder. If you take any part of this Ice out of the Sea, and wrap it in a linen cloth, and lay it up in a Chest, it remaineth so long unmelted, as it swimmeth in the Sea; but if the Ice in the Sea vanish, which suddenly in one night happeneth, this appeareth not, nor leaveth any sign of moisture in the linen cloth, which is not a hard thing for Satan to do, to take away the Ice without moisture, to increase their incredulity. Olaus Magnus maketh mention of this Ice in his eleventh Book. But because I determined to search out all things diligently, I sailed not without great fear unto this Ice, and I observed, that this Ice was violently cast against the Rocks by force of the winds, and so made a mournful sound afar off, as if miserable howl were heard there. Hereupon the Islanders think the souls of the damned are tormented in this Ice. Of the Riches of the Islanders. I Have said that Island was a rough and snowy Country, and besides, it is full of Rocks and stones; and so truly, that there is not a field in the whole Island: they have not so much as Gardens, wherein they may have Potherbs or Pulse: they know no kind of Corn nor Apples, Pears, nor Cherries, nor any fruit of Trees. And, which is almost incredible, they neither use Bread nor Salt, yet they are well liking, and strong. There is no City in the whole Island: No fruits. they seldom have two or three dwellings together. They have their Cottages on the Sea side for fishing, and under ground by reason of the fierce winds. There is no lone of money among them, for wares are changed for wares. Brimstone groweth on the South part, and almost throughout the whole Island, Bartar. Brimstone▪ which is digged out in great abundance: they sell this stuff purged for a small price. Mines of Gold or Silver, nor of any other mettle they have none. They use Iron, but such as is brought unto them. You shall scarce find a man, who hath not Iron Nails in a Bag, wherewith Horseshoes are fastened. All their houses are under ground, for they have no matter for building. There is not a tree in the whole Island, except the Birch-tree, and that in one place, Birch-tree. which also exceedeth not the stature of a man in length, and that by reason of the vehemency of the winds, that it cannot grow higher. This Birch-tree after the Summer Solstitium begins first to bud, the leaves have a most sweet smell, and of so fragrant a savour, that the Germans put them in their Tents, and upon their meats for a singular delight. Yet sometimes great abundance of Firre-trees from Tartary, or elsewhere carried by force of the waves and the Ice, arrived in Island. The chief use of them is in building Cabins under the ground: you shall scarcely find a house out of the earth, by reason of the strong winds, which sometimes overthrow Horses and their Riders. They have great plenty of Butter, for the fatness of the grass: for the Island gras●e is so fat, Great winds. that Oxen after a certain time are to be driven from the Pastures, lest they burst. And it is of so pleasing a scent, that our men lay it up in their Chests with singular care for their garments. Fat grass. The most part (for scarcity of Vessels) lay their Butter aside in the corners of their Houses, (as we do Lime or other matter) and that without Salt. They have domestical cattle, as kine; but many of them are without horns. Al their Horses are amblers & very fit for carrying of burdens. Their kine, horses, and sheep. Dogs of more price than children. Bears and Foxes. White Crows They have very great sheep, they keep not a Hog nor a Hen, for want of grain, if fodder or hay fail them in the Winter, they feed their cattle with fish. They have rough Dogs bred without tail and ears for their pleasure, which they sell dear and greatly esteem, when notwithstanding they offer their children to any that will ask them, and that freely. Besides, this Island hath white Foxes, and huge Bears of the same colour. They have no Birds but waterfowl, whereof there are diverse kinds and sorts found there, unknown unto us. Crows sometimes are changed white; and excellent Falcons, and some among them white, which being taken and gotten, with the great cost of the Spaniards and Portugals, are also carried away in great number, which thing was done, while I was in Island, to my great profit. Island also hath white Partridges. There are also every where through the whole Island most pleasant Rivers, Rivers. which yield the Inhabitants fish in great plenty, Salmon Trout, and Sturgeons. There is one only bridge in all the Island, made of the bones of a Whale. Whale-bone-bridge. Travel by compass. Whales. They that go from one part of the Island to another by the Continent, have no way which they may follow, for the solitariness thereof: but as Sailors in the Sea, so they by the help of the Loadstone perform their journeys. The depth of the Sea near Island is very exceeding. In these gulfs there are Whales of wonderful bigness, and many Sea-monsters which cannot be killed or taken of men, the Ice only through the force of the winds dasheth them against the Rocks, and killeth them. I saw such a Monster cast upon the shore dead, whose length was thirty else, his height more than a very long Warlike Pike. A Whale being dead or killed, the Inhabitants make Buildings and Dwellings of the bones thereof with great dexterity and skill, they make also seats, benches, tables, Hug● Whal● and other utensils, smoothing them so that they seem like ivory. They that sleep in these houses, are said always to dream of shipwreck. Note. And although it be a huge and fearful creature, and have great strength, yet notwithstanding oftentimes he is not only withstood, but overcome of his capital enemy (not so great) which is called Orca; Orca. this fish hath the shape of a ship turned upside-down, and upon his back very sharp and long fins, wherewith he woundeth the soft of the belly of the Whale, and killeth him, and the Whale so feareth this fish, that in shunning him, he often dasheth himself against the shore. The Iseland Sea hath a Monster also, whose name is unknown. They judge it a kind of Whale at the first sight, when he shows his head out of the Sea, he so scarreth men that they fall down almost dead. A Sea-monster. His square head hath flaming eyes, on both sides fenced with long horns, his body is black, and beset with black quills; if he be seen by night, his eyes are fiery, which lighten his whole head, which he putteth out of the Sea, nothing can either be painted or imagined more fearful. Olaus Magnus maketh mention of this Monster in his twentieth Book, and saith, that it is twelve cubits long. Such a Monster at that time tore in pieces with his teeth a Fisher-boate, wherein there were three Fishermen, so that they were drowned, one of them, who held in his hand a little cord, wherewith he used to draw the hook, and the fishes, laid hold of the board which floated in the Sea; so he was saved getting out of the bottom upon the plank and swum forth, and declared this to the King's Governor in my presence, adding moreover that he was saved from heaven, that he might get maintenance for his children, who otherwise were ready to perish with hunger, when the other two though married, yet were without children. Another Monster also is often there seen and taken, of ten or twelve else long, it is called Hacfal, Hacfal another Monster. it is all fat; it is taken after a wonderful manner: they have a very long pike whereunto they fasten an Iron with a forked point, that it cannot go back, unto the staff a cord of a marvellous length is fastened; they stick this spear in the Monster, which swimmeth unto it for prey, perceiving a man in the little boats; as soon as the Monster feels himself strooken and wounded, forthwith he hides himself in the Deep, and there (his blood being poured out) dies, afterward the Fishers draw him to the land by the long cords fastened to the spear. Dogfish. Besides, it hath diverse Sea Monsters: a Dog fish, which putting his head out of the Sea barketh, and receiveth his whelps sporting in the Sea again into his belly, while they come to more growth. It hath Horses and Kine, and what not? and it is a marvel, how skilful Nature sports, in expressing the shape of all earthly Creatures and Fowls in the Sea. Neither should any man persuade me that these things are true, Note. although ten Aristotle's should affirm them unto me, unless I had seen most of them with mine eyes. Let no man therefore presently cry out, that what he knows not is fabulous. The men of Lubeck, Hamburg, and Breme, were often wont to go to this Island, and leave their servants in the winter lodgings; but now it is provided by the King's authority, that no german, either by reason of trading or learning of the language, leave his servants there in the winter; but upon what occasion this came to pass, the matter standeth thus. In the year of Christ 1561. there was a Citizen of Hamburg, one Conradus Bloem, left by an other in Iseland in the winter lodgings with the Bishop in Scalholden, for trading and learning of the tongue: the Bishop's fishers find a whole Unicorn's horn in the Ice, brought out of Groneland (as it is thought) where yet at this day unicorns are said to be, Horn of a Sea-fish. See jonas Poole and Baffin, l. 4. & thinking it to be a Whale's tooth, nor did the Bishop believe otherwise, they bring it to their Master, who gave it to Conradus begging it; he being somewhat crafty, sold it after at Antwerp for some thousands of Florins. When this thing came to the King of Denmark's ears, he forbade that no german should winter in Iseland in any cause. Of the judgement of the Iselanders. THere is a most pleasant place almost in the midst of the Island, you would say it were a Paradise in the Spring time, where sometimes there was a high Mountain, which burned with inward fire, as Hecla doth at this day; which matter after it was consumed, made a Plain, but the Rocks which were erected about the Mountain, stand yet, therefore this place is so fenced by Nature, that they that enter it, must go one by one. This place is famous for two great falls of water, where two Rivers from the highest Rocks cast themselves steep down one against the other, with an astonishing and horrible dashing of the waters against the Rocks. These Rivers meet together in the middle of the field, and by a great whirlpool are swallowed up into the ground. here yearly the nine and twentieth of june, the Inhabitants who have any controversy, meet together: Islanders term for in no other place or time justice is administered: after they are entered, standings are placed by the Governors' guard, who admit all that desire to come in, no man hath liberty to go out, without the consent and authority of the Governor. When they are come thither, the Governor offereth his Charter to be publicly read, whereby he procureth credit to his Office, and having spoken before somewhat of the King's goodwill, and his own towards the Islanders, he exhorteth them to communicate justice unto all, without respect of persons, he after departeth, and keeps himself in his Tent, having heard a godly Sermon, the twelve men, whom they call Lochmaders, as it were men of justice, sit down on the ground, Manner of trials and suits. each of them hath a Book in his hand, containing the Law of that Island, written in the vulgar tongue. Accusation and answer being made, they go apart into several places, every one reads over his Book diligently, going afterwards again to his place, without Scribe, without replication or doubling, and jugglings of such brabbling Lawyers, they confer of the sentence and pronounce it: If any thing be worthy of deliberation, it is brought to the Governor for consultation and for his honour's sake, when notwithstanding they leave no power of deciding it to him. There are many accusations of Theft and Adulteries, they make no question of their Bonds, of their Fees, their Hereditary fields, or any sum of money: there are no controversies there. These twelve men, over which one is chief, are greatly honoured amongst them. These do determine, and diligently inquire of all public Controversies. If there be any wicked Act committed that year, if Murder be committed any where, if Theft, if Adultery, if Cattle be stolen away (which useth oft to be done) then these men set down the punishment. Sentence and execution. They that are condemned to dye, are beheaded: the rest, who are any way to be punished, they burn with a mark, this punishment with them is most grievous: for they are marked in the forehead: they that are so marked are accounted in the number of wicked men: others are beaten with rods: and I saw when the Father and the Son for theft (for they were cattle stealers) were held Captives, that the Father was compelled to beat his Son with rods, and he afterwards beheaded. Of Groneland. ISeland by Nature is somewhat long, it hath Norway on the East, the Orcadeses and Scotland on the South, Groneland on the West, and the Hyperborean or Congealed Sea upon the North. Although I purposed to pass over Groneland with silence, yet seeing I touched upon the Land, and saw some few things, I thought it was to be added. There was in a certain Monastery in Iseland called Helgafiel, a certain blind Monk left (for the Abbot of the Monastery had converted the Revenues to the King's use) who lived miserably there: he was borne in Groneland, of a dark complexion and broad face. The Governor commanded him to be brought unto him, that he might know some certainty of the state of Groneland. He said, there was a Monastery of Saint Thomas in Groneland, into the which his Parents thrust him when he was but young, and after that, he was taken out by the Bishop of Groneland, when he was thirty years of age, to sail with him into Norway, to the Archbishop to Nidrosia (or Dronten) to whom the Iseland Bishops are subject: in his return he was left in a Monastery by the Bishop, whose Country Groneland was: this was done (as he said) 1546. He said, that Island was called Groneland, Antiphrastically. For that it seldom or never waxeth green, and that there is so great cold there throughout the whole year, except june, july and August, that being clothed and covered with Furs, they could scarce be warm; and that they had at home certain round pieces of wood, which being continually moved with the feet, kept their feet warm. He said, it aboundeth as Iseland doth with Fishes, and that they had Bears and white Foxes, nay Pigmies, and Unicorns, and that day did not appear, till the Sun had run through Pisces. Their Pigmies are Beasts and Unicorns▪ Fishes. This Monk told us marvelous strange things: that there was in the Monastery of Saint Thomas (where he lived) a Fountain▪ which sent forth burning and flaming water, that this water was conveyed through pipes of stone, to the several Cells of the Monks, and that it made them warm, as Stoaves do with us; and that all kind of meats might be boiled in this Fountain and fiery water, no otherwise, then if it had been fire indeed. He added moreover, that the walls of the Monastery were made of Pumice stones, out of a certain Mountain (not far from the Monastery) like to Hecla: for if ye pour these burning Waters upon the Pumice stones, there will follow a slimy matter, which in stead of Lime they use for Mortar. After the Governors' conference with the Monk, I came privately unto him, to demand certain particular things touching the Pigmies and other things; he had little skill in the Latin tongue, he understood me speaking Latin, but answered by an Interpreter. He said, the Pigmies represent the most perfect shape of Man, Pigmies, our men have no● seen such. that they are hairy to the uttermost joints of the fingers, and that the Males have beards down to the knees. But although they have the shape of men, yet they have little sense or understanding, nor distinct speech, but make show of a kind of hissing, after the manner of Geese; that his Abbot kept two of them in his Monastery, male and female, but they lived not long, and that they were unreasonable Creatures, and live in perpetual darkness. That some say, they have war with the Cranes, that he knew not. Of this the English Discoveries in this and the next Book will give bett●r light▪ He affirmed, that the same manner of food was in Groneland, as in Island, to wit, of fish but not of cattle, because they have no cattle, & that the country is not populous. Forth with from Island begins the Hyperborean Sea, which beats upon Groneland, and the Country of the Pigmies, which at this day is called Nova Zembla, & there the frozen Sea hath a Bay which is called the White Sea, or Mare Album, and there are there certain passages whereby they sail into the Schythian Ocean, if they can for Ice. And the Governor had the King of Denmark's Ship, furnished with all necessaries: but when he heard (by the Monk) of these passages, and short cut into the Kingdom of China, he affected this commendation, that he might open these passages and Ice unto the Kingdom of China by the Tartarian Sea, which had often been attempted by others, but in vain. The last day therefore of March, in the year 1564. he commanded that Ship to sail to those places, The Author's Voyage for Discovery. and me also together with them, being willing of mine own accord: and enjoined me to mark diligently the situation of the places, and whatsoever we met with worthy of sight or report. We were in the Ship threescore and four men, as well Danes as Iselanders, and the twentieth day of April we arrived at a certain Promontory of Groneland, and when we found no Haven, to the which we might safely commit ourselves, and letting down the lead, we had sounded the depth of the Sea, it was such as we could not anchor there, and the abundance of Ice was so great, that it was neither safe nor possible to sail nearer to the Rocks; four and twenty therefore of us armed, with great labour and danger went on shore in our skiffs among whom I also was) to try whether we could find a harbour, and what kind of men Groneland had. In the mean time, the great Ship floated in the Sea and Ice, in a great calm, half of our company abode in the shore to keep the Skiffe; another part (and I with them) ran abroad to discover: they that were left on shore to keep the Skiffe, going hither and thither, found a little man dead with a long beard, with a little Boat, and a crooked Hook of the bone of a Fish, and a leather cord: four fish Bladders were bound unto the Boat (as is supposed) that it should not be drowned, whereof three were sunk and fallen flat: This Boat (because it was very unlike ours) the Governor sent to the King of Denmark. Olaus Magnus in his first Book writeth, that there is a Rock in the midst of Iseland and Groneland, called Hutisocke, which we sailed by, and that there they have Ships of leather, which he testifieth he saw, but it was not such an one: but Petrus Bembus in his seventh Book, in the Venetian History, In Sir Thomas smith's Hall in London is a kind of Boat somewhat like, of Bark sowed describeth a Ship, which was like unto this, where he writeth thus: While a French Ship kept her course not far from Britain, she took a Boat built of Osiers the midst being cut out, and the solid bark of Trees joined together, wherein there were seven men of a middle stature, somewhat dark coloured, of a large and broad face, marked with strange scars and violet colour; these had their garments of Fishes skins▪ full of spots, they bore a painted Crown of reed woven in, as it were with seven ears; they did eat raw Flesh, and drunk Blood, as we do Wine; their speech could not be understood, six of them died, Seals skins. one young man was brought alive to the Aulercos, where the King was. It is not unlikely to be true, that this Ship with these seven men, were driven out of Groneland, into the Britain Ocean: seeing the description of Bembus his Ship agreeth with that found in Groneland. We wandered in the mean season, in a Land unknown unto us, which was covered with Snow and Ice, we found neither footing of men, not any habitation, nor fit Port, but the Sea was closed and fenced on every side with craggy Rocks. Yet we met with a great white Bear, which neither feared us, A Bear. nor could be driven away with our cries, but came full upon us, as to his certain prey, and when he came near unto us, being twice shot through with a Gun, he stood bolt upright with his fore-feets as a man standeth, till he was shot through the third time, and so fell down dead: his Skin was sent to the King of Denmark. We agreed amongst ourselves before we went on shore, if we found a fit Harbour, or else had need of their help, that we should pluck up our standard, which we carried out with us for that purpose, and that they, if they would call us back, should signify the same with their Ordnance. A tempest arising in the mean while, the Master of the Ship gives us a sign to return, by the discharging of a piece of Ordnance, and calls us back unto the Ship: all of us therefore returned with great labour after three days unto the Ship with the Bear's skin; we sailed therefore to the other side of the Island toward the North, to the Country of the Pigmies or Nova Zembla, that by the mouth of the White Sea, we might come into the Scythian, or Tartarian Sea, from whence (they say) there is a passage to the Kingdom of China, and Cathay; but being hindered by the Ice, we could not pass the mouth of that Sea: therefore without doing any thing, we returned into Iseland the sixteenth of june. The Author's journey to Mount Hecla. I said before, that the Iselanders the nine and twentieth of june yearly came together almost in the middle of the Island to judgement, and after our return, the Governor went thither, and I with him. Some of the next inhabitants of Hecla then came to judgement, whom the Governor invited twice or thrice to dinner and supper. These men while they were at supper, reported wonderful things of the Mountain Hecla, and other things; I was forthwith inflamed with a desire to see and hear all. Wherefore the Governor commended me to these men, that they should bring me thither, and commanded all things should be showed me, which they knew there worthy to be seen. This Governor was a Dane, a Noble man, and excellently well learned: to this man surely I am much bound for his great liberality towards m●e, in that he caused me to be conveyed at his charge to diverse places of the Island, where any notable thing was to be seen. I accompanied with two Islanders, and a certain Dane, who carried provision, and a Tent on Horseback, spent four whole days, while we go through rough places, Hilly and desolate unto this Mountain. For some Miles about Hecla, all was full of black ashes and Pumis stones. The Islanders advised me that I should go no nearer, leading away the Horse, which they had lent me. ay, because I purposed to see, and search out all things diligently; accompanied with the Dane, came nearer, as though I went to climb the Hill, and although at the first sight we were afraid, yet I would not leave off my purpose, and by reason of my young years, not understanding the danger, I went through the ashes and Pumis stones alone to Hecla, leaving the Dane. There was there at that time a wonderful calm, so that I saw neither fire nor smoke. But behold, suddenly in the bowels of the Earth, a great noise was heard, after this, followed flames of a green colour, which had almost killed me with their sulphury and filthy stink, so that I scarce escaped to my forsaken horses and companions. Upon that sudden astonishment I fell into a sickness, and vehement cogitation, seeing these horrible flames were always present before mine eyes: insomuch that my Island companions were compelled to carry me away unto their house, with whom I lay sick two whole months: while in the mean time the Dane returned to the Governor, and to the Hamburgers, and acquainted them with my state. I lived miserably amongst the Barbarians, sick and unknown; they had Biscuit which I steeped in Milk, and and so for that time, I endured hunger, while (being stronger) I might return to the Governor. The Hamburgers, by reason of the time of the year, lest they should lose the opportunity of sailing, despairing now of my return, set sail (for they depart before the four and twentieth of August, lest being hindered after by the Ice, they cannot get out) yet with special care commended me to the Governor (if at any time I did return) leaving Biscuit, Wine, and Beer. The Governor hath a dwelling fit enough for the manner and fashion of this Country, on the South of this Island, not far from the Haven of Hafnefordt, the place is called Bestede. Hafnefordt. His abiding there two winters. I was brought hither of the Islanders, to the Governor, who, for our common studies, entertained me willingly and honourably. But although we were plentifully furnished with all necessaries, yet being very weary of that life in such darkness, I expected the ships out of Germany the next year with great desire. There grew then war between Ericus of Suetia, and Frederick the Second King of Denmark; which was continued with great courage for ten years after. The Lubekers were Consorts and Confederates of War unto the Dane. So most part of the Cities on the Sea-coast, upon the Balthicke Sea, hindered or entangled with this War, intermitted their sailing into Island this year, therefore waiting in vain, I must stay. The year following, when I had waited till the end of june, all hope of returning into Germany that year was taken away, and which was worse, the yearly ship came not from Denmark: and bread and Wine failed us almost four months. There lay Portugals at anchor at that time in Island in a small ship; who came thither to fowl, they carried away excellent Falcons, and white ones among them, in great number. I thought good rather to cross over into Portugal with them, then to wait another year, either for Danes or Germans. And when they gave the Governor his Custom, he dealt with them in my behalf concerning the charge, that I might pass with them, and he liberally paid the charges, and honourably sent me away with a worthy Present. Not far from the King's house, there was a certain Minister, jonas by name, he familiarly saluted me before I departed: for the time I was in Island, I had some familiarity with him, to whom also I left my Books when I departed: he for friendship's sake, knit three knots in a handkerchief, and promised me a prosperous wind, saying, if by chance the winds at any time grow contrary at Sea, open these knots, and then remember me. When therefore about the twentieth of September we had sailed, His Navigations on the Coast of Africa, etc. he mentions in his Preface, which I have for brevity omitted. and now Spain was in our view, there was so great a calm, that we felt not a breath of wind, and that for three whole days. In this calm my friends promise came into my mind, and I desired to prove it. I loosed the first knot, by and by, after one hour, there arose a very prosperous wind, but blowing very gently, I untie the second and the third, forthwith a Tempest began more and more to grow, so truly that after two days we rid in the River Tagus, which beateth upon Lisbon. CHAP. XXIII. Extracts of ARN●RIM IONAS * This learned Islander published A. 1593. one Book of Island, which M. Hak. translated and set forth in the first Tome of his Voyages. This work is larger in three Books out of which I have taken some things which I held conducent to our purpose▪ In the former work he confuteth the errors of diverse Authors which write falsely many things of his Country. Hola in 65. degrees 44. minutes. of●sland ●sland. Snaeland. Naddoc first Discoverer. far Lands. an Islander, his Chrymogaea or History of Island: published, Anno Dom. 1609. §. I. Of Island, the Situation, Discovery, Plantation and Language. ISland is an Island of the North, compassed about with the huge Ocean: whose Gosmographicall latitude towards the North, to wit, at Hola, the Episcopal Seat of North Island, is 65. degrees, and 44. minutes: and the longitude 13. degrees and 30. minutes, or thereabouts: for I will not precisely affirm the same, by reason of that scruple, arising from the Paralaxis of the Moon in the observation of the Eclipses to be doubted: which only way of finding out the longitude, that most famous man, Gudbrandus Thorlacius, now Bishop of North Island, hath hitherto showed: who hath imparted unto us this longitude and latitude of his Sea: and was the first, that I know, among our Countrymen, who hath delivered any certainty in Writing, concerning this matter. And surely, that which at this day, and so from the first entrance of Inhabitants, beareth the name of Island, (while as yet it remained barren and desolate) had diverse names allotted or given unto it from diverse Discoverers: whereof three are mentioned. For first of all it was called Snaelandia. For a certain Pirate called Naddocus, going towards the Fareusian Lands (commonly called Faerenar, for the multitude of Eggs) was brought unto the shores of East Island, through a Tempest, not far from the Mountain Reidarfiall, (so called afterward) to the Bay Reidarfiard: who ascending the Mountain, and beholding the bordering Country far and near, found it all Desert. And departing from the Coast about Autumn, he perceived the higher tops of the Mountains to be covered with exceeding much Snow; and therefore, as the present case required, he called the Island Snaelandia, that is to say, The Snowy Country. Another following him, one Gardarus the son of Suanarus a Suecian borne, persuaded through the report which Naddocus had brought concerning Snaelande, Gardar second Discoverer. went to seek it: he found it, who arrived also near the Eastern shore, and from thence being carried about the Island, he abode in the Bay of North Island called Skialfanda, and wintered there in the year of Christ 864. and called the name of the Haven, Husawich, from the wintering places, or houses built there. A.D. 864. But the Spring beginning, Gardarus being about to depart into Norway, the ship Boat was driven away by a tempest, into an Haven near unto the former, and in the same Boat there was a certain Mariner called Natrare: from whom also this haven had the name of Narfarawicke. Moreover, Gardarus returning to his friends, called that new Country Gardarsholme, as it were, Gardarsholme. the Island of Gardarus, neglecting the name of Snaelandae. Moreover, the desire also of visiting a Country newly discovered, possessed many. For the third also, Floco third Discoverer. one Floco, and he a most famous Pirate purposing to visit Gardarsholme, set sail out of an Haven of Norway, which lieth near the watch-towre or rather Pharus Flokawarda, situate in the limits of the Provinces of Hordaslandia, and Rogaelandia: and passing by Hietlandia, (misnamed by some Schetlandia) called a certain Haven by the name of Flokawogur, and there the deepest part of the Sea (where Geirhilda the daughter of Floco by chance was drowned) was called Geirhildarwata, from her: no otherwise then that Sea was called Hellespontus, wherein by misfortune Phryxus lost his sister Helle. There was yet no use of the Mariner's Compass: wherefore Floco leaving Hietlandia, took certain Ravens unto him: and when he thought he had sailed a great way, he sent forth one Raven, which flying aloft, went back again to Hietlande, which she saw behind. Whereupon Floco perceiving that he was yet nearer to Hietland then other Countries, Raven Guides. and therefore courageously going forward, he sent forth another Raven: which because she could see no Land, neither before nor behind, light into the ship again. But lastly, the third Raven was sent forth by Floco, and having for the most part performed his Voyage, through the sharpness of her quick sight attaining the Land, which the Mariners desired, she speedily flew thither: whose direction Floco following, beheld first the Eastern side of the Island, as his Predecessors did: and from thence directing his course to the South, found a very wide and open Bay twelve Islandish miles broad, between the two Promontories or high Lands, afterwards called Renkanes, and Snaefelsnes. And hearing by a certain Mariner (whom he had with him) a Scot borne, named Faxa, that the Bay they now met with, was the huge mouth of a River or Flood; Floco to reprove the folly of Faxa, supposing so huge a Bay of the Sea to be the mouth of a River, called the name of the Bay enclosed between the foresaid Promontories, Faxaos, which signifieth the mouth of Faxa. This Bay, by reason of the multitude of Havens, was afterwads called Hafnafiordur: which name Hafnafiordur at this day is more specially used of a most safe Haven of the same Bay. After this, Floco sailing along the West side of the Island, entered somewhat within the Bay Breidafiord, remaining in a certain Haven of the Province Bardestraund, called Watnsfiordur (for I use the names given them afterwards) and there preparing wintering places, he lived very commodiously and well with fish of diverse kinds, wherewith that Bay doth abound. But having the Spring time here very untemperate through cold, he found a Bay (which entereth this part of the Land on the North) to be filled with Ice of the Sea, which we call Gronelandish Ice. From which Ice, Floco devised the third name for the Island, and called it Island. The name Island of Ice. Moreover also Floco turning to the South side, passed another Winter in Island: and returning into Norway (from the Ravens, which he used in stead of the Mariner's Compass) he allotted it the surname of Rafnafloke. And Island surely obtained these names consequently from the finders, or discoverers thereof. Island is not Thule. For as touching the fourth, Thule, imposed upon this Land by some, I cannot be persuaded to believe, it is true; chiefly by this argument; That Thyle, or Thule among the ancient Writers, was often in the mouth and writings not only of Pliny in his second book of Natural Histories 75. Chapter and fourth book, and sixteenth Chapter (and Pliny flourished about the eightieth year of Christ) and of him who was more ancient than Pliny, Pythias Massiliensis: bu● also of Pub. Virgilius, who lived not above fourteen years after Christ: but Island, till the year of Christ 874. remained altogether desert, as hereafter I shall speak. Thule therefore, which Virgil said should serve Augustus (Geor 1. tibi seruiat ultima Thule: where even every child knoweth that Thule is Synecdochically spoken, for the Inhabitanes of Thule) not only inhabited in the times of Augustus and Virgil, but also known to the Romans, is not Island, which many ages after began first to be inhabited. Besides, Pliny himself seemeth in the later place recited to reckon Thule with the Lands of Britain: for, saith he, Vltima omnium quae memorantur est Thule: Thule furthest of the British Iles. to wit, of the British Lands, for he speaketh of them. It is likely also that Virgil meant the same, who said Thule was the last, in the place before recited: and likewise, Penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos: that is to say, the last. Let me yet urge the same argument further, from the age of Claudianus Alexandrinus, and Pub. Papinius Statius, far more ancient than he. For Claudianus about the year of Christ 390. writeth thus concerning the success of the Getick Wars achieved by Theodosius. Famaque ingrantes succincta panoribus alas, Secum cuncta trahens, à Gadibus usque Brita●●um Terruit Oceanum: & nostro procul axe remotam Insolito Belli, tremefecit murmur Thulen. Then blackwinged Fame Fear girt, frights all the World with War. From Cades to Britain, from Our World shakes Thule far. But did Report and Fame cause Island not inhabited, and desert to tremble? And Statius more ancient by three hundred years than Claudian, in his third Book Sylva, writeth thus. Quanquam etsi gelidas irem mansurus ad Ar●tos, Velsuper Hesperia vada caligantia Thules. Though I should dwell in Arctic frosts, Or misty shelves of Thules' West coasts. You hear, not only a slight report of Thule came to Statius ears, but that the shallow places, quick sand, or shelves found in approaching to the Island were sufficiently known unto him, by the often relation of Navigators: of which sort in the circuit of Island, there are none that I know, * The Author proceedeth in this disputation, further than our Reader perhaps would permit us. The learned and curious may there find enough: and more yet in Ortelius his both▪ Thesaurus and Theatrum, who proveth out of Pompenius, Ptolemaeus, and Procopius, that Island is not Thule but (as the name sounds) Tylemarke, a Region in Norway, or all Scandia, of which that is a part, still retaining the name. which experience speaketh: but in coming to the Lands of Britain they are very ordinary and common, as they say. The Longitude thereof from the East unto the West, hath not hitherto been expressed by any certain or assured measure that I know, nor yet the Latitude from North to South; save that in an ancient Codicall or Writing I found that the Longitude was twenty days journey: and the Latitude (where it is broadest) four days, but the journeys, as elsewhere, so also with us are not alike, (yet here I understand Pyngmanualeid twenty, in the Authors own hand-writing it is Dagleider) nor is it expressed whether of Horsemen or Footmen. But the Latitude itself is not every where the same; by reason of Bays on both sides, to wit, from the Sotth and North entering the Land itself with unequal distances. The Easterly bound is Austurhorn: the Western Randesandur (for the Promontory Sua-felloves lieth more toward the South-west) but the North bound is Langanes, and the South Reikranes. The Island also from the four quarters of the World, is divided into North, South, East and West, and the Promontory Langanes divideth North Island from East Island; from West Island, the Bay Rutafiordur: from South Island, the vast and huge deserts of rough, and inaccessible places extended the whole length of the Island. But Sout● Island, opposite to the North, through these rough and inaccessible places lying between the River joculsu, running through the deserts of Solseimasande, divideth from East Island: from West Island also, a famous River, named Albis, emptying itself into the Bay Borgarfiord: So that, if it pleased me to represent the Island in humane shape, East Island should have the proportion of the head. The two more famous Promontories Langanes and Reikranes, or bounds; the one Northerly, the other Southerly (as hath been said) should serve in stead of arms. And the deserts extended the whole length of the Island should make the back, or back bone: then North and South Island, the shoulders with the sides; the two opposite Bays Borgarfiord●, and Ratafiordar, the one on the South, the other on the North, should divide the forepart about the short ribs, from both the thighs or hips. But West Island should resemble the rest of the parts of a man's body, from the forepart about the short ribs: which the Bay Breidifiordur coming in from the West, should contract and straighten into the right and left foot. The circuit also of the Island, is no more certainly known; yet an ancient rumour and opinion (as in another place where it is noted) reckoneth one hundred and forty four Noruegian miles (as I think) that is to say, The Circuit. two hundred eighty eight german miles, Chytraeus accounting the Noruegian mile, to equal two german miles, sailing from one Promontory to the other, not by the Bays: whereof North Island is esteemed to have eleven, East Island, twenty one, South Island six, and West Island seventy. Haraldus Pulcricomus * Harald Harefagre finding many p●ttie Princes made an absolute Monarchy of Norway, whereupon some sought to free themselves by new discoveries: and hence arose the plantation of Island swaying the Sceptre in Norway, much neglected the chief Nobility of Norway: which the Noruegian History setteth down at large, yet particular Histories of noble Families expulsed by Pulcricomus, more largely prosecute the same, as hereafter we purpose to write. For Pulcricomus not contented with Kingly authority, or chief sovereignty, that is to say, with the right of Laws, Magistracy, and appeal of War and Peace, challenged all unto himself, by the right of a proprietary. Insomuch, as very many chose rather to leave their Country and rich inheritances, then to exchange their Generosity for slavery and tributes: for they thought it altogether unworthy and ill beseeming their own valour and their ancestors. Hence, for the most part arose mutual injuries against the King, or the King's partakers; as murdering of the King's friends, allies, or faction; then the exercises both at Sea and Land were rapines and robberies. From these noble Families therefore, refusing the violence of Harald, this our Island, with the neighbouring Lands began first to be inhabited, and that almost by these steps and voyages. A.D. 874. Ingulfus. In the year of our Redemption 874. a certain Inhabitant of Norway, one Ingulfus, going out of his Country, following the steps of Naddocus, Gardarus, and Floco mentioned before, was made Standard-bearer of the Inhabitants which were to be conveyed into Island, and that upon this occasion. Ingulfus was famous for his parentage and riches, whose father, called Orne, which signifieth an Eagle, was Duke of Fyrdafylce in Norway; the sister of Ingulfus was Helga, a Virgin endued with all womanly ornaments, and his cousin germane Leifus; who for a notable sword, which through his singular warlike prowess he got in Ireland, was named Hiorleifus. For Hircius is a Sword. Moreover, at that time among the Nobility of Norway, there were three natural brothers, Hallstenn, Holmsten, and Herstenn; the sons of Atlas, or Atlantes, a certain Baron of Norway: who bore certain privy grudges to the foresaid Ingulfus and Hiorleifus; which presently after broke forth into cruel and bloody slaughters. For when by chance they feasted together, after the manner of that age, they enjoined every one to make some solemn Vow. Herstenus therefore first vowed, that he would take Helga, Ingulfus sister to wife, or marry none. Then presently Ingulfus vowed, that he would admit none into his Father's Inheritance with him, save only Hiorleifus: meaning thereby that his sister Helga, by his consent should marry none but Hiorleifus (contrary to the vow of Herstenus for the marrying of her only.) After that Helmstenus vowed, that if he were chosen Arbitrator between the adverse parties, he would by no means be compelled, to suffer an unjust sentence. And so the rest after them. Not long after succeeded the Vow of Ingulfus, for Hiorleifus took his Cousin German Helga to wife. For at that time the Marriages of Cousin Germans were lawful. From hence arose the extreme hatred, and enmity of Herstenus, against the foresaid Hiorleifus, and Ingulfus: Rash vows and bloody quarrels ensuing. who therefore joining with his Brother Holmstenn, with six ships filled with Soldiers, set upon Hiorleifus unawares, having but three ships only, preparing his Voyage into foreign Countries. Whose violence Hiorleifus a long time, and stoutly sustaining, holpen by a certain friend coming in the meanwhile, having slain Herstenus got the upper hand. But Holmstenus providing for himself by flight, and not a little exasperated and grieved through the violent death of his Brother, after some few months, came with an armed power to Ingulfus and Hiorleifus to surprise them suddenly at home. Whereof they being certified by Spies, receive him with an armed force, and kill him. Halstenus the third brother, wiser than the rest, who consorted not with the unjust routs of his Brethren, remained yet alive; to whose arbitrement Ingulfus with Hiorleifus commit the whole matter to be determined, holding him mindful of his Vow, concerning equity not so be violated. Halstenus therefore pronounceth his brother Herstenus to be justly slain: But not Hol●stenus who compelled through bitter grief, desired to revenge the death of his brother, by any slaughter whatsoever. For killing therefore of him, he commanded them both to be banished out of the Province of Fyrdafilse. They readily obey his award, to whom they willingly committed the censure, & with a purpose to leave their Country, they sell their Lands and Possessions for money and Merchandizes, and conceive in their minds a worthy attempt of planting a strange people in a strange Country: and that not to gratify Halstenus (with whom through this agreement they returned into favour; with whom they might otherwise easily have contended in strength) but also for fear of Pulcricomus himself, raging against his Country, and innocent Countrymen, for the obtaining (as hath been said) not only of the Monarchy, but Pampesia, of all their Possessions: nor was that to be doubted, concerning the violence and oppression of Harald: for in the History of Haquinus Adalstenius his succeeding Son it is expressly read, that he was contented with Kingly authority, and restored to every one their own, which his Father unjustly challenged unto himself. It was the year of Christ 870. wherein Ingulfus with Hiorleifus first visit Island, but they inhabit it not presently, but four years after, in the year 874. as hath been said: Island first inhabited, A 874 bringing many Families thither. Moreover Ingulfus coming within view of the Island, casteth the posts of the houses which he had in Norway into the water, after the manner of Ethnics accounting it for an Oracle, that that place was fatally chosen for his Habitation, Superstition. which the posts cast out upon the shore should note or signify. That custom many of the Norwegians retained by turning up the ground. But Ingulfus arrived not where he cast in the posts, but at the Promontory of the South shore (elsewhere erroneously, the West shore) called by his name Ingulfhofde. Yet notwithstanding wanting the posts of the houses three whole years, at length he found them in that place, which is named Reychiarwich, and there he erected his Habitation. But Hiorleifus more estranged from Ethnic superstition, seated himself in the Promontory Hirleifshofda; so called likewise from his name. There he built great houses: one of one hundred twenty six, First houses. Island had anciently fairer houses than now; (having Timber from Norway, etc.) & likewise Tillage was then in use. Hiorleifus slain. Westmafrar and Westmen. and another of one hundred thirty five feet long: who, the first year being ended, began to till the ground and sow seed. In which work, when he had exercised ten servants or slaves, which he brought with him out of Island, they feigned that Hiorleifus his labouring beast was slain by a wild Bear (for it was afterwards manifestly known, that Island hath no Bears, but such as came thither by chance) which when Hiorleifus (with a purpose of revenge) sought in the next neighbouring Wood, he was deceitfully slain by these slaves lying in ambush: together with some other companions which he took with him: the Servants aswell ravishing the Wives as spoiling the goods of the slain; and flying into the Lands not very far distant from the shore: which after of the same slaves, were called Westmafyar, because they were of Ireland. The Norwegians call the Irish, English, and Scots Westmen, that is, men of the West: seeing those Countries are distant from Norway, to the West. Ingulfus pursuing these Murderers, set upon them suddenly, and destroyed them every man in the same Lands, being much grieved in mind for the untimely and cruel death of his dear friend and allies. But Ingulfus found and possessed Island altogether barren and desolate; on every side beset with very thick Woods, and scarcely fertile of any but Birches, Woods. so that he was fain everywhere to open the Woods with the Axe, for journeys and habitation. Yet in the mean space, we might gather by certain signs, I know not what Mariners had sometimes touched upon certain shores of the Country, but not inhabited them. For Ingulfus found little sacring Bells and wooden Crosses, Bells and Crosses. and other things made by the workmanship and art of the Irish and britains: but no tokens of culture, or habitation. Whereupon it is likely, that Irish, or Scottish Fishermen (as also the English at this day) accustomed to fish near Island▪ as sometimes it cometh to pass, went ashore, and so by chance left sacring Bells and Crosses, the Utensils of Christian Religion. For at that time the Irish were instructed in Christianisme as they sa●. And those whosoever were the ancient Islanders, they called Papa, or Papas: from whom, as seemeth probable to me, the Island of East Island called Papey, derived the name; because they were often wont to touch there: or their Monuments (such as I said) were chiefly found there. This side of Island, to such as sail from England, Ireland, and Scotland, is most exposed towards the Northwest. Moreover, what and from whence these Papae, or Pappae came, I cannot sufficiently speak: unless peradventure from the Lands of Scotland, whereof one is named Pappa, and another Westrapappa▪ as we may see in the Maps: unto which conjecture let every one give what credit he pleaseth. Furthermore, very many of the Norwegians, afterwards boldly following the steps of Ingulfus going into Island, with their wives and children, and great multitudes of their Kindred and friends, restored themselves to liberty. Whose names and large Families are recited in the Chronicles; as by the second Book is understood. Besides, it is there recounted what coasts, what shores, what middleland places every one possessed: and at what time: and also how the first Inhabitants gave name to straits, Bays, Havens, narrow straits of Land, Ferryes, Cliffs, Rocks, Mountains, Hills, Valleys, rough and inaccessible Places, Fountains, Floods, Rivers, Villages, Farms or Habitations: whereof at this day many are yet retained and in use. Which Topography, supposing it would be tedious, especially to a foreign Reader, I have here omitted; applying myself rather to the description of the Inhabitants, who in sixty years' space so replenished with their multitudes, the habitable parts of Island now possessed. Chap. 3. Of the language of the Nation. Islanders only retain the ancient Gottish Concerning the language of the Islanders, the matter itself speaketh, that it is the Noruegian; I say, that old and natural speech, derived from the ancient Gothish, which only the Islanders now use uncorrupted: and therefore we call it Islandish. Of the letters of which tongue we will first speak somewhat: and afterwards in the Chapter following there shall be a short discourse of the original thereof. And surely that language seemeth to have double letters: to wit, the Old, and New. The New, which commonly we use at this day, are common almost to all Europe together with us. Which, when they first began to be used is not certainly known. Surely as yet, some crosses written in ancient letters, Two kinds of letters. are yet seen among our Countrymen, which letters also many yet know, and both read, and write: and this natural language itself is contained in the same, nothing at all changed. Moreover it seemed good to me, thus to present the name and shape of the ancient Characters, such surely as was offered unto me, placing the New or Common over against them, expressing the validity thereof, adding also the agreement and discrepancy of ours, with those of Vlphila, the Bishop of the Goths: whom johannes Theodorus, and johannes Israel, brethren and Citizens of Francofurt, report to have invented these letters: by whose relation he agreeth with us in all things, save where the disagreement shall be noted here. Moreover also, I thought it not amiss to set down in writing the letters of certain other Nations, to some of our Country letters, out of the same Francofurt copy, which the Types or Figure subscribed will demonstrate. A Are b Biarkan z Knesol d Stunginntyr or and Vlphila thus . e Stunginn Is f Fe g Stunginn kaun h Hagall i Is k Kaun l Langur or : Vlphila thus : it is also , the Moscovit L. m Madur n Nand Vlphila thus o Os p Plastur Vlphila thus r Reid s Sol Vlphila thus t Tire Vlphila thus u Vr Vlphila thus y Your Vlphila thus th'. that. of the Arabians p Puss the aethiopian d. dha. of the Arabians Here we see twenty one Characters, but the ancient numbered only sixteen. And the third , they would not acknowledge for theirs: because z. of the greeks, that is to say 'tis. or ds. (as they would have it) they might write it in their language with distinct letters. But the fourth from the eighteenth, they distinguish with some point, or an overthwart line, almost thus : otherwise it is altogether the same in shape and name, Tire, but d. Stungiun tire, that is to say, pointed Tire, as P▪ kaun. k. and pointed kaun P. g. So Is pointed for e. but Plastur resembleth B. with both the bellies open above and beneath. Besides these, the rest are numbered sixteen, as I said. For they reckoned the Diphthongs to the Syllables. Moreover, it retained the last new Consonant of the old Alphabet, changed in name, but not in shape: which is p. This being set after a vowel in the same syllable, hath the sound of d. as Blap for Blade, which is a leaf: which kind of writing was more usual with the ancient, but at this day is almost grown out of use: but being set before a vowel, it hath a peculiar force and pronunciation, not altogether Th'▪ but sounding somewhat more grossly, as it were Tzh. putting forth the tongue almost between the foreteeth: as pa, that is to say, then. In times past it had the name of Puss: at this day it is called Born, or Thorn, if you put p. for th': and therefore it cannot be written or pronounced at all, but by itself. They also of later time write the Consonant f. after this manner β. The Modern Writers also do sometimes aspirate L. N. R. the ancient very seldom, and almost never: as Hlutur in old time Lutur, that is, a thing. H●ijfur in times past (as also sometimes at this day) Kuijfur; that is to say, a Knife. Hru●ur▪ in old time Rutur, that is to say a Ram. In like manner sometimes Iod, and Vaf, or I. and n▪ Consonants: as Hiel, that is, a Wheel: Hualur, that is, a Whale: which also I think the ancient did concerning Iod, and Vaf. In Vowels and Diphthongs, as also abbreviations proper to this language, the variety is far greater, which I purpose not to touch. Moreover also, the due handling of the letters, as of the rest of the Etymology and Syntaxis of this tongue, would be the copious matter of a peculiar work, especially if any would add the Poetry, purposing to write the Grammar of the Islandish tongue, which would be no more difficult, then that we have seen done, concerning the German and French tongue, besides others. About the year of the Lord 1216. one of our Countrymen wrote in his Country language, Island Grammarian. concerning the letters of the proper, or mother tongue: where he affirmeth these ancient Characters to be peculiar to this language, and handleth them both, as well new as old after a legitimate and due manner of tractation, by his definitions and divisions of the letters into Vowels and Consonants, and of the five Latin Vowels, maketh eighteen of his language, distinguished in sound and pronunciation: He divideth the Consonants naturally into half Vowels, and Mutes, and those into Liquids and Firmes, these into open and shut; performing the part of a pretty Logician. And in delivering the force and pronunciation of the letters, he artificially assumeth for every definition all the Instruments of framing the voice, as well the lungs and throat, as the auxiliary parts of the mouth and tongue. The letter p. also, he calleth the, peradventure in imitation of the Greek Theta (which almost, as we said, although not altogether it expresseth) or Tau of the Hebrews, which Hebrew letter, if th'. or t. of the Latins rightly express, as is reported by some, Thou shall come nothing nearer to our p. then Theta. The same Countryman of ours, from absolute letters, proceedeth to set down in writing, the figures of the word and sentence in the Mother tongue, and illustrate them with examples of our language, retaining the Greek titles of the Figures, or names of Epizeusis, Anadiplosis, etc. And from this Writer of our Country, we received the Types of the old Alphabet: Norus of whom Norway is named. for there are Historical fragments yet extant, concerning Norus the Name-giver of Norway, and founder of the Kingdom, and those Toparchi, or little Kings, whom he vanquished before he obtained the Monarchy. §. II. A discourse of the first Inhabitants of the Northern World, supposed to be Giants expelled from Canaan. Of the Islanders Houses, Fewell, victual. Moreover concerning some of the ancestors of Norus: Chap. 4. Of the first Inhabitants of the North parts of the world. Thorro. among whom his father Porre (whom they call Thorro) King of Gotland, Finland, and Kuenland: an excellent Prince of his age, from whom the month of the old Norwegians, and now Islanders hath the name of Thorre, which in the julian Calender beginneth the 10.11.12.13.14.15. or 16. of january: for it hath a movable beginning after the manner of their Calendar. And seeing King Thorro this month accustomed to sacrifice unto his gods; the Kuenones instituted yearly sacrifices in the same month to him, being dead, as to a certain god, in token of an happy year, which they began with the winter, after the manner of the old Lacedæmonians; & called the same month Porre, of Thorro; no otherwise then the Lacedæmonians gave divine honour to Lycurgus being dead▪ building a Temple in memory of him, where he was honoured for a god; to whom his familiar friends instituted set Feasting-dayes, and solemn assemblies which remained a long time, and the days wherein the assemblies were celebrated, they called Lycurgidae: concerning which matter look Cragius in his third book of the Commonwealth of the Lacedæmonians. Of the Ancestors also of Norus, all are mentioned even to his Great-grandfather, who was Fermotus King of Finland: Fermotus. Moreover, one of the three sons of Fermotus, and therefore Great uncle of Norus, called Logie, which signifieth a flame; who for the excellency of his beauty was called Halogie, that is to say, an high or excellent flame. He was Monarch of the Halongiensian Province, bordering upon the Province of Nidrosia. Go. Go also the daughter of Thorro, by the sister of Norus, is there recorded, for recovery of whom, being stolen away (as Cadmus was sent by his father Agenor to seek his daughter Europa) Norus was sent by his father Thorro: which, that it might more happily succeed, Thorro instituted new sacrifices to the Gods, in the month next following the former (afterwards called Thorra) and entitled the same month with the name of Goa, after the name of his daughter Go: which name of the month likewise the Islanders that now live do yet retain. Furthermore, ancient Histories make mention of Gorus, the natural brother of Norus: as also the nephew of Gorus, Gorus. named Gyluns', having the sovereign authority in Suecia, in whose time Odinus happened to come (others call him Othinus) Standerd-bearer of the Asian Immigration, made in the four and twentieth year before Christ was born, which we mentioned before: and Gyluns' had a father called Geiterus, and an Uncle Beiterus, the sons of Gorus; from Beiterus, the Haven near the City Nidrosia, is named Beitstod. I thought good to exhibit these things in a Table. Fermotus King of Finland, Hour. The same also is Agier, which otherwise signifieth the Sea; he is supposed another Neptune, to have dominion over the Sea. Kare. That is to say, the Wind, for in the number of the Gods, after death, he is thought to be another Aeolus, to rule the Winds. Frost. Otherwise called jokul, both from the Frost and Cold. Suaer. Logi●. Signifieth a Flame, honoured in stead of Vulcan after death (as having power over the Fire) and for the excellency of his beauty was called Halogie, so named of the Province of Halogaland● in Norway. That is to say, S●●we: surnamed the Ancient, because he is reported to have lived three hundred years▪ he left one son, and three daughters. Dryfa. A snowy shower. Porre. King of Gothland, Kuenland, and Finland. Go. A daughter. Nor. Of whom Norway is named, and the first Monarch. Gor. Beiter-Geiter. Gylui. The said Asian immigration happened in the time of this Gylui. Fanun. Signifieth snow gathered together in thick heaps by a Tempest. Miol. Is thin Snow descending without wind. From this Norus, Haraldus Pulcricon●us is the twelfth of them that descended from the right Line, whom some make the first Monarch of Norway, but amiss, being ignorant of Antiquity: seeing he was the third Restorer of the Monarchy of Norway: for between him and Norus, Hemngus the son of Odinus * This Odinus is said to have made his plantation with his Asian followers, about four and twenty years before Christ was borne. obtained the Monarchy also. These (I say) besides many other things, are the manifest tokens of the Inhabitants of the Northern World, far more ancient than the immigration of Odinus: of whose original notwithstanding, there is not one word. But because it is most repugnant to a Christian man, knowing the Books of Moses concerning Originals, to affirm themselves to be Autoch●●●a, as both others, but especially the greeks did concerning their Ancestors (yet with better leave than the rest of the people of Europe: who next to the Chaldoes', Egyptians, and jews, might worthily boast of Antiquity in comparison of other people.) It were better truly to confess the unknown original of Ancestors, Earth-bred or Land-sprung men, which had their original in that Land. then to be carried away with the opinion and error of Earth-bred men: left surely we should hear some such thing, as sometimes one wittily upbraided the Grecians with, so much boasting by reason of their pretended selfe-originall, to wit, that Moses the Law giver of the jews, was more ancient than the Gods of the Grecians. In the mean space, because through the only confession of ignorance or doubt, truth doth not so soon appear; some what is to be alleged touching the proposed question: that the historical Reader may have some thing here which he may either confu●e or confirm. We are therefore by probable reasons to inquire, who were the first inhabitants of the Northern World, and from whence they came: then, when they began to inhabit this our World: that from hence some conjecture may arise concerning the original of the language. And that I may here acquit myself without circumstances; I think the first inhabitants of the Northern World, were of the number of Giants, nay, mere Giants; men that inhabited the mountains of an huge and sometimes a monstrous body, and of monstrous and exceeding strength: Giant's first inhabiters of the Northern parts of the World. Their original from the Canaanites. A long discourse of the Author to prove that there have been Giants, i● omitted. and that they were the posterity and remnant of the Canaanites, expulsed from the Territories of Palestina, about the year of the World 2500. by josua and Caleb removing into Palestina through God's pleasure and direction: and that this Country of the World even until those times, or peradventure longer, remained altogether not inhabited. For thus Saxon Grammaticus argueth in the Preface of his Dania. But (saith he) the stones of exceeding bigness fastened to the Tombs and Caves of the ancient, testify that the Country of Denmark was sometimes troubled with the inhabiting of Giants. But if any doubt, that it was done by monstrous strength; let him look up to the high tops of certain Mountains, and say, if he know it well, who hath brought Rocks of such huge greatness to the tops thereof? For every one that considereth this Miracle, shall perceive that it is beyond common opinion, that the simple labour of mortality, or usual force of humane strength should raise so huge a weight (hardly, or not at all movable upon the plain ground) to so high a top of mountainous sublimity. This Saxon writeth, who shall be a sufficient Author unto us concerning the first Inhabitants of Denmark, that is to say, his own Country. So concerning Norway and Suecia, and the bordering Countries, as whatsoever is most ancient; so it most resembleth a Giantlike disposition and nature. Whereof examples are to be taken out of Histories, Giants in the time of Haraldus Harefayre and since. which would be tedious here. For that I may omit ancient examples, those things are known of late memory to have been done: Concerning the Giant Doffro, inhabitant of the Mountain Doffraefiall in Norway; and Foster-father of Haraldus Pulcricomus King of Norway. Also concerning Dunubo who lived in the time of Droffon: from whom the Bay Boddick or Bothnicke: in time past was called Dumbshaff, who in a Sea-fight, encountering eighteen Giants alone, sent twelve of them first to Hell before he himself was slain. Of thirty Giants at once destroyed by fire, by Dumbos' Sons left, in revenge of their Father's death. There is yet a later example of certain Giants of Norway, destroyed by authority of Olaus Triggo King of Norway, about the year of Christ 995. But the latest in the year 1338. Magnus' the Son of Ericus, 1338. a Giant reported of 15. Cubits. being King of Norway, that a Giant of fifteen Cubits was slain by four men: as it is found recorded in the Chronicles. Hereunto add, that a certain Province of Norway, or bordering upon Finmauchia, in ancient time was called Risalande, that is to say, the Land of Giants (for En R●se, and Rese, signify a Giant) from whence jotum Heimar, that is, the habitation of Giants is not far dissonant (whereupon as yet, En jaet, is said to be a Giant) that I may speak nothing here of jotumland: by which name, that which at this day is called jijtland, Iu●land. was sometimes called by our Country men, and very many other also, the Land of the Cimbri, or Chersonesus: the same name also being given it of Kemper, that is, fight Giants of Nephilheimar, and Karnephill, elsewhere, and peradventure by others shall be spoken, as also of the goths, and Gets (peradventure also jets) and such like others. Moreover, the remnant of the Giants came into Island, whose Names, Habitations, worthy Acts and Erterprises, are sufficiently known, and before our eyes. Seeing therefore Giants first inhabited this our World; it is demanded, when, or whence they came? Gilb. Genebrand. Chronol. Lib. 1. The first Age, saith he, (from the Creation of the World unto the Flood) seemeth to have been passed and spent within the mid-lands of the World, and that they came not to the borders of Asia, Africa, and Europe. Bodinus saith, that Moses wrote the History of the whole World (he meaneth inhabited) even to the year of the World, 2450. And Genebrand again, Lib. 1. Chronol. pag. 11. As the first Original of Mankind was in Armenia, Mesopotamia, Chaldaea, and Syria: and men before the Flood dwelled only there: so other Countries themselves, were first inhabited after the Flood. Also Genebrand saith yet further, ibid. pag. 35. Before three thousand years (for he wrote in the year of Christ 1597.) almost all Europe was empty, that is, about the year of the World 2541. which is chiefly to be understood of the Northern World, if of the rest of Europe. But he said, almost, not altogether, that he might not take away the migrations of the Nations then presently beginning after the year of the World 2500. we do not therefore tie the time (wherein this further Europe began to be inhabited) to the year of the World 2500. But we say, that that troublesome time wherein the Nations (and among them the Giants of Canaan) were cast out of their places and dwellings, and compelled to seek new habitations, even in Europe, happened in this year; as was proposed by us in the beginning. And that Europe received her Inhabitants from hence, among the Ancient, Procopius is my Author, a Writer borne at Caesaria of Palaestina, Collector of the worthy Acts of justinianus, about the year of the Lord 530. who to prove this very thing, allegeth diverse Writers of the History of the Phoenicians. The words of Procopius are these, in his fourth Book of the Wars of the Vandals, not in one place only, cited by D. Cythraeus: out of the which, among other things, I gather mine opinion. The Hebrews (saith Procopius) after they returned out of Egypt, and remained still in the borders of Palaestina, Moses (who led them in their journey) dieth: whom josua the son of Nun succeeded, who also brought the people into Palaestina, and showing strength and courage far beyond the nature of man, obtained the Country; whereby destroying Nations, he easily vanquished many Cities, seeming inexpugnable unto all. Then therefore all the Country upon the Sea-coast, from Sidon even to the borders of Egypt, was called Phoenicia: over which one long since reigned; as all witness, who writ the ancient History of the Phoenicians; here great multitudes of people dwelled: the Gergasites, jebusites, and others named in the Hebrew Volumes, who when they saw the Army of the strangers to be inexpugnable, leaving their Country bounds went into Egypt next adjoining, and there increasing in number and posterity, when they found not sufficient, and convenient place for so great a multitude, they entered into Africa, where inhabiting very many Cities, they possessed all that Coast, even unto the Pillars of Hercules, using the half Phoenician Tongue and Dialect, and built the Town Tingen in Numidia, most strongly fortified in the situation thereof: where two Pillars of white stone are erected near the great Fountain, whereon in the Phoenician Language these Letters are engraven. Nos sumus Cananaei, quos fugavit jesus Latro. For josua in the Hebrew is jesus. This Procopius writeth, to which purpose the Historians of the Hebrews are cited by Genebrand: josua (saith he) partly expelled the Canaanites; and partly slew them. The remnant of these are reported to have gone into Germany, Sclavonia, and the next adjoining Countries, etc. Into Seder Olam, etc. Also: And surely in that Age, that the whole West was empty and unpeopled, save that the Nations of the East came by little and little into the Countries thereof, it appeareth by the often infusions. This Genebrand writeth. And Bodinus Method. Hist. chap. 9 The Canaanites being cast out of the Land of Palaestina, by the Hebrews, went into Illyricum and Pannonia (to wit, by those migrations and removes, which out of the place before alleged by Procopius, we understand) as Rabbi David Kimchi witnesseth at the end of Abdias. Chap. 5. Of their Customs and manner of life. Separate dwellings. The ancient Islander seem to have been ordained for great frugality, wherein first their habitations or buildings are briefly to be touched, next their food and manner of apparel: and lastly, the rest of the exercises of their common life. For first as touching their habitations, the Islanders have followed the first and most ancient manner of dwelling. To wit, not by Cities and Towns; but as Tacitus speaketh of the Germans of his time, they dwelled asunder, as a Field, as a Fountain, as a Wood, as an Hill, or Valley, Shore, or Bay of the Sea pleased them: Not only imitating here the example of the first Age of the World, but also of the latter Age: as the people of Athens and Laconia, in the beginning dwelled by Villages (as they write) not together or by Cities: and as in the time of Tacitus, about the year of Christ 120. with the Germans there was no use of Mortar nor Tiles: (whereupon any man may rather judge the like concerning the Northern World) so, nor after, with the Islanders, but they built their houses with Timber and Turf. Nor surely was it momentany work which lasted but a while, Houses. nor yet deformed in show, the walls were sometimes made only of Turf, sometimes of rough Stones, adding Turf in stead of Mortar: which afterwards they covered with workmanship of planks, as also the raftering itself; especially in more notable buildings. And so you might see the Roof with the walls before mature old age overgrown with green grass every year, for you must understand, that the Roof and walls were covered with green Turf. Windows were made in the Roof, seldom in the walls, and certain Roofs not very high, such as is reported the building of houses with the Eastern people was wont to be. The Inhabitants had store of Timber, cast upon the shore by the swelling of the waves of the Sea; through the miraculous testimony of God's Providence, considering their Woods at home yielding plenty, as I think only of Birches, were not sufficient for their huge houses: which yet were a great help also; with those which the Inhabitants, as oft as they would, fetched out of bordering Norway, and peradventure also out of Groneland: for the Islanders sailed yearly to both a long time. Every one therefore had the houses of their Villages almost joining together on their ground: besides the stalls of their Herds, seated some distance from the houses themselves. Fewell. Also certain piles of fuel, not altogether joining together, to avoid the danger of fire: peradventure also certain storehouses, which being solitary, might better receive the Air and drying winds. Some maintained their fires with home-growing Wood: others with clammy Turf (as I think H. junius aptly calleth it) whereof there are two kinds with us: Turfs of two sorts, both used in England; the one in fennie, the other in heath grounds. Einarus the Inventer of Turfe-fewel in the Orcadeses. the one soft and spongy, growing under the superficies of the Earth; which we call Su●rd●r: Another more thick, and therefore more weighty; which peradventure we may very well call digged Turf, by the opinion of the same junius: because it is taken out of the deep Quarries or Mines, digged a great depth out of the Earth. And both kinds of Turf (but this much more) must be first baked with the Sun and wind, before it be fit to burn. This latter kind we, as also some of the Germans call it Torff: the inventor whereof in the Orchades a certain Orchadensian Duke is said to be; one Einarus the Son of Rangu●aldus a Norwegian Duke of More, in the time of Pulcricomus King of Norway, who was therefore called Torffeinarus. He had a brother called Rolfuo, whom Crantzius nameth Rollo, who possessed part of France, afterwards called Normandy of the Normans, or Norwegians. The Inhabitants chiefly wanted fuel to expel the distemper of cold, besides other uses sufficiently known: especially in the Winter time, Stoves. when Hothouses and Chimneys are in use, heaped together of Rocks and stone, through which the flame might easily break forth; which as soon as through the force of the fire they were throughly heat, and when the Hothouse began now to leave smoking, the cold parts of the Chimney were besprinkled with hot glowing stones: by which means heat useth effectually to disperse itself throughout the whole house, which also is very well so preserved by the wall, and Roof covered with Turf. Yet lest the Islanders might seem through mere poverty or want of knowledge, to have used rude buildings and poor houses; Greater houses in Island▪ in old times. I can call to remembrance certain houses of an hundred and twenty six foot long, and some of one hundred thirie five, as I have before declared concerning the buildings of Ingulfus: and some of one hundred and twenty feet in length, and sixty feet broad: whereof we shall hereafter speak; some also, whose hollowed rafters, and boarded ceiling of the walls carved by art, report the ancient Histories, of worthy and memorable Acts. They therefore enclosed their habitations built after this manner, with certain spaces of fruitful fields ordained for tillage, which spaces through toilsome labour, they afterwards compassed about with a bank cast up, to keep out the Herds of cattle. Moreover, sufficient huge pastures were assigned to every Farm or plot of ground, divided by certain limits, or enclosures from others, whereof we shall speak in the eight Chapter. And every Farm or Habitation for the most part, and in like manner every plot of ground received the name from the first Founders: sometimes also from some other: so Mountains and Rivers as hath been advertized before; so that by this means the places themselves, even by their names only declared to all posterity their first Inhabitants, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I proceed from buildings to their victuals, and tillage of the field and ground, Victuals and Husbandry. which partly succeeded well to the first Inhabitants, to procure Corn and fruit from thence: but I know not whether every where alike. Yet in the mean space, that Hiorleifus mentioned before, exercised his slaves in tillage of the ground: and one Gunnerus of Lidarenda, sowing his Seed, Tillage anciently in use: was wounded by the enemy on the ball of the cheek: and likewise Hoschuldus Huitarnesgode busily employed in sowing the Seed, was slain. Hence from the fields there are proper names of certain places. Hence came that Law concerning the gathering together, and carrying of Corn after Harvest (where they speak of the services which the Lawyers call praedial.) All which are manifest tokens of the tillage of the ground, amongst the first Islanders: which also, even unto this day, I hear, is practised by some Inhabitants of South Island, but with less increase: the ground and temper of the Air degenerating from the first goodness thereof after so many Ages: peradventure also the care of the Husbandmen being less diligent, may be the cause; since Corn coming from foreign parts began more to be in use. And because that tillage of the ground seemed in the beginning either not used of all, or less fruitful for Corn, and all manner of grain; a peculiar manner of tillage of the ground presently began: whereby they compassed with dung those fields or spaces, which I said they enclosed within their own circuit, especially with kowes dung, at the mowing of the best hay, to the intent they may the betterfeed the Herds; and especially the Kine, that they might yield the more plenty of Milk. Which tillage of the ground is yet retained: and they only exercise thesame for the most part, almost by midland Inhabitants: seeing such as dwell upon the Sea-coast live most by fishing: whither also those more remote or midland people yearly send their Servants to fish▪ Both Plains, that is to say, the ground and the Sea, was to be ploughed after a sort by the Islanders, for the comforts of life. To whom besides instead of victuals, Sheep, Oxen, Swine and Kids, sufficiently abounded: and also fishes of diverse kinds, besides Sea-fish out of the Floods, Lakes and Rivers, they met with every where: Beasts. Fowl. Fish. so that they might take them as it were out of a certain we'll, especially in that Age: also Milk and Whitemeate, with goodly plenty of Butter from the Herds of cattle. Besides Fowl in great number, some tame, as Hens and Domestical Geese, or Fowl of another kind living in the open Air, wand'ring also solitarily in Mountainous places: which the possessors marked in the feet, that every-one might more easily demand his own. They had others also not tame, which they took by certain gins: as Geese and Ducks of the Meadow, Partridges, and Swans: and very many Sea-fowle, whose names and properties I do not know. But Fowl of either kind tame or wild, they either presented their Eggs or themselves, or both, for the use of men. Besides the natural Drink or pressed Whey of Milk (whereof the great plenty is so much the better, as the Milk is more excellent: Drink. Whey. so that half an ounce of water mixed with an ounce of Whey, doth not wholly diminish the taste thereof; but that it relisheth more of the Whey then of the water) they also boiled Barley Flower, sometimes adding thereto the Honey Combe, or Water mingled with Honey: sometimes also a Liquor made of certain Berries growing here. Moreover, the ancient Islanders, Mead. Ale. brought in drink made of Corn, from foreign parts, as also all manner of grain, and other things: for they were furnished with ships of their own, wherewith they yearly visited at their pleasure, Denmark, Norway, Suecia, Scotland, Saxony, England, and Ireland. Our ancient Islanders wanted not honest Banquet and meetings: and that surely without miserable sparing, whether we respect the number of the guests, or the time of the Banquets exhibited. For Theodorus and Thorualdus, brethren, and Citizens of Hialtaedat of North Island, solemnising the Funerals of their Father Hialta, made a Banquet for fourteen days together, of twelve hundred persons, presenting the men of better note with some gift. And an Inhabitant of West Island, surnamed Olaus Pa, with his two brethren, were at the charge to banquet nine hundred men, even for fourteen days space; not sending the chief men away without reward. I find money was not usual with the Islanders, I mean, those of ancient time: but silver was weighed by the balance: and bartering of Merchandizes was very commonly used. Moreover, Rings of Gold, and Bracelets, were both often sent for tokens of remembrance from Superiors to private men, or from one friend to another. §. III. Of their Polity, and Religion in old times. THe Islanders going about to establish an aristocraty, or State of Nobility (considering they dwelled scattered in the Country, Chap. 6. Of their Commonwealth & Religion. and not together) first divided their City into Fourth's or Tetrades, named from the four principal quarters of the World, and distinguished besides by setting of bounds (such also as was the Geographical partition of the Island itself, mentioned before at the end of the first Chapter) divided into North, East, South, and West quarter. And again, they divided the Fourths into Thirds, except the North quarter: For this, as it was larger than the rest, was parted into Fourths. But these Thirds they subdivided again into their parts: some Tenths and others somewhat otherwise. For the which not finding a fit name, I have retained the proper name of the Country, that which with them is Hreppar, we may counterfeitly call Reppae: unto the which also we may imagine no unapt Etymon, from the word Repo. For here was the first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of them that executed any public Office, for equity either of opinion and judgement, and the equal balancing of minds, to be preserved in the rest of the Magistrates, worthily aught to begin there, unless any would rather think they had respect here unto Reeb, that is to say, Coards, with the which the division was made, after the most ancient manner of the Hebrews themselves. Every Reppa regularly contained twenty Inhabitants at the least (for oftentimes it contained more) limited by a certain increase of the wealth of their Family, under which they might not be reckoned to the poorer Reppes; to the richer they might. Moreover in every Third, as also in the Fourths of the North Tetrade, (which jurisdictions in times past they called Ping, at this day also Syslu herad) they appointed three more famous places consecrated to the Seat of justice and judgements; besides also dedicated to Ethnic Sacrifices, Seats of justice and Religion. which they call Hoff: we call them Holy Places, and Temples. Every Chapel after the manner of this Country was sumptuously built: whereof we read of two, of one hundred and twenty foot long. One in the jurisdiction of Washdall of North Island: the other in Rialarnes of South Island: and this surely sixty foot broad. Moreover, every such holy place had a kind of Chapel adjoining. This place was most holy. here stood the Idols and Gods made with hands, Idols. upon a low stool or a certain Altar; about which the cattle which were to be sacrificed unto them, were orderly placed. But the chief and middlemost of the Gods was jupiter, by them called Por, from whom these Northern Kingdoms yet call Thors day Thorsdagh. Por and Thors day. Freyr Niordur and As. Odinus the same that Woden in our Saxon story. Odinus, Odin, or Oden by his Sorcery (which made him a Devil) made a God. Wodnesday, or Wednesday. The rest of the Gods were collateral unto it; whose certain number, and names I have not heard. Yet in the ancient form of oath (whereof mention shall be made hereafter) three besides Thorus, are specially noted by name: Freyr, Niordur and As: whereof the third, to wit As, I think to be that famous Odinus, not accounted the last among those Ethnic Gods (of whom I made mention before) Synecdochically called As: because he was the chief of the people of Asia, who came hither into the North: for in the singular number they called him As, which in the plural they called Aesar, or Aeser. This Odinus, as aforesaid, for his notable knowledge in Devilish Magic; whereby like another Mahomet, he affected a Divinity after his death, was reckoned among the number of the Gods: from whom at this day, Wednesday, is called Odens Dagur, the day of Odinus: whereupon peradventure, I shall not unaptly call Odin Mercury, as Thor jupiter. Yet the ancients honoured Odin in the place of Mars: and such as were slain in the wars, they say were sacrificed to Odin. And the companions, or Sons of Odin were Freyr and N●ordur: who through the same arts which their Father or Prince Odinus practised, obtained an opinion of Divinity. I have before advertised you, that chiefly in the North Country, Kings, after their death, are honoured for Gods. But the worshipping of them hath not yet come unto the Islanders: wherefore we will speak nothing of them in this place. Before that seat of the Gods placed in the foresaid Temples, stood an Altar erected, The Altar. covered above with Iron, that it might not be hurt with fire, which must be continually there. A Cauldron also or brazen vessel was set upon the Altar, to receive the blood of the sacrifices, Holy water sprinkle. with an holy water stick or sprinkle, to bedew the standers by with the blood of the sacrifices. Besides, on the Altar a silver Ring was kept (or of copper) of twenty ounces, which being anointed with the blood of the sacrifices, they who executed any office pertaining to justice, Holy Ring. being now ready to take their oath, religiously handled while they were sworn. Fourfooted beasts, for the most part, were appointed for sacrifices; Sacrifices. to be converted to the food of the Sacrificers. Although in the mean space, I find (a lamentable matter) that the blind Ethnics in the foresaid place of Rialarnes used also humane sacrifices: where at the door of the Temple, Humane-inhumane sacrifices was ● very deep Pit, wherein the humane sacrifices were drowned; which Pit was called Blotkellda, from the Sacrifice. Also in West Island, in the Province of Thornsthing: in the middle of the Market place there was a round circle, into the which, men appointed to be sacrificed to the Gods, were gathered: Devill-circle. who being violently smitten against an exceeding great stone set there, were cruelly slain. The indignity whereof, that stone is reported to have declared many ages after, by the bloody colour, which no shower of rain, or water, could ever wash away. An abominable cruelty surely, yet not wanting examples, derived even from the most ancient times. I omit those of later time, and found in the near bordering Countries, as the humane sacrifices of the French, whereof Cicero pro Fonteio, speaketh: and also the custom of nearer bordering Countries. I do not mention the Roman sacrifices: among which, Luperca Valeria, appointed to be sacrificed, was delivered from present death by an Eagle. Let the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and sacrificing of noble Virgins of the greeks, not be remembered: with whom Helena was likewise freed from imminent peril of sacrificing, by the benefit of an Eagle. But who is it, that can be ignorant of Benhennon or Gehennon of the Hebrews, and their cruelty far greater than this, exercised not upon slaves or guilty persons, but even upon their dearest children? Concerning which matter I thought good to set down the words of Christoph. Adricomus Delphus. Gehennon, saith he, was a place in the suburbs of jerusalem over against the East, under the Mountain of Offence, near the Fish pool of the Fuller, most pleasant, like Tempe. In this Valley stood a Pavilion, and the brazen Idol of Moloch, cunningly wrought in the shape of a King, b●llow within; whose head resembling a Calf, the other parts a man, had arms stretched forth to sacrifice children: who through the vehement heat of the Idol, were burned amidst those cursed embracements: For when by the fire put under in the concavity of the Idol, it became all fiery, than the most wicked parents, with incredible cruelty, delivered their dearest children, to wit, their Sons and Daughters to be burned within these detestable embracements. And lest the miserable cry of the children in horrible torment being heard, might moon the bowels of the parents, the Priests of Moloch filled the air and sky on every side with the harsh sound of Trumpets, Of this place and these cries of the children confused with sounds of instruments and the unnatural horror, Hell was called Gehenna and Tophet. and striking up of Drums, so long as the sacrifice continued. Whereupon also the place was named Tophet, which signifieth a Drum. This Adricomus writeth. And lest any might think, that the common people only of the jews became thus blind; behold Kings: Ahaz, 2. King. 16. 2. Paralip. 28. Manasses there in the 21. and 33. where also the ancient custom of the Nations may be alleged. But that cruelty, and those sacrifices of Saturn seem not to have continued long with the Islanders: and surely, they were used no where else, save in the two places assigned. Nor yet of all the Inhabitants of that Province, where it was exercised. For it is reported of Hi●rleifus, the companion of ●ugulfus before mentioned, that he altogether abhorred the worshipping of Idols. And Helgo also surnamed Biola, descended from the Barons of Norway, an inhabitant of the Province of Rialarues favoured the Ethnic Religion but a little: for he received an Irish man, a banished Christian, into his neighbourhood; one named Ornulfus, with his families (which came with him:) and did not only receive him, but also permitted him to build a Church consecrated to Saint Columbe, in the Village of Escuberg. A young man also of the same Province, called Buo, destroyed that most accursed Temple of humane sacrifices with fire, and burned all the Gods, although afterward it was repaired by the Proprietors. Moreover, Torchillus surnamed Mane (it may be because he honoured the Moon, called Mane, and the rest of the Stars, with more Religion than the rest) a man of a very upright life, and famous among the Nobility of Island, a little before the agony of death, caused himself to be set forth over against the Sun, and openly admiring the workmanship of Heaven, and the whole World, commended his Soul departing when he was ready to die, to that God who created the Sun, and the rest of the Stars. He lived about the year of Christ 970. The same, or the like may be reported of very many others, while Ehtnicism yet continued. As of Hallerus a certain inhabitant of South Island: who, because he followed not the worship of Idols, was called Godlaus, that is to say, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as was also his son Helgo. Chap. 7. Of Magistrates and Courts. The public Offices, some of them are distinguished from hence; others have their original from some other place. Those which are taken from hence, are a Reppagogie (that I may devose a word) and the administration of Provinces, to wit, as that partition into Reppes, and Provinces, ended as it were in sundry species, but both had some kind of government joined with it. For aswell the Reppagogi (for so I may call the Masters of Reppes) as the provincial Governors, proclaimed Assemblies, established judgements (every one in their Court) and punished the guilty: whereby it is evident that they also used the Law of Appeal in foreign Causes (for in their own, even private men had liberty of Appeal) so that I need not doubt that the Reppagogi also were comprehended under the Title of a Magistrate. Who is defined by Bodinus to be He, that hath part of a public government. A Magistrate, who. Metho. hist. cap. 16. I added, saith he, the word Public, that it might be distinguished from the government of a Master, or a Father. If therefore any would desire a more perfect distinction of a Magistrate, it should be such: A Magistrate is inferior, or superior. The inferior is a Reppagogie or Governor of five men, which five inhabitants chosen for government of the Reppes, used in every Reppe, whom we are here compelled to call Reppagogie, and The five men, they call them Hreppflior are, appointed first for their wisdom and integrity, next for the possession of immoveable goods; unless concerning this latter, it seem good to do otherwise, by the common opinion. Care of the Poor. Moreover, the Office of the Reppagogi, is limited by the care of the Poor. But that which the care of the Poor required, every one within the bounds of their Reppe, endeavoured to attain by these two means. First, that they should provide, that none should be suddenly brought to extreme poverty: as much surely as consisteth in man's policy. Secondly, how they might provide for such as were become Beggars, to be maintained by the common aid. And surely, they attempted the first part of their office three manner of ways: first, by making Laws against such as through their own fault (speaking after the manner of men) became beggars: Laws against Beggars. of which sort are those, titul. de exhaeredandis, cap. 3. Parentibus mendicis natus, & ipse h●stiatim victum quaerendo educatus (nisi morbo affectus) hareditatem nullam adito etc. that is to say, So long as he liveth from door to door: The 18. chapter of the same; and the first three year, next from the time of begging, cap. 20. Lest any under a feigned show of virtue, should deceive and abuse the Laws. Also, Altera lex de eiusmodi mendicis impunè castrandis, etiamsi cum eorundem nece coniunctum foret, titul. de pupillis, cap. 33. to wit, Lest living from door to door, they might beget children like unto the parents, which afterwards should be a burden to the Commonwealth. Also, a third Law, De ijsdem mendicis non alendis, titul. de mendicis cap. 39.63. (not repugnant to the commandment of the Apostle, Ho that laboureth not, let him not eat, 2. Thes. 3.) and of not receiving them, so much as into their house, cap. 45. of the same: a grievous penalty being inflicted, if any offended against this Law; in the same place. By which Decree, what other thing I pray you is meant, than the custom of the Athenians in times past? among whom the Areopagitas inquired of the particular Citizens, by what art every one lived; and provided to have them called in question, who gave themselves to filthy and slothful idleness? What other thing, I say, than what was meant by the Decree of the Massilienses, who forbade them to enter their City, who knew no art whereby to sustain their life? and lest any should practise either unprofitable or dishonest arts: they gave no place to Players, counterfeit jesters, laughing Companions, saucy Scoffers and jugglers. To conclude, What other thing, than what the Decree of Solon meant, who ordained a Law, that the children should owe no thanks nor favour to their parents, by whom they had been instructed in no honest art to get their living? The ancient World had so great and vehement provocations unto Virtue, even with our Countrymen, which in this last age (ah, too degenerate) you may find wanting with grief; all these Constitutions being taken away. Wherefore the number 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (that I may use the word of Paul) is more abundantly increased, Inordinate men. that is to say, of them, who being void of all discipline, live infamous to themselves, and grievous and troublesome to their common Country, in slothful and filthy idleness, inverting and changing that order instituted by God himself. The care of which thing, if the Magistrate would yet undertake, surely many should far the better. The second means and way of preventing poverty, was a Law or Edict, concerning those who desired to be admitted into a Reppe, or become Citizens of Reppes. For none was to be received into a Reppe, unless he had first gone unto the solemn assembly of that Reppe, and desired that he might be admitted; Our tithings and hundreds in their original, had some resemblance thereof. which they might not justly deny, unless to one convicted of theft, or otherwise of some other crime, or so poor, that therefore he was unfit for the Reppes, and that he could not sustain himself and his family without the common alms of the beggars. But if any could not be present at this assembly, he was bound to entreat leave of cohabitation of five inhabitants, having lands of their own, and next unto him, whom he was about to go unto. If any of honest fame and rich in ability, would notwithstanding go into the Reppes without demanding leave, he retained his habitation, but yet was excluded from the Law and privileges of the Reppes. But if any wicked and dishonest person had thrust himself in without leave (although he had lawfully hired void and empty land from the Lord and Owner thereof) the same was to be expelled by force: Titulus de Reppis cap. 48. To the same purpose appertaineth that Edict concerning servants taken out of the Rep. cap. 47. of the same. The third Statute against poverty was, concerning the restitution of private loss in the title recited before cap. 47. whereof an example shall be given, first in houses by chance consumed by fire: and those of four sorts. For if a Storehouse, Kitchen, Bedchamber, or Bed, and Chappel had been burned; the loss received was to be valued within fourteen days, by five of the next neighbours, as well of the house itself, as of the most necessary things contained therein: as of the provision of victuals, apparel, and householdstuff daily used only, properly belonging to the Master of the family, excluding other men's goods, as treasures, and other things more precious; because a man might be a sufficient Citizen of Reppes without these. Then the half part of the loss valued by the whole Reppe, was to be restored within an appointed time, by Subsidies contributed in common, according to the ability of every Inhabitant. Another example of this liberality enjoined by the Laws, is, concerning Cattle destroyed by the Murrain or Rot: for if the fourth part of any man's Cattle, or more died, the loss likewise being valued within fourteen days after the Murrain ceased, was to be relieved by common supplies for the half part, as the former was. But concerning both, there was a caution added, that this benefit should not be performed the fourth time; lest any thing through too much carelessness, and reckless negligence, should procure damage to himself, De Reppis cap. 47. & 48. The other part of the Office of the Reppagogi was employed about the care of the poor, concerning the maintaining of such with certain contribution of alms as were now become beggars, either through sickness or age, or other casualties not in their own power: and also concerning the excluding of others, who should not appertain unto the alms, and diverse cases thereunto belonging. This alms was either private or public. Private, for the which a law was made concerning the receiving of the beggars, into the number of their family by their kindred, Laws of Alms. or cousins, one or more, enabled by a certain increase of wealth limited by law, and to be maintained by certain laws, according to the degree of hereditary succession: For as any was next to the inheritance of the beggar, if he possessed goods, so was he accounted the first that should sustain him. But the next degree failing, or the same being poor, or not having wherewith to maintain himself and his, besides that beggar, that necessity was imposed upon the second, or third degree of kindred, etc. to be relieved. Public alms was, as often as the kindred or cousins of the beggar failed, they lived by the help and relief of the Reppes: every one was to be maintained in his Repp; whereof there are prescript constitutions of laws, to wit, what beggars should belong to what Repp, and what not; and concerning the driving away and expelling of them by process of law, who appertain not thereunto. Therefore the Reppagogi partakers of a public Office limited with these bounds, proclaimed assemblies: Some surely both in time and place, standing, or ordinary: others not standing, or extraordinary; that is to say, as often as any new matter came pertaining to their charge to be determined. Also private men might call extraordinary assemblies, to wit, they who had any cause worthy of an assembly and judgement. But the sign and token of having an assembly (after the thousand year, when they had now sworn to the Christian Faith, peradventure before jupiter's Hammer and battle Axe, Hamor poor) was according to the religion of that time, a wooden Cross, which every Inhabitant carried to his neighbour at the day, place, and occasion of the assembly proclaimed, of which sign intermitted or neglected, a certain penalty was inflicted. There therefore the Reppagogi, concerning the matters appertaining to their charge, consulted according to equity and right, determined them, and punished the guilty: There the guilty person, if the injury were private, was cited into the Court of justice by him that was injured, even without public authority (which also we read was used by the Spartans:) but if the injury were public (or if the party injured in a private offence would not cite the guilty person, or could not) then was he cited by some of the Rappagogi. Private men also had liberty and power to sue the Reppagogi negligent in their Office, or otherwise iviurious: where a penalty of money fell to the Citizens of the Reppes: all which, and other things here belonging are handled, in codice legum de Reppagogijs, cap. 43. And concerning the inferior Magistrates, that is to say, the Reppagogi only, to wit, the first species of the Civil Magistrate. Now followeth the superior Magistracy, which is distinguished into Governors of Provinces, and justices. They were each of them Governors in every Province (which before I called Thirds, to wit, of every Tetrade) executing as well the public Offices of the Courts of justice, as of holy mysteries: or they were Interpreters of the Law, and matters of Religion: (although afterward the interpretation of the Law belonged more to the justices.) As with the Romans, the Aediles also usurped part of the Praetorian jurisdiction. Among the ancient Hebrews also the High Priests: also among the Romans the High Priests were sacrificers. Whereupon Horatius carm. lib. 3. Ode 23. Victima Pontificum secures cervise tingit. These Governors therefore, in that they had the charge of holy Mysteries, were Priests: in that they had to do with the Court of justice and judgement, they were judges: we call them Noblemen in this place, and the state of the Commonwealth governed by their oversight, an aristocraty. The same are called by our Countrymen Godar, and Hoffsgodar; from the Church or Temple (which is Hoff) as it were Overseers of the Church, and their Office or Dignity was called Godord; to wit, their name being next derived from their Ethnic gods, which they called God: that even by the name itself, they (who almost represented the Name and Office of the Gods) might be put in mind of the Virtues, Wisdom, and justice, etc. requisite in such a Governor. And that they might show themselves such, I suppose the same place was appointed to judgements of the seat of justice, which was ordained for Sacred Mysteries; to wit, at the foresaid Temples. And also therefore, because the place of holy Mysteries, was religiously thought fitter for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the taking of good counsel, whereof there is especial use in the Court of justice. Moreover, the Provincial Governors had their twofold assemblies, as the Rappagogi had; yearly or ordinary meetings, and proclaimed: or extraordinary, any necessity requiring (those former assemblies, containing many days: vid. Ka●pb. cap. 8. Torn. Log.) and that, as it is likely, assembled by some sign of holding a meeting; as we have already said of Reppagogies: which surely, what it was in times past, is not well known; unless it were that, which afterwards, and yet remaineth in use; the form of a Noruegian axe of Wood, carried about after the same manner, among the provincial Citizens: as we said a little before, of the wooden cross. This token of the judicial Court, is called Bod in our language, which signifieth a message. Moreover, every one paid some yearly tribute or revenue to the Temples: whereof the Guardian or Overseer of the Church was the Collector: for speaking of holy mysteries pertaining to the Church, I call every Noble man so. To him also came the penalty of the Temple, and Court of justice profaned: who likewise ought to maintain the Temple, or keep it in reparations, at his own charge. Lastly, the necessity, and specially care to amend and make good whatsoever damage done unto the Province, or to foresee and prevent it being imminent, using the help of the Provincials, lay wholly upon him: so that, for the destroying of thieves and public Robbers, you may find some who were prodigal of their own life. Contrarily, it is a lamentable case, how at this day we see it every where come to pass, where they make a great conscience to condemn a notorious Thief by the Law, or any other convicted once or twice of any capital crime, much more to put him to death. These are the Governors of Provinces: The Nomophylaces or justices follow. The Nomophylax was the other kind of the superior Magistrate, somewhat later than these: of which sort, in the whole ancient City of Island (for we yet describe it) at one and the same time, there was only one: who of pronouncing or delivering the Law, was called Logmann and Logsogumann. For the Commonwealth began not suddenly, but by little and little to be framed: therefore the Provincial Laws were first, of the like meaning, though peradventure not every where the same, before they had them compact, and gathered into one body: which when they attained, for the custody and preservation of the same, they admitted trusty and wise men, whom I call Nomophylaces; and whose Office I shall very well describe in the words of D. Nicolaus Cragius, declaring the Office of the Spartan Nomophylaces. The Office of the Nomophylaces (saith D. Cragius Li. 2. cap. 6. de Repub. Lacedaem.) was, as we perceive by the matter itself, to have charge of the custody and preservation of Laws, for the benefit of the Commonwealth; and that they should not suffer them to be abolished, changed, or taken away by any. Moreover, they endeavoured that the force of the Laws might not grow out of use, or the memory thereof be forgotten: but they compelled the Magistrates to the often observation of them, and execution of their duty. And further, we may think these very men were the interpreters of Laws, if peradventure any thing doubtfully set down, or hardly understood, should come in disputation. This Cragius writeth: the same which I do of ours: adding this, that they had some manner of authority in their power, together with the rest of the Nobility, of changing, renewing Laws, and also enlarging them, as it were Orators and Counselors; the consent of the people being added. Therefore the Nomophylaces or chief justices, took nothing away from the form of an aristocraty: but were, as hath been said before, Interpreters, and preservers of the Law, armed with public authority for this purpose, in whose power also the custody of the Book of the Laws remained. But I dare proceed no further with our Author in his Law Suits and Courts, lest I be therein detained with Demurs and tedious delays. I am a Traveller, and howsoever I have (not so much for Island, as for the knowledge of the Arctoan antiquities) waded thus far: I will not tyre the Reader further, but remit the more curious to the Author himself, who hath added much of their Laws, and a whole Book of their ancient Grands, and another of their Kings, both here omitted. The Kings of Norway began to have dominion in Island, A. 1261. diverse immunities reserved: which Kingdom descending upon Margaret, by her was linked with that of Denmark, and so hath continued above 200. years. ENGLISH NORTHERN NAVIGATIONS, AND DISCOVERIES; RELATIONS OF GREENELAND, GROENLAND, THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE, AND OTHER ARCTIKE REGIONS, WITH LATER RUSSIAN OCCURRENTS. THE FOURTH BOOK. CHAP. I. A Voyage set forth by the Right Worshipful Sir THOMAS SMITH, and the rest of the Muscovie Company, to Cherry Island: and for a further discovery to be made towards the North-Pole, for the likelihood of a Trade or a passage that way, in the Ship called the Amity, of burden seventy tuns; in the which I IONAS POOLE was Master, having fourteen men and one boy: A.D. 1610. THE first of March 1609. I weighed at Blackwall and went to Gravesend. The third day I went down to the Noore-head. A.D. 1609. Secund. Comput. Ang. The ninth, we weighed and put out to Sea (blessed be God:) and by the fifteenth day I was in the Bay of Rosse, on the Coast of Norway, in Latitude 65. degrees: at what time the wind came Northerly, and blew extreme fierce, with great store of Snow and Frost. The sixteenth day, we had the like weather and winds, so that we could not maintain a * The Main-sayle without a Bonnet. mayne-course, and we lost some of our Beer. The seventeenth day, we had Snow, and all the Beak-head was so laden with Ice, that it seemed a firm lump, and the wind at North, which blew so fierce that we could not maintain a * The Foresail without a Bonnet. fore-course, and drove us back to the altitude 63. degrees, 56. minutes. The storm continued so exceeding violent, that I was fain to spoon before it forty eight hours, and the same wind and weather continued till the twenty one day, and in that time we were driven as far to the Southwards as Shottland. And being fair by the Land, and seeing no likelihood of fair weather, I got a Fisherman to conduct me to a good Harbour, called Hamersound, not so much to eschew the stormy weather, as to stop some leaks, and to amend our rackling. Hamersound in Shotland. I tarried in Shottland till the twelfth of April 1610. at which time the wind was Southerly. The former wind came to the North at midnight, with great store of Snow, which froze as fast as it fell: which wind continued till the fourteenth at noon. At two of the clock it came to the East north-east, and I stood to the Northwards, after many storms, much cold, Snow, and extreme Frosts. I had sight of the North-cape the second day of May. Then I stood towards Cherry Island, North Cape in 71. degrees 20. minutes. May the second. the wind being at West Northwest. The third day at noon, the Cape bare South Southeast; seventeen leagues off, we had much Snow with Frost. The fourth day, it was thick weather with great store of Snow and Frost, the wind at Northwest and by North. The fifth day, it was fair weather, the wind at North North-east. The sixth day, at two of the clock in the morning, Cherry Island. I met with some Ice, but not very thick, so that I held my course toward Cherry Island, the wind being at South: at five of the clock, I saw the Ice so thick, that I could not possibly get through it. Ice. Then I stood to the West wards with a short sail, and sounded, but had no ground at a hundred fathom: thick foggy weather, at eight of the clock it began to clear up, and I stood into the Ice finding it scattered in some places; and at twelve at noon, I found the Pole elevated above the horizon 74. degrees 7. minutes, and sounded, but had no ground at one hundred and seventy fathoms. The sixth day of May we were in 74. degrees 7. minutes. From twelve till four, I ran North Northwest two leagues, and sounded, and had a hundred and sixty fathoms. Then Cherry Island did bear, as I judged, North Northwest, about fifteen leagues off or more: from four till eight it was calm, at eight of the clock the wind came Southerly, and I stood towards the Island and found the Ice so thick, that the Ship had no room to wend, and withal such a fog that I could not see one Cables length; in which time the Ship had many a knock, but thanks be to God, no harm was done. By twelve of the clock, the seaventh day, I got out of the Ice and lay a hull till the North Sun, at which time it began to be clear weather: then I set sail, and stood to the Eastwards, cold frosty weather. The eight day it was very foggy, the wind at North and by East, with Snow and Frost: I stood to the Eastwards, in hope to get the Easter end of the Ice, and so to Cherry Island; and I ran into a Channel between two firm banks of Ice, and could find no way through, but lay in the Ice till the ninth day at a South Sun. Then I observed, and found the Ship in the altitude 74. degrees and 17. minutes, the wind being at North Northwest, very fair weather, but frosty. I sailed in the abovesaid Ice, one while one way, and another while another, in hope to find some opening towards the Island: Abundance of Ice. but which way soever I stood, I saw all the Sea covered with Ice. At a South Sun, the tenth day, I observed both with my Astrolabe and Crossestaffe, and found the Poles height 74. degrees and 15. minutes: 74. degrees 15. minutes. variation 13. degrees. 30. minutes. and the variation 13. degrees and 30. minutes the North point Westerly: by a North Sun I got out of the Ice into the open Sea, and to write. each course, way, and wind, with all other accidents, would be too tedious: but the thirteenth day of May, at midnight, I sounded, being in very thick Ice, and had a hundred thirty eight fathoms; there presently I espied the Lioness standing into the Ice, I kept her company till eight of the clock at night, The Lioness was sent to Cherry Island. and then I steered as followeth, from eight above said, till twelve at noon: The foureteenth day I sailed Northwest and by North twelve leagues, the wind at South Southeast, thick foggy weather: from twelve till four at night, I sailed seven leagues North, the same wind and weather with rain. And by the fifteenth day at four of the clock in the morning, I had sailed North twenty seven leagues, the same wind and weather: at what time I supposed, that I was not far from land, because I see great store of Seafoule * As Cobodines wild-geese and Willocks. Ice. about the Ship: at eight of the clock I sounded, but had no ground at a hundred and forty fathom: very foggy weather: likewise I sounded at twelve of the clock at noon; no ground at a hundred thirty five fathoms, where I met with Ice and great store of Fowl, as before, wind at South, and foggy weather. I stood through the Ice, till eight of the clock at night, holding no course by reason of it, at which time I sounded, and had ninety five fathom green oze, the weather being all one, and very much Ice from eight, till ten of the clock. I sailed North, one legave and a half, and had seventy five fathoms rocky ground. From ten till twelve at midnight I sailed North one league and a half, and sounded, and had thirty seven fathoms, the wind being at South, with great store of rain and fogs, and abundance of Ice round about, but something broken. Then I stood off West and by South, and took in all the Sails, except the foresail and main topsail: and at one of the clock the sixteenth day sounded, and had forty fathoms oze: likewise I sounded at two of the clock, Much rain. and had fifty two fathoms: I could neither perceive Current nor Tide in all this time, and it did rain as fast as I have commonly seen in England: then I stood to the East wards, and at three of the clock sounded, and had forty fathoms oze: and thus I sailed among the Ice East and East and by South, and East North-east, keeping no certain course, by reason of the Ice, Land the 16. day of May. and had these depths following, 30.20.19.16. and fifteen fathoms, and then I saw the Land within two leagues and less of me, bearing between the South and by East, and the Northwest: then I stood in East and by South, supposing to have found a harbour within a ledge of rocks that lay off a low point, which seemed like an Island, and standing in, I found depths, 10.9.8.7.6.7.4. and three fathoms, standing in it a should bay, and full of rocks. Then I steered a way Northwest and by West, and had six, seven, eight, and ten fathom foul ground; this part of this Land is foul ground a great way off, therefore come no nearer this place then ten fathom, and that will carry you clear of all dangers that I could see. Towards noon it cleared up, and I did look the Meridian altitude of the Sun, which was 34. degrees and 20. minutes, Note. the declination being 21. degrees and 10. minutes North, the Equator must be 13. degrees and 10. minutes above and beneath my Horizon. The Compliment being 76. degrees and 50. minutes, the Poles height. Likewise I found by true observation the Compass● to vary 16. degrees, 76. degrees 50 minutes, Pole height. Variation 16. degrees. The North point westerly. and before I had sailed four leagues I saw a Sound that lay East and by South in, the wind coming to the East Southeast; then I sent the Skiffe on land in the mouth of the Sound, because I supposed I had seen Morses on the land, but they proved Rocks. I followed into the said Bay with the ship, but standing in I had a stiff gale of wind off the shoa●e, which drove abundance of Ice out of the Sound, through the which I enforced the ship, in hope there to have found an Harbour; in turning in I found these depths, thirty five, thirty, twenty, and eighteen fathoms. The Boat came aboard about a Northwest Sun, Rocks. and the men told me they found deep water within and foul ground; Mohorses or Morses. Hornsound. Muscovy Mount. they saw great store of Mohorses lying on the Ice, but none on land, and they brought a piece of a Deeres horn aboard, therefore I called this Sound Horn Sound, and a Mount that lieth four leagues to the South of it, the Muscovy Companies Mount, because it was my first landfale. Then finding no benefit here to be had, nor Haven for the ship, I stood to Sea, For these places see Captain Edges Map. and sailed Northwest and by North four leagues: at midnight it blew very hard, and I stood to the Westwards with a short sail, and sailed four leagues West by eight of the clock the seventeenth day. Then I stood to the Landwards', the wind being at South South-west thick weather: and three leagues from me I saw a Point, which I named the Ice Point, because there lay abundance of Ice upon it. Then I saw another Point bear North Northwest five leagues off, Ice point. which I named Bell Point, because of a Hill form like a Bell on the top, Bell point. and to the Northwards of Bell Point goes in a great Bay with two Sounds in it, the one lieth in East Southeast, the other North-east and by East; the last Sound you can hardly discern, by reason there is a long Island lying in the mouth of it. But the going into the said Sound is on the North side, yet there is an Inlet under Point-partition, but very narrow and full of Rocks, Point partition. The air temperate and an exceeding strong Tide setteth in there. This day I found the weather very warm and far temperater than I have found it at the North Cape at this time of the year: this place lying in 77. degrees and 25. minutes, and the Cape in 71. degrees and 20. minutes; this place being to the Northwards of the Cape 6. degrees and 5. minutes: and note, two leagues to the Southwards of Bell Point is a ledge of Rocks three miles off the shore, and come no nearer the shore than fifteen fathom: upon the North side of the Bay is low land, which I named Lowness Island. I called the North Sound Low Sound. Lowness I'll. Lowsound. Into the Bay I turned, the wind at East North-east fair weather; turning in I had no less than forty fathoms close by the shore, and in the midst no ground at sixty fathoms, and being near the Point that parteth both the Sounds, the wind increased with rain. Then I saw the Sound frozen over from side to side, and upon the Ice a Bear and great store of Mohorses, but the wind blew so extreme hard, that the Boat could not row to windwards, The Sounds season. Very thick fogs. to try if we could kill some of them. The fogs and rain continued till ten of the clock the nineteenth day, at which time the rain ceased, and it did freeze with snow and wind and fogs, as before. From twelve at midnight the nineteenth day, till four in the morning the twentieth day, I sailed three leagues South-west and by South, than I found the Ice thicker than before. It was very thick fogs, with wind, frost, and snow, and cold, that I think they did strive here which of them should have the superiority. I put into the Ice aforesaid in hope to get through, Extreme cold weather. and after many a sore stroke with the ship in it, I got through at a South-west Sun, at what time it began to be fair weather. Then I stood through the Ice towards the land again, in hope that that land would prove worth the labour and travel; and going to set the main top sail, it was frozen as hard as ever I saw any cloth in all my life time, Sails frozen. so that all my company could very hardly set it; and whereas I supposed, and have often said, that this climate is not so subject to fogs in May and june, as it is in july and August, it is contrary; for I have not seen the Sun on the Meridian these five days, nor seen it at all in sixty hours: I had not sailed three leagues North-east, when it was as thick as it was before with Frost and Snow: yet I stood still towards the Land. The twenty one, I saw the Land at an East Sun, and stood towards it, and at a South and by West Westerly, I observed the Sun, and found the Meridian altitude of it 33. degrees 30. minutes, the declination being 21. degrees 56. minutes, etc. the altitude of the Pole was 78. degrees 26. minutes. The wind at North North-east: cold frosty weather: This place I called the Black-point Ile: I called a point (that lieth four leagues to the Northwest of Black-point) Cape-cold, and to the Southeast of Black-point is a great sound, which because it was covered with Ice, Black-point I'll I called Ice-sound, and standing nearer to the shore, I could not see any Sound or Harbour open; Cape-cold. Ice-sound. therefore I determined to stand to the Northwards to seek what good might be done that way to profit the Merchants, and also to get some Wood, for we had but little left. I sounded at the Black-point, and had twenty three fathoms streamy ground. At two of the clock I stood off, and at midnight stood to the shore again, cold weather with frost, the wind at North and by East. The two and twentieth day, at an East Sun, I was fair by the Land, between Cape-cold and Black-point, a league off where it fell calm, and I sounded there, and had twenty eight fathoms, where I tried for Fish, but could take none. The three and twentieth day, at an East North-east Sun, I was within three leagues of Capecold: this day it was fair weather, and I took the Sun's height at twelve of the clock, and found it to be 33. degrees 30. minutes, the declination being 22. degrees 13 minutes, the distance of the Pole from my Zeneth, was 11. degrees 17. minutes, the compliment thereof being 78. degrees and 43. minutes, Fair weather. the Poles altitude. All this day it was calm a●l the forenoon, warm sunshine weather, and whereas I named this place Cape-cold, if I had fallen with it this day, or the like, I should have given it another name. Here I tried to take fish, but could perceive none. Item, there is a point that beareth from Cape-cold North & by West which I called Faire-forland: Fayer-forland. this Forland, and Cape-cold, and Black-point, are all one Island. At six of the clock at night, the wind came to the North Northwest, than I determined to view the Ice-sound better; but coming near it, I perceived it packed full of Ice, so that I could see no end thereof at the Top-mast-head, neither could I see any open water in it. At a North Sun, the wind came to the North-east, and by North, than I stood to the Northwards, as before. The four and twentieth day, at a North-east Sun, the wind came to the South-west, fair weather and warm. At a North north-east Sun, I took the Meridian Altitude, which was eleven degrees above the Horizon, and by working accordingly, I found the elevation of the Pole above the Horizon, to be 78. degrees, 37. minutes. The five and twentieth day, at an East-south-east Sun, I set the boat to the land, near Fayer-forland, and it being calm I sounded forty five fathoms, No fish. where I proved for fish, but could find none, and within one league of the shore I had five and thirty, and thirty fathom streamy ground. At a Southeast Sun, the Boat came aboard laden with Wood, In all this land by the sea side is good store of Drift-wood, but none groweth here. N. Wood cock. Whale-fins. and some Whale's fins. The men told me there was great store of Morses in the Sea, about the shore side, and about thirty on Land. Immediately I sent my Mate, Nicholas Woodcock with the Boat on Land again, to see if they could kill any of the said Mohorses, and also to search what other thing they should hap to find that might prove beneficial. Moreover I was certified, that all the Ponds and Lakes were unfrozen, they being Freshwater, which putteth me in hope of a mild Summer here, after so sharp a beginning as I have had, and my opinion is such (and I assure myself it is so) that a passage may be as soon attained this way, Hope of a Polate passage. by the Pole, as any unknown way whatsoever, by reason the Sun doth give a great heat in this climate; and the Ice, I mean that that freezeth here, is nothing so huge as I have seen in 73. degrees. The six and twentieth day, at a North-east Sun, the Boat came aboard again, having slain but two Morses, at twelve at midnight the wind came to the North, and blew so hard, that I was enforced to try with a Mayne-course, cold frosty weather, with snow. The said wind and weather continued till a South Sun, the seven and twentieth day, at eight of the clock at night, the wind came to the Northwest and by West fair weather, than I stood towards the Land again. And at a Southeast sun, the eight & twentieth day, I was within three leagues of Fayer-forland, and standing in I sounded diverse times, and had these depths, 15.17.19. and 18. fathoms, within five, six, and seven miles of the shore, and when Fayer-forland did bear South and by East by the Compass. It being two miles from me, I saw the Land bear North-east and by North, about nine leagues off, the which because it was full of knotty Mountains, I called Knottie-point, Knotty-point. and between Knottie-point, and Fayer-forland, I saw a great Bay, which because it was foggy on the sudden, I could not discover. In the Sea, about the Forland, I saw great store of Mohorses and Sea-fowle, I sounded in the Bay and had ninety five fathoms rocky ground. I stood to Sea, and had very foul weather, with snow, and fogs, and frost, which weather continued till the thirtieth day, Thirty day of May. at four of the clock in the morning, at which time I was within one mile of Fayer-forland in nine fathoms, and then I sailed East North-east about two miles, and had these dephs, 18.17.16.14. and 12. fathoms all rocks. Then I steered South with the like depths and grounds, but when I had run South Southeast three miles further, I had sandy ground, than did Fayer-forland bear West and by North, about three leagues of, the next cast I had ten fathoms foul ground, and from thence I steered two leagues South and by East, having these depths, 10.9.8. and 7. fathoms, than I saw the Bay covered over with Ice. I turned out the wind at North. This Sound I named Fowle-sound, for in this Bay are three Sounds; this I spoke last of, Foule-sound. which lieth in South, and goeth out at Black-point: another lieth in East Southeast, which I named Deere-sound: Deere-sound. Close-cove. another goeth in North, which is called Closse-cove, and being near the point between Fowle-sound and Deere-sound, it fell calm, and I sent the Skiffe on Land, and standing after, with a little wind at West. I found the said Point very shoal, with a ridge of Rocks, where I had these depths, 4.5.6.7.9.10.18. and then 30. fathoms. At a South Sun, the Boat came aboard and brought Wood, and some Whale-fins. The last of May, at an East North-east Sun, I was within three leagues of Knotty-point, at which time I saw Ice all the Sea over betwixt the West and the Land: Ice. then I saw another Point four leagues distant from Knotty-point, the one bearing of the other North and by East, and South and by West, Gornerd-nose. and it is smooth Land, the which I named the Gurnerds-nose, indifferent warm weather: and finding the Ice to be so thick that I could not pass it, and the wind coming to the West, I stood to the Southwards again, determining to search the Sounds better for a Road, and for commodities, because I saw no good to be gotten in keeping the Sea amongst the Ice, and at a North Sun, I was in the entrance of Close-cove, where I had no ground at one hundred & twenty fathoms, and yet I was within two Cables length of a sunken ledge of Rocks, Note. that lieth on the Larboard side of the Bay a mile from the shore. The first of june I found a good Road in Close-cove, on the South-west side, june. where I rid in seven fathoms sand mingled with oze, at an East Sun I sent a Skiffe to a low Point, that lieth on the North side of the Bay, where they found some Whale's fins, and three pieces of Mohorse teeth, and upon a little rocky Island, they saw near one hundred Mohorses, which were there sleeping. In this time I went towards the bottom of the Sound, and slew a white Bear. A Bear slain▪ At a South-west Sun, I went towards the rock, to see if I could kill any of the Morses that lay there, and as we went by the shore side I espied Dear, three of them I slew, Four Deer slain. and one of my company one. But when I came to the rock, the Ice that the beasts lay on was hollow, and the rocks that was betwixt the Ice and the sea stood sloping toward the Sea; the which when I saw, I determined to go aboard and let them alone, yet afterward I went on the rock betwixt the Ice and the Sea: and as I with the rest of my company were killing them, the Ice broke, and Ice and beasts slid into the Sea together, and carried one of the men with them, so that he escaped out of that danger very hardly; for besides the weight of dead Mohorses, and Ice that bruised him, the beasts that were alive struck at him in the water, and bruised him very soar. I had been in the same case, if I had not been the nimbler, and slipped on one side. I killed three Morses, His name was Tho. Whiteman. whose teeth I took off. Then I espied the Bear, which my Mate had hurt before with a shot; he went into the Sea, when he saw the Boat, where I slew him with a Lance, A Bear slain. and brought him aboard. The second day at a North and by East Sun. At a South Sun, I went to the South shore of Deere-sound, where I found a good quantity of Fins, and came aboard, at a North Northwest Sun. The third day, being Sunday, I rid still, having the wind at West South-West much wind. Then upon the side of a Hill, a mile to the Westwards of the Road, I set up a Cross, A cross set up. Crosse-road. A good Road for all winds. with a writing upon it, signifying the day of my arrival first in this Land, by whom I was set out, and the time of my being here. This Road I called Crosse-road. At a Southeast sun the fourth day, I weighed, the wind at West South-west, and when I was almost out, the wind increased with fogs, which made me put back into the Road, where I anchored the same day at six of the clock, at afternone. The fifth day, at a North-east and by East sun I weighed, and it fell calm, than I went to the East side, and killed some Fowl, which I found in great abundance: and when I was ready to go aboard, I saw fourteen Deer, at which time I spent all my powder, There is great store of Fowl in this Land. A Buck slain. and shot but one shot, with the which I slew a fat Buck. The same day, at a South sun, I went on Land and slew two Deer more. And at a South-west sun I went on Land and slew a Dog, and took the Faun alive, and brought it aboard, but it died the next day. The calm continued till the sixth day, at an East North-east sun (and we drove in the Bay, with a little soaking tide that runneth there.) Then I sent the skiff to the rock aforesaid, to see what store of Mohorses were there; at three of the clock they came aboard, and told me there was near two hundred beasts. Three Deer slain. I took both the boat and skiff, with all my company, and went to the rock, and in going thither I slew a Bear: but when I came to the rock, the beasts began to go into the sea, than I presently went on land, with all my company, and slew eighty beasts, A fawn taken Bears slain. Mohorses. White fishes. whose teeth I took, and in going aboard slew another Bear, and came aboard the seventh day, at a North-east sun. Then I saw two white fishes, which at the first fight I supposed to be Bears, they had long snouts like Scurgeons, two flat Fins close by their gils, flat bodied, small towards their tails, and a broad tail. The tenth day, I went on shore and slew five Deer; with the which, Five Deer. and them that I slew before I have lengthened out my victuals, blessed be the Creator of the World, * Isa. 45.18. which hath not made any part thereof in vain, but so that in these parts (which hath seemed impossible to our Ancestors to be traveled unto, by reason of the extreme cold which they supposed to be here) I find the air temperate in the Lands, and nothing so cold as I have found at Cherry Island in five several Voyages. Moreover, in this Land I have seen great store of Deer, which have neither bush nor tree to shelter them from the nipping cold of Winter, nor yet any extraordinary pasture to refresh them. If these (I say) having nothing but the Rocks for a house, and the Starry Canopy for a covering do live here; why may not man, which hath all the gifts of God bestowed upon him for his health and succour▪ The eleventh day in the morning, I sent the skiff to a Beach, that lieth Northwards from the Rock where we slew our beasts, but when they came to the Rock, it began to blow hard at North Northwest, that they could not proceed any further, upon the Rock they found a Bear, and slew him, and came aboard. In which time I took the boat and went to the East side, and slew two Bears and two Deer. The twelfth day, at a North-east sun I weighed, and having very little wind▪ Two Bears▪ and two Dear slain. I sent the skiff to go to the place abovesaid, at a North sun, they came aboard and brought some Whale's Fins and a Bear, and told me that it did blow very much wind at Sea, yet I had it all this time calm in the Bay. Yet before I could get out of the Sound, the wind came to the Northwest, Crosse-road. in 79. degrees 15 minutes. Compass vary 18. degrees 16. minutes. and blew very hard, which made me to put room for Crosse-road, where I rid till the fourteenth day, in which time I caused both the boats to be trimmed, and the thirteenth day at noon, I observed on Land, in this place, and found the Poles height 79. degrees, fifteen minutes, and the variation of the Compass 18. degrees, 16. minutes Northwest: the same day I slew a Buck. The fourteenth day, at a Southeast Sun I weighed, the wind at South-west foggy weather, at a South-west Sun, I went on Land and slew a Buck. The fifteenth day, at East Sun, I got out of the Bay, Ice. at which time I saw abundance of Ice to the Sea-wards, but the wind came to the Southeast, and I sailed betwixt the Ice and the shore. At a Northwest Sun, I sent the skiff (with seven men in it) to the Land under Knottie-point, at which time the wind came to the North-east, and I stood to the Northwards, where I had these depths, fifteen, thirteen, Great store of Whales. and eleven fathoms foule-ground. These depths were about a league, and to the Northwards of Knottie-point, I saw great store of Whales, the like I saw in Deere-sound. The sixteenth day, the Skiffe came aboard, and brought a few Fins, and five Deer, and they told me that within the Bay, Five Deer slain. that lieth betwixt Knottie-point and Gurnerds-nose is a Haven, in the entrance whereof is an Island, and seven fathoms going in, but within eight, nine, fifteen, and twenty fathoms good ground. This maketh Gurnerds-nose, an Island, for this Haven goeth out on the Northwest side of Gurnerds-nose. I named this Haven, the Fayre-haven; I found a great tide here, Faier-haven. Abundance of Ice. which runneth South South-west, the flood cometh from the Southwards. Then standing to the Northwards, I saw the Sea covered with Ice, which lay close to the Land which made me stand to the Southwards again, I observed at Gurnerds-nose, and found the Poles height 79. degrees, 79. degrees 50. minutes. the Latitude of Gornerds nose. The f●rthest place of my being this Voyage This unicorns horn is the Horn of a fish of which s●e after in Baffins' discovery. Ten Bears slain. 50. minutes. At a Northwest Sun, the same day, I sent the skiff on Land to search the Coast to the Southwards of Knottie-point, where I sounded and had twenty four fathoms Foule-ground, and in the Fayre-way I sounded, having these depths, 30.35.45. and 48. fathoms all Rocky-ground. By the seventeenth day, I was in the entrance of Close-cove, at a South Sun, at which time the Skiffe came aboard, and brought a Bear's skin, and a Buck, and a good quantity of Whales Fins and an Unicorn's horn, which was five foot and seven inches long, and in the biggest part of it, it was seven inches and a half about. The eighteenth day, at a South Sun, I came into the Road, where I rid all that day, having very much wind and rain that we could do nothing. At a North Sun, I sent my Mate, with the Skiffe, and six men to seek for more Fins, etc. The ninteenth day, at a North Sun, they came aboard, having slain ten Bears, three of their skins and fat they brought aboard, and a good quantity of Fins, and six pair of teeth. The twentieth day, in the morning, I sent both the Boat and Skiffe to slay the other seven Bears, the wind being at North fair weather. But they were no sooner gone, but it blew very hard at North, which brought abundance of Ice out of the bottom of the Sound, but did the Ship no hurt. At a West South West Sun, the Boats came aboard with the Bear's skins, the wind abovesaid set so much Ice out of the sound upon the Ship, that it enforced me to set sail. The one and twentieth day, at a North Sun, I stood towards Fayer-forland, and sent out the skiff. The two and twentieth day, at a Southeast sun, they came aboard, with the skiff laden with Fins, Five Deer slain. and killed five Deer. Then I went on Land to search what I could find, and I slew a Bear, and took a young one alive, and at three of the clock in the afternoon I came aboard with the skiff laden with Fins. The three & twentieth day, at a Southeast sun, the Boat came aboard, and brought a good quantity of Fins, and a Bear's skin. Then I stood toward Cape-cold, A young bear taken. and the same day, at a South sun, I sent the skiff on Land to the Northwards of the Cape, where they found sixteen Mohorses on a rock, which they slew; and at a North-east sun, A Bear slain Take heed of this point. the four and twentieth day, they had brought all the teeth and blubber of them aboard; at which time the wind came to the Northwest, and blew very hard: then I stood towards the Ice-sound to seek what commodities it would yield. At a North sun I was near Black-point, which hath a great many sunken Rocks lying on the southermost end of it, therefore you must come no nearer that shore than twenty five fathoms. The five and twentieth day, till a South sun, it was calm, and the tide drove the ship so far from the Land, that I could not send the boat on shore. A Buck slain The six and twentieth day, at a South South-west Sun, I came aboard, more laden with travel then commodities, at which time I slew a Buck. Then I stood toward Ice-sound, and at a Point which parteth Foule-sound and Ice-sound, I had thirty fathoms oze, & so to ten fathoms Rocks, than I steered East along the shore, and had betwixt thirty and fifteen fathoms oze and sand. In fifteen fathoms I anchored, having the wind at North Northwest, fair weather at a Northwest sun, at a North sun, I sent the skiff to the shore to search for commodities. The seven and twentieth day of june, at an East North-east sun, they came aboard, and brought a good parcel of fins. At six of the clock I sent the Skiffe to the Land again, and set sail with the ship; but it being calm, and the tide setting the Ship towards a ledge of rocks, made me to anchor again. At a South Southeast Sun, they came aboard again, and brought a good quantity of fins: at a South Sun I sent the Skiffe towards the mouth of Ice-sound, and in the entrance thereof I found a Cove in the which was twenty fathoms, and so to thirteen, but by reason of the tide, and edy-winds, I could not get into it; here the Skiffe came aboard and brought a few fins. Then I steered to another Sound, in the Southside of Ice-sound, where I anchored in twenty fathoms oze, the same day at a North Sun. The eight and twentieth day I stayed at the place abovesaid, and tried the Bear's grease to bring it into oil, and when we were all busied, a Bear came swimming over the Bay, towards the ship, which I slew, and split my Piece, A Bear slain. the wind being at West. The nine and twentieth day, at a Southeast Sun, I sent the skiff to search the Coast to the Westwards of this Bay, the wind at Northwest. The last of june, A Buck. the skiff came aboard, at a Southeast Sun, and brought a few Fins, and a Buck, the wind at North. The first of july▪ being Sunday, I rid at the place abovesaid, july the first. 78 degrees, 24. mitutes, var. 17. W. in hope to have more Moon Land; I observed here and found this place in 78. degrees, 24. minutes, and the variation Westwards, seventeen degrees. Then I sent the skiff to see if any more beasts were on Land. The wind at Northwest, fair weather. The second day, at a North North-east Sun; they came aboard and brought two Dear. The third, we slew a few Morses, Two Deer slain. Greene-harbour one Deer slain. whose teeth and blubber we brought aboard, at a Northwest Sun, at which time I slew a Pricket: this place I named the Green-haven. Immediately I sent the skiff to take the teeth, and fat of seven beasts, which lay slain in another place. The wind at West, thick foggy weather. It floweth here on the Change day South, and by West, and hieth six foot water, and runneth half tied half quarter. The fourth day, we rid still at the South-west with fogs and rain, and very much wind: at the same time I saw great store of Ice in Ice sound. The fifth day, Ice. at a North-east Sun I weighed, the wind at West thick weather; and in standing out we slew a she Bear, and took her two young ones. Indifferent fair weather, we lay becalmed all this day. A Bear slain, two young ones taken. The sixth day, I was off Lowness (at a South Sun) the wind being at East blew so hard, with rain and thick weather, that I was enforced to take in all the sails save a Main course, which storm continued till eight at night, at which time I set more sail, and stood to the Southwards, hoping to get some goods that way. The seventh day, at noon the wind came to the North-east, and then it began to be clear weather, at what time I saw the Land of Bel-sound, whither I purposed to go, yet could not by reason of abundance of Ice, which lay above three leagues from the Land, which I could not possibly pass. At a Northwest and by West sun, I saw abundance of Ice all along the Land, to the Southwards of Bel-sound. Ice. The eight day, at twelve at noon, I stood into the Ice, in hope to get to the shore, the wind at North and by West hasie weather, Horn●-sound bearing East North-east, nine leagues of, I stood to the landwards till four of the clock, at which time I found the Ice so thick that I was forced to stand to the Southwards to eschew it. I sailed by, and amongst the Ice, till a North Northwest Sun, at which time I was within three leagues of the shore. Then I sounded, and had thirty six fathoms. Then I stood to the Westwards, and finding all this part of the Land full of Ice, I purposed to stand to the Northwards again to search for commodities that way: the wind being at Northwest, I turned to windwards, till the tenth day, at eight of the clock before noon, at which time we● found a part of a dead Whale, which I caused to be made fast to the Ship, determining to get into some Harbour, A dead Whale. there to make the best of it. I could get into Bel-sound, at which time I saw all the bottom of the Sound full of Ice, so that there was no refuge for the Ship. Then I was fain to turn out with the wind at West, and began to blow very hard. At a Northwest Sun, it was fair weather, and I sent my Mate with the skiff to search the Coasts towards Bel-point. The fourteenth day, at a North-east Sun, the skiff came aboard, and brought three Bears, which they had slain. Immediately I sent the Boat for water and wood, Three Bears slain. and then I stood through the Ice, and got through it by a North Sun the fifteenth day, the wind at Northwest foggy weather. Then I turned to windwards, to double Lowness, and got clear of it: at six of the clock at night thick foggy weather. The sixteenth day, at five of the clock in the afternoon, I got to Black-point, the wind coming to the South, thick weather. Then I sent the skiff to range the Coast, and to search what they might find. The seventeenth day, at ten of the clock they came aboard, Three Deeres slain. and brought some Fins, and three Deer. Then I stood towards Crosse-road, and ankered there at a North-sun, the wind and weather as abovesaid. The eighteenth day, about five of the clock in the morning, I sent the skiff to see if they could find any Mor●es on Land, on the Rock, or in Deere-sound, and in the mean time, I, with the rest of the company got drift-wood and water ready, A Bear with two young ones taken. Five Deer slain. Two Bears slain. Sea-coals, and about a South sun, a Bear with two young ones; the Dam I slew, and took the young ones aboard the ship, the wind Northerly, cold, foggy weather. The nine and twentieth day, in the morning, I went to th● Eastside, to see if any Mohorses were on land; there I slew four exceeding fat Bucks and a Do. In which time the skiff came aboard and brought two Bears skins, but found no beasts, and in Deere-sound they found Sea-coals, which burned very well. The twentieth day, I sent the Skiffe into the bottom of Closse-cove to search it for commodities, the wind at South close weather with rain: at eight of the clock at night they came aboard, but found nothing; immediately I got wood and water aboard, which was ready before, preparing to set sail the wind and weather abovesaid, we slew three Deer. The one and twentieth, I weighed, the wind at North fair weather. The two and twentieth day, the wind came to the West, and then I stood to the Northward, at eight of the clock ha●●-weather. At twelve of the clock at noon the wind came to the North, and I stood to the Southwards by Fayer-forland. The three and twentieth day, at an East north-east Sun, the Boat brought some Whale's fins, and three Bucks, Three Bucks slain. and one Do: In which time I thought I had seen Land bear West from me. I stood to the Westwards, and by a South Southeast sun, had run fifteen leagues West and by South, than I perceived it to be fogs. The four and twentieth day, at seven of the clock in the afternoon I came into Bel-sound and found but little Ice, than I sent the Skiffe to seek for a Road for the Ship, and also for commodities. The five and twentieth day, at three of the clock in the morning, the Skiffe came aboard, having been in the mouth of the North Inlet, which I call Lowsound, they went into it by Point-partition, but there is no good Channel that way for a Ship: No good channel. nevertheless there seemeth to be an Inlet or Channel, but it is full of Rocks from side to side, and the men told me, that upon the Land lay some Mohorses, which I sent them to kill. At eight of the clock, the Skiffe came aboard, and brought the teeth of the said beasts, and some blubber. Immediately I sent them into Bel-sound, to seek for a Road for the Ship, the wind at West thick foggy weather. About an North West Sun, I anchored in Bel-sound, in sixteen fathoms ozie ground, A Bear slain. A fat Buck. And although I have not written of the farnesse of the rest, yet the most of them were two and three inches thick of fat. this Harbour lieth about two leagues above Point-partition on the Southside of it, and here a ship may ride safe from all winds. At a North Sun my Mate slew a Bear. The six and twentieth day in the morning, it blew hard, and I went on Land and slew a Bear, and a Buck which had three inches and an half in thickness of fat on the haunches. At nine of the clock I sent both the Boats to fetch the fat of those Mohorses which were slain the day before, and likewise to search if they could find any more, the wind at North with fogs. At six of the clock at night the Boats came abo●rd with the fat, and brought two Bucks, but found no beasts on Land. The seven and twentieth day, at a South Southeast Sun I weighed, the wind being at North and by West fair weather, and I steered out (betwixt an Island and the point where I rid) South-west and by West, having these depths, 10.7.6.5. and 4. fathoms: then I was in the midst betwixt the said point, and a should which lay South and North, one of the other, and after keeping the same course, I had these depths, 5.6.7.8.9.10.12. and 13. fathoms, in all these depths I had sand, and after oze. At six of the clock the wind came to the South-west with fogs, and I turned to the wind-wards. And at twelve, the eight and twentieth day Lowness did bear North-east about four leagues off, where I sounded having thirty two fathoms streamie ground with black stones, at which time it was calm, and continued so till the nine and twentieth day at six of the clock in the morning, than the wind came to the North with fogs, and I stood to the Southwards, and to see what Commodities I could find that way. At nine of the clock I was near the Ice-sound, where I met with much Ice, which put me from the Land, My departure from the land. Ice. and I was enforced to 〈◊〉 South-west and by South to shun it, the wind at Northwest which blew hard with fogs. The wind increased, I stood towards Cherry Island (if possible I could attain it) for fogs and Ice. The thirtieth day, at four of the clock in the morning I saw no Ice, having kept to certain course, by reason of the Ice which I had passed, the wind at North and by West, cold foggy weather with rain. From the time abovesaid till twelve of the clock at noon I sailed South Southeast, and ran fifteen leagues, the same wind and weather, at which time I sounded & had eighty fathoms green oze like Kowes dung. I sounded at two of the clock, and at four of the clock, the first, eighty eight, the second, eighty two fathoms, and sailed six leagues, the form's course wind and weather. At which time I heard a breach which proved Ice, than I steered West to eschew it, the fogs being so thick that I could not see one Cables length. The last of july at noon, I had sailed South and by East half a point Southerly eight leagues having little wind, and sounded, and found one hundred and forty fathoms thick foggy weather, and in haling up the Lead, a fish followed it to the top of the water: then I tried to take fish but could not. A fish seen, Ice & fogs two of the greatest hindrances in the Northern Navigations. At four of the clock in the afternoon, the wind came Southerly, and I stood to the Westward, by reason the Ice lay both to the South and East of us, at a North 〈◊〉 it was clear weather, and I saw the Ice round about us, cold weather with frost. The first of August, we beat in the Ice till noon, but could find no end thereof, because it was so foggy, and the Ice packed very close; yet after many intricate courses, I got to the Westwards of it at midnight the same day, the wind at Southeast, cold weather with rain and fogs. And after I had seen so much Ice that I could not come near Cherry Island, to prosecute the rest of my Voyage, I stood 〈◊〉 England. I determined to stand for England, as God would give me leave. From midnight the first day, till eight of the clock the second day before noon, I sailed South-west and by South five leagues, the wind at East Southeast, thick fogs with rain. From the second day at eight of the clock, till the third day at twelve of the clock at noon, I sailed West South-west fifteen leagues, the wind at South and by East, wet foggy weather. From noon abovesaid, till twelve at noon the fourth day, I sailed four leagues South, the wind variable, and the most part of that time calm, and so continued till eight of the clock at night, at which time the wind came to the South and by East, and blew very hard; from the fourth day at noon till the fifth day at noon I sailed South-west Westerly seven leagues. The sixth day, the wind was at Southeast clear weather, at noon I found the ship in 73. degrees, the North Cape bearing by my computation, East Southeast Easterly. The seventh day at noon, I found the ship in 72. degrees 22. minutes, indifferent fair weather. And from the seventh day at noon, till the eight day at noon I sailed four and twenty leagues, the course South South-west, the wind at Southeast and by East, at which time it began to be very foggy, and the wind came to the South, but immediately it was calm, and continued so till midnight. Then the wind came to the North, little wind, and at a South Sun the ninth day, I had sailed South seven leagues. From the ninth day at noon till the tenth day at that time I sailed South, and ran seven leagues South, it being calm most part of the day, with much rain and fogs. From twelve the tenth day, till noon the eleventh day, I sailed South and by West, and ran seventeen leagues, the wind Northerly. And from the eleventh day at noon, till the twelfth at that time, I sailed South and by West eighteen leagues, the wind at North Northwest fair weather. From noon the twelfth day, until twelve at noon the thirteenth day, I sailed South and by West forty eight leagues, the wind between the North, and the West Northwest gusty weather. From the thirteenth at noon, till the fourteenth at noon, I sailed South and by West forty five leagues, the wind betwixt the West Northwest, and the West South-west gusty weather, latitude 64. degrees 21. minutes. From the fourteenth day at noon, till the fifteenth day at that time, I sailed South and by West nine and twenty leagues, at which time I observed and found the ship in 62. degrees 53. minutes fair weather, In 62. degrees 15. minutes. the wind at North. At four of the clock the same day, I saw Skutsnesse in Norway seventeen leagues off, and bearing Southeast, from whence I hold it superfluous to write it, being a place well known. The last of August I arrived at London, Blessed be God for ever and ever. Amen. A brief note what Beasts, Fowls▪ and Fishes were seen in this Land. Beast's: Bucks, and Does, white Bears and Foxes, of colour done and grey. Fowls: white Partridges, a small land Bird, like a Sparrow, partly white, and partly brown, a Fowl with a comb and a tail like a Cock, a red Fowl of the bigness of a Pigeon; a white Fowl with a green bill, the top of the bill of it and the eyes were red, The Coluidine is as big as a Mallard, the male is nearer of the colour, and the female brown. with black feet. Wild Geese, Coluidines, Gulls, Sea-mewes, Willockes, Noddies, Ice-birds, Reeks, and Sea-pidgeons. Fishes: great store of Whales, Gramposes, Mohorses, the white fish I spoke of the seventh of june, a small fish like Cuplen, likewise I saw the bones of Cod, or Haddocks; but could take no fish: I often looked for Shellfish, but could take none: diverse of my company did see two Beavers. CHAP. II. A Commission for IONAS POOLE our Servant, appointed Master of a small Bark called the Elizabeth, of fifty tons burden, for Discovery to the Northward of Greenland, given the last day of March 1610. IN as much as it hath pleased Almighty God, through the industry of yourself and others, to discover unto our Nation a Land lying in eighty degrees toward the North-pole: Poole entertained by a certain stipend. He was as I have heard, miserably and basely murdered betwixt Ratcl●ffe and London, after his return from this Voyage. We are desirous not only to discover farther to the Northward along the said Land, to find whether the same be an Island or a Main, and which way the same doth trend, either to the Eastward or to the Westward of the Pole, as also whether the same be inhabited by any people, or whether there be an open Sea farther Northward than hath been already discovered. For accomplishing of all which our desires, we have made choice of you, and to that end have entertained you into our service for certain years upon a stipend certain: not doubting, but you will so carry yourself in the business, for which you were so entertained, as God may be glorified, our Country benefited, yourself credited, and we in our desires satisfied. And for your better instruction to proceed in this your Voyage, we have thought good to set down our opinions what course we think fit to be observed in the same: which is, That forasmuch as by your own report of the great store of Whales in those Seas, we are at an extraordinary charge this year, of setting out a ship and men for that purpose, which ship is called the Marie Margaret of London, in burden one hundred and fifty tons or thereabout: Our meaning is, that you do keep company with the said ship, and not to leave her, till God send you to the places, where she may make her Voyage: which by your report should be at a ●lace named by you the last year 1610. Whale Bay. And God sending you to the said place, we would have you to stay there the kill of a Whale, or two or three, for your better experience hereafter to expedite that business, if through extremity of the Ice you should be put from your Discoveries. And in the mean time while you are staying about killing of the Whale, you may cause some of your people to be searching the Coast with their Shallops for Whale fins, Morses teeth, Ambergreese, or any other commodities, that may be found upon that Coast. And having thus stayed a convenient time with the said great ship for the purpose above specified, we would have you then to proceed on your Discovery for the satisfying of our expectations formerly mentioned, which is, to discover further to the North Pole as far as possibly you can, and how the Land already discovered doth trend, Further discovery to the North. and whether there be any inhabitants in the said Land, and whether there be an open Sea to the Northward beyond the said land. And in this your coasting the land, we doubt not but you will endeavour with your Shallops to gather up all the Whale fins you can find, and to kill the Morses which you can come by on land, and to reserve the teeth and blubber to the most advantage that may be, the better to bear out the great charge which you know we are at in these Discoveries. And to that end we have laden in you eleven Tons of empty cask. And having spent so much time in this your Discovery, and in gathering up of such commodities as that Coast will afford, and as the season of the year will permit you, than we would have you return for England▪ and in your way homeward to touch at the place where you left the Mary Margaret, to see if she be not gone; and finding her there, and that the time of the year will permit, we would have you melt your Blubber into Oil before your coming from thence, to avoid the great trouble and inconvenience you know we fell into the last year 1610. by bringing the same hither in Blubber. But if the said ship should chance to be full fished, and so to be gone before your coming thither, yet we would have you stay there, or at Cherie Island some small time to melt your Blubber: to which end we have appointed Thomas Edge our servant in that ship to leave a Copper, and such necessaries as shall serve your turn, for the performing of that business, Thomas Edge, See sup. l. 3 c. 2. behind him; and have delivered him likewise advertisements at that place of their proceedings in the voyage, and of their intent, what course they purpose to take, together with their opinions, what course they would have you take. In these matters of Discoveries and uncertain Voyages, the variety of occurrences and Sea dangers is such, as we cannot directly prescribe a course certain to be held: yet we hold it fitting to set down Our opinions of the needful: which are, that at your first departure out of England you keep counsel together, and agree upon your places of meetings, if by tempast of weather you chance to be separated; still shaping your course directly for Cherry Island, where we would have you stay. And if at your coming thither, you find the same clear of Ice, and that there be Morses on shore, than we would have you to work upon them, as time and opportunity will permit, always having respect to your intended voyage. And having dispatched your business in that place, we would have you depart in company together for The Whale Bay, as aforesaid, and to follow our instructions formerly set down to be done in that place. And having performed what may be done in the parts beyond Cherie Island, Cherie Island. and so returning back again for England, we hold it fit you make your Rendezvous again at the said Cherie Island, and there to stay the one for the other, and to be killing of the Beasts there till the last of August, if need be. And if it happen that one ship do arrive there before the other, and no Morses come on shore, than we would have them spend the time in searching for the Lead Or●, or any other Mineral matter that may be like to be of worth upon the said Land. And thus having stayed at Cherie Island till the last of August the one for the other, and not meeting together, the ship so staying having made her Voyage, we would have her to return directly for England, and to leave a Note in writing of the day of her departure. This is our opinion. Notwithstanding, if upon better grounds you shall among yourselves find a convenienter course to be held for the good of the Voyage, and the benefit of us the Adventurers, we leave it to yourselves to agree upon, as time and opportunity shall serve. And for the avoiding of an Objection heretofore used, That the want of sufficient victuals hath been the cause of the overthrow of the Voyages by speedier return home, than otherwise they would; we have thought fit to set down the quantity of victuals delivered aboard your ship in this our Commission, to the intent to clear ourselves and our Agent of that imputation, and to lay the blame on yourselves, if by default the same be evil husbanded. The particulars are these. Beef, 22. ᶜ 3. quarters, 18li. Bisquit 30. ᶜ Beer 14. Tons. Fish, 200. of Haberdin, and half an hundred ling. Cheese 300. ᶜ weight. Butter three Firkins. Oil three Gallons. Pease ten Bushels. Oatmeal five Bushels. Candles, six dozen. Aquavitae, thirty Gallons. Vinegar one rundlet of twenty Gallons. This proportion of victuals will last you seven or eight months with good husbandry, together with the helps of Fish, Fowle, and Beasts that are to be had in abundance upon those Coasts. So that we hope you shall have no cause to the contrary, but cheerfully to go forward in your business, whereby not only the small Bark you go in, but the great Ship may come home fully laden with one commodity or other, which we doubt not but by your diligence and good endeavours you may attain unto. But if you shall chance by extremity of Ice, or otherwise to be put back from your discovery, or from obtaining commodities upon the coast of Greenland, whereby to lad both ships; then we would have you stay at Cherie Island, or other Lands thereabout, so long time as possibly you can, and as the season of the year will permit you, to finish the rest of your voyage. And if there be sufficiens lading between you both to lad the bigger ship, we would have her to be dispatched from thence with all speed, and you to stay there as long as you may conveniently for the good of the Voyage: which the more beneficial it proveth, the more it will be for your credit, and we will not be unthankful at your return. We would have you at every place of meeting with the Mary Margaret, to deliver to Thomas Edge our servant a particular Note of what goods you have taken into your ship. And at your last lading place we would have you make a general invoyce of the whole Cargason of goods laden in your ship, and having signed the same, to seal it up, and direct the same to our Agent resident in London. And if you do c●ance to meet with the Mary Margaret at or after your last Port of lading, we would have you deliver a Copy of the said invoyce to our servant Thomas Edge for our better satisfaction, what casualty soever might happen by the way, and at any hand to have such an invoyce ever ready sealed, and for mortality's sake put up in some sure place of custody. We h●ld it fit, that you jonas Poole should be as grand Pilot in this voyage to the Northward. And therefore we would have you to accompany the great ship, and to bring her to the places of fishing for the Whale; or to any other place, which you out of your experience shall think fit to bring her for the good of the Voyage and benefit of the Adventurers. And our will is, That Steven Bennet Master of the said great ship together with the rest of the company in that ship, do follow the said jonas Pools directions, as they will answer the contrary upon their perils at their coming home. And for that heretofore the Company have been abused by lewd and bad people, who have imbeseled part of that which by our great charges and adventures hath been obtained: Our mind and will is, That you jonas Poole do make search in your own ship, that none of our Whale fins, Morses teeth, Oil, or any other commodities gathered at our charge, be imbeseled or carried away by any of the Mariners, who will look to have the uttermost of their wages paid them, and to be fed with meat and drink sufficient. And God sending you into England, we would have you suffer none of your people to go on shore unsearched: neither would we have you to leave the ship till your coming into the River of Thames, that we give you order to the contrary. And if you chance to be wind bound upon the coast, you may send up one of your people with your Letter, but not to come yourself on shore till our farther order, as aforesaid. The like order we would have Steven Bennet to use in his ship, by virtue of this our Commission, which we have ordered to Thomas Edge our servant to see performed accordingly. And in as much as we have agreed here with a Tanner for all the Morses hides which we kill and bring into England, and have sent men of purpose for the flaying, salting, and ordering of the same, Agreement with a Tanner for Morses hides. whereof we have appointed one to go in your ship: We would have you reserve the said hides, and floor your ship therewith in stead of ballast. And if you obtain a greater quantity than you can bring away with you, having always regard to commodities of more value, which are Oil, Teeth, and Whales fins, that none of them be left behind; We would have you leave the said overplus of hides in some convenient place, till the next year, that we send more store of shipping. A Commission for Thomas Edge our servant, appointed to go as our Factor in the Ship called the Mary Margaret, of the burden of one hundred and fifty Tons, for the kill of the Whale and Morses upon the coast of Greenland, or any other place in the North Ocean: Given the 31. of March, 1611. YOu are not ignorant of our employing you heretofore in two several Voyages to Cherie Island. The first whereof, by reason of one Duppers going thither, together with certain men of Hull, glutting the said place, proved to us a thousand pound loss of our principal. As also in the second Voyage, Adventures and losses in first Discoveries. because you could not come to set footing upon the said Island, by reason of the abundance of Ice lying round about the same sixteen leagues compass till the twenty eight of july, by which occasion our whole charge of setting out that years adventure had been lost, if the refuge to lad our ship back again from Saint Michael the Archangel in Russia had not holpen us: yet notwithstanding that help, we lost by that voyage above five hundred pounds. We entering into due consideration of the premises, do not impute the cause of these our losses unto you; but to the accidents then happening contrary to our expectation: yet these losses growing upon us in the times of your employment, we can do no less than put you in mind thereof, to the intent to encourage and stir up your mind to do your uttermost endeavour to further the business in this your third employment, that we may recover ourselves of the losses formerly sustained. And for that end we have made choice of you again to go as our Factor in the Ship Mary Margaret, of one hundred and fifty Tunnees, the Master being Steven Bennet, for the kill of the Whale: And to that end, as you well know, have been at charge of procuring of six me● of Saint john de Luz, accustomed to that function: whose names are as followeth: videlicet, juan de Bacoyne, juan de Agerre, Martin de Karre, Six Biscainers procured for killing of the Whale (as I have heard) by Woodcock's advice, who had lived and been employed with them in Grand Bay, etc. Marsene de Horisada, Domingo de Sarria, and Adam de Bellocke: which men we would have to be used very kindly and friendly during this their voyage, whereby being strangers and leaving their own Country to do us service, they may have no just cause of complaint, but rather to be encouraged to do us service hereafter, if there be cause. And although it be our meaning they should be encouraged by all good and courteous usage to be ready to do us service, yet we will have you together with our own people and Mariners employed in this Voyage, to observe and diligently put in practise the executing of that business of striking the Whale, as well as they: And likewise to know the better sorts of Whales from the worse, whereby in their striking * This was a conceit, as if all places had choi●e of all kinds, which experience hath since taught otherwise. they may choose the good, and leave the bad. And to that end we do set you down here under, the several sorts of Whales, together with the differences of goodness between the one and the other, as we have gathered the same by information from men of excellency in that business: who make known unto us, that there are eight several kinds of Whales, all differing the one from the other in quantity and quality. Which for your better instruction, we have thought good to set down in this our Commission. The first sort of Whales, is called the Bearded Whale, which is black in colour, with a smooth skin, and white under the chaps; which Whales is the best of all the rest: and the elder it is, the more it doth yield. This sort of Whale doth yield usually four hundred, and sometimes five hundred fins, and between one hundred and one hundred and twenty Hogsheads of Oil. The second sort of Whale is called Sarda, of the same colour and fashion as the former, See of the kinds of Whales sup· 471. I have added this to be compared with that, for further light. but somewhat less, and the fins not above one fathom long, and yieldeth in Oil, according to his bigness, sometimes eighty, sometimes a hundred Hogsheads. The third sort of Whale is called Trumpa, being as long as the first, but not so thick, of colour Grey, having but one Trunk in his head, whereas the former have two. He hath in his mouth teeth of a span long, and as thick as a man's wrist, but no sins: whose head is bigger than either of the two former, and in proportion far bigger than his body▪ In the head of this Whale is the Spermaceti, which you are to keep in Cask apart from your other Oil: you may put the Oil you find in the head and the Spermaceti altogether, Spermaceti or Permaciti as the vulgar call it. and mark it from the other Oil, and at your coming home, we will separate the Oil from the Spermeceti. The like is to be done with the Oil of this sort of Whale, which is to be kept apart from the Oil of the other Whales. The reason is, that the Oil of this sort of Whale being boiled, will be as hard and white as Tallow, which to be mingled with the other Oil being liquid, would make the same to show as footie Oil, and so consequently spoil both, and be of little value: you are therefore to be very careful to keep the Oil of this sort of Whale apart, as well of the head as of the body, for the reasons before mentioned. In this sort of Whale is likewise found the Ambergreese, lying in the entrails and guts of the same, Ambergreese. being of shape and colour like unto Kowes dung. We would have you therefore yourself to be present at the opening of this sort of Whale, and cause the residue of the said entrails to be put into small Cask, and bring them with you into England. We would have the Master also to be by at the opening of this Whale, and to be made privy of the packing of those Barils. And although it be said, that the Ambergreese is only in this Whale and in none other, yet we would not have you be absent at the opening of any other: but if you see cause to make a reservation of the entrails of every Whale, that you shall perceive to be cause of the least suspect to have any of the said Ambergreese, being a matter, as you know, of good worth, and therefore not slightly to be regarded. The Teeth likewise of this sort of Whale we would have you cause to be reserved for a trial; as also any other matter extraordinary that you shall observe in the same. This Whale is said to yield in Oil forty Hogsheads, besides the Spermaceti. The fourth sort, etc. as sup. 471.472. And in as much as industry and diligence are two principal steps to achieve great enterprises, and negligence and idleness are enemies to the same; we would have you in this charge committed unto you, to embrace the one, and to avoid the other: and to show that example of pains taking to the rest of the company of your Ship in your own person, as well in setting them on work, as in putting your own hand to the business when need requireth, as that there be no idle time spent, but that every one be employed in some business or other in helping to kill the Whale, or in searching the Bays along the coast for Whales, Ambergreese, Morses teeth, or any other strange thing, that may be found upon that coast, or in killing the Morses, Bears, or any thing that may make profit toward our great charges. Touching directions for your keeping company together with the Elizabeth, and of the course we think fitting for the Master of that Ship to observe, we have set the same down at large in our Commission delivered to jonas Poole, a Copy whereof we deliver you herewith, for your better instructions, to observe what is to be done on both your behalves for the good of the Voyage: which our Commission, we would have you strictly observe, unless upon some special occasion to us unknown, and by the consent of the principal Officers in both the Ships, you shall see just cause to the contrary, You have with you an order set down by the Lords of his Majesty's privy Counsel, for the maintaining of our Charter: The rest as not so necessary to the public is omitted. which we would have you make known to any of our Nation, that you may chance to meet withal either at Cherie Island, or upon any of those coasts. And if any stranger do offer you violence, or do disturb you in your trade, you may both defend yourselves, and maintain your trade to the uttermost of your powers, etc. CHAP. III. A brief Declaration of this my Voyage of discovery to Greeneland, and towards the West of it, as followeth: being set forth by the right Worshipful Sir THOMAS SMITH, Governor of the right Worshipful Company of new Trades, etc. written by IONAS POOLE. WE set sail at Blackewall the eleventh of April, 1611. with four Ships: The one called the Mary-margaret, of burden one hundred and fifty Tuns, with nine and forty Men and Boys. The next the Elizabeth, of burden sixty Tuns, Four Ships. with eighteen Men and Boys. The third was called the Amity, of burden seventy Tons, with four and twenty Men and Boys. The fourth was called the Resolution, with about sixteen Men and Boys: the Resolution was appointed to go to Saint Nicholas in Russia, in hope to make two Voyages thither this year. The Amity was to go to Pich●ra or Novazembla, there to see if they could make a Voyage by way of trade, See Sup. l. 3. or by killing of Mohorses, etc. The Mary-margaret was appointed to keep the Elizabeth company to Greeneland, abovesaid, there to kill the Whale, for which purpose we had six men of Saint john de Luz, with all things fitting for that purpose. The Elizabeth was appointed to see if it wear possible to pass from Greeneland towards the Pole, and to search in those Stas what likelihood of a passage that way, etc. But before we were as far to the Northwards as the latitude of sixty five, we were all separated, by reason of contrary winds: The Ships separated. and foul weather the Elizabeth, in which Ship I was, was stok●d, that the water which was in her could not come to the Pump, but lay upon the ballast, which was the cause we could bear no sail to keep the Mary-margaret company. Yet by the thirteenth day of May I came to Cherie Island, and the foureteenth I spoke with the Amity. The sixteenth day I met with the Mary-margaret, Cherie Island. which kept me company to Greeneland, but in our passage thither we saw a bank of Ice to the East wards of us, above forty leagues long. The nine and twentieth of May, Cross Rode. we anchored in a place named (by me the last year) Crossroad, but before we got thither, we were much troubled with Ice and contrary winds, and we found almost all the sounds full of Ice, Ice a hindrance to Whale killing and discovery▪ that the Biscainers could not strike one Whale, although they saw diverse, which as they said were of the best kind of Whales. I stayed there till the sixteenth of june, in which time we set up our shalops and ranged some part of the Coast, but found little, by reason the beaches were covered with Snow and Ice. Likewise in the same time, I was put out of the road with Ice, and stood out West and by North into the Sea about fourteen leagues, where I found a bank of Ice; then I stood into the sound again and got off the Shalop which was in the road, at which time (which was about the eleventh of june) I stood to the Sea again and had a storm at South, which sunk our Shalop, and I saw the Ice lie close to the Land in 80. degrees. Then I went into Cross road again, and had a Shalop from the Mary-margaret, 80. Degrees. and because I perceived the Ice above said to lie close to the land, and impossible to pass that way there running very strong Tides, in the which it is dangerous dealing with the Ice: I determined to stand to the Southwards alongst the said Ice, to see if I could find the Sea open that way, and so get to the Westwards of the said Ice, and then proceeded on my Voyage: but I found it to lie the next hand South South-west and South-west and by South, and ran alongst it about one hundred and twenty leagues, New discovery at which time I supposed myself near Greenland, as it is laid down by Hudson and others, and called Hold with hope: Hold with Hope▪ I ran near forty leagues to the West wards of the Eastermost part of the said Land, as it is laid down, and by my accounts I was to the Southwards of it, near the latitude 74. degrees, where I saw abundance of Whales by the sides of the Ice; for I sailed all this time sometimes in, and sometimes by the said Ice, and sounded most commonly each watch, S●ore of Whales. but had no ground at 160.140.180. and 200. fathoms. Then the wind came to the Northwest, and I perceiving the Ice to trend still to the Southwards, determined to stand to Greeneland, from whence I came, there to make my Voyage and likewise to try the certainty concerning the misplacing of the Land, but the next day, being about the seven and twentieth of june, the wind came to the North▪ and I stood for Cherie Island, and came to it the nine and twentieth of the same Month, where I found that place of my being, when I supposed I should have found Land, did bear from Cherie Island West and by South, above one hundred twenty five leagues. Cherie Island. When I came to the Island I saw about three hundred Morses on land, but a storm coming they went all into the Sea. The twelfth of july, we slew above two hundred; Three hundred Mo●ses. and by the three and twentieth day we had taken all their fat Hides and Teeth, which with the Victuals we had laded the ship: then I determined to hale up a shalop to go to Greeneland, to search if I could find any Land or Lands, that might prove beneficial the next year, and likewise to search for Teeth and Whales Fins. The four and twenty, and five and twenty days, it was very much wind at North, which caused the Sea to go so high that we could not land. Yet at eight aclocke at night the wind ceased, and I went on land where I found certain of the Marie Margaret● men, by whom I understood, that the said ship was cast away, and that Master Thomas Edge servant to the right Worshipful Company, Marry Margaret lost. etc. with Stephen Bennet Master of the said ship, and others to the number of thirty persons, were arrived on the South side in three Boats, and that they parted from two Boats in Greenland with nine men in them. Immediately Master Edge and Master Bennet came aboard, and I weighed and stood to the West side of the Island, and anchored there, and put near one hundred Morse hides on land, and some empty cask, and haled up a shallop. The six and twentieth day about noon, we weighed and stood to the South-west side of the Island, and sent men on land to hale up two shallops there. And at midnight I set sail for Greenland, carrying with me two Biscaine shallops, determining there to try the Blubber of those Morses we had killed, and bring it to Oil, and to bring all the Oil, Teeth, and Fins which they had gotten in that Country. And after diverse winds, but indifferent fair weather, I arrived at Blacke-point the last of july, and having the wind at North, I was persuaded by diverse that had gone that way to go betwixt the Island and the Main, but when I was almost through, and in sight of that place where the Mary Margaret lieth sunk, I could not find water enough for the ship, yet I was told there was enough by diverse that had gone that way in the shallops. Here we stayed two days to buoy the channel, which is should and narrow, for we had at three quarters flood, but eleven foot water. The third of August I got over, and about eight of the clock● at night▪ I anchored near the Mary Margaret, the Sun being in 79. degrees, and there I found a ship of Hull conducted thither by one Nicholas Woodcock, Ship of Hull. he being in one of the Boats which stayed in Greenland, when those came from thence that came to Cherry Island. The ships name was called the Hopewell, one Thomas Marmaduke being Master. Here we found that he had slain above one hundred and thirty Mohorses, which were left on land when Master Thomas Edge came from thence with the Boats aforesaid, and we did determine to kill at my arri●all. as soon as the ship was moored, we got out Blubber and sent it on land to be brought into Oil, and we followed our work till the seventh of August at noon, at which time having Oil by the ships side, we put out all the Blubber which was in hold, save two tons and a half, supposing the ship had ballast enough in her, for there was twelve tons of Hides, which were the chiefest cause of the loss of the ship, and nine tons of Oil, and above seven tons of ballast, a Hogshead and a Barrel of Teeth: besides half a ton of stones, all which was about nine and twenty ton weight, and to any unpartial man's judgement, sufficient to shift a Bark of sixty tons. But as the last But went out of her, the ship began to held, and with all a great many men went to leeward, there being at that time above ●orty aboard. Then the hides which lay in hold, slid to leeward, and brought her altogether down, than every man made shift to save his life, and I being far from the hatches, could not get up so soon as others did. At which time I saw death before mine eyes two ways, Double danger. one if I stayed in hold, I was sure to be drowned: the other if I went up the hatches, I was in election to be slain, for down at the hatches fell hogsheads of beer and diverse other things, the least of them being sufficient to beat a man's bones, and in attempting to get up, I was beaten down twice and hurt. But it was not the will of God to take my life from me then, but to revive me, to pluck me even from the jaws of death, and by swimming and crawling I got into the Sea clear of the ship where a Boat took me up, and blessed bee God, no man perished at that so dangerous an accident. We being all got into three Boats, went to the Hull ship, where we found but small comfort: for Duke told us plainly, we should not come aboard his ship, and caused Pikes and Lances to be brought to keep us out. Then Master Edge and diverse others desired him to let me come aboard, which he did, and with much ado I got aboard, having mine head broke to the skull, and my brow that one might see the bare bones, and by mine ear I had a sore wound, likewise the ribs on my right side were all broken and sore bruised, and the collar bone of my left shoulder is broken, besides my back was so sore, that I could not suffer any man to touch it. That which followeth, being further accusation of Marmaduke, is omitted. And I have here added out of his Brother Randolph Poole their return; omitting the former part of his Relations of the same Voyage. In this our great distress, Thomas Marmaduke Master of the ship of Hull, professed great kindness towards us, promising us passage, and that he would try if he could recover our ship: but he deferred the time one whole week, till she was full of oze, so that when we came to weigh her, both her Cables burst, and so we left her to all our sorrows, without hope of recovery. Then we went aboard the ship of Hull, which God had prepared for our succour, where our Merchant agreeing for the freight, we got the goods aboard; namely, about twenty, or one and twenty tons and an half of Oil, and a Barrel of Bear's Oil, about ten tons of Whales Fins bound up in an hundred and six bundles, in every one thirty Fins, and in some more, five Hogsheads of Morses Teeth, and one and twenty odd pair. And if our ship had not miscarried, the Voyage had been much better. The nineteenth of August, we directed our course for England, the weather being reasonable fair, and the wind for the most part betwixt the North and the West: They return homeward. and we continued our course homeward all that month. Upon Tuesday the third of September, about two of the clock in the morning, September 3. we were embayed with land, and were near the shore before we were aware. We steered back North and by East: and at twelve of the clock we found ourselves to be on the West side of the Isles of Orkney, and steered East into a great sound, called Pentlow Fryth, Orkney Lands Pentlow Fryth. in 58. degrees 36. minutes. where we being entered there came a Boat from the shore, which brought us fresh meat, and one of the men directed us through the Sound. This Sound lieth in the latitude of 58. degrees and 36. minutes, and the course through, is East North-east, and West South-west, it floweth there on the change day, South Southeast and North, Northwest half a tide, nine foot high or thereabout. At the entrance in on the North side, there is an high red Mountain, and the Sound there is twelve miles over: but farther in the land is somewhat lower, and the Sound narrower. You may sail along the North shore two miles off the land in forty or fifty fathoms; and on the said shore about four miles' East Southeast. From the red Cliff there is a Bay, into which you may steer North by West, giving the West point of the entrance into the said Bay a good birth: for there the water is should and fowl ground: but in the middle of the entrance, 30.20.18.12.10.6. and 5. fathoms: but we anchored in 10. fathoms, fine sandy ground. The fifth of September at an East Southeast Sun we set sail, keeping our course above mentioned, leaving five small Lands on our larboard side, and one Island on our starboard side: and so keeping an high Cliff, which lieth into the Sea on Scotland side, open of a low Land in the sound on the same shore, we sailed out as before is said. Upon the 〈◊〉 day at a North Sun, we anchored in Humber mouth: there it floweth on the change day West South-west. Upon the eight day we arrived at Hull, safely and well in body, but much distressed and impaired in our states, which God at his good pleasure can restore. At our first coming to this Country of Greenland, the Mountains and Valleys thereof, except it were some few places, were all covered with snow▪ but ere we went away, the tops of the high Hills, and the lower Plains appeared green with Moss▪ and some little quantity of grass. This Country, and likewise the seas in these parts, are subject to marvelous thick and misty weather, especially when the sun with his most forcible heat melteth the Ice and snow, whose vapours obscure the light of the sun, making small difference between the day there, and the irksome night in other places. We found in this Country many fat. Dear, which we killed with our Pieces and Dogs at our pleasure, which was a great refreshing to us in that uncouth place: many white Bears, Many fat Deer, white Bears, white, grey, and dun Foxes. Abundance of sundry Fowls. Allen a devouring Fowl. with white, grey, and done Foxes. We found also abundance of Fowl: namely, Cul●idines, sea Pigeons, white land Partridges, wild Geese, Willockes, and many other Fowls. Among which I noted the nature of one, which we called an All●n; who (like to the great fishes, which eat up the small, or like to some great men, which devour all the labours of the poor) when some smaller Birds have gotten any thing, than he leaveth not beating of them, till they have cast up what they have eaten, which he laying hold of devoureth up: and so with little meat in their gorges, and few feathers on their backs, he leaveth them to get more, not for themselves but for him. We found on the shores many huge Morses. There is great store of fresh water in every Valley, Many huge Morses. which proceedeth most of the melted snow. On every Beech is great plenty of drift wood, but never a bush nor tree groweth in those quarters, as far as we have hitherto discovered. CHAP. four A Relation written by IONAS POOL of a Voyage to Greenland, in the year 1612. with two ships, the one called the Whale; the other the Sea-horse, set out by the Right Worshipful the Muscovie Merchants. THe seventh of April, 1612. we set sail at Blackewall, and went to Gr●●esend. The third of May we came to Cherie Island, where we found a ship of Holland, Cherry Island. in which one Alan Salo●es an Englishman was Pilot. The same day about a North sun we anchored on the West side of the Island. The fourth, we trimmed a shallop which I left there the last year: and Alan Salowes went aboard our Admiral, and Master Russell sent for Master Thomas Edge, Master Arthington, john Mason, and myself: where we had some speech about detaining him, and to have brought him into England: but in the end he was let go. At a North sun we sent our shallop to the Southeast side of the Island to fetch a shallop, which was left there the last year: but they could not get thither for Ice, and came aboard again at an East North-east Sun the fifth day: at which time we weighed, and stood to the Westward, but immediately we altered our course, and stood toward the Island again among the Ice; and about a West Northwest Sun we sent our Skiffe and Shallop to fetch the Shallop aforesaid. The wind was at North and by West, frosty weather with snow. The eight, we stood toward Cherie Island again, and were fair by it at a South sun: at which time the wind came to the Southeast, and we saw the Hollander standing with us. Than we altered our course, and sailed West Northwest, determining, if he followed us, to stay for him. At ten of the clock at night he came to us: and the Admiral sent his shallop aboard of him to command him to be gone out of our company: and at a North sun he stood away from us, and sailed North and by East, and we lay by the lee. The twentieth at a South Sun we saw our Consort, and spoke with them, and they told us, that they had almost split their ship with a piece of Ice, which broke nine of their Timbers, so that they had five foot water in hold. The one and two and twenty days, we plied to windward, the wind being at North fair weather. Black point. And at Black Point we saw great store of Ice driving to the South. At eight of the clock at night Black Point did bear from me East and by North nine leagues. And the three days passed we saw great store of Whales within ten or twelve leagues off the Land. Great store of Whales. Cape Cold. The three and twentieth we were fair off Cape Cold; where Master Edge and Master Arthington went with the Basks in their Shallops for Crosse-rode, in hope to kill some Whales. And we saw store of Whales in the Sea. Fowl Sound. The five and twentieth we got into Fowl Sound, all the Sounds being full of Ice; and the Shallops came aboard and brought some Venison, which was very lean. And at six of the clock the Basks went with the Shallops to Fair Foreland, to see if they could kill a Whale: and at a Northwest Sun Master Edge went with a Shallop, Fair Foreland. to see if Crosse-rode were open. The six and twentieth, the two ships abovesaid came into Fowl Sound: one of them was that Hollander before mentioned; The Diana of London. the other was a ship of London, called The Diana, whereof one Thomas Bustion dwelling at Wapping wall, was Master. The seven and twentieth, Al●●ie Salo●es came aboard of our ship, and told us, that his Merchant had broke his neck down a Cliff. Dutch Merchant broke his neck. The same day the Holl●nder and the Diana stood to the Southward. The wind was at North Northwest, and Northwest, which kept the Ice in the Sounds. The twenty eight, we sent the long Boat and our Shallop to brokenness, with a Shallop of ten Tons, there to be set up. The wind was at West with snow and frost. The same day the Basks came aboard, Six Biscayners: but could kill never a Whale. The wind came to the South Southwest, with frost and snow. The nine and twentieth, the wind was at South with much snow. The same day one of our men died, named john Butcher, having lain sick about three weeks. The thirtieth, one Michael Perkins died aboard The Whale. The last of May, the wind was at South; and we stood toward the Foreland in 79. degrees. The s●me day a● midnight, the Chirurgeon of The Whale died. june. The first of june, we stood into Fowl Sound, where we saw abundance of Ice drive out with the wind at East. The second day, the wind was at North and by East, cold frosty weather. All which day we lay under sail in the mouth of the Sound. The Marmaduke. The third day, we spoke with Thomas Marmaduke of Hull, in a ship called The 〈◊〉 w●ll. We sent for him to come aboard, but he answered, that he was not well, and sent his Mate Christopher Nayler. The same day, we stood to the mouth of the Sound, but it was covered with Ice. And Marmaduke stood to the Northward; and as we were afterward informed, discovered as far as 82. degrees; two degrees beyond Hakluyts Headland. The fourth, we sent our shallop on shore in Fowl Sound, to see if any harbour were open to ride in, Marmadukes' Discovery to 82. degrees. and to put our Admiral on ground to stop her leak. The same day, our long Boat came to us from brokenness. And we turned into the Sound, because we saw the Ice drive out with the wind at South, and blew hard. The fifth, we anchored in Fowl Sound in seventeen fathoms water and sandy ground, where we saw the place where both the ships lay which we lost the last year, covered with Ice. The same time we sent our shallop with our Carpenters, to finish the aforesaid shallop at brokenness. The wind continued at South; and the Whale turned into the Sound by us, and achnored there at a South-west by South Sun. The ninth, the Admiral's Boat and ours went with provision and men to work upon a Whale, which the Basks had killed; and we stood toward the Foreland with the ships, wh●re the Whale was killed, the wind at South, thick foggy weather. And by an East North-east Sun we anchored in the mouth of Fowl Sound in fifteen fathoms, grey sand with some shells. At a West sun the Boat came aboard for cask and other provision, and told us, that the Basks had killed two other Whales. The seventeenth, one Baske named Chapel, took five of our English men to him, and they trimmed the shallop to kill the Whale. About a West Northwest sun they went away, the wind at South. The twentieth, the Biscaine shallop came aboard of us from the Foreland, and told us that they had strooken three Whales, which broke away. The two and twentieth we rid still, the wind being at Northwest, with snow and frost. The five and twentieth, we got the Whale on float, having stopped her leak. We were no sooner off, but it blew most fiercely, so that the Whales long Boat and our shallop broke from the Whales stern, and were split in pieces on the Ice, that lay on shore. The same day about a South sun two men came from Fair Foreland, and told us that Master Edge was come from the South in the Pinnace, and had spoken with one Nicolas Woodcock an English man, which was my Mate to this Country of Greenland in the year 1610. Woodcock Pilot of a Biscay ship. The said Woodcock was now Pilot of a ship of Saint Sebastian in Biscay, and rid in Ice Sound. Moreover, they spoke with the men of the Boat of the Diana, and saw the Hollanders Boat, but spoke not with their men. The two men abovesaid told us likewise, that john Chapel our Baske with five English men had killed a Whale: and betwixt them and another shallop they had slain another, The fourth and fifth Whales killed. and had them both on shore. The seven and twentieth we rid still, and our Carpenter went to work to mend the knee of our beakhead. And I went to see what Morses were on Land, where I found near one hundred and fifty. The eight and twentieth, the shallop that had all English men in her save one Baske, came aboard for provision, and told me, that they and johannes Chapel, had slain a great Whale close by our ship, which towed them off into the Sound, The sixth whale killed. and our long Boat followed them. At the same time we saw six Whales close by the ships side as we road in harbour: and we saw great store in the Sound, and within one hour there were so many about our ships and in the Sound, that we could not count them. About a Northwest sun our long Boat brought the men that struck the Whale abovesaid, and towed their shallop on land: for the said Whale had sunk her with his tail. The same time our Carpenter went to work on the broken shallop, and I went to the place where the Morses lay, where I found about three hundred on land. Then I went aboard the Whale to get some harping Irons: for they had all, Three hundred Morses. but I could get but one, because the rest of the Basks had laid them up, envying that one Baske, that went with all English men, had done so much, Biscainers' envy. because by their good wills they would not have us to have any insight into this business. Moreover, he that had the chiefest command in this voyage, did greatly condemn the going of so many English men with that one Baske, either for fear they should kill none, and lose all their provision for the said use, or for fear that our men should kill the Whale aswell, and as soon as they; yet was there none of the other Boats but had lost more than they had lost. And as for killing, there was not one Whale killed with one Boat alone, save ours, with all English save the Baske aforesaid, which slew three without the help of any other Boate. This day the Basks slew another Whale at the Foreland. The seventh Whale killed. The nine and twentieth, the broken shallop was mended, and I went to the Foreland, to see whether the other shallops would come where the ships road in harbour, where abundance of Whales were still. The same time the Basks killed another Whale. Then I romaged my ship, The eight Whale killed. and put cask on land. All this day it was calm. The last of june, one came from the Foreland, and told us, that the Basks had slain two great Whales. All this day likewise it was calm: and there lay abundance of huge Whales in the harbour about our ships. One of the whales abovesaid, johannes with the five English men slew without any of the others help. For they stood on the land flouting, and saying, that it was impossible for them to kill him, and would not once launch their Boats to help them: yet he was one of the greatest that were killed this year. All this day the whales lay so thick about the ship, that some ran against our Cables, some against the Ship, and one against the Rudder. One lay under our beakhead and slept there a long while. At which time our Carpenter had hung a stage close by the water, whereon his tools lay. And we durst not molest the said whale for fear he should have overthrown the stage and drowned all his tools. In the end he went away, and carried the ships head round, his tail being foul of the Cable. The first of july, at a North North-east Sun, the shallops came to kill whales in the harbour where we rid, and struck three, which all broke away. The same day, johannes struck a whale, that smit in the side of his shallop and split it. Now we perceived the whales to begin to go out of the Bays. The second day, the Basks slew three great whales fair by our ships, in less than four hours; which we with our long Boat and men towed into harbour, The ninth and tenth Whales killed. The eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth Whales killed. and made fast to our ship. And the Basks went with their shallops to Fair Foreland. The seventh day, we had abundance of Ice about our ships, which with the wind and the tide drove out off another Sound. The eight, we rid still, and were troubled with much Ice, by reason of a storm that blue at South-west and by west, etc. The rest is omitted as having nothing of note, but ordinary accidents. CHAP. V. A journal of the Voyage made to Greenland with six English ships and a Pinnace, in the year 1613. Written by Master WILLIAM BAFFIN. BY the providence of Almighty God we departed from Queenborough the thirteenth day of May with six good Ships, Ascension day. viz. The Tiger, Admiral; the Matthew, Vide-admiral; the Sea-horse, called the Gamaliel, the Rear-admiral; the Desire; the Annula; and the Richard and Bernard; with the john and Francis shortly to follow. The one and twentieth day, fair weather, the wind Southward, we still making to the Northwards. This morning we had sight of Land on the Coast of Norway, it lying East and by North off about twelve or fourteen leagues. This day at noon, we were in the latitude of 61. degrees and 30. minutes, the variation of the Compass at Scoutes-nes is eight degrees East, it being about ten or twelve leagues off: we having made a North way half East, about thirty leagues. The three and twentieth at noon, in the latitude of 65. degrees and 45. minutes, in which place, the Needle of Declination doth dip under the Horizon 63. degrees and 30. minutes by that Instrument which declineth 54. at London. Greenland attained in eighteen days. The thirtieth day, about three of the clock, we espied the land of Greenland, being about eight or nine leagues off. The Southwardest part of it bare Southeast and by East off it, which shortly we perceived to be the Land lying in 76. degrees and 55. minutes, which is called Horne-sound. This Land lieth by our common Compass North Northwest. Within two hours after we had sight of Land, it began to snow, and was very cold. This evening the Compass was varied thirteen degrees West. The one and thirtieth day, variable weather with snow, and very cold, and the wind also variable: and in the afternoon the wind was at the North-east. In the morning, we espied a ship, and about noon we spoke with her, and their Master and Pilot came aboard of us. And we knew them to be that ship of Saint john de Luz, A ship of Saint john de Luz. Eight Spaniards on the coast. which had leave of the Company to fish. And they told us, that there were eight Spaniards on the Coast. Also, we espied another ship, which we supposed to be a French man, and had one Allan Sallas to their Pilot. The second of june, in the morning, about five of the clock, our General sent our shallop to a small Pink, that all this night we saw along the shore, to bid their Master and Pilot come aboard us, The General was Captain Benjamin joseph after slain in fight with a Carrike. which presently they did. The Master's name was Clai● Martin of Horn, and his ship was for Dunkirk, and he told us that he was consorted with another ship that was his Admiral, the Captain's name was Fop of Dunkirk, and that he was on the Coast. We kept the Master and Pilot aboard of us, and sent some of our men aboard of her, and brought her under our lee: and then, we sent their Master aboard again, charging them to follow us. This afternoon we took their shallop with five or six men, whereof two were English men, and one Scot, at the Fair foreland. The fourth day also fair weather. This morning was the first Whale killed. We had no night since the three and twentieth of May. The fifth day, fair weather, but very cold, the wind North. Dutch ship. No night the 23. of May. We sailed along the Island being about eighteen or twenty leagues in length; lying for the most part by the common Compass North and by West half Westward. About nine of the clock in the afternoon, we saw our other three ships, viz. the Gamaliel, the Desire, and the Richard and Barnard, which lay there to and fro, because they could not go into their Harbour by reason of the Ice: and also, because there were four other ships in a Bay or Cove, called Pooppy Bay, or Nickes Cove: and also other ships on the other side in Green Harbour. We sailed along the drift Ice until about one or two of the clock in the morning, at which time, we came to an anchor in the entrance of the Sound, because the Ice came driving out so fast. The sixth day, fair weather, the wind variable, till the afternoon: at which time it came to the Northwards. About three in the afternoon we weighed anchor, and about ten of the clock we came to the four ships lying in Pooppy Bay: two of them being Hollanders, and one a Rocheller, diverse strangers. and the other a ship of Bordeaux. The Masters of the Hollanders came aboard of our ship, to speak with the General, both of them being of Amsterdam, and brought a Commission granted by the Grave Maurice, for to fish in this Country. But, when they saw our King's Majesty's Commission granted to the worshipful Company, they told our General, that they would depart this Coast: having our General's Ticket to show to their Adventurers, that they were there, and had made their Port, and how he would not suffer them to fish. We anchored close by the French ship wherein was Allane Sallas, being ready to fight, if they refused to come aboard us. So, when we sent our shallop, the Master came presently and their Surgeon, who could speak English. At the first, they denied that Sallas was aboard of them: but, being hardly urged, they confessed that he and one Thomas Fisher an English man were aboard, who were both presently sent for. This Sallas was their Pilot, and Fisher was their Gunner. The seventh day fair weather, we road still at an anchor. This day I observed the latitude of the place, and found it in 78. degrees 24. minutes. Lat. 78. deg. 24. minute. Ship of Biscay. The variation of the Compass is in this place 15. degrees 21. minutes West. About a North Sun a small ship of Biscay came into the harbour where we road. The eight day, for the most part snow, the wind Southward. snow. This day the Master of the French ship, being a ship of nine score, or two hundred, called the jaques of Bardeaux, agreed with our General that he might fish on the coast: our General was to have half the Whales he could kill. Also, this day, the Master of the ship of R●chel, and the Master of the small ship of Biscay, were agreed to depart from the coast. The ninth day, fair weather. This morning the Gamaliel our Rear-admiral, and the Desire weighed anchor to go for Green harbour, where two ships lay, one of Dunkirk, and the other of Saint Sebastian in Biscay. The Captain of the Dunkirk, called Fop, Green harbour. had been with our General, and told him that he would depart from this Coast. Our General gave him leave to take the Pilot of the small Pink, and the other Dutch men he had taken of his▪ keeping only the English men and the Scots. Also, the two ships of Holland, with the ship of Biscay, and that of Rochel weighed anchor, and departed from this Harbour. About six of the clock in the afternoon, came the Master of the ship of Saint Sebastian aboard of us, being brought by one of the Master's Mates of the Desire (they having taken two of his Shallops) to know our General's pleasure, whether he should have them again, or no. Our General gave them him again, upon condition, that he would depart the Coast. About a North Northwest Sun, we weighed anchor to go for Horne-Sound, where we heard, that there were diverse ships; the wind Northward a small gale. The tenth day, fair weather, the wind at North, being very close weather. About a North Sun we came to an anchor in the entrance of Low Sound, Low sound. where we saw two ships ride at anchor. Our General sent our shallop to see what ships they were, who found them to be the two ships of Holland. Also our long Boat went on shore to set up the King's Majesty's Arms upon a low point of land, lying a great way off, called Lowness. We set up a Cross of wood, His Majesty's Arms and a Cross set up at Lowness. snow. and nailed the Arms upon it. The thirteenth day, in the morning, it snowed very fast, being very thick weather, the wind variable, we standing off from the land. About seven of the clock it began to clear up, at which time we espied three ships; and making toward them, at length we perceived them to be the three ships which came from the Bay where we road: the wind also was at East and by South, and blew a very stiff gale. Then we stood in for the shore, and spent most of this day in turning up Horne-Sound. And about a North Northwest Sun, at ten a clock we espied six ships lying at anchor on the South side of the Sound, in a small Bay. The one of them was Captain Fop the Dunkerker, who came in before us, and was appointed by our General to come into this harbour, and there to stay for us, and to go to the Foreland, to have his other ship which we kept there. Four of them were Biscayne's of Saint Sebastian; and one of them was in the harbour where we road and found the French ship: The sixth was a ship of Amsterdam, wherein Thomas Bonner was Master and Pilot, and above twenty English men more. Thomas Bonner English man, Master and Pilot. All the Biscayne's came aboard of us as soon as we were at an anchor: but Thomas Bonner refused to come, being sent for by our General. Our General commanded our Gunner to shoot at him, he himself discharging the second Ordnance. Then presently he began to set sail, and cut his cable, thinking to get from us: but we having shot him through three or four times, they began to weave us, so we sent our shallop and he came aboard. There were five or six more of the English men fetched aboard, and some of our men sent to bring her to an anchor, where she might ride safe: for, she was almost run ashore. This was about a North sun, or eleven a clock. The Biscayne's were charged presently to depart, so soon as they had filled fresh water, which, they said, they wanted; and to bring what Whale fins they had found, or had taken, or other things. The fourteenth day, fair weather, the wind at East North-east. This morning one of the Biscayne's brought a few Whale fins aboard of us, and the skin of a Bear, which they had killed. Then was our Boatswain sent aboard of them to search their ships, and to bid them depart. Our General kept the Holland ship, wherein was Thomas Bonner, to the use of the Company. This day I observed the latitude of this place by a Quadrant of four foot Semidiameter, and found it to stand in 75. degrees 55. minutes: the Declination of the Needle under the Horizon, is 67. degrees 30. minutes, pointing to the Northwards: but pointing to the Southwards, it is 80. degrees. The variation of the Compass is 12. degrees 14. minutes west from the true Meridian: but from our common sailing Compass it is 17. degrees, 76. deg. 55. min. declination 67. deg. 30. min. Variation 12. deg. 14. min. because the Compass is touched five degrees and a half to the Eastward, and the variation is to the Westward. This day in the afternoon, the four ships of Biscay departed from this Harbour, which is called Horne-Sound: and about a North sun, I, with the Master Thomas Sherin went ashore with other, to set up another Cross with the King's Majesty's Arms, cast in Lead, nailed upon it. Then I observed the Sun upon his North Meridian, by my foresaid Quadrant, and found it elevated above the Horizon 10. degrees and thirty minutes: but because his height at the South Meridian, and his height at the North did not agree, in finding of the Latitude, I did abate five minutes from each, as the mean betwixt both: for his altitude at the South Meridian was 36. degrees 40. minutes, the declination 23. degrees and 29. minutes. The fifteenth day, fair weather, the wind in the morning South, but almost calm. This day about noon we weighed anchor with the ship of Amsterdam, and diverse of her men were fetched aboard us with their Shipper, and some of our men were sent aboard her with one of our Master's Mates, called Master Spencer. All this day it was so calm, that we were fain to tow our ship. Our Carpenter did trim up two of the Biscaine Shallops which they did leave behind them, and they did leave diverse Hoops and Cask staved ashore. The eighteenth day, fair weather, the wind variable, we steering away Northward. This afternoon we met with another ship of Biscay, being a ship of two or three hundred Tons. Our General, as he did to the rest, caused her Master and Pilot to come aboard us, to whom he showed his Commission, charging them to depart this Country. They, seeing no remedy, were content, so soon as they had filled fresh water. We met with them off the Southward part of the Island. Our General being so near Green Harbour, where the Gamaliel and the Desire road, we went into the Sound to see them, with this great ship of Biscay, and the ship of Amsterdam. We found that the entrance of Green Harbour was quite stopped with Ice; and ran our ship into it, Abundance of Ice. thinking to get through, but we could not. Then we got her out again, and came to the Bay where we road on the other side of the Sound in Pooppy Bay, or Niches Cove. The nineteenth day, fair weather, the wind Northward. This day about twelve of the clock we came to an anchor in the foresaid Bay. This afternoon there came another ship of Saint Sebastian into the Bay where we road: and about seven of the clock, the Captain came aboard of us, who told us that he had lost six of his men and a shallop upon the coast of Groineland, An Island in 72 degrees on the Coast of Groinland. upon an Island in the latitude of 72. degrees or thereabouts. This was the Master which had been here the last year, and made a great voyage, Master Woodcocke being their Pilot. His making so great a voyage, was the cause that so many ships were here this year. The twentieth in the morning, we had news that the john and Francis was come about two days ago, Three and twenty whales killed. and that they had killed one and twenty Whales at the Foreland, and had also killed two at Green harbour. This day it was very close weather with some snow; the wind Northwest. This afternoon the Captains of the two Biscay ships were commanded to depart this Coast. The one and twentieth, we perceived another ship standing toward us. We less●ned our sails and stayed for her to see what she was. At length, we perceived her to be another Biscaine. About a North s●nne we came to an anchor in Green harbour, by the Gamaliel, and the Desire, and the ship of Bordeaux: and the Biscaine followed us. So soon as they were come to an anchor, their Captain came aboard of us, to whom our General showed his Commission as he had done to the rest, charging him to depart those Coasts, and told him, that he would take away some of their shallops. They earnestly entreated him not to take them away, and they would depart: the Captain offering his bond to our General, that if he stayed either in Greenland, Groineland, or Cherie Island, he would willingly forfeit all he was worth. There was another Whale killed in Greene-harbour, A man slain. in the kill whereof there was a man slain, and a Boat overwhelmed, by too much haste of following him, after the harping Iron was in him. The three and twentieth day, fair weather, the wind Northward. This day, and the last night I observed the latitude of the place where we road, and found it by both, to be in the latitude of 78. degrees 7. minutes: Latitude 78. deg. 7. min. the sky at both observations being very clear, where I find that there is no sensible error between a South observation and a North, the sky being clear. Note. But if the sky be hasie, there will be some difference, as of eight or ten minutes, being observed on shore by some large Quadrant or other Instrument for the purpose, also a South South-west Moon by the common Compass, A South South west Moon maketh a full Sea here. maketh a full Sea in this place. The ninth of july, fair weather, the wind at North. This day we stood to the Southward along the Island: but, toward night it fell calm, and then the wind came to the West. The tenth day, fair weather, but thick and close, the wind South South-west. All this day we stood for Bell-Sound. Our General went on shore this afternoon, and killed four Deer, and brought a young Morse alive with him aboard. The eleventh day fair weather, but calm. This afternoon we perceived five ships in a Bay in Bel-sound. The wind was so calm, that we were fain to tow in our ships, and about a North North-west sun, we came to an anchor by them, with our three ships, viz. the Tiger Admiral, the Matthew Vice-admiral, and the Richard and Barnard, having made all things ready for to fight. These five ships which rid here, the one was a great ship of Biscay of seven hundred Tons, and the two Hollanders, which we found the sixth of june in Pooppy-bay, and one small Pink of Amsterdam, and another small ship of Rochel. This great ship of Biscay, A Biscayn ship of 700. tuns. which we expected would have fought with us, sent their Captain aboard of us before we came to an anchor, and submitted themselves unto the General. The two ships of Amsterdam, whose Masters names were these, viz. Cornelius Calias, William Vermogon, Admiral, and john jacob Vice-admiral, these two would gladly have stood out with us, if the Biscaine would have assisted them. The twelfth day fair weather. This day the ship of john jacobo was unladen of such goods as she had in her; as Oil, Blubber, and Mories skins. The thirteenth day I was sent in a shallop to Green harbour. The foureteenth day, thick close weather, the wind Northward; but toward noon it began to clear up, and then it blew more wind. About a West sun, we came to a small Island, or rather a Rock, where Morses use to come: where we found seven which we killed, and knocked out their teeth, and let them lie. In this place are many of these rocks, Many rocks full of Fowl. Lisets' Lands. where are great multitudes of foul, and they are called Lizets' Lands. The Land all along is so full of Rocks, that it is impossible for any ship to come near the Main, but in the Sands which are very deep, and good to come in. All this evening and night we rowed between this Island and Ice-sound, The fifteenth day, about nine or ten a clock, we came to the ships in Greene-barborough, where we found, that they had killed eighteen Whales in all. Eighteen Whales killed. Four of these ships were Frenchmen, which had killed eight Whales for the Company according to the agreement which the General had made with them: which was, that they should kill eight for us, and after, what they could kill, should be for themselves. Our English men had killed three in this place, Three Whales killed by the English. and the Baskes in the Desire also three. The Desire had taken in an hundred tons of Oil when we came there, and she was to be laden so soon as she could. The seaventeenth day also fair weather, the wind Northward. This day, toward a West Sun, the Master of the French ship came from Sea-horse Bay, who went thither to speak with our General: because Master Mason and Master Cooper had stayed his Shallops from going to Sea. in regard they would not observe the orders which the General had appointed them: which were that those Whales which our Englishmen did chase, they should not follow, nor our men should not follow the Whales they chased. For the order of the Biscayne's is, that who so doth strike the first Harping Iron into him, it is his Whale, if his Iron hold. This evening, I say, he returned from Sea-horse Bay, having lost his labour: for the General and Master Edge were in Bell-sound. We understood by him, that they had killed some eight and thirty Whales in all; Eight & thirty Whales killed. and that there was one hundred and sixty tons of Oil ready made. The five and twentieth day in the morning, the Desire weighed Anchor to go to the General, and the Master of the French ship also this morning went from thence to speak with the General, because of a Whale which was in strife between his Biscayne's and ours: when for pilfering and for some peremptory speeches, two of the Rochellers were ducked at our Yard arm, August 1. the one on the one side, and the other on the other. This day I also observed the latitude of this place, and found it to be 77. degrees 40. minutes. Also, Latitude 77. degrees, 40. minutes. Variation, 13. degrees, 11. minutes. the variation of the Compass is 13. degrees 11. minutes West. This variation was observed the third of August in the morning: the height of the sun above the Horizon was 17. degrees 24. minutes, and the declination was 14. degrees 41. minutes. North in the latitude of 77. degrees 40. minutes, and his Magnetical azimuth was 63. from South to East. The ninth day we had sight of Master Bonner's Ship, wherein was Master Marmaduke, who had been to the Northward as far as Faire-haven: and now, as he said, he was bound to the southward to discover beyond Point Lookout, having his direction from Master Edge, as he said. Our General told him, that he had hindered the Voyage more by his absence, than his discovery would profit; Latitude 79. degrees, 14. minutes. This was Ma● Cudners ship of London. and that it were best that he went back with him to the Fore-land, and that he would give no licence to go now for Discovery, because the year was far spent: but bade him, according to his Commission, so to proceed. The twelfth day I observed, and found the latitude of this place by an exact observation to be in 79. degrees 14. minutes. They in the Pooppy-Bay had seen a ship of England off Black-point, and had spoken with her, who told them that they were come from Kildeene. The foureteenth day fair weather, the Wind at North North-east. This day about ten a clock in the forenoon, we weighed anchor to go homeward, being six ships in company, viz. the Tiger Admiral, the Gamaliel Vice-admiral, the john and Frances, the Annula, the ship of Bordeaux which the General agreed with to fish in Greene-harborough, and the Biscay ship which fished in Sir Thomas smith's Bay. The fifteenth day very fair weather, all the forenoon almost calm: in the afternoon, an easy gale at North-east. This day about twelve a clock at noon, Latitude 79. degrees 8. minutes. we were against Fair Foreland, which is in the latitude of 79. degrees 8. minutes. This night was very clear and fair weather, and also calm, by which means I had very good opportunity to find the su●●ies refraction. For beholding it about a North North-east sun, by the common Compass, Sun's refraction. at which time the sun was at the lowest, it was but one fifth part of his body above the Horizon, having about four fifth parts below, so near as I could guess. His declination for that instant was 10. degrees 35. minutes North, being at noon in the 2. degree 7. minutes of Virgo, his daily motion was 58. minutes: whose half being nineteen to be added to the former, because it was at twelve hours afore noon. I say his place at that instant was 2. degrees 26. minutes of Virgo, whose declination was as before 10. degrees 35. minutes: the Latitude of the place was 78. degrees 47. minutes, whose compliment was 11. degrees 13. minutes, the declination being substract●d from the compliment of the Poles elevation, leaveth 38. minutes, four five part of which 12. minutes; Note. which being substracted from 38. leaveth 26. minutes for the Refraction. But, I suppose the Refraction is more or less, according as the air is thick or clear, which I leave for better scholars to discuss: but this I thought good to note, for the better help of such as do profesie this study. The sixteenth day also very fair weather, and for the most part calm: the wind that was, was a● Northwest. This morning, we espied a ship out in the often, over against Cold-cape, which we stood with, and she also stood with us. And when we came to her, we found her to be the Desire, a ship of Alborough. Our General sent for the Master and Merchant aboard of us, who certified him that they came from Killedeene, and that they had made but a bad Voyage of fi●h: and they were come to see, if we could freight them home. The Merchant was of London, whose name was Master Cudner: M. Cudner of London. William Gourdon Variation 1. degree 5. min. the Master's name was Fletcher, who also brought six men which Thomas Bonner had left at Cherie Island. These six men had killed but one Morse all this year at the Island: who also told us, that William Gourdon was gone▪ to the Northwards. At noon, the three and twentieth day, I observed the variation of the Compass, and found it to be one degree 5. minutes East. The three and twentieth day fair weather, with a fine gale at North and by East. We steering away South and by West half South: being a● noon, by supposition, in the latitude of 69. degrees no minutes. Having sailed since yesterday noon, some thirty leagues South, true. The four and twentieth day, very fair weather and clear, the wind all the forenoon Northwards, but about noon it came to the Southeast. This morning I observed the middle star in the Great Bear's tail, and found it to be in the latitude of 68 degrees 24. minutes about two a clock, at which time that star was on the Meridian under the Pole. Also I observed the star in the Bear's Rump about one a clock, Roast Lands or Rosten. 68 d●g. no min. Th● variation 4 degrees 8. minutes East. and found the like latitude. Also all this day we had sight of Roast Lands, being about ten or eleven leagues off us. Also at noon I observed the latitude by the Sun, and found us to be in the latitude of 68 degrees no minutes, which did agree with the former Observations by the stars. Also the variation of this plac● is 4. degrees 8. minutes East from the true Meridian, we having run since yesterday noon some two and twenty leagues South and by West. Almost all the afternoon it was almost calm. The five and twentieth day also very fair weather, the wind this morning came to the East Southeast a fine easy gale. We steered away South and by West half West ten leagues, being at noon in the latitude of 67. degrees 5. minutes. Variation 5. d●g. 3. minutes East. The variation of this place is 5. degrees 3. minutes East, near to the set of our Compass. This Evening the wind came to the South South-west, which continued about two Watches. The nine and twentieth day fair weather, with a good gale of wind at North North-east. From two this last night to six, we stood away South-west and by South; and at six we steered away South South-west, being at noon by observation, in 62. degrees no minutes. The land about Scoutesnesse lieth in this sort: The lying of the land about. Scoutsnesse. from sixty three toward sixty two, it is nineteen leagues South South-west half Westward: from thence ten leagues South and by West, which is two or three Lands, which are the West wardest land in Norway, lying in the latitude of 62. degrees 44. minutes. But whether these Lands, or a Point of land, which lieth about three or four leagues more to the North, be called Scoutesnesse, I know not. The sixth of September we entered the Thames. CHAP. VI A Voyage of Discovery to Greenland, etc. Anno 1614 Written by RO. FOTHERBYE. THe ship Thomasine went down from Black-wall to Woolwich the sixteenth of April, and from thence to Gravesend the three and twentieth, where she remained until the eight and twentieth of the same; and weighing from thence she anchored again in Tilberie Hope, with ten ships more of good burden, and two Pinnasses all of the Greenland Fleet, set forth also at the charge of the said Company, under the command of Master Benjamin joseph, Chief Captain and General of the said Fleet. We set sail out of Tilberie Hope the fourth of May, and came to an anchor the same day in Lee Road, where we stayed till the next morning, We went forth to Sea. We met with Ice in 75. deg. 10. minutes. than we set sail again and went forth to Sea before night. We proceeded in company of the Fleet, and met with straggling Ice the five and twentieth of May in the latitude of 75. degrees 10. minutes, through which we passed without danger, holding on our course all tha● day, till time of midnight; then we found the Ice so close packed together, that we were forced to tack about, and stand to the Westward, till we found more open passage; we plied through it without any great danger, till the eight and twentieth day: but then being in fight of Land, we passed amongst very much Ice all the forenoon, which lay in great abundance on both sides of us: but a desire (as it seems) to get through it, drew us on to be the more entangled with it, for about noon we could neither find a passage to go forward, nor way to retire back again, but being nine ships and two Pinnasses (for the Prosperous and the Desire lost Company through foul weather, the one and twentieth of May, otherwise we had been thirteen sail) we began very suddenly to be enclosed and shut up with Ice. Now every one wrought the best means he could for the safety of his ship; Our Master in the Thomasine, caused a Hauser and a Grapnel to be carried forth, and laid upon a great Island of Ice, Eleven Sails fast in the Ice. M. Th. Sherwin▪ and so we rid as at an Anchor, and by that means we stayed from forceable rushing against other pieces▪ afterward we laid forth an anchor for surer hold, and made ●enders of an old Ca●le, which was hung over the ships sides to keep the Ice from piercing of her planks. We rid thus from the eight and twentieth of May till the second of june, still floating as the wind drove us with our anchor, holding Island, which now we accounted as the shore, and made use thereof accordingly, for upon it our Carpenter sealed and trimmed our lesser shallop. On the second of june we had a great homeming Sea, the wind being at Northwest, whereby we judged we were not far from an open Sea to windward of us; june. there we resolved to make trial what we might do, to free ourselves out of the Ice. In the afternoon about three a clock we got aboard our Anchor, letting fall our fore topsail, and putting forth our Mizzen; and so drove a stern for a while, till the floating Island gave way; then we filled out topsail, and attempted diverse places where to pass, but had repulse and fell asterne again; notwithstanding at the length we prevailed, and with much ado we attained an open Sea at a North, and by West Sun, parting very gladly from these ill neighbouring Lands; We go clear off the Ice. which at our parting from them, gave us or rather received from us some knocks, but whilst we remained amongst them they seemed much more perilous than they proved hurtful, so we praised God for our safe deliverance, wishing that the rest of the ships which we left in the Ice, were as clear out of it as was the Thomasine. Having attained the open Sea to the Westwards, we proceeded to the Northwards keeping the Ice still on our starboard side, and met with ●he Mary An-Sarah, We met with the Mary An-Sarah. that got also free of the Ice the same day that we came forth of it; we kept company together till the next day, when being as high as Prince Charles Lands▪ we both stood in for the shore, the Mary An-Sarah going for Bel-sound, her assigned Harbour; but we proceeded to the Fore-land, where when we came the sixth of june, we met with two shallops that belonged to the Desire, We came to the Fore land. wherein was Cuthbert Appleyard, and William 〈◊〉 Harponiers; by whom we understood, that the Prosperous and the Desire had more desiredly prospered, than all the rest of the Fleet, they escaped the danger that all the rest fell into, and came to the Fore-land the third of june, finding the Harbour open. Here was yet no work begun, for they had not seen one Whale since their coming into the Harbour; so that for us there was no cause of stay to be helpful unto them, and therefore we proceeded to the Northward, hoping to find the shore still as free from Ice, We proceeded to the Northwards Maudlin Sound. Hackluyts Head-land. We anchore● in Maudlin Sound. as it was at this place; but it fell out contrary to our expectations, for being come as far as Maudlin Sound, in the latitude of 79. degrees 34. minutes, we met with some straggling Ice, and from the main top we saw much Ice lie betwixt us and Hackluyt● Head-land, which seemed to be close to the shore, therefore we sent some men in a shallop to Maudlin Sound, to see if it were open, that we might harbour our ship there, and search for a leak which we found her subject unto in foul weather. The Sound was open and we anchored in a good Harbour, but the Ice was not gone clear from the shore, therefore we could not hale our ship aground, but we carined her and set up our Biscaine shallop which we carried with us out of England in pieces. The next day after our coming hither I went forth in a little shallop (the other being then vnset together) to see how the Ice lay at Hackluyts Head-land, I went forth in a shallop. and whether we might pass with our ship that way or no. Being come forth of the Harbour, we perceived, that it was very foul weather at Sea, notwithstanding I proceeded into Fair Haven, where the South Harbour was then open, but much Ice lay then in the Sound unbroken from shore to shore; otherwise we might have passed that way to Hackluyts Head-land, betwixt the Island and the main Land, we stayed here till the next morning, than the weather began to clear up, and we put forth to Sea again, intending to go without the Lands: but being out of the Harbour we found the foul weather to be such, We set sail out of Maudlin Sound and followed the Ice. as our little weak shallop was not able to endure, therefore we returned again to our ship into Maudlin Sound, where we killed two Female Morses, and took their Teeth, Hides and Blubber. On the tenth of june we set sail out of Maulden Sound, and coasted along to the Northward, till we were past Hackluyts Head-Land, but then we saw the Ice lie before us, extending close to the shore, so that for us to pass further that way, it was not possible: therefore we turned to the Westward, to see if we could find passage further from the shore. We sailed as the Ice trended West and West South-west till the thirteenth day, and keeping still alongst it, Prince Charles Island in 78. degrees 40. minutes. We stood again for shore. Eleven Holland ships. We anchored in Sir T. smith's Bay. we found it to trend nearest South and South South-west, we proceeded well thus far, till we came under the latitude of Prince Charles his Island, in 78. degrees 40. minutes, being eight and twenty leagues from shore, but then we altered our course, and stood in for the Fore-land, to go and be helpful to the other ships there for the furthering of their Voyage according to our Instructions (as some did understand them) but contrary I am sure to some of our desires. When we came near the Fore-land, we saw eleven ships of Hollanders under sail, plying to the Southwards; one of them came room towards us, and struck her top-sails twice, whereby we supposed they took us for some of their Fleet, which they wanted, but we held on our course still into Sir Thomas smith's Bay, where we came to an anchor the fifteenth of june, by the john-anne-francis, and the Desire, the Mary Margaret being then under sail to go to the Fore-land. Here was yet no need of any help● that we could make them, for they had hitherto neither killed nor seen one Whale since their first coming in hither; therefore we thought it best not to stay here, but rather go to Fair Haven, where we should be more ready to proceed on our Discovery when the Ice would give us leave, and in the meantime we might be helpful to the two ships thither assigned for the making of their Voyage, and so much the rather we hasted, because we understood that the Hollanders also set forth a ship on Discovery. We set sail the seventh of june, and met with the Prosperous, that came from Crosse-road, and was going into Sir Thomas smith's Bay, We went forth of Sir T. smith's Bay. there to get some Brick and Lime to mend their Furnace, as Nicholas Woodcock the Master told us; then we went forth to Sea, and being about four leagues from the shore, the wind began to blow so hard from the Northwest, that we were forced back again to seek Harbour, and came to an anchor the nineteenth of june, in Crosse-road. Here we stayed two days, We were driven back again into Crosse-road. much wind blowing at the North North-east, till the one and twentieth of june, and then in the afternoon the wind came to the East and by South, and the weather was fair, therefore at a North Northwest Sun, we weighed and set sail again, and so did the Thomas Bonaventure, that came to an anchor by us this morning, being also bound for Fair Haven. We set sail out of Crosse-road. This next day in the afternoon we were thwart of Maudlin Sound, and the weather being fair and calm, we sent a shallop to the Northward, to see what alteration there was amongst the Ice, and to seek out some good Harbour for a ship▪ and also to set up the King's Arms at Hackluyts Head-land, or some other convenient place. When Master Baffin was gone from the ship in the foresaid shallop, I went presently into the other shallop into Maudlin Sound, One shallop to the Northward The other into Maudlin Sound. there to set up the King's Arms; and also to see if there were any Morses come ashore; when I was within the Sound, I found no Beech's bare for Morses to come upon: for Ice and snow lay yet undissolued from the shore side, but I went to the Harbour, and there caused a Cross to be set up, and the King's Arms to be nailed thereon; under which also I nailed a piece of sheet Led, whereon I set the Moscovie Companies Mark, with the day of the month and year of our Lord. Then cutting up a piece of Earth, which afterward I carried aboard our ship, The King's Arms set up in Trinity Harbour. I took it into my hand and said, in the hearing of the men there present to this effect. I take this piece of Earth, as a sign of lawful possession (of this Country of King james his New-land, and of this particular place, which I name Trinity Harbour) taken on the behalf of the Company of Merchants, called the Merchants of New Trades and Discoveries, for the use of our Sovereign Lord james by the grace of God, King of great Britain, France, and Ireland, whose Royal Arms are here set up, Trinity Harbour is under the parallel of 79. degrees 34. minutes. We came to an anchor in Fair Haven. to the end that all people who shall here arrive may take notice of his Majesty's Right and Title to this Country, and to every part thereof. God save King James. This is a good safe harbour, and is under the latitude of 79, degrees 34. minutes, as I have found by good observation, and have of Westerly variation 25. degrees. When I had here set up the King's arms, I returned toward our ship, which was come to an anchor at the entrance of Fair haven, staying till the flood came, because that at the Tide of Ebb, there runs a great current out of the Sound; so at the next flood, we came into Fair haven and anchored by the Gamaliel and the Thomas Bonaventure, the three and twentieth day of june. Then john Mason, Master of the Gamaliel, came aboard of our ship, and I asked him if he had any work for our men, for I would cause them to come a shore: he told me, that hitherto he had not seen a Whale come in, No Whales were yet come in. but his Furnaces and Coppers were already set up, and therefore as yet he had no need of help, but when occasion served he would employ them. This day about eleven a clock Master Baffin returned in the Shallop from the Northwards: he said that he had been at Cape Barren, The shallop returned from the Northwards. Cape Barrèn. which is the point of an Island three or four leagues from Hackluits headland, but further then that he could not pass for Ice which lay close to the shore, and he had not set up the King's arms in any place. On Monday the seven and twentieth day of june, I went forth again in the Shallop to the Northward, partly to see what alteration there might be in the Ice, with the Easterly winds which had blown hard since the Shallop last returned, but chiefly to set up the King's arms in some place convenient, because there was none set up to the Northwards of Maudlin sound. We rowed to Cape Barren, where formerly Master Baffin had been, and finding the Ice there gone from the shore, we proceeded further to an Island which now we call the Saddle, Saddle Island. in respect of the form thereof, more than a league distant from Cape Barren. In our way thither it began to snow, and grew to be a great and vehement storm from the West Northwest, therefore we hasted and got to the lee side of the aforesaid Island, A Storm. and there made fast our Shallop with a grapnel laid upon the Icy shore, using the best means we could with our shallops sail to keep us from the extremity of so cold an harbour: we stayed here eight hours, and the storm continued driving the Ice still Eastward in great abundance and with wonderful swiftness: when the weather began to clear, I caused the men to row to Leewards to another Island a league distant, which seemed then to be a Cape of the main land, purposing there to set up the King's arms; but afterwards we found it to be an Island, and to the main we could not come for broken Ice. This stormy weather continued from Monday night till Friday morning, during which time we had been but eleven leagues at the furthest from our ship, yet went we so far as we could have gone, had the weather been never so fair; for at four leagues distance from Cape Barren, the Ice lay firm and unbroken two or three miles from the shore, and close again to it lay the shattered Ice thronged together with this present storm. On Friday morning we came back again to Hackluits headland, julie. and there I set the King's arms in the like manner as at Trinity Harbour: from thence we rowed towards our ship, and as we entered into Faire-haven, there came a Whale that accompanied us into the harbour leaping and advancing himself almost quite out of the water, The Whales began now to come in. falling headlong down again with great noise; we hasted aboard our ship, and I sent forth both our Shallops to strike this Whale if they could, and told Master Mason of her coming in, who also went▪ forth in his Shallop: but it seems the Whale passed under the Ice which lay yet unbroken betwixt the North harbour and the South harbour, for they could not see her again. The next day there came more Whales in, and Robert Hambleton, Two Whales escaped. our Master's mate struck two, which unluckily escaped; the first for want of help, the Gamaliels Shallop being in chase of another Whale, and our own little Shallop not able to row against a head-sea to assist the other: so that at length the Whale having towed the Shallop forth to Sea, the harping iron came out: the second was also strucken within the sound, and ran under the Ice, which lay yet unbroken at the East end of the Sound, and drew the Shallop upon it clear out of the water; by which means the Harpingiron came forth. Here we remained till the sixth of julie, our men and Boats being helpful at all times to further the Voyage. The sixth of julie we set sail forth of Faire-haven, intending to make trial if we could to get to Westwards of the Ice, and so proceed to the Northwards, having sent away one of our Shallops the day before, provided with twenty days Bread, to coast alongst the shore, We came forth of Fair haven. search the Beach for Commodities, and set up the King's Arms at places convenient, hoping thereby to prevent the Hollanders, who now rid in the North harbour of Faire-haven, and were ready for the first opportunity, to discover and take possession of other harbours, having two Ships to go forth only upon Discovery. We sailed Westwards from Faire-haven seven leagues, and then met with a main bank of Ice which trended North & South, We met with Ice and stood to the Northwards. Our Shallop came to us. the Sea appeared to the Northwards to be open so far as we could see, therefore we plied that way: when we had run seven or eight leagues more, the Ice lay so thick on every side, that we were bard from proceeding any further; then we stood in toward the shore, and being a little to the Northwards of Cape Barren, our Shallop had sight of us, & came rowing to us through the broken Ice. Master Baffin told us the shore to the Eastward was much pestered with Ice, and he had set up the King's arms at the entrance of a fair Sound, about four leagues distant from Cape Barren. Now the weather being fair and calm, Master Sherwin, Master Baffin and I, went in the Shallop to the place where the King's Arms were set up, purposing (because the air was very clear) to go upon some high mountain, from whence we might see how the Sea was pestered with Ice, and what likelihood there was of further proceeding. According to this our intent, we ascended a very high hill, and from thence we saw the Ice lie upon the Sea so far as we could discern, so that the Sea seemed to be wholly toured with Ice, save only to the Eastwards: we thought that we saw the water beyond the Ice, which put us in some hope that we should ere long get passage with our Shallops along the shore, if we could not pass with our ship. Being thus satisfied, We returned towards Fair haven. we returned aboard our ship and plied towards Fair haven, advising amongst ourselves of the best course we could to further the business committed unto us. We resolved to make our discovery along the shore with both our Shallops, and to carry with us our provision for the Whale-killing, We intended to discover in Shallops. conceiving good hopes besides, of profit which the beaches would afford us; therefore we intended when our ship was brought safe into harbour again, to go from her with both our Shallops, and to put in practise this our late resolution. But the weather falling calm, and a fog succeeding, which continued three days, so that our ship came not into harbour till the twelfth of july; I went from her the eleventh day, intending to search the Beaches, I went forth in the one Shallop. till Master Baffin came to me with the other Shallop, and then we to proceed both together: but before he came, I had gone so far as that the Ice would not suffer me to pass a Boats length further, and I had also searched a very fair Beach which was altogether fruitless. Master Baffin came to me in the other Shallop. Red-beach. Master Baffin came to me at a place appointed the foureteenth day of julie, in the other Shallop, and we proceeded both together to the Eastwards again, and found passage amongst the Ice about a league further than I had lately been, so that we came to the firm Ice, that lay almost two miles from the shore of Red-beach, unbroken up this year. Here we haled up our Shallops out of the water, lest the broken Ice which is carried to and fro with the wind, might split them or bruise them: then Master Baffin and I with four men more walked over the firm Ice and went ashore on Red-beach, where we traveled about the space of three miles by the shore side, but found no commodities as we expected to have done; for here had the Hulmen been in 1612. as we might know by fires that they had made, We hailed our Shallop upon the Ice. and gathered the fruits that many years before had brought forth. Thus as we could not find that which we desired to see, so did we behold that which we wished had not been there to be seen, which was great abundance of Ice, that lay close to the shore and also off at Sea so far as we could discern; wherefore being thus satisfied, and more weary to know that we could pass no further, then with travailing so far, we returned to our Shallops, and went aboard of our Ship in Fair haven on Sunday the seventeenth of july, We returned to our Shallop passing the nearest way betwixt the Lands and the main Land, for now the Ice was broken betwixt the South-harbor where we rid, and the North harbour, where the Hollanders rid. The next day we sent our Shallop to the North-east side of Fair haven, there to lie for the coming of the Whales over against the Gamaliels two Shallops that lie on the other side for the same purpose. The twentieth of july, we were under sail to go forth of Fair haven with the Gamaliel, purposing to have taken two Ships that rid at the entrance of Maudlen-Sound, with john Mason, who first descried them, We were under sail and came to an anchor again. supposed to be the one a Bask, and the other an English man; but the wind blew right into the Harbour, so that we could not get forth, and therefore we came to an anchor again where we rid before. On the one and twentieth of july, our Harponiers killed a Whale, which split one of our Shallops and struck the Harponier that was in her overboard: We killed a Whale. but both he and the rest of the men were relieved and taken into an other Shallop: than we sent our Carpenter to mend the Shallop that was split: and on the five and twentieth day they helped to kill another Whale. On the six and twentieth of july, I drew the plat of Fair haven, as it is here projected (but here too costly to insert.) When this Scoale of Whales were passed, we went out of Fair haven the first of August with both our Shallops, August. We went to the Northwards with our Shallops. Master Baffin in the one, and I in the other, with five men more in each Shallop, thinking that now we should find the Ice broken and clear gone from the shore, conceiving some good hope to proceed and make some new discovery, which was the chief occasion of our employment. We passed over Red cliffe-Sound, which we found clear of Ice; and from thence we proceeded to Red-beach, where we also found great alteration since our last being there, notwithstanding the Ice was not clearly voided from the shore; for in some places it was firm and unbroken off, for the space almost of half a mile: so we rowed alongst it, till we came near the North end of the Beach which lieth furthest into the Sea, We got to the shore of Red Beach with out Shallops. and there we found an open way to the shore with our Shallops, and went on land; but seeing in all places great abundance of broken Ice, we lay close to the shore, and doubting that although perhaps with much ado, we might get about the point of the Beach, yet should we still be pestered with Ice from proceeding any further, we resolved to walk over land, to the other side of the Beach, where we saw a hill about four miles distant; from which we thought we should be satisfied, how much further it was possible for us to proceed: so thither we travailed, where when we came, we saw a very fair Sound on the East side of the Beach which was open within, but there lay very much Ice at the entrance of it, We walked over Red-beach. which although it was extended more than half over Sound, yet we doubted not but if we could get our Shallops about the Beach, we should find either one way or other to pass over the said Sound, & from the high land on the other side, we should receive very good satisfaction, if the weather continued fair and clear as now it was, therefore we intended to make trial what we might do; but before we returned we went down to the point of the Beach, at the entrance of the Sound, and there set up a Cross, and nailed a six pence thereon with the King's Arms. This being done, we returned to our Shallops, and according to our late determination, The King's arms are set up at Wiches Sound. We passed over Wiches Sound. we rowed about the point of Red-beach, and with many crooked windings amongst the Ice, at length we got over Wiches Sound (for so it is now named.) As soon as we were over on the other side, about two leagues from Red-beach, Master Baffin and I clambered up a very high hill, from whence we saw a point of land bearing East North-east, by the ordinary Compass eighteen or twenty leagues distant, as I supposed. We likewise saw another fair Sound to the Southwards of us, which was much pestered with Ice, but we could not see the end of it. Here upon the mountain we set up a Warelocke, and then came down again with less labour, but more danger than we had in getting up, We found Beach Fin●. by reason of the steepiness thereof: then we walked to the shore side, and there found many beach Fins, whereby I conjectured that Master Marmadukes' men in his first discovery, made in Anno 1612. had not been upon this land to search the Beaches, for in all other places where we had been heretofore, we could find nothing at all. Now therefore we resolved to make further search alongst this shore, and to proceed with our Shallops so far as we possibly could: whereupon we returned to our men again whom we left with our Shallops, where we first landed. Having stayed here a while and observed the latitude which I found to be 79. degrees 54. minutes, we saw a Shallop come rowing towards the extremest point of this shore, We met with the Hearts-ease Shallop. therefore we hastened towards them to see who were therein, and found them to be Master Marmadukes' men, lately come from their ship the Hearts-ease, which they said they left at Sea amongst the Ice, about a league from Red Beach: here they were setting up a Cross, which they said that they found there fallen down, and had been formerly set up in the time of Master Marmadukes first discovery, by one Laurence Prestwood, whose name I saw thereon engraven, Note. with two or three names more, and it had the date of the seventeenth of August 1612. Upon this Cross they nailed the King's Arms. Here we parted from them, and according to our former determination we proceeded, some in the Shallops amongst the Ice, and others on shore, till we went about four leagues further: in which space we found many more Fins, and one pair of Morses teeth, but now we found the Ice so close packed together, that we could not proceed any further with our Shallops: wherefore Master Baffin and I intended to walk over land until we should be better satisfied how far this Sound went in, for we could as yet see no end of it, and it seemed to make a separation of the land; so leaving our men here with the Shallops, we travailed almost a league further, till we came to the point of a sandy beach, that shot into the Sound, which was wonderfully stored with drift Wood in great abundance. From this point we received such satisfaction as we looked for, because we saw the end of the Sound which lies South in about ten leagues. It hath in it a good harbour that is landlockt, The end of Sir Thomas smith's Inlet discovered. and doubtless it is a good place for the Whale-killing if it be not every year as now it is pestered with Ice. Here I saw a more natural earth and clay than any that I have seen in all the Countr, but nothing growing thereupon more than in other places. This Sound is that which formerly had and still retaineth the name of Sir Thomas smith's Inlet. Being thus satisfied, we came back again to our Shallops, and seeing no way but one, we returned towards our Ship; but before we could get to Red-beach, We returned towards our Ship. A storm began when we were amongst Ice. there arose a very great storm from the East North-east, after we had entered amongst the Ice in Wiches Sound, so that we were separated the one Shallop from the other, whereby our danger was the greater: for whiles we were both in company together, the one might have been helpful to the other when need required, and more easy it seemed to save them both, then being separated to keep either of them from wrack; but God (who in his wont mercy is ever ready to relieve the faithful distressed) did not only so provide that we met together again, and indeed were helpful the one to the other (otherwise I doubt the one Shallop had miscarried, for she was in great danger) but also delivered us safely out from amongst these perilous rocks of Ice, which it was very hard to shu●, We get forth of the Ice. and at the length brought us into an open Sea, where with as scant a sail as we could make, we passed swiftly before the wind, the Sea coming diverse times over the sternes of our Shallops, which wet our skins, that had scarce any dry clothes on before to keep them warm, by reason of a drizeling Snow which fell with the storm: then we went aboard our Ship into the South harbour of Fair haven, the fifth of August, with one hundred and fifty Beach fins, We came aboard our ship. and one pair of Morses teeth, giving thanks to God for his blessing and merciful deliverance. The ninth of August, two ships of the Hollanders, The Holland Discoverers go homewards. Our Ship went forth to Sea. We met with Ice eight leagues from the Shore. that were appointed for Northern Discovery, were seen thwart of Fair Haven, sailing to the Southwards. The eleventh of August, we set sail forth of Fair Haven, the wind at South South-west, intending to make trial, if yet the Ice would admit us to have passage to the Northwards or the North-eastwards. We held our course from Cape Barren, North-east and by East, till seven a clock at night, at which time having run eight leagues from the shore, we met with the Ice which lay East and by South, and West and by North, and bore up alongst it to the Eastwards, for the wind was now come to the North Northwest; then we tacked about to the Westwards, and plied off and on close by the Ice, till the thirteenth day at midnight, still expecting a change of the weather, We plied off and on the Ice two days. that we might have made some adventure amongst the shattered Ice, for both on the twelfth and thirteenth day, the wind blew hard at North, and the weather was cold, thick, and very winter-like with fall of snow: this wind being so contrary, drove both the Ice and our ship to leewards towards the shore, so that we were forced to put into Harbour again, and came to an Anchor the fourteenth day in the North Harbour of Fair Haven, We anchored again in the North Harbour. where the Fleet of Hollanders lately rid, at which time the Hearts-ease was there at an Anchor. Now was the Land both Mountains and Plains wholly covered with snow; so that almost all men's minds were possessed with a desire of returning for England: But to prevent a sudden resolution for a homeward Voyage without further satisfaction, I made motion that once again we might go forth with our shallops, to see what alteration there might be found alongst the shore. I went to the Eastwards in a shallop. Ice was newly frozen in Red-cliffe Sound. I intended to go once to Point Desire. It fell out that I was to go in one shallop for this purpose, so I took with me eight men, and went from our ship the fifteenth day of August. We rowed to Red-cliffe Sound, where we passed through much Ice that was newly congealed being thicker than an half Crown piece of silver, notwithstanding we broke way through it, and being over the Sound, we had a clear Sea again; then we proceeded to Red-beach, where finding the shore clear of Ice (which at my last being there was wonderfully pestered) I conceived good hope to find passage to the furthest Land from thence in sight, bearing East half a point Southerly, nine, or ten leagues distant; to this end we put off from the shore of Red-beach, and rowed a league and more in an open Sea, and then met with Ice which lay dispersed abroad, and was no hindrance to our proceeding, so that we continued rowing the space of six hours, in which time we had gotten more than half way over: but then we found the Ice to lie very thick thronged together, so that it caused us much to alter our course, sometimes Southward and sometimes Northwards, and even in this time, when we thought we stood in most need of clear weather, it pleased God to send us the contrary, for it began to snow very fast, which made the Air so thick that we could not see to make choice of the most likely way for us to pass, A great snow began. therefore I thought good to stay here awhile, hoping that ere long the weather would be more agreeable to our purpose; so a Grapnel being laid forth upon an Island off, to hold fast our shallop, a Tent was made of the shallops sail to keep the weather from us, and we remained here five hours, but finding no alteration in the constant weather, I willed the men to take down the Tent, and with fair terms persuaded them, that notwithstanding the wet weather, it were good to be doing something, to get over to the desired shore, where we might refresh ourselves, and have fire to dry our wet clothes; they seemed well content with this motion, and so we rowed the space of four hours more, the Ice still causing us to hold a South and South Southeast course, I could not pass for Ice. which carried us further into Sir Thomas smith's Inlet, and put us from the place where we wished to be. The thick snowy weather continued all this time, which was very uncomfortable to us all, but especially to the men that rowed; and as the snow was noisome to their bodies, so did it also begin to astonish their minds, as I well perceived by their speeches, which proceeded upon this occasion. The original cause of Ice at Sea. The snow having continued thus long, and falling upon the smooth water, lay in some places an inch thick, being already in the nature of an Ice compact, though not congealed, and hindered sometimes our shallops way; this I say caused some of them, not altogether without reason to say, that if it should now freeze as it did that night when we came over Red-cliffe Sound, we should be in danger here to be frozen up. Howsoever this search might be a means to discourage the rest, that considered not of such a thing till they had heard it spoken of: yet true it is, that I saw no likelihood, by reason of the Ice, how to attain my desire at this time, and therefore I bade them row toward the shore of Red-beach again, where I intended to stay till the weather might happily be more convenient. I went back again to Red-beach. So holding a West Northwest course, so near as the Ice would suffer us, we came to the East-side of Red-beach, having been eighteen hours amongst the Ice, during all which time the snow fell, and as yet ceased not. When we had been here about an hour it began to clear up, and the wind to blow hard at East, which rather packed the Ice close together in this place then dispersed it, so that I was now out of hope to get any further than I had been already: wherefore I returned toward our ship, intending as I went to make a more particular Discovery of Broad-bay, I returned towards our ship. and Red-cliffe Sound, hoping that one place or other would afford some thing worthy of the time and labour. When we were come to the West side of Red-beach, it began to blow much wind, where withal the Sea growing to be great, all men advised to pass over Broad-bay, whilst the wind and weather would serve us to sail, for they said it was like to be very foul weather: so seeing that it was no convenient time for coasting, Point Welcome. we came over the Bay to Point Welcome (which I so named because it is a place, where we oftentimes rested, when we went forth in our shallops) it is about four leagues distant from the North end of Red beach. At this point the Hollanders had set up Prince Maurice his Arms, near unto a Cross which I had caused to be set up above a month before, and had nailed a six pence thereon with the King's Arms, but the men that were with me, went (without any such direction from me) and pulled down the said Princes Arms, whilst I was gone up a Mountain to look into the Sea, if I could see any Ice: and when I came down again they told me, that the six pence was taken from the Cross that I had set up, and there was another post set by it, with the Hollanders Arms made fast thereon, which they had pulled down; so, because the six pence was taken away, I caused one to nail the King's Arms cast in Lead upon the Cross: The King's Arms are set up again at Point Welcome. I went into Red cliff Sound. which being done we rowed to the bottom of Red-cliffe Sound, and as we coasted alongst the shore, we searched two little Beaches, which had some wood on them, but nothing that we found of better value. About two leagues within the Sound, on the East side there is an Harbour where ships may ride in good ground Land-lockt, but if other years be like this, I cannot say that it is an Harbour fitting for ships, because it is late ere the Sound break up: for even now there lay much Ice at the bottom of it, insomuch, that I was forced to leave the shallop, because I could not pass with her for Ice, and walk two miles over stony Mountains, with another man in my company, to be satisfied concerning a point of Land that shot into the Sound, whether it were an Island or no, as by all likelihood it seemed to be: but when I came to the farthest part of it, I saw it join to the main Land, wherefore I called it Point Deceit, Point Deceit. because it deceived me so much. From hence we proceeded toward our ship, and came aboard of her in the North Harbour of Fair Haven, on Friday night being the nineteenth of August, I came aboard our ship. where she rid alone; for Master Marmaduke was gone forth to Sea that day. The two and twentieth of August, john Mason Master of the Gamaliell, came over from the South Harbour for help to hail up a Whale which had been sunk fourteen days, A Whale lay sunken fourteen days. in one hundred and twenty fathom depth, or else to pull the Warp and Harping Iron out of her, for now it was time to take her or forsake her. Master Sherwin our Master caused our long Boat to be manned and went with him; when they came where the Whale was sunk, they haled, and she presently rose, bolting suddenly up with a thundering crack made with the bursting of her body; and notwithstanding she had lain so long, yet had she all her Fins fast. Whilst this was in doing, The Hearts-ease anchored by us. Warm weather in the end of August. the Hearts-ease was coming into the Harbour from the Northward, and anchored by our ship an hour after. Here we stayed till the seven and twentieth of August, and since my last return hither in the shallop from the Eastwards, the weather hath been commonly warm, and the Mountains were now more clear of Snow, than they had been any time this year, notwithstanding there had much snow fallen since the beginning of this month, but it was quite consumed, and a greater sign of warmth and thaw was now to be observed then any time of the year heretofore; namely, by the often falling of the Ice into the Sea from the huge snowy banks, making a noise like Thunder, so that the time was very hopeful, but thus we made use of occasion offered. The seven and twentieth of August, it was fair and warm weather, calm till noon, than had we a gale of wind from the South South-west, We set sail to the Eastward. wherewithal we set sail out of Faire-haven in the company of the Hearts-ease, with whom we had been in terms of consortship, but nothing was concluded. About six a clock at night we were six leagues from Cape Barren, which bore from us South-west and by South. We proceeded still to the Northeastward, and on the eight and twentieth day in the morning we had run about twenty leagues from Cape Barren, in an East North-east way by the ordinary Compass, being open of Sir Thomas smith's Inlet, nine or ten leagues from the shore; at which time we were come to the Ice that trended East Southeast, and West Northwest, but the Sea being very rough, we stood off again from the Ice; in the afternoon it fell calm, and at night we had a gale of wind at East, and the ship was steered West, The Thomasin● returns for England. and then South-west homewards. The nine and twentieth day, the wind Easterly an easy gale▪ at four a clock● in the afternoon Hackluyts Head-land bore from us Southeast by East four leagues distant 〈…〉 was very warm. The thirtieth day, the wind at North-east an easy gale, at four a clock in the afternoon, Maudlon Point bore East North-east half a Point Easterly about three leagues distant 〈◊〉 the Evening it fell calm, the weather not cold. The thirtieth day, fair Sunshine weather and calm till noon, and then we had a good gale of wind from the North-east, being five leagues distant from the Fore-land, which bore Southeast; now we altered our course and stood to the Westward: therefore to keep us still in the parallel that now we were in which was 79. degrees 8. minutes, We stood to the westwards. West Northwest course was directed, in respect of the Variation, to make good a true West way. This course we held till we had run about twenty leagues, and then we ran twenty leagues more in a West and by North course till one a clock on Friday morning; at which time it fell calm; and we heard the Sea make a great noise, as if we had been near Land, but we rather judged it to be Ice, as indeed it proved to be, for in the morning when it was light and clear, we saw the Ice about a league from us, which trended Southerly; having now a gale at East North-east, we steered away South and South Southeast, but in the afternoon we were embayed with a long bank of Ice, which we could not weather, therefore we were fain to tack about, We met with Ice. and the wind having come more Southerly than it was in the morning, we stood off from the Ice North-east and North-east and by North, and then to the Southwards again, making sundry boards to get forth to wind-wards of the Ice. The third day before noon, we had sight again of Ice to Westwards of us, and at noon were under the parallel of 78. degrees 27. minutes, according to my Observation: then we stood a way South to keep clear of the Ice, for we had a great homing Sea, although but little wind; and therefore durst not be to bold to edge too near it, especially the wind being Easterly as then it was. On the fourth day our men saw the Ice again from the main topmast head, and therefore we still maintained a Southerly course: the next day it began to be foggy, and continued close weather and hazie for three days, so that we had no more sight of the Ice; neither could we at this time receive any further satisfaction concerning the same: therefroe we kept a Southerly course so near as we could, We left the Ice and came for England. although we had but little wind, and the same very variable till the ninth day, but then we had a good gale of wind at West Northwest. On the tenth day being Saturday, we were by my reckoning fifty leagues distant from Lowfoot, which bore from us East Southeast half a Point Southerly; this day the wind shifted to the South-west, and at night came to the South with much rain; then came back again to the West Northwest and began a great storm. A storm began. This night the Master and others saw a light upon the Fore-bonnet, which the Sailors call a Corpo Santo: A Corpo Santo. It is often seen at the end of storms. it appeared like the flame of a Candle, and (as Seamen observe) it always presageth an ensuing storm; which to verify, this foul weather continued the next day, and grew to be so vehement on Sunday night, that the Sea oftentimes over-raked our ship, and we were fain to lie a●ry with our fore course only, and our Main topmast also struck, which last thing (as Seamen say) is seldom done at Sea, then about one a clock we were forced to take in our fore course, and to lie a-hull for five hours. The fourth day of October, the ship came to Wapping with the whole number of men that she carried forth (my self excepted that was come before) being six and twenty, all in perfect health. CHAP. VII. A true report of a Voyage Anno 1615. for Discovery of Seas, Lands, and Lands, to the Northwards; as it was performed by ROBERT FOTHERRIE, in a Pinnace of twenty tons called the Richard of London: set forth at the charge of the Right Worshipful Sir THOMAS SMITH, Knight, my very good Master, and Master RICHARD WICHE, Governors: and the rest of the Worshipful Company of Merchants, called the Merchants of New Trades and Discoveries, trading into Moscovia, and King JAMES his New Land. BY the providence of Almighty God I went forth of Harwich Harbour in the foresaid Pinnace, the twelfth of May, in the company of eight ships of the Fleet, for King james his New Land, who in foul weather out-fayled me in the latitude 71. degrees, or thereabouts. So I proceeded alone towards King james his New Land: and met with Ice in latitude 73. degrees 30. minutes, I stood North-eastwards for the waist of King james his New Land, and had sundry conflicts with the Ice in rainy and wet foggy weather, and had sight of Land the eleventh of june, and on the nineteenth of the same I anchored in Fair Haven. Here I stayed till the third of july, for the Pinnace had received some hurt amongst the Ice, which to amend, I was fain to hale her aground, besides diverse other things necessary to be done, which detained me longer then willingly I would have stayed there. From hence I sailed Northward, but met with Ice in latitude 79. degrees 50. minutes, being six leagues from Hackluyts Head-land, Hackluyts Headland. than I coasted the Ice as it lay in Points and Bays to the Westwards and Southwestward, and being thirty leagues from the Land in latitude 79. degrees 10. minutes, I found it to trend Northward and North-westwards, and coasted it to the latitude of 79. degrees 50. minutes, but then I was embayed with Ice, and was fain to stand out again and sailed above ten leagues before I got clear: when I was out of this Bay, I proceeded South Westerly with the Ice on the starboard to the latitude 78. degrees 30. minutes, where being forty leagues from the shore, I was again embayed with the Ice, Peril and escape. and having had fair Sunshine weather all the day, which made me the bolder to stand so near it, the weather on a sudden fell foggy, and the wind began to blow hard at South, which put us to great trouble and no small peril: but the Almighty power who hath mercifully delivered us heretofore out of as great dangers, preserved us also from this: when we were gotten clear off the Ice, we had the Sea much grown, and the storm increasing, but being desirous still to keep the Sea, I stood close by the wind under a pair of corpses, till the Pinnace waxed leak with bearing too much sail, and there was forced to lie atry under a main coarse only: and although she stemmed Southeast and Southeast by South, yet was she hurried violently to the North-eastwards, and by the merciful providence of God we fell right with the Fore-land, in latitude 79. degrees, than I stood over Sir Thomas smith's Bay for harbour in Crosse-road, where I anchored the thirteenth of july being Thursday. I stayed here four days, in which time my men mended the Sails and ships tackling that had received hurt by the late storm, and made a new main Sail to serve in time of need, and on the seventeenth of july I weighed out of Crosse-road, and sailing Westwards from thence came to Ice again in latitude 78. degrees 40. minutes, which I coasted as it lay nearest South-west, or more Westerly, but with many Points & Bays, wherewith I was sometimes entangled, yet, God be thanked, got clear again, either by help of Oars or Sails without any hurt. In this sort I proceeded with good satisfaction, although not with so good content, till I came to the latitude of 76. degrees, being above one hundred leagues from Point Lookout, but then was crossed with a contrary storm from the South-west and South South-west, which drove me to the South-eastward, till I came in the latitude of 74. degrees, and then I made my way Westward again, so near as I could lie, close by the wind, and overranne the formerly supposed Land of Groynland, Note. Error of Grouland. which some have laid down in plaits and extended to 75. degrees. When I came into the latitude of 73. degrees, I stood West and Northwest, and fell with Ice again in latitude 73. degrees 50. minutes, and thought indeed at that time that I was near Land by abundance of Fowl, which we saw in great flocks: but such thick fogs have continued for three or four days together, Fogs. that we might sooner hear the Land if anywere, then see it, and so did we first find this Ice by hearing the rut, thinking till we saw it, that it had been Land, so that we were embayed with it, before we thought that we had been near it; then I stood out again and coasted the Ice still to the Westwards Southerly, but could see no Land, as I expected to have done, until we came under the latitude of 71. degrees thirty minutes, and then we espied a snowy Hill very high in the clouds, High Hill. for this day was very clear at Sea, but the fog was not yet cleared from the Land, so that we could see no part of it, but only the top of a snowy Mountain, which appeared very high although we were fourteen or fifteen leagues distant from it, bearing off us Southeast and by South. Then I stood in for the shore, supposing it had been part of the Main of Groynland: for the fog lay on each side of this Mount, as if there had been a great Continent under it, but it proved otherwise, for as we came nearer to it, the fog dispersed more and more, and when we were five leagues distant, the Land appeared in form like an Island. When I came nearer the shore, I could find no Harbour to anchor in. Notwithstanding, the weather being fair & calm, I hoist out my Boat & went ashore with three men more, and set up the King's Arms: then we searched a Sandie Beach, which was abundantly stored with drift wood, Drift wood▪ but yielded no other fruits, that we could find worth the taking up, so I returned aboard again, and sent ashore my Boat to fetch some wood. But before the men had laid into her the little quantity that she was able to carry, they came aboard again, for the wind began to blow hard, and the Sea to go lofty, so that here was no place for us to abide any longer, otherwise I was purposed to have searched further alongst the shore, but this gale of wind coming Northerly I stood from hence to the Westwards, being desirous to see more Land or find a more open Sea. And having sailed about fifteen or sixteen leagues I met with Ice again, in latitude 71. degrees, and coasted it eight or nine leagues further Westward, and Southwestward as it lay, but then the wind came to the South-west, and we stood close by it a while to the Southwards, but finding the gale to increase, and considering that it was the most contrary wind which could blow against my further proceeding (for the Ice as we found did ●●end nearest South-west, and besides if there had been any high Land within twenty leagues of us, we might perfectly have made it, the weather was so fair and clear.) In these respects, and for the Reasons following, I took the benefit of this wind to return to the North-eastwards again, being now about two hundred leagues from King james his New Land in latitude 71. degrees. Note. First, I purposed to sail alongst the Southeast side of the Land that I had discovered, to be better satisfied what Harbours there were, and what likelihood of profit to ensue; and from thence to proceed to the place where I first fell with Ice in latitude 73. degrees when I was driven to the South-eastwards with a Westerly storm, for I am yet verily persuaded, that being there we were not far from Land, although we could not see it by reason of thick foggy weather. Then my further intent was, if I found no good occasion to spend my time there, for to coast the Ice, or try the open Sea to the Northwards, betwixt 73. and 76. degrees, where formerly I had not received desired satisfaction by reason of a storm that drove me off, and then I purposed, if time might seem convenient, to proceed to the North Coast of King james his New Land, to have seen what hope was there to be had for passage Northward, or for compassing of the Land, which is most like to be an Island. I stood away East and by South, and being near the foresaid Island, the wind came to the West and blew a very hard gale, wherewith I passed alongst the Southeast side of the Island under a pair of corpses, but without that satisfaction which I expected: for the wind blowing so stormy, and the Sea grown very great, I was forced to stand further from the shore then willingly I would have done, and besides there was a thick fog upon the Land, whereby I could not be satisfied what Harbours or Roads were about it, yet might we see three or four Capes, or Headlands, as if there went in Bays betwixt them. I sailed about it, and then stood to the Northward again, and being now assured that it was an Island, I named it Sir Thomas smith's Island. Sir T. smith's Island. This Island is about ten leagues in length, and stretcheth North-east and South-west: it is high Land, and at the North end of it there is a Mountain of a wonderful height and bigness, Mount Hackluyt. all covered with Snow, which I called Mount Hackluyt; the base or foot of it on the East side is almost four leagues long, it hath three such sides at the base lying out to the Sea, and from the fourth side doth the rest of the Island extend itself towards the South-west, which is also, as it were, a place fortified with Castles and Bulwarks, for on each side there be three or four high Rocks which stand out from the Land, appearing like Towers and Forts. It lies in the parallel of 71. degrees, where the Needle varieth from the true Meridian Westwards eight degrees. The Land is generally so far as I have seen, Rocky and very barren, and worse than the Land that I have seen in King james his New Land, under eighty degrees, for there is no grass but moss, and where I first landed upon low ground, all the stones were like unto a Smith's finders both in colour and form, the sand is generally mixed with a corn like Amber; the Beaches are abundantly stored with drift wood and many stones, light like Pumis, which will swim on the water. I saw many traces of Foxes and the footing of Bears, but not any sign of Deer or other living creatures, and very small store of Fowl. From hence I stood to the Northward according to my former purpose, but was crossed with a contrary storm from the Northwest which put me off to the Eastward: but as the wind shifted I made my way to the North-westwards all I could, and came again to the Ice in latitude 75. degrees, from whence I proceeded towards King james his New Land, and had sight of the Land the eighteenth of August, being in latitude 77. degrees 30. minutes, and having a hard gale of wind then at Northwest, I stood close by it under a pair of corpses, but could not weather Prince Charles Island, and therefore I bore up, intending to go into Nicks Cove, which is on the North side of Ice-sound, there to attend a fair wind, and in the mean time to get ballast aboard the Pinnace, and all other things necessary. But coming to enter into the Harbour, I thought it not a place convenient, because I could hardly have gotten out again with a Southerly wind, which would carry me to the Northwards, and therefore I stood over for Green-harbor, where I anchored at one a clock in the morning, the nineteenth of August. Here I caused my men to launch a shallop, and to get ballast and water aboard the Pinnace, and before nine a clock at night I was ready to proceed Northward with the first fair wind. I stayed here five days, during which time it blew hard for the most part at North and Northwest, and on the four and twentieth of August, the wind came to the East North-east as we supposed, till we were out of the Harbour, so I set sail to proceed Northward, and had the wind Easterly out of Ice-sound, wherewith I stood Northwest towards Cape Cold, but being clear of the high Land, we found the wind to be at North North-east, therefore I resolved of another course, which was this. Having perused Hudsons' journal written by his own hand in that Voyage wherein he had sight of certain Land, Hudsons' Hold-with-hope questioned as before also. which he named Hold-with-hope; I found that by his own reckoning it should not be more than one hundred leagues distant from King james his New Land, and in the latitude of 72. degrees 30. minutes or thereabouts: therefore seeing I could not proceed Northward, I purposed to go to the Southwestwards to have sight of this Land, and discover it, if wind and weather would permit. So I stood away South-west, and sometimes West South-west, till I had run one hundred and thirty leagues, and was by account in latitude 72. degrees 30. minutes, where having the wind contrary to proceed further Westward, I stood Eastward till I had run thirty leagues, in which course I should have seen this Land, if credit might be given to Hudsons' journal, but I saw not any. And having a hard gale of wind still Northerly, I conceived no course so good to be taken at this time, as to s●eed homewards; and so stood to the Southwards, directing my course for England, this being the eight and twentieth of August. After which time the wind continued Northerly till the sixth day of September, and then we were on the coast of Scotland in latitude 57 degrees, and on the eight day of September had sight of the land of England on the coast of Yorkshire. Thus by the great mercy of God have we escaped many dangers, and after a cold Summer have some taste of a warm Autumn. All glory therefore be to God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Amen. By this brief Relation, and by the plat wherein I have traced the ships way upon each several traverse it may plainly appear, how far the state of this Sea is discovered betwixt 80. and 71. degrees of latitude, making difference of longitude 26. degrees from the Meridian of Hackluyts Headland. Now if any demand my opinion concerning hope of a passage to be found in those Seas; I answer, that it is true, that I both hoped and much desired to have passed further than I did, but was hindered with Ice: wherein although I have not attained my desire, yet forasmuch as it appears not yet to the contrary, but that there is a spacious Sea betwixt Groinland and King james his New-land, although much pestered with Ice; I will not seem to dissuade this worshipful Company from the yearly adventuring of 150. or 200. pounds at the most, till some further discovery be made of the said Seas and Lands adjacent, for which purpose no other Vessel would I advise unto, than this Pinnace with ten men, which I hold to be most convenient for that action, although heretofore I conceived otherwise, but now I speak after good experience, having sailed in her out and in above two thousand leagues. RO. FOTHERBIE. A Letter of ROBERT FOTHERBIE to Captain EDGE, written in Crosse-rode, july 15. 1615. MAster Edge, By the mercy of God I came into Crosse-road on Thursday last, being driven from Sea near shore by extreme tempest. At the beginning of the storm I was unwittingly embayed with Ice above forty leagues from land, in latitude 78. degrees and 30. minutes, but, thanks be to God, I got clear of it, yet not without much trouble and great danger. Having plied under two corpses to and again so long till my Pinnace was made leak with bearing, I tried it under a main corpse and stemmed Southeast and Southeast and by South, notwithstanding I was hurried to the Northward, and fell right with the Foreland, which by reason of the misty storm we could not set till we were within a league of it; then I stood over the Bay and came to an anchor here, where I must be forced to stay till our sails be mended▪ and a new main coarse be made, if not a fore coarse also. Then I purpose to go to Sea again, and to proceed in coasting the Ice to the Westward, if it hinder me to proceed Northward. I have already coasted it from Hackluyts Headland to the latitude aforesaid, and intent to begin again so near as I can at the place where I was put off with the storm. I came from Fair Haven the fourth of july, and then had there been killed twelve Whales, besides one found dead, and another brought in by Fra. Birkes, which he found at Sea before he came into Fair Haven. When I came in hither, here were three Ships and a Pinnace of the King of Denmark's; Ships of the King of Denmark. they rid in deep water about a league and a half from the Road, but weighed from thence, and the Admiral came to an anchor close by me, and sent to entreat me to come aboard of him; I went aboard and was courteously entertained by the General, who questioned me of the Country, and asked me by what right the English Merchants did resort and fish in this place: I told him, by the King of England's right, who had granted a Patent to the Muscovie Company of Merchants, whereby he authorizeth them, and forbiddeth all others to frequent these places. Then he entreated me to go with him to Sir Tho. smith's Bay, to the two English ships there. I told him, it would be loss of time to me, because I had some business here to do, and then to go forth presently to Sea again to prosecute my Discovery. He said, that he would have me go with him to be witness what passed betwixt him and you, for he had matters of importance to acquaint you withal, which concerned our King and theirs, and therefore entreated me to give direction presently to weigh and set sail, for I must needs go with him: I replied again, that it would be a great loss unto me of time, and I knew not how to answer it; but he told me peremptorily that I must go with him. So seeing no remedy. I bade the Master be ready: then he presently weighed and kept me aboard him, but afterwards meeting with the two Captains that came from you, he returned and anchored again in Crosse-road. I received very courteous entertainment of the Admiral, Vide-admiral, and of Captain Killingham: but Captain Killingham being aboard of me, went away as he seemed, discontented, because I would not give him a young Morse I have aboard, which I denied to do, because I writ to my Master from Fair Haven, that such a thing I have, and will bring alive into England, if I may. When he went off aboard of me, he said, he would shoot down my flag: And soon after there came a shot which slew over us, out of the Admiral, and I expected another; but soon after there came a man aboard of me out of the Admiral, to see if any of your men that came in the Shallop, would go with them into the Bay, and he swore unto me that the shot was made to call their Boat aboard, because they were ready to weigh. As far as I can perceive, their purpose is to see what Grant the King of England hath made unto the Company, for they seem to pretend that the right of this Land belongs to the King of Denmark, and neither to English nor Hollanders. Thus with my hearty commendations to yourself, and Master Bredcake, together with my prayers for your prosperous voyage, I commit you to God. CHAP. VIII. diverse other Voyages to Greenland, with Letters of those which were there employed, communicated to me by Master WILLIAM HELEY. An. 1616. Edges Island was discovered, and a prosperous voyage was made, all the ships being laden, under the command of Captain Thomas Edge. An. 1617. Witch's Island was discovered; and what voyage was made appeareth in the Letter following, written to Master Decrow by William Heley. Laus Deo, in Portnick the 12. of August, 1617. Worshipful Sir, MY duty remembered, May it please you to understand, that through God's blessing our Voyage is performed in all the Harbours in the Country this year, with a greater overplus than our ships will carry: so that in some places we must of force leave good store of Oil and Blubber behind for the next year. We are all for the most part ready to set sail, being full laden: only I desire to see the Coast clear of Interlopers, whereby our provisions may be left in security. We took a ship of Flushing, called the Noah's Ark (Master, john Verlile) in Horne-sound, having out of him two hundred hogsheads of Blubber, and two Whales and a half to cut up, a great Copper, and diverse other provisions, and sent him away ballasted with stones. There were two more of them who were gone laden with Blubber, before we could get thither, having intelligence of our coming. There were also two Danes, who made one hundred and odd tons of Oil, and laded one ship for Copenhaven, the other with half the Oil and Fins for Amsterdam, and left the Country about the sixth or seventh of August. And for Master Cudner, he rid in Portnick, where he killed eleven Whales, and made some seventy and odd tons of Oil, which is laden aboard him and his Fins. In whom, if our ships had come together thither as I desired, I would have laden forty or fifty tons of Oil in him, and displaced his men and sent him for England: but bad weather hindering our ships getting thither, and his sudden departure after our coming in with the Pleasure, she being laden and not sufficiently fitted to surprise him, he escaped, but I sent her away in company with him, whereby he may not do any hurt in other places in the Country. I would have had him to have taken in some Oil, for which I offered him freight, so I might put some men into him to see to it, and that it might be brought safe to London: but he refused, yet protesteth, he purposeth to bring his ship and goods to London: his voyage is by the thirds, so that his men will rather dye then forgo that they have got. The small ship john Ellis is returned from the South Eastward, having made some further discovery, and killed some eight hundred Seamorse, and laden the teeth, and thirty tons of hides, and the rest of his lading in Oil: he brought some Sea-horse blubber with him. He met with Thomas Marmaduke of Hull in those parts, who had not done any thing when he saw him towards making a voyage, but went for Hope Island, and no doubt but he will do much spoil there. As for the Bear, she departed for Hamborough the third of August out of Crosse-road; and the Greyhound in company with her for England, who, I hope, is safely arrived, and by whom I hope you understand of her proceedings at full. The Whales killed this year in the Country are about one hundred and fifty in number, and the Oil made will be about one thousand eight hundred and odd tons, besides the blubber left for want of cask. The lading of this ship is one hundred and eighty tons, as by the Bill of lading here enclosed. Thus having not further wherewith to acquaint your Worship, withal praying God to send all home in safety with a good passage; I humbly take my leave, and do rest Ready at your Worship's command in all dutiful service. WILLIAM HELEY. A Letter of Master ROBERT SALMON to Master SHERWIN. In Sir THOMAS SMITHS Bay, the 24. of june, 1618. Loving friend Master Sherwine, I kindly salute you, wishing you as much prosperity as unto myself, etc. Since our coming into the Bay, we have been much troubled with Ice and Northerly winds, so as we have not been two days free of Ice. We had a storm Northerly which brought in much Ice, so as we were enclosed withal eight days: ther● went such a Sea in the Ice that did beat our ships very much for four and twenty hours, that I did think we should have spoilt our ships: but I thank God we cannot perceive any hurt at all it hath done to us; also we have broken two anchors with the Ice: we have killed thirteen Whales, but they yield but little, in regard of the Ice which hath much hindered us in our work, for in ten daye● we could not do any work the Bay was so full of Ice: the Bay was full as low as Fox no●e, and now at this present the Bay is full of shattered Ice, the winds hanging Northerly keeps it in. Here is five sail of Flemings which have fourteen and sixteen pieces of Ordnance in a ship; and they do man out eighteen Shallops, so that with theirs and ours here is thirty Shallops in the Bay, too many for us to make a voyage: there is at the least fifteen hundred tons of shipping of the Flemings; we have reasonable good quarter with them, for we are merry aboard of them, and they of us; they have good store of Sacks, and are very kind to us, proffering us any thing that we want. I am very doubtful of making a voyage this year, yet I hope Crosse-road will help us for one ship, the Company must take another course the next year: if they mean to make any benefit of this Country, they must send better ships that must beat these knaves out of this Country, but as far as I can understand by them, they mean to make a trade of continuance of it: they have every one of them Grave Maurices' Commission under his Hand and Seal: we will let them rest this year, and let who will take care the next year, for I hope not to trouble them. I pray remember my duty to the Captain, and also to honest Master Thorn-bush, and to john Martin; Master Smith doth remember his love to you, and to all the rest of his friends: we are well at this present, I thank God: I pray let us hear from you when you have any conveyance; I hope we shall go home in company together as we came out. Thus with my love once again remembered to you, beseeching God to send us all a prosperous voyage, and joyfully to meet, I rest. A Letter of Master TH. SHERWIN: Bell-sound this 29. of june, 1618. MAster William Heley, your Letter I received, wherein I understand you have taken very great grief, which I am very sorry for: but I am in good hope to come to you myself one of these days▪ that I may comfort you with a good couple of Hens and a bottle of Canary wine, but I pray be careful of yourself and keep you warm, and take heed the Nodis do not pick out your eyes: but as for the Flemings let them all go hang themselves, and although you be not strong enough to meddle with them, yet the worst words are too good for them, the time may come you may be revenged on them again. The Captain wishes they would come all into Bell-sound and beat us out, and carry us for Holland; here is a great fleet of them in this Country. Here came in two Flemings, but we handled them very honestly, but for fear of after-claps, or had it been the latter part of the year, we would have handled them better; now they be gone for Horne-sound, I would that they had all of them as good a pair of horns growing on their heads, as is in this Country. As concerning our voyage, Master Salmon can certify you both in Horne-sound, and in our harbour. My brother Buss, john Martin, and I, drank to you, and wish you many a Venison pasty. We have so little to do we fear we shall all have the Scurvy, but we have pulled down the Flemish house, and brought it near more fit for our turn. Thus praying you to remember my love to all at Faire-haven, I cease, with my prayers to God, to send you and us all a prosperous voyage, with all your good health, that we may go merrily home together. A Letter of JAMES BEVERSHAM to Master HELEY. From Faire-haven, the 12. of july, 1618. MAster Heley, My commendations remembered to yourself, Master Salmon, Master Smith, and Master Beymond, as also to Master Wilkenson, Mate Headland, Master Greene, and the rest of our good friends with you, wishing all your healths as my own; I am very sorry to understand of the annoyances by the Flemings, both with you and other places; as also of the small hope there is, in making a voyage this year. For our parts we are and have been so pestered with Ice these twenty days, that we have not been able to go out to Sea with our Shallops above twice in the time, neither have we been able to do any good by reason of foul weather and fogs, nor have seen any more than one Whale in all that time, which after she was killed turned us to much trouble, by reason of foul weather, and forced us at last to leave her in the Ice, where the Bears made a prey of her, who I fear will spoil her before she be recovered. We have killed sixteen Whales besides, whereof the Flemish Biscainer, stole one, for which they have promised satisfaction, but they are so shut up with Ice that they are not able to stir either Ships or Shallops. All the Sea to the Northward of Hakluyts headland, and both Eastward and Westward thereof, is packed so full of Ice, that I fear it will overthrow our voyage, and put our ships in much hazard, the Lord release us of that misery in due time. I neither have nor will be slack to do my best endeavours for the good of the voyage, the prosperity whereof I do much wish and desire both here and in all other places. I pray remember my love to the Captain, by your next convoy to the Southward, with my commendations to all the rest of our friends; thus for present wishing your health, I kindly take my leave, and rest your loving friend. I had thought to have added a large Discourse of occurrents betwixt the Dutch and English in Greenland this 1618. and had prepared it to the Press. But having already given some Relation thereof from Captain Edge etc. and seeing the insolences of some of the Dutch were intolerable to English spirits, which then suffered, or hereafter should read them; I chose rather to pass them by; advising my Countrymen not to impute to that Nation what some frothy spirit vomits from amidst his drink, but to honour the Hollanders worth, and to acknowledge the glory of the Confederate Provinces, howsoever they also have their sinks and stinking rewers (too officious mouths, such as some in this business of Greenland, beyond all names of impudence against his Majesty, and his Liege people, as others elsewhere have demeaned themselves) whose loathsomeness is not to be cast as an aspersion to that industrious and illustrious Nation. Every Body hath its excrements, every great House its Vault or jakes, every City some Port exquiline and dunghills, every Camp the baggage; the World itself a Hell: and so hath every Nation the retriments, stumme, dregs, rascality, intempered, distempered spirits, which not fearing God nor reverencing Man, spare not to spew out that to the dishonour of both, which saving the honour of both can scarcely be related after them. A difference is to be made of relation and personal faults, of which we have said enough in the East India quarrels, 'twixt ours and the Dutch. A Letter of JOHN CHAMBERS to W. HELEY, Bel-sound june 16. 1619. Loving and approved good friend, Master William Heley, etc. I am forced to write in tears unto you for the loss of our Men, by the most uncouth accident that ever befell unto poor men. The thirteenth of june last we were put ashore in the Ice Bay, our Shallops being not aboard: but as soon as we heard of it, Terrible Disaster. we made what haste we could, and haled our shallops upon the Ice, and went aboard our ship. By that time we had been there an hour, making what means we could to get her out, a main piece of the Cliff falling, the fearfullest sight that ever I beheld being then aboard, expecting nothing else but death, with all the rest that were in her: But God of his great mercy and providence delivered us, that were not then appointed to dye, that were passed all hope of life; for the Ice fell so high and so much, that it carried away our foremast, broke our mainmast, sprung our Bouldstrit, and fetched such a career that she heaved a piece of Ordnance overboard from under our half Deck, have me over board amongst the Ice in all the sea, and yet I thank the Lord I was never hurt with a piece of Ice, although it pleased God they were spoilt and killed close by me. Thus having related unto you the misery of this our Voyage, hoping of your aid and assistance in what you may, I shall be ever bound to pray for you. The Captain bid me write unto you for a five inch Haser, which I pray you spare me and it be possible: I have writ the particular of our wants in my Brother Sherwins Letter, which I pray you be a means to further me in. Thus ceasing any further to trouble you, I commit you unto the Lord, unto whom I pray to bless and prosper you in this your present Voyage, with all the rest of your days. The men that are killed are these: My Mate Money, Nicholas Greene and Allin the Butcher. There be many more hurt which I hope will recover it by the help of God and the means of a good Surgeon. Loving friend Master Heley, I kindly salute you, etc. Your Letter I received the fifth of this present: wherein I understand of the backwardness of your Voyage, the which I am heartily sorry for: but you must be content, seeing it is the will of God it shall be so, and that other harbours take neighbours fare with you: our best hopes of our Voyage was upon you, for of ourselves we do little, in regard we are much troubled with Ice, and have been so this ten days, which hath made us hale ashore six or seven times for it: we have had the winds at North-east, and East North-east, and at Northwest, which now keeps in the Ice: we have killed ten Whales, whereof eight are made into Oil, which hath made one hundred and eleven Tuns & a half, the other two were killed the fourth of this present, being very large fish, not doubting but they will make six and thirty or forty tons: we have the hundred tons aboard, the rest Master Barker taketh in, in regard Master Bushes ship is not fitted up, we shall make her foremast to serve again and all things else for this Voyage. The fourth of this present, George Wivelden came from Horne-sound, where they have killed four Whales, they have been much troubled with winds Easterly, also much Ice, there is so much Ice off of Point Look out, that George could not get about. This Ice hath put in young Duke of Hull into Horne-sound, his ship being much torn with the Ice, his Merchant is now aboard of us, his name is Medcafe, whom the Captain doth detain, his Voyage is utterly overthrown, for he hath lost one shallop with six men, and another shallop broken with the Ice, his Ruther Irons being all broken, his Steam broke a way close to the Woodings, also George did meet with a Fleming of Flushing, burden two hundred tuns, the which he thinks is cast away with Ice, for the Ice did beat her very sore. I understand by M. Catchers Letter, that there is eleven sail of Flemings and Danes about them, I doubt not but we shall call them to account of how many tons of Oil they have made, as they did call us the last Voyage to account: my love is such unto them, that I protest I could wish with all my heart that we might go and see them, and to spend my best blood in the righting of our former wrongs. Also I understood by Robert Fox, that A●rian of Flushing is one of them, I should be very glad to see him, that I might balance the account with him. The Captain willed me to write unto you concerning the Ruff house, that if you cannot set it up, that then you should make an English house of it, and to place the post of a Deals length, and to be three Deals in length, and so much in breadth, and so to cover it with Deals the next year, and so he thinketh that it will make two frames: also he could wish that you would remove the Coppers more up into the Bay. I pray you commend me to my loving friend Master Sherwine, Master Wilkinson, Master Henderson and Michael Greene; also my love remembered unto yourself, I take my leave, hoping we shall see you at the Fore-land ere it be long: till when, I pray God to bless you and prosper you in all your proceedings. Resting still Bell-sound the fifth of july. 1619. Your assured friend to command ROBERT SALMON junior. A Letter of I. CATCHER to Master HELEY from Faire-haven. Laus Deo, this seventeenth of june 1620. Loving Brother, with my best love I salute you, wishing you better than we at this time, to have good store of Whales to make for you and us a Voyage, for we have seen small store of Whales, but have killed none as yet. In the Flemish harbour there is three Flemings great ships, whereof is one Statesman of War, who have set to Sea eighteen shallops with three Biscaners in every shallop; and in our harbour two of the Kings of Denmark's ships, who have set to Sea seven shallops with three Biscainers in every shallop: the Hollanders have killed one Whale, and found one Whale of the last years killing. I thought good to send to you the sooner, because we hope you have good store of Whales, that you may send for us to you, which I pray God you may, for we are in great doubt, but our hope is, if that you are not yet provided to send for us, we have a great time to stay in this Country, in which time, it may so please God. that we may here make a Voyage. For ourselves, one of our men is dead, and one other sick, so that we have but one and fifty men, which is too little as you know, therefore if you can spare us three men, they will stand us in good stead: if our Voyage cometh in, there is to the Northward good store of Ice, which putteth us in good comfort that we shall have Whales: the Danes do report that there is two ships to come from Denmark to our harbour, but as yet are not come. I pray you commend us to Master Wilkinson, Master Greene, Master Hedlam, Master Cleyborne, Master Alpho, and all the rest of our good friends. Humphrey Moor is very sick, so that we shall want a Harponiere. I know not what to write more to you, for with grief I write this. Thus kindly taking my leave, beseeching God to bless us, and send us a good Voyage, with a merry meeting. I rest Your loving brother to use JOHN CATCHER. A Letter of ROBERT SALMON from Sir THOMAS smith's Bay, july 6. 1621. Loving friend Master Heley, with-my love I salute you, etc. These are to certify you, that upon the fifteenth of the last, we arrived at Sir Thomas smith's unfortunate Bay: since which time we have killed six Whales, which are almost reduced into Oil, being some seventy tons or somewhat more; so within a day or two we may go sleep, for I fear we have our portion of Whales in this place: we have not seen a Whale this fourteen days, and fair weather is as scarce as the Whales, for ten days together nothing but blow, sometime Southerly and sometime Northerly: I do verily persuade myself that God is much displeased for the blood which was lost in this place, and I fear a perpetual curse still to remain yet; God I know is all sufficient, and may, if it please him, send a Voyage in this place. News from Faire-haven I can write you none, for as yet we have not heard from him: the reason thereof I cannot conceive; I fear his Shallop is miscarried, for certainly else we should have heard from him ere this, or some other cause there is: I pray God it be not so. I pray commend me to Master john Hedlam, and tell him that the Master and Pilot do set both their horse together, being very great friends: also I pray commend me to my Coseu William Driver and Master Wilkinson, wishing them all happiness. I am in good hope that you have done some good upon the Whale, not doubting but you will have sufficient for yourselves and to help your neighbours, the which I desire may be. Other news I have none to write you. So desiring God to bless you in your proceedings in this your Voyage, I take my leave: Resting Your loving friend to command ROBERT SALMON jun. Nine Ships were employed Anno 1622. of which one for Discovery. Their disastrous success you may read before, page 469. The last Fleet Anno 1623. was set forth by the former Adventurers, under the command of Captain William Goodlard, William Heley being Vide-admiral. Of the success thereof you may read the Letters following. Laus Deo in Faire-haven, the four and twentieth of june, 1623. MAster Heley, your health wished, as also a happy accomplishment of your pretended Voyage desired. I had written you according to order, of all matters happening since our arrival, had not contrary winds and weather premented, and therefore have taken the first opportunity offering as present. We arrived at our harbour with both our Ships in safety upon the third of this present, blessed be God, finding the year past to have been a very hard season, in regard of the great quantity of Snow and lee, but yet not very offensive to us in respect of our good harbour. Touching our proceeding upon our Voyage, by the eight of this present we had killed thirteen Whales, and then were all our Shallops constrained in, by reason of foul weather, till the fifteenth, dicto, and upon the fifteenth we killed two more, which being all boiled but the heads, and then estimated will hardly make past eighty Tons, which is a very small quantity. The weather continued bad till the twenty two, dicto, and upon the three and twentieth we killed three more, which by probability will make near forty Tons. And thus we doubt not but by degrees we shall accomplish our Voyage, by the grace of God. As touching our order for the Flemings, we went as yesterday aboard them, supposing that we should have found the Danes there, but they are not as yet arrived, but we found there five sails of Flemings, the Admiral five hundred Tons, the Vide-admiral of the same burden, the other three were two hundred each Ship, having also fifty or sixty persons amongst them, having four and twenty Shallops belonging to their five Ships, and are building Houses and Tabernacles to inhabit, for they make new and substantially also they told us, they expected one or two Ships more every day: after same time we had conference concerning the order given us with the General Cornelius Ice, and declared unto him that the time granted them to fish upon King james his New Land was expired, and thereupon his Majesty hath granted to our Principals a Commission under the broad Seal of England for the depressing of any Interloper or Fleming whatsoever that we shall meet withal upon this Coast; yet notwithstanding it pleased our Principals to appoint us to go aboard them, and in a loving manner to inform them hereof, which if you will condescend unto the desist fishing, you shall manifest yourselves friends to our Principals; if otherwise, you shall cause them to compel by force, who had rather persuade by love. Unto which he answered, that he heard of no such matter in Holland, for if there were, it should be certified by writing: to which we answered, that Sir Nowell Carroon their Agent was not ignorant of it, who should give information: and saith he, I have a Commission from the Prince of Orange, for the making of my Voyage upon this Coast, which was procured by my Merchants for my defence: and this is that could be gotten by words from him. Also at our first arrival, there road two Biskie ships with the Flemings, but within a day or two they weighed and stood for the Southward: but inquired of the Flemings what port they were bound for, they answered, for the North Cape; but Master Mason is persuaded they are at Greene-harbour: to which purpose I wrote to Master Catcher, that he gives order to his shallop that goes to Bel-sound, to stand in for the harbour, to give the Captain true information. And so for present I rest, entreating you to remember me to Master Salmon and Master john Hadland: and thus contracting my sails, lest the wind of my words carry me into the Ocean of discourse, here I anchor: resting Your friend NATHANIEL FAN. Master CATCHERS Letter the nine and twentieth of june, 1623. BRother Heley, with my best love I salute you, wishing your health with a prosperous Voyage, etc. Since our departure, we have had much foul weather and troubled with Ice before we could get into harbour, and after we came into harbour, we never let fall anchor, by reason of the Ice, till the sixteenth of this month, in which time we killed six Whales at the Fore-land, which made but eighteen Tuns and a half, and since we have killed six Whales more, which I hope will make in all upwards of eighty Tons. We have fit nine Shallops very well, and I thank God not one of our Men faileth, save one that was shot accidentally with a Musket. I hope some of the Shutberne harbours will supply our wants, if there be any, which I fear there will: our harbour, many say still, is impossible to make a Voyage, by reason that the Flemings shed blood there, which I pray God to take that plague from us. For Faire-haven; A doubt not but that you shall hear by the Letters sent you of the proceedings; but Master Sherwin writ, that there is five Flemings of five hundred Tons a piece: there was also two Biscainers which the English nor Fleming's would suffer to fish: therefore they departed, and said they would go for the North Cape; but I think they are in Greene-harbour, or gone to the Eastward; which if they be in Greene-harbour, our Shallop going to Bel-sound shall touch there to see, and so certify the Captain, and know his will what he would have done in it: I hold it not fit that they should harbour there. There are no Danes in the Country as yet, etc. Captain WILLIAM GOODLARD'S Letter: Bell-sound this eight of july, 1623. Loving friend Master Heley, I kindly salute you, wishing health to you with the rest of your company, praising the Lord for your good success in your fishing. To certify you of our proceedings; we have killed here in Bel-sound three and thirty Whales, and lost many more by Irons broken, yet I hope sufficient to fill our ships: we have boiled a hundred and eighty Tons, of which a hundred and sixty aboard our Ship, and make account sixty tons more will fill our hold. Our Whales here prove very waterish and lean, which maketh bad Oil, and hindereth us much in boiling. This present day our shallop came from the Fore-land, at which time they had killed fifteen Whales very small, and are very doubtful of a Voyage there: if God sendeth fish into this harbour, I will not spare till I have killed sufficient, to fill all our Casks, to leave for them if there be occasion. The four and twentieth of june, there was killed at Faire-haven eighteen Whales, which prove very small to yield, by their estimation one hundred and twenty tons: having there five Flemings well fortified, and ships of five hundred Tuns some of them, Flemings. and two more expected thither every day, which I fear will hinder much our ships in their fishing this year, and in my judgement not to be removed from thence, for they having a Commission from the States, to fish upon this Coast; were our whole Fleet there, and could put them away, yet would they fly to one of our Southern harbours, and so should we spend our time in following of them, and lose our Voyage, &c. There were two French Ships of Saint john de Luz at Faire-haven, which were put away by the Flemings and our Ships, which they judge are gone for the Cape. With a beanie heart I write you the lamentable accident which happened here the eight and twentieth of june, our shallops all out in chase; and myself asleep; my brother having a shallop lying by the ships side, Peter Goodford drowned. spied a Whale going into the Ice Bay, followed him and struck him, and his rope being new ran out with kinckes, which overthrew his shallop, where he lost his life with my Boy Bredrake, being as we think carried away with the rope (the dearest Whale to me that ever was struck in this harbour) there was never any loss, I think, went so near my heart, etc. Many other Letters I could have added, but doubt I, have already wearied you with this uncouth Coast, whereto our English Neptunes are now so wont, that there they have found not only Venison, but Parnassus and Helicon; and have melted a Musaa● Fountain out of the Greenland Snowes and Icy Rocks. Whole Elaborate Poems have I seen of Master Heley, as also of james Presson, there composed: but we have harsher Discoveries in hand, to which we are now shipping you. This I thought good at our parting to advertise thee, Cold and heat strangely variable. that Master Heley hath affirmed to me touching the diversity of weather in Greeneland; that one day, it hath been so cold (the winds blowing out of some quarter) that they could scarce handle the frozen sails: another day so hot, that the pitch melted off the ship, so that hardly they could keep their clothes from pollution: yea, he hath seen at midnight Tobacco lighted or fired by the Sunbeams with a Glass. Tobacco lighted by the Sun at midnight. Likewise for a farewell to our Whale-storie, I thought good to deliver Stows relation touching a Whale somewhat differing in form from those here usually found in Greeneland: myself also having spoken with some diligent viewers thereof in Thanet where it was taken julie 9 1574. shooting himself on shore besides Rammesgate in the Parish of Saint Peter, and there dying forsaken of his Ocean parent. He came on shore about six of the clock at night, and died about six the next morning, before which time he roared and was heard more than a mile on the land. The length was two and twenty yards, the nether jaw twelve foot in the opening: one of his eyes (which in the Greene-land Whale is very small, not much greater than the eye of an Ox being taken out of his head, was more than six Horses in a Cart could draw; a man stood upright in the place whence the eye was taken. The thickness from the back whereon he lay, to his belly, which was upwards, was fourteen foot; his tail of the same breadth: three men stood upright in his mouth: betwixt his eyes twelve foot: some of the ribs sixteen foot long: the tongue fifteen foot long: his liver two Cart load: into his nostrils any man might have crept: the Oil of his head Spermaciti, etc. CHAP. IX. The late changes and manifold alterations in Russia since IVAN VASILOWICH to this present, gathered out of many Letters and Observations of English Ambassadors and other Travellers in those parts. §. I. Of the reign of IVAN, PHEODOR● his son; and of BORIS. REader, I here present thee not what I would of Russian affairs, but what I could. We Englishmen under the government of his Majesty, have enjoyed such a Sunshine of peace, God's mercy to England whiles wars have infested th● rest of the World. that our Summer's day to many hath been tedious; they have loathed their Manna, and lenged for I know not what Egyptians flesh pots. For what else are Wars but pots set over the fire of Anger (how often of Fury, yea of Hell, the Furies or Devils blowing the coals) and boiling man's flesh? wholeFamilies, Villages, Towns, Cities, Shires, Provinces, not only hurried thereby in confusions of State, harried and inflamed with combustions of goods and goodness, but the flesh of Men, Women, and Children, but cheered and as it were boiled beyond the manifold shapes of Death, unto the bones, into the Vapours, Froth, Scum, Chaos, nothing and less than nothing of Humanity! Such is the inhumanity, the immanity, the inanity of Wars! And such Wars have made impressions into all our Neighbour Countries (whiles we sit under the shadow of Beati Pacifici) have lightened on Turkey and blasted the Seraglio; have thunder-stricken Barbary, have torn the Atlas there, and rend the Grison Alpes in Europe; have shaken France with earthquakes; have raised Belgian storms, Bohemian broils, Hungarian gusts, Germanian whirlwinds (these selfe-divided in Civil, that is, the vilest, uncivillest massacres and worst of Wars) that I mention not the inundations and exundations of Poland; the Snows and Mists of Sweden, the Danish Hailes and Frosts. But all these and more than all these Tempests, Turnadoes, Tuffons have combined in Russia, and there made their Hell-mouth centre, there pitching the Tents of Destruction, there erecting the Thrones of Desolation. A. Thuan-bister. l. 135. Pestilence and Famine had gone two years before as direful Heralds, to denounce these dreadful wars and mutations of State: the Pestilence possessing the Northern parts of the World, and dispossesing it of many thousands: the Famine in Russia wanting necessaries to eat, necessarily devoured all things, not only Cats, Mice, and impure Creatures, but men's flesh also, and that in nearest necessitude, Parents revoking to their wombs by unnatural passage the dearest pledges of Nature, which having even now died with hunger, were made preservatives from like death to those which first had given them life. The Mightier made sale of the Poorer, yea, Fathers and Mothers of their Sons and Daughters, and Husbands of their Wives, that price might be had to buy Corn, which was now beyond all names of whatsoever price credible. But these things must be further searched. Bloodiness is a slippery foundation of Greatness, and the Merciful have the promise to find mercy: jam. 3. other wisdom (how ever seeming politic) is earthly, sensual, devilish; yea, ruin to the foole-wise Consultors, as appeareth in Pharaohs working wisely, that is, cruelly, to prevent the multiplying Israelites. Exod. 1. The greatest of Creatures on Sea and Land, the Elephant and Whale, live on grass, weeds, and simpler diet, not on rapine and flesh or fish-devouring prey: Thunders and all tempestuous storms trouble not the higher airy Regions, but the lower and those next the base earthy dregs, the sediment and sink of the World: nor doth ancient Philosophy reckon Comets other than Meteors, or falling Stars to be Stars indeed, but excludes both from the heavenly Spheres. Had Alexander followed this rule, and sought Greatness in Goodness (like him which is Optimus Maximus, the Great God, the great Good of the World) and in himself rather then others, in being Master of himself then Lord of large Territories; he neither had sighed after the conquests of other Worlds which F●ol●sophie had created before he had seen the t●nth part of this; nor had died by poison in a foreign Country, forced to content himself with possessing, nay, being possessed of a few feet of earth: then had he been in very deed (now but in Title) GREAT Alexander. Great Goodness is the true and good Greatness. I know not how fit a Preface this may seem to the ensuing Russian Relation; this I am sure, that they which write of juan Vasilowich, the Great Great Muscovite, do lay heavy aspersions on his Father and Grandfather, but on himself supersuperlatives of cruelty (that I mention not other vices) both for Matter and Form. These things are delivered particularly in the Histories of Alexander Gwagninus, Tilmannus Bredenbachius, Paulus Oderbornius, Reinoldus Heidensten and others, in large Tractates written thereof purposely. His merits of the English might procure a silence of his evils (we of all men being in regard of respect to our Nation unworthy to speak, that which he, if those Authors have not been malicious, was worthy to hear) if so dreadful effects did not force an Historian (that is, the Register of the execution of Acts of God's bounty and justice decreed in the Court of Divine Providence) to look to the direful Cause in foregoing sins, that after Ages may hear and fear. I will touch a few of those which Gwagninus alone relates. Al. Gwagnin● descript. Mosc. George brother to the Emperor done to death. He adds principal Nobles, here omitted. His own brother being accused An. 1570. by Wiskonatis, is said without leave granted to clear himself, to be put to exquisite tortures first, and after to death; his wife stripped and set naked to the eyes of all, and then by one on horseback drawn with a rope into the River and drowned. john Pi●trowich, a man of principal command accused of treason, presenting himself to him, not admitted to make any purgation, was set in Princely accoutrements on a Throne, the Emperor standing bareheaded before him and bowing to him, but soon after with a knife thrusting him to the heart, the Attendants adding other Furies till his bowels fell out; his body dragged forth, his servants slain, three hundred others in his Castle executed, his Boiarens all gathered into one house and blown up with powder; their Wives and Daughters ravished before his face by his followers, and then cut in pieces, and no living thing left in their houses or grounds; the husbandmen's wives stripped naked as they were borne and driven into a Wood, where were Executioners purposely set to give them their fatal entertainment. His Chancellor Dubrowsti sitting at table with his two Sons, were also upon accusation without answer cut in pieces, and the third son quartered alive with four wheels, each drawn a diverse way by fifteen men. Miessoiedowyschly, supreme Notary, displeasing him, his wife was taken from him, and after some weeks detaining was with her handmaid hanged over her husband's door, and so continued a fortnight, he being driven to go in and out by her all that time. Another Notary's wife was ravished and then sent home and hanged over her husband's table, whereat he was forced daily to eat. In travelling if he met any woman whose husband he liked not, he caused her to stand with her nakedness disclosed till all his retinue were passed. Cutting out tongues, cutting off hands and feet of his complaining Subjects, and other diversified tortures I omit; as also the guarding his father in laws doors with Bears tied there, that none might go in or out, hanging his servants at his doors, torturing him for treasure; casting hundreds of men * 700. women at one time; 378. prisoners at another, 500 Matrons and Virgins of noble blood exposed to be ravished by the Tartars in his sight at another time etc. at once into the water under the Ice; two thousand seven hundred and seventy thus and by other tortures executed at Nouogr●d An. 1569. besides women, and the poorer persons which Famine forced, did eat the bodies of the slain, and were after slain themselves; the Archbishop also set on a Mare with his feet tied under the belly, and made to play on Bagpipes thorough the City; the Monks spoilt and slain; Theodore Sirconij, the Founder of twelve Monasteries, tortured to show his treasure and then slain: Wiazinsky his Secretary, by many days renewed tortures dying; he recreating himself with letting Bears loose in throngs of people; john Michalowich Wiskewati the Chancellor, his ears, lips, and other members one after another cut off * A Secretary cutting off his privities he died presently; which the Emperor construing to be done purposely, caused him there instantly to eat wh●t he had cut off. by piecemeal, notwithstanding all protestations of his innocency; above two hundred other Nobles at the same time variously executed, one his Treasurer, two other Secretaries; the Treasurer's wife set on a rope and forcibly dragged to and fro thereon (by that torturing her naked flesh, to learn her husband's treasures) whereof soon after she died in a Monastery, into which she was thrust. All these are but a little of that which Gwagninus alone hath written. A taste and touch is too much of blood, and in such immanities'. He is also said in a famine to have gathered many people, in expectation of alms, on a bridge, and there guarded the bridge being cut to drown them, as the readiest way for cheapness of corn. But I loath such crudities. His last cruelty was on himself, dying with grief, as was thought, for the death of his eldest son juan, whom falsely accused he struck with a staff wrought with Iron, whereof he died in few days after. He was a man accused for communicating in disposition with his father, and as a joyful Spectator of his tragical executions. But if any delight to read the terrible and bloody Acts of juan Basilowich, he may glut, if not drown himself in blood, in that History which Paul Oderborne hath written of his life, and both there and in others take view of other his unjust Acts. I will not depose for their truth, though I cannot disprove it: adversaries perhaps make the worst. For myself I list not to take sinks against him, and would speak in his defence, if I found not an universal conspiracy of all History and Reports against him. I honour his other good parts, his wit, his learning (perhaps better than almost any other Ruff in his time) his exemplary severity on unjust Magistrates, his Martial skill, industry, fortune, whereby he subdued the Kingdoms of Casan and Astracan (which also the Turk sending from Constantinople an Army of three hundred thousand to dispossess him of, A. 1569. besides his hopes and helps from the Tartars, few returned to tell their disasters, and the destructions of their fellows) besides what he got in Siberia and from the Pole, Sweden, Prussian, extending his Conquests East, West, North, and South: yea, his memory is savoury still to the Russians, which (either of their servile disposition needing such a bridle and whip; or for his long and prosperous reign, or out of distaste of later tragedies) hold him in little less reputation (as some have out of their experience instructed me) than a Saint. His love to our Nation is magnified by our Countrymen with all thankfulness, whose gaine● there begun by him, have made them also in some sort seem to turn Russee (in I know what loves or fears, as if they were still shut up in Russia, & to conceal whatsoever they know of Russian occurrents) that I have sustained no small torture with great pains of body, vexation of mind, and trial of potent interceding friends to get but neglect and silence from some, yea almost contempt and scorn. They allege their thankfulness for benefits received from that Nation, and their fear of the Dutch, ready to take advantage thereof, and by calumniations from hence to interuert their Trade. This for love to my Nation I have inserted against any Cavillers of our Ruff Merchants: though I must needs profess that I distaste, and almost detest that (call it what you will) of Merchants to neglect God's glory in his providence, and the World's instruction from their knowledge; who while they will conceal the Russians Faults, will tell nothing of their Facts; and whiles they will be silent in mysteries of State, will reveal nothing of the histories of Fact, and that in so perplexed, diversified chances and changes as seldom the World hath in so short a space seen on one Scene. Whiles therefore they which seem to know most, will in these Russian Relations help me little or nothing (except to labour and frustrated hopes) I have (besides much conference with eye witnesses) made bold with others in such books as in diverse languages I have read, and in such Letters and written Tractates as I could procure of my friends, or found with Master Hakluyt (as in other parts of our story) not seeking any whit to disgrace that Nation or their Princes, but only desiring that truth of things done may be known, and such memorable alterations may not pass as a dream, or be buried with the Doers. Sir Jerome Horsey shall lead you from juans Grave to Pheodores Coronation. * Or Theodor The most solemn and magnificent coronation of PHEODOR IVANOWICH, Emperor of Russia, etc. the tenth of june, in the year 1584. seen and observed by Master JEROM HORSEY Gentleman, Sir jerom Horsey. and servant to her Majesty. The death of juan Vasiliwich 1584. April 18. WHen the old Emperor juan Vasilowich died (being about the eighteeenth of April, 1584. after our computation) in the City of Moscow, having reigned fifty four years, there was some tumult & uproar among some of the Nobility and Commonalty, which notwithstanding was quickly pacified. Immediately the same night, the Prince Boris Pheodorowich Godonova, Knez juon Pheodorowich, Mesthis Slafsky, Knez juan Petrowich Susky, Mekita Romanowich and Bodan jacoulewich Belskoy, Lord Boris adopted as the Emperor's third son. being all noble men, and chiefest in the Emperor's Will, especially the Lord Boris, whom he adopted as his third son, and was brother to the Empress, who was a man very well liked of all estates, as no less worthy for his valour and wisdom: all these were appointed to dispose, and settle his Son Pheodor juanowich, having one sworn another, and all the Nobility and Officers whosoever. In the morning the dead Emperor was laid into the Church of Michael the Archangel, into a hewn Sepulchre, very richly decked with Vestures fit for such a purpose: and present Proclamation was made (Emperor Pheodor juanowich of all Russia, etc.) Throughout all the City of Moscow was great watch and ward, with Soldiers, and Gunners, good orders established, and Officers placed to subdue the tumulters, and maintain quietness: to see what speed and policy was in this case used, was a thing worth the beholding. This being done in Moscow, great men of birth and account were also presently sent to the bordering Towns, as Smolensko, Vobsko, Kasan, Novogorod, etc. with fresh garrison, and the old sent up. As upon the fourth of May a Parliament was held, wherein were assembled the Metropolitan, Archbishops, Bishops, Priors, and chief Clergy men, and all the Nobility whatsoever: where many matters were determined not pertinent to my purpose, yet all tended to a new reformation in the government: but especially the term, and time was agreed upon for the solemnising of the new Emperor's coronation. In the mean time the Empress, wife to the old Emperor, was with her child the Emperor's son, Charlewich Demetrie juanowich, of one years' age or there abouts, sent with her Father Pheodor Pheodorowich Nagay, and that kindred, being five brothers, to a town called Ouglets, which was given unto her, and the young Prince her son, with all the Lands belonging to it in the shire, with officers of all sorts appointed, having allowance of apparel, jewels, diet, horse, The day of Pheodor his coronation. etc. in ample manner belonging to the estate of a Princess. The time of mourning after their use being expired, called Sorachyn, or forty orderly days, the day of the solemnising of this coronation, with great preparations, was come, being upon the tenth day of june, 1584. and that day than Sunday, he being of the age of twenty five years: at which time, Master jerom Horsey was orderly sent for, and placed in a fit room to see all the solemnity. The Emperor coming out of his Palace, there went before him, the Metropolitan, Archbishops, Bishops, and chiefest Monks, and Clergy men, with very rich Copes and Priests garments upon them, carrying pictures of our Lady, etc. with the Emperor's Angel, banners, censers, and many other such ceremonious things, singing all the way. The Emperor with his nobility in order entered the Church named Blaveshina or Blessedness, where prayers and service were used, according to the manner of their Church: that done, they went thence to the Church called Michael the Archangel, and there also used the like prayers, and service: and from thence to our Lady Church, Prechista, being their Cathedral Church. In the midst thereof was a chair of majesty placed, wherein his Ancestors used to sit at such extraordinary times: his robes were then changed, and most rich and unualuable garments put on him: being placed in this Princely seat, his nobility standing round about them in their degrees, his imperial Crown was set upon his head by the Metropolitan, his Sceptre globe in his right hand, his sword of justice in his left of great riches: his six crowns also, by which he holdeth his Kingdoms were set before him, and the Lord Boris Pheodorowich was placed at his right hand: then the Metropolitan read openly a book of a small volume, with exhortations to the Emperor to minister true justice, to enjoy with tranquillity the Crown of his ancestors, which God had given him, and used these words following: Through the will of the almighty and without beginning God, which was before this world, whom we glorify in the Trinity, one only God, the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost, maker of all things, worker of all in all every where, fulfiller of all things, by which will, and working, he both liveth, and giveth life to man: that our only God which inspireth every one of us his only children with his word to discern God through our Lord jesus Christ, and the holy quickening spirit of life, now in these perilous times established us to keep the right Sceptre, and suffer us to reign of ourselves to the good profit of the land, to the subduing of the people, together with the enemies, and the maintenance of virtue. And so the Metropolitan blessed and laid his cross upon him. After this, he was taken out of his chair of Majesty, having upon him an upper robe adorned with precious stones of all sorts, orient pearls of great quantity, but always augmented in riches: it was in weight two hundred pounds, the train and parts thereof borne up by six Dukes, his chief imperial Crown upon his head very precious: his staff imperial in his right hand of an Unicorn's horn of three foot and a half in length beset with rich stones, bought of Merchants of Ausburge by the old Emperor, in Anno 1581. and cost him 7000. Marks sterling. This jewel Master Horsey kept sometimes, before the Emperor had it. His Sceptre globe was carried before him by the Prince Boris Pheodorowich: his rich cap beset with rich stones and pearls, was carried before him by a Duke: his six Crowns also were carried by Demetrius juanowich Godonova, the Emperor's uncle, Mekita Romanowich th● Emperor's uncle, Stephen Vasiliwich, Gregory Vasiliwich, juan Vasiliwich brothers of the blood royal. Thus at last the Emperor came to the great Churchdoore, and the people cried, God save our Emperor Pheodor juanowich of all Russia. His Horse was there ready most richly adorned, with a covering of embroidered pearl and precious stones, saddle, and all furniture agreeable to it, reported to be worth 300000. marks sterling. There was a bridge made of a hundred & fifty fathoms in length, three manner of ways, three foot above ground, and two fathom broad, for him to go from one Church to the other with his Princes and nobles from the press of the people, which were in number infinite, and some at that time pressed to death with the throng. As the Emperor returned out of the Churches, they were spread under foot with cloth of Gold, the porches of the Churches with red Velvet, the Bridges with Scarlet, & stammelled cloth from one Church to another: and as soon as the Emperor was passed by, the cloth of gold, velvet and scarlet was cut, & taken of those that could come by it, every man desirous to have a piece, to reserve it for a monument: silver and gold coin, then minted of purpose was cast among the people in great quantity. The Lord Boris Pheodorowich was sumptuously and richly attired, with his garments decked with great orient pearl, beset with all sorts of precious stones. In like rich manner were apparelled all the family of the Godonovaes' in their degrees, with the rest of the Princes and nobility, whereof one named Knez juan Michalowich Glynsky, whose robe, horse and furniture, was in register found worth one hundred thousand marks sterling, being of great antiquity. The Embresse being in her Palace, was placed in her chair of Majesty also before a great open window: most precious, and rich were her robes, and shining to behold, with rich stones, and orient Pearls beset, her crown was placed upon her head, accompanied with her Princesses, and Ladies of estate: then cried out the people, God preserve our noble Empress Irenia. After all this, the Emperor came into the Parliament house, which was richly decked: there he was placed in his royal seat adorned as before: his six crowns were set before him upon a Table: the Basin and Ewer royal of gold held by his knight of guard, with his men standing two on each side in white apparel of cloth of silver, called Kindry with sceptres and battleaxes of gold in their hands, the Princes and nobility were all placed according to their degrees all in their rich robes. The Emperor after a short Oration, permitted every man in order to kiss his hand: which being done, he removed to a princely seat prepared for him at the table: where he was served by his Nobles in very princely order. The three out rooms being very great and large were beset with plate of gold and silver round, from the ground up to the faults one upon the other: among which plate were many barrels of silver and gold: this solemnity and triumph lasted a whole week, wherein many royal pastimes were showed and used: after which, the chiefest men of the Nobility were elected to their places of office and dignity, as the Prince Boris Pheodorowich was made chief Counsellor to the Emperor, Master of the Horse, had the charge of his person, Lieutenant of the Empire, and warlike engines, Governor or Lieutenant of the Empire of Cazan, and Astracan, and others: to this dignity were by Parliament, and gift of the Emperor given him many revenues and rich lands, as there was given him, and his for ever to inherit a Province called Vaga, of three hundred English miles in length, and two hundred and fifty in breadth, with many Towns and great Villages populous and wealthy: his yearly Revenue out of that Province, is five and thirty thousand Marks sterling, being not the fifth part of his year Revenue. Further, he and his house be of such authority and power, that in forty days warning, they are able to bring into the field a hundred thousand Soldiers well furnished. The conclusion of the Emperor's Coronation was a peal of Ordnance, called a Peal royal, two miles without the City, being a hundred and seventy great pieces of brass of all sorts, as fair as any can be made; these pieces were all discharged with shot against bulwarks made of purpose: twenty thousand hargubusers standing in eight ranks two miles in length, apparelled all in velvet, coloured silk and stammels, discharged their shot also twice over in good order: and so the Emperor accompanied with all his Princes and Nobles, at the least fifty thousand horse, departed through the City to his palace. This royal coronation would ask much time, and many leaves of paper to be described particularly as it was performed: it shall suffice, to understand that the like magnificence was never seen in Russia. The Coronation, and other triumphs ended, all the Nobility, officers, and Merchants, according to an accustomed order every one in his place and degree, brought rich presents unto the Emperor, wishing him long life, and joy in his kingdom. The same time also Master jerom Horsey aforesaid, remaining as servant in Russia for the Queens most excellent Majesty, was called for to the Emperor, as he sat in his Imperial seat, and the-also a famous Merchant of netherlands being newly come to Moscow (who gave himself out to be the King of Spain's subject) called john de Wale, john de Wale. was in like sort called for. Some of the Nobility would have preferred this subject of the Spaniard before Master Horsey servant to the Queen of England, whereunto Master Horsey would in no case agree, saying, he would have his legs cut off by the knees, before he would yield to such an indignity offered to his Sovereign the Queen's Majesty of England, to bring the Emperor a present, in course after the King of Spain's subject, or any other whatsoever. The Emperor, and the Prince Boris Pheodorowich perceuing the controversy, sent the Lord Treasurer Peter juanowich Galavyn, and Vasili Shalkan, both of the Counsel, to them, who delivered the Emperor back Master Horseys speech: whereupon he was first in order (as good reason) admitted and presented the Emperor in the behalf of the English Merchants trading thither, a present, wishing him joy, and long to reign in tranquillity, and so kissed the Emperor's hand, he accepting the present with good liking, and avouching, that for his Sister's sake, Queen Elizabeth of England, he would be a gracious Lord to her Merchants, in as ample manner as ever his Father had been: and being dismissed, he had the same day sent him, seventy dishes of sundry kinds of meats, with three carts laden with all sorts of drinks very bountifully. After him was the foresaid subject of the Spanish King admitted with his present, whom the Emperor willed to be no less faithful & serviceable unto him, than the Queen of England's subjects were & had been, & then the King of Spain's subjects should receive favour accordingly. All these things thus in order performed, praises were sung in all the Churches. The Emperor and Empress very devoutly resorted on foot to many principal Churches in the City, and upon Trinity Sunday betook themselves to a progress in order of procession, to a famous Monastery called Sergius and the Trinity, sixty miles distant from the City of Moscow, accompanied with a huge army of Noblemen, Gentlemen, and others, mounted upon goodly Horses with furniture accordingly, The Empress of devotion took this journey on foot all the way, accompanied with her Princesses and Ladies, no small number: her Guard and Gunners were in number twenty thousand: her chief Counsellor or Attendant, was a noble man of the blood Royal her Uncle of great authority, called Demetri Iuanowich Godonova. All this progress ended, both the Emperor and Empress returned to Moscow: shortly after, the Emperor by the direction of the Prince Boris Pheodorowich, sent a power into the Land of Siberia, where all the rich Sables and Furs are gotten. This power conquered in one year and a half one thousand miles. In the performance of this war, there was taken prisoner the Emperor of the Country, called Chare Sibersky, and with him many other Dukes and Noble men, which were brought to Moscow, Chare Sibersky Prince of Siberia taken prisoner & brought to Moscow. with a guard of Soldiers and Gunners, who were received into the City in very honourable manner, and do there remain to this day. Hereupon the corrupt Officers, judges, justices, Captains and Lieutenants through the whole Kingdom were removed, and more honest men substituted in their places, with express commandment, under severe punishment to surcease their old bribing and extortion which they had used in the old Emperor's time, and now to execute true justice without respect of persons: and to the end that this might be the better done, their lands and yearly stipends were augmented: the great tasks, customs, and duties, which were before laid upon the people in the old Emperor's time, were now abated, and some wholly remitted, and no punishments commanded to be used, without sufficient and due proof, although the crime were capital, deserving death: many Dukes and Noble men of great Houses, that were under displeasure, and imprisoned twenty years by the old Emperor, were now set at liberty and restored to their lands: all prisoners were set at liberty, and their trespasses forgiven. In sum, a great alteration universally in the government followed, and yet all was done quietly, civilly, peaceably, without trouble to the Prince, or offence to the Subject: and this bred great assurance and honour to the Kingdom, and all was accomplished by the wisdom especially of Irenia the Empress. These things being reported and carried to the ears of the Kings and Princes that were borderers upon Russia, they grew so fearful and terrible to them, that the Monarch of all the Scythians called the Crim Tartar or great Can himself, named Sophet Keri Alli, came out of his own Country to the Emperor of Russia, Sophet Keri Alli King of the Crims' arrival at Moscow. accompanied with a great number of his Nobility well horsed, although to them that were Christians they seemed rude, yet they were personable men, and valiant: their coming was grateful to the Emperor, and their entertainment was honourable: the Tartar Prince having brought with him his wives also, received of the Ruff Emperor entertainment, and Princely welcome according to their estates. Not long after, one thousand and two hundred Polish Gentlemen, valiant Soldiers, and proper men came to Moscow, offering their service to the Emperor, who were all entertained: and in like sort many Chirkasses, and people of other Nations came and offered service. And as soon as the report of this new created Emperor was spread over other Kingdoms of Europe, there were sent to him sundry Ambassadors, to wish him joy and prosperity in his Kingdom: thither came Ambassadors from the Turk, from the Persian, the Bogharian, the Crim, the Georgian, and many other Tartar Princes. There came also Ambassadors from the Emperor of Almain, the Pole, the Swethen, the Dane, etc. And since his Coronation no enemy of his hath prevailed in his attempts. It fell out not long after, The new Emperor Pheodore juanowich his Letter's and Requests to the Queen. that the Emperor was desirous to send a message to the most excellent Queen of England, for which service he thought no man fitter than Master Jerome Horsey, supposing that one of the Queens own men and subjects would be the more acceptable to her. The sum of which message was, That the Emperor desired a continuance of that league, friendship, amity and intercourse of traffic which was between his Father and the Queen's Majesty and her Subjects, with other private affairs besides, which are not to be made common. Master Horsey having received the Letters and Requests of the Emperor, provided for his journey over Land, and departed from Moscow the fifth day of September, thence unto Otuer, Master Horseys voyage from Moscow to England over land. to Torshook, to great Novogrod, to Vobskie, and thence to Nyhouse in Livonia, to Wenden, and so to Riga: (where he was beset, and brought forthwith before a Cardinal, called Ragevil, but yet suffered to pass in the end:) From thence to Mito, to Golden, and Libou in Curland, to Memel, to Koningsburgh in Prussia, to Elbing, to Danzig, to Stetine in Pomerland, to Rostock, to Lubeck to Hamborough, to Breme, to Emden, and by Sea to London. Being arrived at her Majesty's Royal Court, and having delivered the Emperor's Letters with good favour, and gracious acceptance, he was forthwith again commanded to repass into Russia, with other Letters from her Majesty to the Emperor, and Prince Boris Pheodorowich, answering the Emperor's Letters, and withal requesting the favour and friendship, which his Father had yielded to the English Merchants: and hereunto was he earnestly also solicited by the Merchants of London themselves of that Company, to deal in their behalf. Being thus dispatched from London by Sea, he arrived in Moscow, the twentieth of April, 1586. and was very honourably welcomed, 1586. and for the Merchant's behoof, obtained all his Requests, being therein specially favoured by the Noble Prince Boris Pheodorowich, who always affected Master Horsey with special liking. And having obtained privileges for the Merchants, he was recommended from the Emperor again, to the Queen of England his Mistress, by whom the Prince Boris, in token of his honourable and good opinion of the Queen's Majesty, sent her Highness a Royal present of Sables, Luzarns, cloth of Gold and other rich things. So that the Company of English Merchants, next to their thankfulness to her Majesty, are to account Master Horseys pains their special benefit, who obtained for them those privileges, which in twenty years before would not be granted. The manner of Master Horseys last dispatch from the Emperor, because it was very honourable, I thought good to record. He was freely allowed post-horses for him and his servants, victuals and all other necessaries for his long journey: at every Town that he came unto from Moscow to Vologda, which is by Land five hundred miles, he received the like free and bountiful allowances, at the Emperor's charge. New victual and provision were given him upon the River Dwina at every Town by the King's Officers, being one thousand miles in length. When he came to the new Castle, called Archangel, he was received of the Duke Knez Vasili Andrewich Isu●nogorodsky by the Emperor's Commission into the Castle, Gunners being set in ranks after their use, where he was sumptuously feasted: from thence he was dispatched with bountiful provision and allowance in the Duke's Boat, with one hundred men to row him, and one hundred Gunners in other Boats to conduct him, with a Gentleman Captain of the Gunners. Coming to the Road where the English, Dutch, and French ships road, the Gunners discharged, and the ships shot in like manner forty six pieces of their Ordnance, and so he was brought to his lodging at the English house upon Rose Island. And, that which was the full and complete conclusion of the favour of the Emperor and Boris Pheodorowich toward Master Horsey, there were the next day sent him for his further provision upon the Sea by a Gentleman and a Captain, the things following. Sixteen live Oxen, seventy Sheep, six hundred Hens, five and twenty flitches of Bacon, eighty bushels of Meal, six hundred loaves of bread, two thousand Eggs, ten Geese, two Cranes, two Swans, sixty five gallons of Mead, forty gallons of Aquavitae, sixty gallons of Beer, three young Bears, four Hawks, store of Onions and Garleeke, ten fresh Salmon, a wild Boar. All these things were brought him down by a Gentleman of the Emperors, and another of Prince Boris Pheodorowich, and were received in order by john Frese servant to Master Horsey, together with an honourable present and reward from the Prince Boris, sent him by Master Francis Cherry an English man: which present was a whole very rich piece of cloth of Gold, and a fair pair of Sables. IVan Vasilowich is reported to have had seven Wives, and of them to have left three children surviving, Theodore or Pheodore and Demetrius a youngling by his last wife, and a Daughter, which was the wife of L. Boris aforesaid, Thuan. hist. lib. 120. whose sister Pheodore had married in his Father's life time, who would have caused her divorce for her barrenness (as he had caused juan his eldest son diverse times to do and his refusing it at last, was the occasion of that angry, last, and fatal blow, before mentioned) but being protracted by fair excuses for a time, the divorce of soul and body in the Father prevented that in the marriage bed of the Son. Yet by his Testament he ordained, that if within two years she proved not fruitful, he should marry another. The executers urged this after that term expired; but Gernia or Irenia, so wrought with her husband, Divorce urged that their counsels were frustrate: wherein she was assisted by the politic wisdom of her brother Boris, who was now become chief Pilot, though not the Master in that Russian ship: and is said formerly to have been no small doer in those cruel designs of juan his deceased Master; yet had he cunningly cast the blame on him now dead, and wisely insinuated into the people favour, by mitigating the severity of his Decrees. You have read before of his great Revenues and wealth, recorded by eye witnesses. Thuanus saith, that three hundred of the Knazeys and Boiarens, whereof the Senate of the Empire consisted, D. Fl. & S.I.H. by advice of the Executors, had subscribed. Boris made the simpler Emperor believe, Boris his plot. that it was a conspiracy against him: whereupon they were all committed, ten of which (whom he thought his most dangerous adversaries) were suddenly and privily executed: to the rest, he procured the Emperor's pardon and favour, seeming very sorrowful that this clemency had been so much foreslowed: and that the hasty execution had prevented his officious endeavours for their deliverance. And that he might seem serious, he got their goods to be restored to their heirs: so working himself into the good liking of all degrees. But soon after, young Demetrius the Emperor's brother was slain, as he was going to Church betwixt two Boiarens, by a mad man (as he seemed) who was thereupon suddenly slain▪ but the author which set him on work, Thuan. hist. lib. 135. sec. Demetrius slain some tell that one pretended his col●er stood awry▪ in mending it, cut his throat. could not be found: whereupon Boris was suspected to affect the sovereignty. Thuanus elsewhere telleth, that he corrupted those which were about Demetrius: and the great Bell being rung as is usual in cases of fire to bring the people together, Demetrius at that noise running forth, some were set in that tumult to kill him, which accordingly was effected, as he was coming down a Ladder: the rumour whereof, caused the tumultuous people (making no curious search for the doers) to kill those of the Family which they met in their fury, to put the suspicion thereof from themselves: which notwithstanding, Boris exercised severer tortures and terrible executions upon them, and as one which heartily execrated the fact, burned the fort to expiate the parricide. This place being far remote from * It was in the Northern parts at Duglets. the Court, whither he was thought purposely to have sent him, could not admit so open evidence of manifold testimony; but that it gave occasion of other Tragedies, by another supposed Demetrius, as shall anon appear. Mean while, Boris could not escape aspersion of the fact past, and suspicion of like intended to the present Prince, and therefore was forced to conjure up his best wits to work him into better reputation. He did hereof either take occasion, or make occasion by diverse fires in * Some write that he caused diverse places in Moscow to be fibred, and then afterwards out of his own cost repaired them. diverse Cities of the Kingdom, the Houses being of wood, and easily consumed: which loss (made, as some deliver by his own incendiaries, he seemed much to commiserate, and by affected bounty, repaired those ruins out of the public Treasure: others say, out of his private purse:) thus, not only raising so many Phoenixes out of those ashes; but making devouring fire, become fuel to his magnificence, and raking reputation out of the flames and cinders: thence erecting a Theatrical scene whereon to act in popular spectacles, his many parts of c●re, industry, alacrity, wisdom, power, bounty, and whatsoever might feather his nest in the people's hearts, thus easily stolen and entertained in affection to him, whiles Theodore lived, which was not long: he dying in the year 1598. on twelve day, having lived thirty six years, and reigned near fourteen. His impotency of body and mind, you have read before in part. D. Flet. Thuanus affirmeth, that juan Vasilowich his Father said, he was fitter to ring Bells in Churches, then to govern an Empire; Death of Theodore. alluding therein to his superexceeding devotion and most devout superstition. His death caused a new aspersion on Boris as procured, in some men's conceits (and reports) by poison. His dead body was buried with his ancestors, in Saint Michael's Temple in the Castle, and Soldiers were presently sent to the borders, to prohibit ingress or egress. Theodores will was read, and therein Gernia (or Irenia) his wife, and the Patriarch, entrusted with the administration of the State. Hereupon a general State assembly was assembled at Moscow, The Empress succeedeth. and their oaths given to the Empress. After this the Empress went into a Nunnery, to pass there the forty days destined to public sorrow: in which time (whether of her own or with her brother's accord) making show of unspeakable sorrow for her deceased Lord, she renounced the world, Russians use of forty days mourning for an Emperor's death. and transferred the Imperial government upon the Knazeys and Boiarens, which her Husband had bequeathed to her; that they, according to their wisdom, and love to their Country, might take care thereof. This was done by her brother's counsel, to try what the people would do: who were so moved therewith, that they came thronging to the Nunnery gates, lamentably imploring her care in so perilous a time, whom only they were bound to serve. And when she bade them go to the Knazeys and Boiarens; they protested against them, saying, they had sworn to her, and would be ordered by L. Boris, her brother. Hereupon Boris Pheodorowich goeth out to appease their tumult, and undertaketh for the forty days of mourning, together with the Knazeys and Boiarens to administer the Empire. In which time, the Empress renounced secular cares, and professed herself a Nun; The Queen turneth Nun. changing her name from Gernia to Alexandrina. The time of mourning being past, the people were called into the Castle, and the Chancellor made an Oration, persuading them to swear obedience to the Knazeys and Boiarens, which they with outcries disclaimed, offering to do it to the Queen and L. Boris. The Council sitting to consider hereof, the Chancellor came forth again; and commanded them to swear to the Knazeys and Boiarens; the Queen having now become a Nun. Whereupon they all named Boris her Brother, as one worthy of the State, to whom they were ready to swear. He being present, rose up and modestly excused himself, Boris his willing unwillingness. protesting his unwillingness and unworthiness, and bidding them choose some other more worthy. And going withal into the Church, they laid in manner forceable hands on him, with loud cries and lamentations, beseeching him not to forsake them. Whereat he wept and still refused, alleging his insufficiency: and to kindle greater desire in the people and Nobles, absented and hid himself with his Sister in the Nunnery the space of a month. In which space the people fearing his flight, besieged the place, and with continual clamours urged the Queen, to persuade her Brother to accept of the Empire which she had refused. She again sends them to the Knazeys and Boiarens, the mention of whose names seemed to cast them into a fit of mutiny and sedition. Boris then cometh forth and tells them, if they were no quieter, he also would take Sackcloth, and (as his Sister had done) enter into a Monastery. They made so much greater stirs, casting out some desperate threats of looking to themselves, where the Commonwealth was desperately neglected. The Queen then won by their importunity persuadeth her brother no longer to resist Gods will, which had put this constancy into the people's minds, and to accept that which thus God seemed to command, praying for his blessing therein. Boris after new excuses, at last seeming overcome by his Sister's entreaties, and to have held out sufficiently to remove envy, assenteth to her, and she signifieth as much to the people, to whom she presents him, praying them to be as loyal to him, as they had been earnest for him. Boris also spoke unto them: Forasmuch as it seemeth good to the Divine Grace and Providence, Boris his speech whereby all things are governed, that by common consent and continual Prayers entreated, I take on me the Principality over you, and all the Provinces of Russia, I will no longer resist, how heavy soever I conceive this burden to my shoulders, but have determined to undertake your protection with greatest fidelity, being ready to sway the Russian Sceptre and Government, as far as God's grace shall enable me. On the other side be you faithful to me and to my command, as God may you help. I am your most gentle King. joyful acclamations followed, with all protestation of their fidelity and future obedience. He entering into the Monastery, after Prayers, received the first Benediction. The people returned full of joy, and the Bells (of which are numbered in Moscow, three thousand) resounded the public Festivitie. Boris Emperor. All the Magistrates and Officers, & such as received Salary of the King, go presently to the Monastery and carry Gold, Silver, Precious Stones, Pearls, Bread, and Salt, (after the solemn custom) with wishes of long life & all happiness, and desiring to accept in good worth their Presents. He with thanks rendered, accepts only the Bread and Salt, saying, these were his; the rest they should take to themselves. Then doth he bid them to a Feast, and presently with Mary his Wife, Theodore his Son of ten years old, and Arsenica his Daughter being sixteen, His Wife, Son, & Daughter. he goeth out of the Monastery with pompous Procession to the Castle. Like Presents were offered to his Wife and Children, which accepted only the Bread and Salt, remitting the rest to the Presenters. When he was comen to the Castle, he chose his Sister's Lodging; for that of the Prince deceased, as offensive by his death was destroyed, and after new built. After Festival entertainment of innumerable people, solemn Oath was taken of all the Governors; Tartars. those things being in action till May. Then came news that the Crim Tartars had entered the borders thinking to find all things troubled with an interregne; whereupon he assembled an Army of three hundred thousand, and went in person against them. But the Tartars hearing how things went, returned home and sent Ambassadors to the Emperor's Tents. He returned with them to Moscow, where the next September (which is the beginning of the Russian New year, Russian New year. which enters in other places with january following) he was publicly blessed by the Patriarch, carrying a golden Cross in his hand, and on the fourteenth of September, before the Knazeys, Boris crowned. Boiarens, Bishops and other Orders, had the Crown set on his head by the Patriarch, and the Sceptre put in his hand, with the Solemnity in such cases accustomed. Twelve days together all Orders were feasted in the Castle, and the Magistrates and Officers had a years pay given them. Merchant's also of other Countries had Immunities and Privileges granted. The Rustics had their payments to their Boiarens reasonably rated, and their persons made more free. German Merchants had monies lent them to repay seven years after without Usury. Widows, and Orphans, and poorer persons received much Alms. Pheodores Obsequies were solemnly performed, and the Priests richly rewarded; and that Empire which seemed dead with the death of the house of Beala, now was as it were revived, and received a glorious Resurrection. Thus have we delivered you Thuanas his report touching Boris manner of acquiring the Empire without public envy, and cunning wiping off the aspersions of Pheodore and Demetrius their deaths. And as every body is nourished by Aliments correspondent to the Principles of the Generation, so did he seek by politic wisdom to establish that which by wise Policies he had gotten. Wherein his care was not little to multiply Treasure, and as at first he had seemed popularly prodigal, His policies. so after a small time of his Reign▪ he became providently penurious, the wont allowances of the Court being much shortened from that which had been in former times, as I have received from eye-witnesses. Likewise he was careful to hold good terms with his Neighbouring Princes, and aswell by plots at home, as by foreign Alliance endeavoured to settle on his Race this new gotten Empire. He is said for this end to have sought a Wife for his son out of England, and a Husband for his Daughter out of Denmark. His Wife was a woman of haughty spirit, who thought her too good for any Hollop (so they call a slave, and such she esteemed all the subjects) and on such terms she is said to have been denied to a great man his best Soldier and Commander of his Army. P. Basman. But while his Sun shined now in the height of his course, and with brightest and warmest beams of prosperity, there arose gross vapours out of Demetrius his grave, which grew quickly into a black dark cloud, and not only eclipsed that Imperial glory, but soon engendered a blondie storm, which with a flood swept away that whole Family, and overwhelmed also the whole Empire. Contraries set together cause the greater lustre; for which cause I will bring on the stage a Gentleman, which attended Sir Thomas Smith employed in Honourable Embassage from his Majesty of Great Britain to the then flourishing Emperor Boris: and out of his large Relations deliver you this which followeth in his own words (omitting the most part * Where the censorious bitterness also seemeth too much to insult on B●ris his d●sasters. to our purpose not so pertinent) in the Book printed, Anno 1605. §. II. Occurrents of principal Note which happened in Russia, in the time while the Honourable Sir THOMAS SMITH remained there Ambassador from his Majesty. SIr Thomas Smith Knight, accompanied with Sir T. Challenor and Sir W. Wray Knights, diverse Gentlemen and his own Attendants, repaired to the Court on the tenth of june 1604. then lying at Greenwich, where by the Right Honourable the Earl of Salisbury he was brought to His Majestis presence, kissed his Hand, etc. The next day he took leave of the Prince, and on the twelfth being furnished with his Commission, he came to Gravesend, and next morning went aboard the john and Francis Admiral: and the two and twentieth of july anchored within a mile of the Archangel. The sixteenth of September, he came to Vologda: the five and twentieth to Perislawe, and there stayed three days, and then departed to Troites, (that fair and rich Monastery) so to Brattesheen and Rostovekin, five versts from the great City of Musco. The fourth of October, the Prestave came and declared the Emperor's pleasure that he should come into the Moscow that forenoon: presently after came Master I. Mericke Agent, with some twenty Horses to attend his Lordship, which forthwith was performed. Then we did ride, till we came within a little mile of the many thousands of Noblemen and Gentlemen on both sides the way, attended on horseback to receive his Lordship. Where the Ambassador alighted from his Coach, and mounted on his foot-cloth Horse, and so road on with his Trumpets sounding. A quarter of a mile farther, met him a proper and gallant Gentleman afoot of the Emperor's stable, who with Cap in hand, declared to the Ambassador, that the Emperor, the young Prince, and the Master of the Horse, had so far favoured him, as to send him a jennet, very gorgeously trapped with Gold, Pearl, and Precious Stone: and particularly, a great Chain of plated Gold about his neck, to ride upon. Whereupon the Ambassador alighted, embraced the Gentleman, returned humble thanks to them all, and presently mounted. Then he declared that they likewise had sent horses for the King's Gentlemen, which likewise were very richly adorned, then for all his followers: which Ceremony or State performed, and all being horsed, he departed, we riding orderly forward, till we were met by three great Noblemen, severed from the rest of the multitude, and the Emperor's Tolmache or Interpreter with them. They being within speech, thus began that Oration they could never well conclude: Which was, That from their Lord and Master the mighty Emperor of Russia, etc. they had a message to deliver his Lordship. The Ambassador then thinking they would be tedious and troublesome with their usual Ceremonies; prevented their farther speech with this (to them a Spell) That it was unfitting for Subjects to hold discourse in that kind of compliment, of two such mighty and renowned Potentates on horseback. They (hereby not only put by their Ceremonious Saddle-sitting, but out of their Paper instructions) alighted suddenly, as men fearing they were half unhorsed, and the Ambassador presently after them, coming very courteously all three, saluting the Ambassador and the King's Gentlemen, taking them by the hands. Thus like a Scholar, too old to learn by rote (the Duke named King Volladamur Euanywich Mawsolskoy) with his Lesson before him, declared his message; which was, that he with the other two Noblemen, were sent from the Great Lord, Emperor and great Duke Boris Phedorowich, selfe-upholder, great Lord Emperor, and great Duke of all Russia, Volademer, Moskoe and Novogrode, Tedious Title▪ King of Casan and Astracan, Lord of Vobskoe, great Duke of Smolenskoe, Tuer, Huder, Vghory, Perme, Viatsky, Bolgory, etc. Lord and great Duke of Novogrod in the Low Countries, of Chernigo, Rezan, Polotskey, Rostove, Geraslave, Bealozera, Leifland, Oudorskey, Obdorskey, Condingskey. King of all Syberia and the North Coasts, Commander of the Countries of juersky, Grysinsky, and Emperor of Kabardiuskey, of Chirkasky, and of the whole Country of Garskey, and of many other Countries and Kingdom's Lord and Emperor, to know of his Majesty's health of England, the Queen and Princes. The second, being a Captain of Gunners (the Emperor's Guard) named Kazri●e Davydowich Beaheetchove, pronouncing the Emperor and Prince's Title, said he was sent from them to know his Lordship's health and usage, with the King's Gentlemen. The third, was one of the Secretaries, named Pheodor Boulteene, observing the former order did deliver what he had in command from the Emperor, Prince and Empress, to inform the Ambassador of their much favour towards him, and the King's Gentlemen, in providing for his Honourable entertain and ease, a fair large house to lodge in: Also that they three were sent from the Emperor, Prince, and Empress, to be his Prestaves, to supply the Emperor's goodness toward him, to provide his necessaries, and deliver any suit it pleased the Ambassador to make to the Emperor. To all which the Ambassador very wisely gave answer (as they made report unto the Emperor.) So we all presently mounted again, the Prestaves on either hand of the Ambassador his Horse and Foot-cloth being led by his Page, some small distance, his Coach behind that, and some six thousand Gallants after behind all: who at the Ambassadors riding through the guard, that was made for him, very courteously bowed himself. Thus was he followed by thousands, and within the three walls of the City, many hundreds of young Noblemen, Gentlemen, and rich Merchants well mounted, begirt the ways on every side: diverse on foot also, even to the gate of the house where the Ambassador was to be lodged, which was some two miles. Whether being come, he was brought into his Bedchamber by the Noblemen his Prestaves, where with many thanks for their honourable pains; they were dismissed, betaking themselves to their further affairs. The next morning came three other Prestaves with the former, to know of his Lordship's health, and how he had rested the night past: withal, that if his Lordship wanted any thing, they all, or any one of them, were as commanded, so ready to obey therein. These, with the Interpreter and six Gentlemen were most within the walls, lodged in a house over the gate, besides we had fifty Gunners to attend, and guard us in our going abroad. The eight of October being the fourth day after our coming to Musco, the Prestaves came to his Lordship to let him understand, Strange request. they heard he should go up the next day: wherefore they desired his speech and Embassage to the Emperor: and the rather, that the Interpreter might (as they pretended) translate it. To this purpose, very earnestly at several times they made demand. The Ambassador answered, that he was sent from a mighty Prince, to be his Ambassador to their Emperor, and being sent to their Master, he deemed it, not only a dishonour to him, but a weakness in them, to require that at his hands. His audience. The ●leuenth of October, his Lordship being sent for by his Prestaves there waiting, having excellent gennets for himself, the King's Gentlemen, and good horses for the rest: as likewise two gallant white Palfreys to carry or draw a rich Chariot, one parcel of the great Present, with his followers and the Emperor's guard, carrying the rest: on each side the streets standing the Emperor's guard with Pieces in their hands well apparelled, to the number of two thousand by esteem, many Messengers posting betwixt the Court and our Prestaves. Thus with much state, softly riding, till we came unto the utmost gate of the Court (having passed through the great Castle before) there his Lordship dismounted. Then met him a great Duke (named Knase Andriay Metowich Soomederove) with certain Gentlemen, to bring him up. So in order as we road, we ascended the stairs and a stone Gallery, whereon each side stood many Nobles and Courtiers, in fair Coats of Persian Stuff, Velvet, Damask, etc. At the entry to the great Chamber, two Counsellors encountered the Ambassador, to conduct him through that Room, round about which sat many grave and richly apparelled Personages. Then we entered the Presence, whether being come, and making obeisance, we stayed to hear, but not understand, a very gallant Nobleman, named Peter Basman, deliver the Emperor's Title: Then the particular of the Presents, P. Basman. and some other Ceremonies: which performed, the Ambassador having liberty, delivered so much of his Embassage, as the time and occasion then afforded: After which the Emperor arising from his Throne, demanded of the King of England's health, the Princes, and Queens: then of the Ambassadors and the King's Gentlemen, and how they had been used since they entered within his Dominions: to all which with obeisance we answered as was meet. Then the young Prince demanded the very same. The Ambassador having taken the King's Letter of his Gentleman Usher, went up after his obeisance to deliver it, which the Lord Chancellor would have intercepted. But the Ambassador gave it to the Emperors own hands, and his Majesty afterwards delivered it to the Lord Chancellor: who took it, and showing the superscription to the Emperor and Prince, held it in his hand openly with the Seal towards them. Then the Emperor called the Ambassador to kiss his hand, which he did, as likewise the Princes, and with his face towards them returned. Then did he call for the King's Gentlemen to kiss his hand, and the Princes, which they after obeisance made, did accordingly. Afterwards, his Majesty invited his Lordship, the King's Gentlemen and the rest to dine with him, as likewise Master I. Mericke Agent by name, who gave his attendance there on the Ambassador, and was now (as diverse times) very graciously used of the Emperor and Prince: no stranger (that I ever heard off) like him in all respects. Emperor's glory. Being entered the Presence, we might behold the excellent Majesty of a mighty Emperor, seated in a Chair of Gold, richly embroidered with Persian Stuff: in his right hand he held a golden Sceptre, a Crown of pure Gold upon his head, a Choler of rich stones and Pearls about his neck, his outward Garments of Crimson Velvet, embroidered very fair, with Pearls, Precious stones and Gold: On his right side, (on equal height to his Throne) standing a very fair Globe of beaten Gold, on a Pyramid, with a fair Cross upon it, unto which before he spoke, he turned a little and crossed himself. Nigh that, stood a fair Basin and Ewer, which the Emperor often useth daily. Prince's splendour. Close by him in another Throne sat the Prince, in an outward Garment like his Fathers, but not so rich, a high black Fox Cap on his head, worth in those Country's five hundred pound, a Golden Staff like a Friars, with the likeness of a Cross at the top. On the right hand of the Emperor, stood two gallant Noblemen in cloth of Silver Garments, high black Fox Cappes, great and long chains of Gold hanging to their feet, Pole-axes. with Pole-axes on their shoulders of Gold. And on the left hand of the Prince two other such, but with Silver Pole-axes. Round about the benches sat the Council and Nobility, in Golden and Persian Coats, and high black Fox Caps, Counsel and Nobility. to the number of two hundred, the ground being covered with Cloth of Arrasse, or Tapestry: The Presents standing all the while in the Room, within little distance of his Majesty, where he and the Prince often viewed them. Being now by our Prestaves and others come for to Dinner, who led us through much press and many Chambers to one very fair and rich Room, where was infinite store of mas●e Plate of all sorts; Towards the other end stood the Emperor's Uncle, named Stephean Vaselewich God●noue, Lord High Steward, being attended with many Noblemen and Gentlemen, whom my Lord in his passage saluted, Plate. which with an extraordinary countenance of aged joy, he received, making one of their honourable Nods. The Ambassador entered the dining Room, where we again viewed the Emperor and Prince, seated under two Chairs of State, ready to dine, each having a Scull of Pearl on their bare heads, Dining room● but the Princes was but a Coronet. Also their Vestments were changed. The former Duke, that for that day was the Ambassadors Prestave, came, Change of Raiment. as commanded from the Emperor, and placed the Ambassador at a Table, on the bench side, some twenty foot from the Emperor. Then the King's Gentlemen, Master Meri●ke, Master Edward Cherry, and all the rest were placed, so that our eyes were half opposite to the Emperor. Over against the Ambassador sat his Prestaves uppermost. Also in this large place sat the Privy Couns●ll, to the number of two hundred Nobles at several Tables. Two hundred Nobles guests. In the midst of this Hall might seem to stand a great Pillar, round about which, a great height stood wonderful great pieces of Plate, very curiously wrought with all manner of Beasts, Fishes and Fowls, besides some other ordinary pieces of serviceable Plate. Being thus set (some quarter of an hour as it were, Three hundred noble Servitors. feeding our eyes with that fair Pillar of Plate) we beheld the Emperor's Table served by two hundred Noblemen, all in Coats of cloth of Gold. The Prince's Table served with one hundred young Dukes and Princes of Cassan, Astrican, Syberia, Tartary, Chercasses and Russes, none above twenty years old. Then the Emperor sent from his Table by his Noble Servitors, to my Lord and the King's Gentlemen, thirty Dishes of meat, and to each a loaf of extraordinary fine bread. Then followed a great number of strange and rare Dishes, some in Silver, but most of massy Gold; with boiled, baked, and roasted, being piled up on one another by half dozen. To make you a particular Relation, I should do the entertainment wrong, consisting almost of innumerable Dishes: Also, I should over-charge my memory, as than I did mine eyes and stomach, little delighting the Reader, because Garlic and Onions, must besauce many of my words, Garlic and Onions. Drinks. Meads. as than it did the most part of their Dishes. For our Drinks, they consisted of many excellent kinds of Meads, besides all sorts of Wine and Beer. diverse times by name, the Emperor sent us Dishes: but in the midst of Dinner he called the Ambassador up to him, and drank our King's health, where the Emperor held some discourse of our King and State. But at one time (striking his hand advisedly on his breast) Oh, said he, my dear Sister Queen Elizabeth, whom I loved as mine own heart, Memory of Q. Elizabeth. expressing this his great affection almost in a weeping passion. The Ambassador receiving the Cup from his Princely hand, returned again to his own place, where all of us standing, drank the same health out of the same Cup, being of fair Crystal, as the Emperor had commanded, the Wine (as far as my judgement gave leave) being Alicante. Thus passing some four hours in banqueting, and refreshing ourselves too plentifully, all being taken away, we did arise. The Ambassador and the King's Gentlemen being called by name to receive from his Imperial hands, a Cup (or rather as they call it a Yendover) of excellent red Mead; a favour among them never observed before, which Cups for they were great and the Mead very strong, we often sipped at, but without hurting our memories, we could not say Amen unto: which the Emperor perceiving, commanded them to be taken away, saying, He was best pleased with what was most for our healths. Thus after our low courtesies performed, we departed from his presence, riding home with the same former guard and attendance to our Lodings; where our Prestaves for that instant left us, but shortly after they came again, to accompany a great and gallant Duke, one of them that held the Emperor's golden Pole-axes, named Knes Romana Phedorowich Troya Narove, who was sent from his Majesty to make the Ambassador and the King's Gentlemen merry: likewise having instructions to drink their Emperors, our Kings, and both the Prince's healths, and diverse Princes else, which he did himself very freely and some of us, as many of them as we could with our own healths, there being such plenty of Meads and other Drinks, as might well have made forty Russes have stumbled to sleep. Thus lightheaded, and well laded especially if you take knowledge of the thirty yards of cloth of Gold, Gifts. and the two standing Cups with covers, which the Ambassador rewarded him withal, before he departed. But unwelcome news within four days after our audience so unhappily came, as not only our Affairs, but any else, except counsel against present danger, was not regarded. For this was held for currant, that one who named himself Demetrie Euanowich Beala, News of Demetrius▪ as the Son of their late Emperor juan Vasillowich; he that in the reign of Pheodor Euanowich his brother was in his infancy, as was thought, murdered at Ougleets) is now revived again, and up in arms for his right and inheritance: whereupon presently was sent an Army of two hundred thousand Soldiers, either to take or slay him. But he was so strengthened with Poles, Cossacks, etc. that a number of Russes yielded to his obedience. Upon the one and twentieth of November, the young Prince of an ancient custom going to a Church within Moscow, the King's Gentlemen upon knowledge thereof (the Ambassador being unwilling to be seen public, as also for that the Emperor himself did not go as he was accustomed) went and attended where his Excellency might see them, and they safely behold him, who road in a very fair and rich sled, Prince's pomp. having a gallant Palfrey lead by two Grooms to draw it, many hundreds running before to sweep the snow away where he should pass, and were said to be slaves, which I verily believe, because certainly they were his Subjects. Then came the Prince richly apparelled with two Tartar Princes standing before on his sled, and two young Dukes behind, with two hundred sleds following him. The eight of February, the Emperor sent us sleds to ride abroad, and this day the rather, that we might behold a reported victory, against the reputed Rebel Demetrie, etc. So we the King's Gentlemen did behold three hundred poor Prisoners, seventeen Ensigns, and eleven Drums brought in, Peter Basman. with more glory than victory. About this time returned Peter Basman, one of the Generals, who had performed very honourable service, and certainly, he was the man of greatest hope and expectation in the whole Empire, who was brought into the Moscow, with all the Counsel, Nobles, Gentlemen, and Merchants, a grace never performed before to any Subject. But not without suspicion of some extraordinary secret herein, and ●●●ides particular favours, bountiful rewards, and a promise he should never go again until the Emperor himself went, he was, being but a young man, made a Privy Counsellor. Forth with one thing I will you shall observe the Emperor's favour, and his then noble Spirit, he making diverse times suit (as was thought) because they were in great danger, to go again to the wars, once prostrated himself to obtain his desire, but falling down too humbly, he could not easily rise again, whereby the Emperor understanding of his many and great wounds, was said to weep, rising himself up to raise and help him up, but extraordinary Causes have the like Effects, as hereafter you shall understand. We were lodged in the same house where the young Prince john of Denmark, brother to that King and our now Queen of England, did lodge, (who would have married the young Princess Oucksinia, the Emperor's only daughter, but that he unhappily there died) but not in any of those lodgings: Oucsinia the Princess. for it is a custom there, that where a Prince dies (especially a stranger) not of long time after to let any other lodge there. Now the Ambassador understanding of the convenience of his passage down by sledway, also fearing (as wise men had cause) what the issue of these wars would be, knowing the state here used in any suits, bethought himself advisedly that it was high time, being the midst of February, to desire a second audience for his sooner dispatch, which he forthwith requested, and wrote a letter to that purpose unto the Lord Chancellor. Upon the tenth of March, the Ambassador with the King's Gentlemen all richly apparelled, and all his followers decently attending, Second audience. very honourably (as before) and with the like recourse of beholders, and guard of Gunners (but that they were said to be Citizens by reason of their wars, but in like apparel) was attended to the Court, being received with the former grace, or more, Citizen's Soldiers. he ascended the Presence: the Emperor and Prince holding their wont state, only changing their Vestments with the season, but for the riches nothing inferior. So soon as the Ambassador and the King's Gentlemen were come opposite to his Throne, he commanded seats that they might sit down: then with a Majestic countenance, representing rather constraint then former cheerfulness, he declared, that He, his Son and Council, had considered his Majesty's Letter, the Majesty of King james of England, as also on whatsoever else was desired, and in token of his joyful received am●tie with the renowned King of England, as with his Predecessor, he had wrote his Princely Letters to that purpose. Herewith the Chancellor from the Emperor delivered the Ambassadors his Highness' Letters to his excellent Majesty. Withal understanding by the Chancellor he had some farther matter to entreat of, then in his Brief to his Majesty was remembered: therefore he had appointed four principal Councillors to consult with him of his Requests, which was done. After, the Ambassador yielding courteous thanks for his Majesty's favour, his Lordship attended by many Nobles, proceeded to the Council Chamber, whither presently after came four Councillors, and the Emperor's Tolmach: who after salutations, we withdrew to the next chamber, where we passed away an hour in discourse, among many young Nobles, having the Ambassador's Interpreter. In the end, after three or four goings and returns of the Chancellor from the Emperor, we went again before him (where after he had commanded us to sit down as before) by the mouth of the Chancellor was openly delivered a Brief of the whole Embassy (and that day's particular desire, according to the Ambassadors request, confirmed.) Also in good and pleasing language, was declared the great desire that the Emperor had, for the continuance of peace and amity with the renowned james King of England, as with the late Queen Elizabeth, withal that in due time (all accidents well ended) he would send an honourable Ambassador for further affairs, as likewise to congratulate with our King of his happiness in so plausible coming to his Right and Inheritance. Likewise, a Gran● of a new Privilege for the Company, which he said should be under the golden Seal, etc. Which ceremonious speech ended, the Emperor called for the Ambassador and the King's Gentlemen to kiss his hand, and the Princes▪ which done, Golden Seal. with the Emperor's nod or bowing to us, as likewise the Princes, desiring the remembrance of his and the Prince's commendations to his Majesty, the Prince, and Queen of England, we were dismissed, but not before the Emperor said he would send home to us. Thus we took our last leave of the Emperor's Court, being more graciously and especially entertained then before, or then ever any would take knowledge Ambassadors were used withal: we are honourably attended home, and a Duke of great account, named Knas' Euan Eua●●owich Courl●te●▪ was attended with many of the Emperor's servants within our Gates: following him a dinner, Great dinner. sent from the Emperor by some two hundred persons, consisting of three hundred several dishes of Fish (for it was now Lent) of such strangeness, greatness, and goodness (for their number) as it were not to be believed by any report, but by a man's own eyesight, with infinite store of Meads, and Beer, in massy plate, etc. The eighteenth of March, the Emperor sent by Vassilly ●r●g●r●wich T●l●pno●e, the Roll wherein was the Demands of the Ambassador, and the particulars of the whole negotiation, as there at large appears. The nineteenth, his Majesty sent 〈◊〉 M●nshoy Buld●co●e, under Treasurer, a royal Present to the Ambassador of many particulars, also to each of the King's Gentlemen, being rewarded, he departed. The twentieth of March, Ambassador's departure. being honourably accompanied with thousands of Gallants of each side the streets all along as we passed, the Ambassador departed from the City of Moscow, with the whole numbers of horsemen still becking us, till we came a shore mile on this side the City where we made a stand, and after some compliment between the Ambassador and his kind and honourable Prestave, the Duke Vollagdemor, with almost weeping on his part, the Ambassador went from the Emperor's fled to his coach set upon a sled, Sled-passage. and we ●lighted from the Emperor's horses, and betook ourselves to our easy and pleasant passage in 〈◊〉, such a passage as this part of the World would wonder at, in which a man though he go a ●●●ckney pace, may as easily read as sleep. Thus accompanied with Master Io●● Moricke, Master William Russel, sometimes Agent for the Dutch, and many other Merchants, we easily road that night to Bra●teshi●, thirty miles from the Moscow. The next morrow taking leave of them all, we continued our journey fifty and sixty versts a day easily. Within few days after we heard news certainly of the Emperor's sudden and untimely death: which, considering neither the Presta●e, the Governor, or Bishop, Emperor Bori● his death. had not or would not of ten days after take knowledge of, we might in the mean time have doubted of, but that his Lordship had it from Master john Mericke by Letter particularly. His death was very sudden, and as it was in itself, very strange: for within some two hours after dinner, having (as he usually had) his Doctors with him, who left him in their judgements in health, as the good meal he made could witness, for he dined well, and fed plentifully, though presently after as may be thought, feeding overmuch, he felt himself not only heavy, but also pained in his stomach: presently went into his chamber, laid himself upon his bed, sent for his Doctors (which always sped) yet before they came, he was past, being speechless and soon after dying. Before his death (as speedy as it was) he would be shorn, and new christened: what the cause was otherwise then the grief, inward sorrow, New christened. with diverse distractions about the wars, and their bad success, fearing the worst on his part, only God knows: yet who so remembers God's judgements, or Prince's policies for Kingdoms, with man's sinfulness, and considereth the one with the other, may be satisfied, if not contented. For the Emperor's person, he was tall and well bodied, Emperor's person. teaching out of his authority obedience, of an excellent presence, black and thin ha●red, well faced, round and close shaved, strong limmed. A Prince framed between Thought and Resolution, as being ever in labour, but never till death delivered: never acting (though ever plotting) but in his Closet or Council Chamber. One rather obeyed then loved, being feared where he was not served: doubtless, upholding a true Majesty and government in every part, but in his own mind: that it is a question, whether he were more kind to Strangers, or severe and just to his Subjects, or hateful and terrible to his Enemies. A father and a Prince, whose words, counsels, observations, His respect to his son. policies, resolutions, and experiments, were but the life of his dear Son, never advising, entertaining, no not praying without him. In all Ambassies and Negotiations, remembering his son's name with his own, loving him (being lovely) for that himself would be loved, unwilling to spare his presence, desirous to have him at all occasions before his eyes▪ I shall not do amiss, to give a taste of the fruit sprung from so stately a Tree. Being by a learned and well travailed Gentleman diverse times particularly advised, to let the Prince take some more (than no recreation) by which means he might aswell prolong his life, as instruct his judgement and delight his mind: Oh, would the Emperor answer, one son is no son: nay, I am persuaded, three sons to me is but half a son. But had I six sons, than I might safely say I had one, how then should I part with that at any time, I know not to be mine for any time▪ This may give satisfaction to any understanding both of his fears and jealousies: his great love, and much care. It was an usual speech with the Emperor upon good reason to say, he was the Lord and father of his son, yet withal, That he was not only his servant, but his very * Because he had done more for him, than might lawfully be commanded. slave. Two policies of the said Emperor I shall willingly acquaint you with, for diverse reasons. One was, when he caused fire to be kindled in four parts of Mosco●; whereat himself was noted to be very diligent, with all his Nobles and Courtiers: and after it was quenched▪ he sent his bounty to them all, that builded anew their houses, and repaid all their losses. And this was but to stop the rumour, than so common, of his strange gaining the Empire by which stratagem of his, when his people were ready to mutiny, they were created anew good Subjects; yet did admire his not only care, but goodness towards them all. A second, was at that time the Land was visited with a mighty famine, and as great a plague (some four years since) whereof a third of the whole Nation is rated to have died: and the murmuring multitude said the cause was, their electing of a murderer to the Empire; wherefore God did thus visit them: Whereupon, he caused Galleries to be builded round about the utmost wall of the great City of Moscow; and there appointed daily to be given to the poor, twenty thousand pounds sterling: which was accordingly performed for one month, whereupon the common people's mouths and bellies were well stopped. Here we lodged till the sixth of May, being wearied with the inconstancy and ill-come news of flying reports, whereupon the time of the year requiring, the Ambassador resolved to pass down the River to Colmogro, as well that he might the sooner have news from England, as happily to be out of fear of any disaster, the rumours being innumerable and uncertain. After the suspicious death of the old Emperor Boris Pheodorowich, etc. by the appointment of the Prince (than their expected Emperor) and the Counsel, Peter Basman sent against Demetrius, revolteth. Peter Basman (that noble Spark) was speedily dispatched and sent as General unto their ill succeeding wars, as their last hope (indeed he proved so in a contrary sense) and the only refuge to the Commons: whither being come, he with himself presented most of his command, as many as freely would offer themselves: Under which were all the English, Scots, French, Dutch and Flemings, whatsoever: and with him, or rather before him (as least suspected) Rises Vasili Euanch Goleeche, the other General, a man of great birth, and in the priority of place, to be received before Peter Basman. All which, the now well known newly opinionated Emperor very graciously received, happily not without some jealousy of many particulars. Demetrius now sent Messengers with Letters which entered the Suburbs, where the Commons in infinite numbers brought them safe 〈◊〉 the spacious Plain before the Castle gate: within which, as daily they did use, so now were all the Counsellors in consultation; but happily not in a secret Counsel; also wherein was the Imperial Court. Tumult of the Commons. There these Boyerens made demand for many of the Counsellors, especially for the Godonoves, to come to hear their right King D●metrius Euanowich speaking unto them by Letters: Who yet after refusal (and I cannot condemn all) many came; the Commons being resolved, else to fetch them out. Then, by the Boyeren● aloud was read the Emperor's Letters, to this effect. Demetrius his Letter. That he much wondered at that time, wherein expedition was to be accounted safest policy, having sent many Letters and Messengers to them, concerning their approving him to be their lawful Prince, as being the son of Euan Vas●lowich their late Emperor, and the only brother of Pheodor Euanowich selfe-upholder, of happy memory, both with invincible Arguments and direct Reasons to the manifesting thereof, they (notwithstanding his long patience and gracious remissness) were not only so proud as not to answer his Princely Letters, but so presumptuous as to retain his Messengers, whereby they made themselves apparently to be no less Vipers to the State in obscuring him, than Traitors to himself the true and right Emperor, by defrauding them: yet giving him a strong Argument by their Silence, of their guiltiness; also allowing thereby, time and opportunity (if he had not been their trueborn Emperor, and with the natural Mother, tendered the life of her dear Children) to have conquered and destroyed the whole Nation. All which notwithstanding, he (being confident in his own conscience, of his just Title, made the Prince of patience and humility from his former many great miseries and dangers) had in his Princely wisdom and clemency again wrote these (but certainly his last Peace-requiring, and Grace-offering Letters: yea, was content to desire them he might) and doubted not shortly but he should command, only aiming at the good of the Commonwealth and State in general; as he that without much shedding of his Subject's blood, desired the Kingdom. Also to this end he had sent men of great birth, viz. Rues Pheodor, Euanowich Methithsosky, and Rues Demetre, Euanowich Suskey; and given them Commission to displace his Enemies, and Prestave the Godonoves, and others, till his further pleasure were known, consuming those monstrous blood suckers and Traitors, with return of the Commons answer thereunto: Likewise to demand his Messengers, and they to be brought before the Commons, whom he had reason to believe were ill-intreated, if not murdered; withal, that if they did submit themselves now to him, as to their lawful Prince and Sovereign, (which he was truly resolved their consciences were guilty of) that yet they should find him a gracious and merciful Lord; if otherwise, a severe and just Revenger of them, and their many misdeeds towards him, as he that had his Sword ever unsheathed to execute his vengeance on them all: and was easily persuaded they were not ignorant of the many Victories he had obtained formerly against them, when they would seem able and willing to fight with his Soldiers: and how afflicted and troubled herewith they all were: But that now, he had their chief and strongest Heads and Arms in his own hand, the whole World might not betreth him they durst once speak openly against him, as assured that all (excepting a very few, and they of the worst) in heart were his loyal Subjects, etc. But before this Letter was half read, the Hearts and Hands of the multitude were strangely combined together, not one speaking, but all confusedly like fettered and chained Horses stamping; being indeed without any fear▪ but of not doing mischief enough, all (as one) running violently into the Castle, where (meeting two of the pitifully tormented Messengers) they paused to hear them as sufficiently as their insufficiency would permit them, deliver the vild manner of their torturing, whipping, and roasting, which was in deed a Whip and Spur to drive them, without wit or humanity, as if they had been fired like Gunpowder with the very sparks of heat: Such barbarous cruelty, beastly actions, and inhuman spectacles, as without the great Devil had been their General, no particular could have acted; laying violent hands on all they met: but not killing (the great mercy of God) any man of account. Thus the whole City was in an uproar, all the Counsellors houses, sellers, and studies ransacked, beginning with the Godonoves; spoiling, renting, and stealing all they met with; but carrying little away but drink, which they could not carry away. The Commons (no doubt) would have made this day little inferior to the massacre of Paris, so violent and devilish were their sudden resolutions; but that the Nobles (best beloved and obeyed) entreated, where none could command: others persuading, all wishing an end to this most miserable and never exampled mischief. But the multitude did what they would and could; especially on the greatest, which certainly were the worst: So as the Empress flying to a safer lodging, had her collar of Pearl plucked from her neck. Then the Prince, Empress, and Princess, were prestaved (a second command being come from the Camp) with the Godonoves, and many others that were suspected most: The Nobles joining in one counsel for the present ordering of these sudden accidents, and for answer to the Prince Demetrius Euanowich, who suddenly was by general consent concluded (by the particular knowledge of Bodan Belskey a great Counsellor, that was privy to his departure, and some others) to be their right and lawful Emperor, only a few excepted. So as the young Prince was by many (but particularly by his mother) counselled to leave the Kingdom utterly, before it forsook him; to follow his Father's example in murdering himself, and herein his mother (that Map of miseries, that Cradle of cruelty) and his only dear sister would associate him. Letters were devised, and Messengers framed to effect this desperate treachery on his innocent life; so as in very few days (for Mischief hath the wings of Thought and Resolution) they three did consent (an unhappy conjunction) to destroy themselves; and rather to lay violent hands upon their hateful lives, then make an Enemy seem cruel in executing justice on them: which * Thus he● but others ascribe this murder to Demetrius his command, and this self-murder was pretended to avoid envy of the fact. Death of Mother & Son. yet certainly this Emperor never dreamt of, but determined the Prince should be within himself, not less than Absolute, and in a very great Dukedom. The Princely Mother began the health of Death to her noble Son, who pledged her with a hearty draught, therein so much strength did he add to his vile wicked obedience, that he proved a bankrupt presently, and hand in hand embracing each other, they fell, and died as one, the Mother counselling and acting, whilst the child bethought and suffered: yet see Providence and Commiseration, Constancy and Obedience: the Princess drank, but like a Virgin temperately: so as modesty (the want of which was the death of the Mother) now proved the life of the Daughter. However it was with Boris for other things, I thought it not amiss to add this testimony of his respect to the English Nation and Merchants in Privileges granted them, as followeth. Emperor Boris his Moscow Patent translated whiles Sir Th. Smith was there. ONe Almighty God without and before the Beginning, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, whom we glorify in the Trinity, our only God, Creator and Preserver of all things everywhere, by which Will and Working, be liveth and giveth life unto Man; Our only God which inspireth every one of us his Children with his holy Word, through our Lord jesus Christ, the Spirit of Life, now in this latter times, establish us to hold the right Sceptre, and suffer us of ourselves to reign, for the good of the Land, and the happiness of the People, together with our Enemies, and to the doing of good. We the great Lord Emperor and great Duke Boris Pheodorowich of all Russia, sole Commander of Volodemer, Moscow, Novogrod, Emperor of Cazan, King of Astracan, Lord of Vobsko, and great Duke of Smolensko, of Twersko, Vhorskoy, Permskoy, Vatskoy, Bolharskay, and of others, Lord and great Duke of Novagrod in the low Country of Chernego, Rezan, Polotskay, Rostouskoy, Yeraslauskoy, Belozerskoy, Leeflanskoy, Owdorskoy, Obdorskoy, Condinskoy, and all Siberia, and the North parts; Lord and Commander of Euerskoy Land, and Cabardinskoy Country, and of Cherces, and Igarskoy Land, as also of many others Lord and Commander, with our Son Prince Phedar Borisowich of all Russia. We have bestowed on the Merchants of England, viz. Sir john Hart, Knight; Sir William Webb, Knight; Richard Saltanitall, Alderman; Nicolas Moshley, Alderman; Robert Dove, William Garaway, john Harbey, Robert Chamberlin, Henry Anderson, john Audwart, Francis Cherie, john Merick, Anthony Marlar; We have granted and licenced them to come with their ships into our Dominion the Country of Dwina, with all manner of Commodities, to trade freely from the Sea side and within our Dominions, to the City of our Empire of Moscow. Also there made suit unto us Sir john Hart, Knight, and his Company, to gratify them to trade to our City of Moscow, and to our Heritage of great Novogrod and Vobsko, and to all parts of our Empire, with their Commodities, and to Trade freely without custom: upon which We the great Lord Emperor and great Duke Boris Pheodorowich of all Russia, with our Son Prince Pheodor Borisowich of all Russia, have granted unto the English Merchants, Sir john Hart, Knight, and his fellows, for our Sister's sake Queen Elizabeth, free passage to come into our Kingdom of Moscow, and into all the rest of our Dominions, with all manner of Commodities to trade and traffic freely at their pleasure. Also we have commanded, not to take any kind of Custom for their goods, nor any other Customs whatsoever, viz. for passing by any place by Land, nor for passing by any place by Water; nor for Custom of their Boats or Head money, nor for passing over Bridges and Ferries, nor for any entry of Wares: as also all manner of other Customs or Duties whatsoever we command shall not be taken of them: But they shall not bring other men's goods into our Dominions, nor likewise recarry out of our Kingdom any other men's goods as their own: nor to sell or barter for other men. Neither shall our Subjects buy and sell for them or from them: neither shall they keep any of our people's goods or pawns by them to own or colour them. Likewise they shall not send any of our Subjects to any Town or City to buy Commodities. But what City they come into themselves they shall sell their own Commodities, and buy our Commodities. And when they shall come to our Heritage to great Vobsko and Novagrod, or to any other City within our Dominions with their Commodities, that then our Gentlemen and Governors, and all other officers shall suffer and let them pass according to this our Letter, and to take no manner of Custom of them whatsoever for any of their Commodities for passing by, nor for passage over any Bridges: neither shall they take any other Custom whatsoever in all our Dominions. And wheresoever they happen to come, and do proceed to buy and sell; as also wheresoever they shall pass through with goods not buying of any Commodity nor selling their own, then in those Cities they shall take of them no manner of Custom whatsoever as aforesaid: and we have gratified and given them leave to trade in all parts of our Dominions with their goods freely without Custom. And likewise whensoever the English Merchants shall be desirous to buy or sell or barter their wares with our Merchant's wares for wares, then shall they sell their wares whole sale and not by retail, Cloth by the pack and by Clothes and by remnants; and Damasks and Velvets by the Piece and not by the Yard, or asheene, and such Commodities as is to be sold by weight, not to sell them by the small weights, that is to say, by the Zolotnick. Also they shall sell Wines by the Pipe and the Hogshead, but by the Gallon, Quart or Pot or Charke they shall not sell: moreover, they shall buy, sell and exchange their own Commodities themselves, and the Ruff Merchants shall not sell or exchange for them or from them their Commodities, neither shall they carry any man's goods to no manner of place under colour of their own, and which of the English Merchants would at any time sell his Commodities at Colmogro on the Dwina, or at Vologda and at Yeraslauly they may, and of all their Commodities throughout all our Cities and Dominion, our Gentlemen, Governors, and all other Officers shall take no manner of Custom according to this our Imperial Letter of favour. Also through all our Dominions, Cities, and Towns they shall hire Carriers, Boats, and men to labour or row in the said Boats at their own cost. Likewise when as the English Merchants shall desire to go out of our Dominion into any other Kingdom, or into their own Land, and that we think it good for them to take with them from our Treasure any Commodities to sell or exchange them for us, for such Commodities as shall be sitting to our Kingdom, and to deliver them to our Treasurer: and with those their and our goods, our Gentlemen and Governors shall suffer them to pass through all Cities and Towns within our Dominions without Custom as before. And when they have ended their Market, and do desire to go from the Mosko, than they shall appear in the Chancery to the Keeper of our Seal, the Secretary Vassily Yacolowich Schellcalou. Likewise, if there happen to the English Merchants any extremity by Sea, or that a ship be broken, and that it be near any place of our Kingdom, than we command that all those goods shall be brought out justly, and be given to the English people that shall at that time be in our Land, or if they be not here, then to lay them up all together in one place, and when the Englishmen come into our Land, then to deliver those goods to them Also we have bestowed on the English Merchants the House of Yourya, in the Mosko by a Church of Saint Maxims near the Margot, to dwell in it as in former time, keeping one Housekeeper a Ruff, or one of their own strangers: but other Ruff folks they shall not keep any. Likewise these Merchants have Houses in diverse our Cities as followeth: A House at Years, a House at Vologda, a House at Colmogro, and a House at Michael the Archangel, being the shipping place: these said Houses they shall keep as in former time according to this our Imperial Letter of favour, or gratified without paying any manner of Rent or any other duties whatsoever, either at Mosko, Yereslave, Vologda, Colmogro, or at the Castle of the Archangel, neither shall they pay any tax. Also at those Houses at Yereslave, Vologda, Colmogro, and at Archangel they shall have Housekeepers of their own Countrymen, or Russes of a mean sort that are not Merchants, a man or two in a House: to lay up their goods in those Houses, and to make sale of their goods out of those Houses, to whom they will according to this our Imperial Letter of favour, but their Russee Housekeepers in their absence shall not sell any of their Commodities. And the English Merchants shall come with their ship to their Port, as in former times they have done to unlade their goods out of their ships, and likewise to lad them again with our Russia Commodities, at their own charges of Boats and hire of men, and ferrying over the said goods from their ships to their House at the Castle of Archangel. Likewise our Officers, Customers, and Swornemen shall take a just note of all such goods as they have both of Russia and English Commodities, and the note to pass under the Merchants Firma, because it may be known what goods passeth of the strangers and of the Russes. But they shall not look over their goods, neither unbind any packs in any place, and when they do send their own Englishmen from Archangel to our City of Mosko, or do send Russia Commodities into their own Land, Then all our Officers and Customers shall let them pass without delay, according to this our Letter of favour. And whensoever the Merchants shall be desirous to send any of their own Countrymen into their own Land, or into any other Kingdom over Land: they shall do it freely with our Imperial Majesty's order, without carrying any Commodity over with them, and they shall have their Letters of Pass given them in the Embassdours Office. And concerning any matters of debate or controversy in Merchandise, or injury, than they shall be judged by the Keeper of the Seal, and Secretary Vassily Yacolowich Shelcolou, doing right and justice to both parties with equity and truth▪ and what cannot be found out by Law, or Inquisition, there shall be used Lots. His Lot that is taken forth, Lot Law. shall have right done unto him. Likewise, in what place else in all our Kingdom there do happen any matter of discord in Merchandise or by injury, than our men of authority, or Governors, and all manner of our Officers shall do true justice between them: and what cannot be sought out by Law shall be sought out by Lot: his Lot that is taken out shall have right done unto him as before mentioned, as also they shall not take any custom or duty of them for any Law matter, not in any place in our Kingdom. Moreover, this our Imperial Letter in all our Realm and Dominion, our Officers, and all manner of our subjects shall not disobey or break it in any point whatsoever, but if there be any that doth disobey this our Imperial Letter of favour, that then those people shall be in our high displeasure, and executed to death. This our Imperial Letter of gratitude, is given at our Imperial Palace and House in our City of Mosko, from the year of the beginning of the World 7107. in the month of November: being underwritten as followeth. By the great Lord Emperor and great Duke Boris Pheodorowich of all Russia, selfe-upholder: his Keeper of the Seal, and Secretary by name Vassily Yacolowich Sheallcalove. §. III. One pretending himself to be DEMETRIUS, with the Popes and Poles helps attaineth the Russian Empire: his Arts, Acts, Marriage, favour to the English, and miserable end. Having thus presented you Boris his Tragedy out of that printed Author, and his Grant to the English from a written Copy; it shall not be amiss to take more leisurely and mature view of this Pretender, against whom Boris his desire of secrecy (permitting none guilty of the murder to survive) had vnfurnished him of Arguments. He produced a Purse given him by his Mother; with the History of his life after that sending him away and acknowledging another whom she was more willing to act that bloody Scene then her own Son: with other particulars which bred strong confidence in such as (weary of Boris) were desirous it should be so. But for the death of the young Emperor, & his mother, it is by most ascribed to Demetrius, who seeing the people of Musco his friends, and the Emperor and his Mother in hold, pretended he could not come thither whiles his enemies lived, whereupon they in a mutiny slew them; to avert the envy whereof, it is probable that it was made to be their own act, and their Keepers therefore by him imprisoned. Boris his daughter was thrust into a Nunnery, and so made dead also to the succession. But as I have before delivered out of that diligent, learned and sincere Historian Thuanus, Boris his attaining the Sceptre, I shall likewise entreat your patience out of him to receive these Relations of Demetrius. Thu. li. 135. Thuanus writeth that after the murder of that (true or false) Demetrius, some years after in the borders of Polonia and Muscovia, appeared one which called himself Demetrius, and in testimony thereof, showed a Wart in his face, and one arm shorter than the other (noted before in the true Demetrius) a man of sharp wit, bold courage, liberal mind, gentle behaviour, and of parts composed to a Scepter-worthinesse. The Jesuits first authors, or f●ut●rs at least of this Demetrius. First, was he made known to the Jesuits of principal note in Poland, to whom he promised if he might receive help for the recovery of his just Inheritance, his first care should be to reduce the Russians to the Union of the Romish Church. This thing was commended to the Pope as conducing to the enlarging of the holy See, by his aid, and furtherance with the Polish King and Nobility, to be promoted; which also was done by the Jesuits themselves, who brought him to George Miecinsy Palatine of Sendomir a man potent in that Kingdom, with whom he covenanted also to marry his Daughter if he succeeded in his Russian Enterprise. He had lurked awhile in Liefland, casting off his Cowle, and had there learned to speak and write the Latin Tongue: and had written to Pope Clement the Eighth, with his own hand not inelegantly. And being by the said Palatine, and Visnovitzi his Son in Law, Sigismunds' father john was imprisoned by King Ericus 1564. brought before King Sigismond, he made a pithy and Masculine speech, that he should remember that himself had been borne in Prison and Captivity, whence God's mercy had delivered him, to learn him to succour others afflicted with like disaster. Thus by the King's favour, the Palatines money, the Jesuits industry (not to mention the Pope's Sanctity) he procured an Army of ten thousand Soldiers in Poland well furnished, and in his Russian March, Cossaks. winneth to his party the Cossaks a kind of men which follow foreign Wars and prey, and leads with him ten thousands of them. Passing Boristhenes he first charged upon Zerniga, & summoned them to yield to the true heir Demetrius, which was done by juan Takmevy, Zerniga. who had before conceived dislike against Boris. Corelas commanded the Cossaks, a notorious Sorcerer. He was the Author of the siege of Putinna a populous City, which Michelowich Soltekovi held with eight thousand Cossaks, Putinna yielded. whom also he wrought with, that he admitted and followed Demetrius. Hereupon Boris sends an Army of an hundred thousand men against him. He also sends Ambassadors into Poland, to put them in mind of the league betwixt both Nations, and earnestly desired this counterfeit Demetrius, a Priests Bastard and notable Sorcerer, to be delivered unto him alive or dead, adding threats if they persisted, and withal working underhand with the Nobles to deter the King from his aid. But by the Popes and Jesuits prevailing power nothing was effected, the King and the Poles resolving to assist him, as thinking it the best course to accord both Nations. Both Armies met at Novogrod, where Palatine Sendomir the General, in the end of januarie 1605. thinking to find a revolt in the Russian Army, The Palatine defeated. gave a rash onset, & was put to flight, and after returned to Poland. Demetrius retired himself to Rilskie Castle (in the borders) with a few, and forsaken of others, he forsook not himself. He had brought with him two Divines of the Cistercian Order which returned home: two Jesuits also, Nicolas Cherracovi and Andrew Lovitzi, Cistercians and jesuits. which had been Authors of the Expedition, and now encouraged him by their exhortations and examples of patience. He confident (as he made show) in the justice of his cause, when he was to begin battle or skirmish, used to call upon God, so as he might be heard of all, with his hands stretched forth, and his eyes lifted up to heaven, in such like words. O most just judge▪ Demetrius his confi●ent Prayer. kill me first with a Thunderbolt, destroy me first, and spare this Christian blood, if unjustly, if covetously, if wickedly I go about this Enterprise which thou seest. Thou seest mine innocence, help the just cause. To thee O Queen of Heaven I commend myself and these my Soldiers. Which if they be truly related, and he not the true Demetrius, he was either an impudent juggler, or exceedingly gulled with fortune's dalliance and prosperous success, which concluded in a Tragical period. Part of Boris his Army was now comen to Rilsky, where in a battle betwixt the horsemen of both parts, Demetrius his victory. Demetrius got the better, and the lately conquered, and presently fewer, became Victors; at the first encounter a thousand being slain, two hundred taken, and the rest put to flight, leaving their footmen to the slaughter, and the baggage to the spoil. Hereupon five neighbouring Castles with their several Territories, Bialogrod. yielded to Demetrius, one of which, Bialogrod yielded him a hundred and fifty Pieces of Ordnance. The Captains were delivered into his hands. Soon after jaleka and Leptina yielded, in which Hinsko Otiopelus that famous Sorcerer was taken: Leptina. Severia yields. after which all Severia, a large Principality, came in, and eight Castles; Demetrius using great modesty in this unexpected victory. Boris meanwhile sent some with large promises to murder him, and the Patriarch excommunicated all which favoured him. Demetrius writ hereof modestly to the Patriarch, and to Boris also, offering fair conditions to his Family, if he would resign his usurped Empire, which he with indignation rejected. That happened when the Ambassadors of Denmark and Sweden were in his Court to join league with him against the Pole. In that consultation Boris is said to have been in such a chafe, Boris dyeth. Some say, that he had used with Aqua vitae to poison others. Neque enim lex iustio● ulla est, quam necis artifices arte perire sua. that he fell down suddenly, much blood passing from his mouth, nostrils and ears; and in the end of April he died; some say of an Apoplexy, others, of poison which he drunk: after he had reigned seven years. His Wife with her Son were advanced to the Throne after him, and the Nobility sworn to them. The dead body was buried without any pomp. Constantine Fidler a Lieflander of Rye made an elegant Oration in his praise, whose brother Gaspar served Boris. Presently Peter Basman was sent away with an Army. * Some say of 60000. men. Hodunius (a near Kinsman of Boris) besieged Crom, to raise whom, Demetrius used this policy. He sent a simple man thither, which being deceived himself might deceive others, with Letters that forty thousand were coming to aid the besieged. He being taken (sent by a way which he could not escape) and examined with tortures confesseth the same with his Letter●: which caused a tumult in the Camp; and in the end, the besieged taking advantage of the rumour still increased by some sent purposely with reports that they had seen the new auxiliaries issued with a counterfeit show of great numbers, and caused the Russians to consult of yielding▪ Basman yieldeth. Basman also the new General yielded and cried out with a loud voice, that Demetrius was the true heir, and therefore all true hearted Muscovites should follow his example; which the most followed. Hodunius was taken, and refusing to acknowledge Demetrius was cast in Prison. In the Tents were huge Ordnance found. After this Campe-alteration, followed the like in Moscow, the people resounding the name of Demetrius. The Empress and her son were committed to ward, where some write that they poisoned themselves, some that Demetrius commanded it▪ The Germans flying out of the Borissian Camp to Demetrius drew many with them. From Crom do●h Demetrius now march towards Moscow, the people all the way flocking to see their new Prince, who in twenty removes came thither on the 19 of june, Demetrius cometh to Moscow, his pompous entrance. and entered with pompous procession of Soldiers & Priests, the Russian Priests having Banners with the Pictures of the blessed Virgin and their Tut●lare Saint Nicolas, in the end of all the Patriarch, and after him Demetrius by himself on a white Palfrey with a gallant train of attendants. Thus he goeth to the Temple of our Lady, and after Prayers, from thence to Saint Michael's Church in which his Father lay buried, and hearing that Boris lay there interred, he presently commanded his body to be taken up and to be removed to a meaner Chapel without the City. Passing by Boris his peculiar House, he could not endure the sight, but sent workmen presently to raze the same; saying, they were infamous with Sorceries, and that an image was said to be placed under the ground, holding in the hand a burning Lamp, having underneath store of Gunpowder buried; things so disposed, that the Oil failing, and the Lamp breaking, the fire should (had it not been before spied and removed) blow up that, and the houses adjoining. Thus had Boris impeached him, and he now Boris of Magical arts, which are usual accusations in those parts. Thence he went to the Imperial Palace, and began to govern the Empire, more inclining to the Poles and foreigners, then to the Russes: which untimely expressing himself, Poles advanced. hastened his ruin. Seventie noble Families of Boris his kindred or faction were exiled, that their Goods might be shared amongst strangers, and new Colonies of men planted, brought into Russia. His clemency was remarkable to Suisky, who being condemned for not only refusing to acknowledge this Emperor, but uttering also reproachful speeches of him (as being of base Parentage, Clemency to Suiskey. and one which had conspired with the Poles to overthrow the Russian Temples, & Nobility) and now his prayers ended, and the fatal stroke on his knees expected, on the seaventh of july, by unexpected mercy, even then received his pardon. The last which yielded to him were the Plescovites. Some tell of exceeding Treasures also which he found laid up for other purposes, which through his profuseness soon vanished. The first of September, was designed to his inauguration (being New years day to the Russes, as sometimes to the jews) but for other causes it was hastened, and his Mother was sent for out of a Monastery (into which Boris had thrust her) far●e from the Court. An honourable Convoy was herein employed, and himself with great show of Piety went to meet her, embraced her with tears, and bareheaded, on foot, Respect to his Mother. attended her Chariot to the Castle; whence afterwards she removed with her women into a Monastery where the Noblest Virgins and Widows of Russia use to sequester themselves from the World. His Mother was noted to answer with like affection to him, whether true or dissembled on both parts. At his entrance to the Kingdom, after Ceremonies ended, Nicolas Cnermacovius a jesuit made him a goodly Oration: the like was done by the Senate. To the jesuits was allotted a fair place of entertainment not far from the Castle, jesuits. wherein to observe the Romish Rites and Holies: and even then by their means he had declared himself in that point, but for fear of Suiskie he stayed till fitter opportunity. Having thus settled things, his care was to recompense the Poles, to enter league with that Nation, and to consummate the Marriage. Embassage ●o Poland. For which purpose he sent three hundred Horsemen with Athanasius the Treasurer, who in November came to Cracovia, had audience of King Sigismond, where he with all thankfulness acknowledged the King's forwardness with his Nobles to recover his right, whereto God had given answerable success beyond expectation; that he deplored the Turkish insolences in Hungary and other parts: to vindicate which, he would willingly join with the Pole, and other Christian Princes: mean whiles he was willing to make an everlasting league with him, and to that end entreated his good leave to take unto himself a Wife out of Poland, namely, Anna Maria, the Daughter of George Miecinsie the Palatine of Sendomir, to whom for money, men, and endangering of his own life, he was so much engaged. The eight day after, the Contract was solemnly made by the Cardinal, Bishop of Cracovia, and the Ambassador with her Parents feasted by the King. Demetrius had sent her and her Father, jewels worth 200000. Crowns. Thus far have we followed Thuanus, and he jacobus Margaretus a French Captain of Demetrius guard of Partisans, which published a Book hereof. Now let us present you a little English Intelligence touching this Demetrius and his respect to men of our Nation in those parts, and first his Letter to Sir john Mericke. The Copy of a Letter sent from the Emperor DEMETRY EVANOWICH, otherwise called GRISHCO OTREAPYOV: the which Letter was sent to Master JOHN MERRICK Agent, out of the Camp, as Master MERRICK was taking his journey to the Seaside, the eighth of june, Anno 1605. FRom the great Lord Emperor and great Duke Demetry Euanowich of all Russia. To the English Merchant john Merrick, we give to understand, that by the just judgement of God and his strong power, we are raised to our Father's throne of Vladedmer, Mosko, and of all the Empire of Russia; as great Duke and sole commander: likewise we calling to memory the love and amity of our Father, the great Lord Emperor and great Duke Euan Vassilywich of all Russia, and our Brother Theodor Euanowich of all Russia, which was held, and kept by them and other great Christian Princes, in the same form and manner do we likewise intent, and purpose to hold and keep Love and amity: but especially, and above all others, do we intend to send and to have love and friendship with your King james, and all you his English Merchants, we will favour more than before. Further, as soon as this our Letter doth come to your hand, and as soon as you have ended your Markets at the shipping place of Michael the Archangel, then to come up to Moscow to behold our Majesty's presence. And for your post Horse I have commanded shall be given you; and at your coming to Moscow, then to make your appearance in our Chancery, to our Secretary Ofanasy Vlassou. Written in our Majesty's Camp at Tooly, in the year of the world Anno seven thousand one hundred and thirteen. The Copy of the translation of a Pass given to Master JOHN MERRICK, which was given him in the time of his being in the Camp at Molodove with the Emperor DEMETRY EVANOWICH, otherwise called GRISHCO OTREAPYOVE. FRom the great Lord Emperor and great Duke Demetry Euanowich of all Russia, from Moscow to our Cities and Castles, as also to the Castle of Archangel at the Shipping place and haven to our Generals, Secretaries, and all other our Officers, etc. There did make suit unto us the English Merchant john Merricke and his Company, that we would gratify them to be suffered to pass to the new Castle of Archangel, or to the shipping place or haven, in regard of traffic of Merchandise. Also, that if he do send home any of his fellows and servants from the shipping place, being of the English, that then they might be suffered to pass into England. Also that to whatsoever City of ours the English Merchant john Mericke, and his fellows, doth or shall come unto; then all ye our Generals, Secretaries, and ol other our Officers, shall suffer them to pass every where, without all delay. And as for our Customs, as for passing by or for head money, our custom of goods, you shall not take any of them nor of their servants. Likewise, when the English Merchants john Merricke with his fellows and servants, shall come to the Castle of Archangel, than Timophey Matphewich Lazarove, and our Secretary Rohmaneum Mocaryoved, Voronove, at the foresaid Castle of Archangel, shall suffer and permit the English Merchant, john and his company to trade freely. Moreover, when at the shipping place they have ended and finished their Markets, and that then the said john Merricke shall desire to send into England any of his fellows or servants with goods, then likewise they shall be suffered to pass. But Russ● people, and other strangers of Moscow shall not be suffered to pass further: that if john Merricke with his fellows and servants do not go for England: but after their Market is ended do purpose to come back again to Moscow; that then at the Castle of Archangel Timophey Matphewich Lazarove, and our Secretary Rohmaneeu Voronave; as also at all other our Castles and Cities, our Generals, Secretaries, and all other our Officers shall let pass the English Merchant john Merricke with his fellows and servants, without all stay or hindrance, and as for custom of them, their goods, or their servants, there shall not be any taken. And after the Reading of this our Letter and Pass, you shall keep the Copy of it by you: but this you shall deliver back again to the said john, and his company. Written at our Camp at Molodone, the year from the beginning of the World 7113. the eighteenth of june. The last of july 1605. at Archangel. The Copy of the translation of a Commission that was sent from the Mosko, from the Emperor DEMETRY EVANOWICH, alias GRYSHCA OTREAPYOVE by a Courtier named GAVARYLA SAMOYLOWICH SALMANOVE, who was sent down to the Castle of Archangel, to Sir THOMAS SMITH, than Lord Ambassador: as followeth. THe great Lord Emperor, and great Duke Demetry Euanowich of all Russia, hath commanded Gavareela Samoylowich Salmanove, to go to Vologda, and from Vologda to the new Castle of Archangel, or wheresoever he shall overtake the English Ambassador Sir Thomas Smith. Also when he hath overtook the Ambassador, than Gavareele shall send the Ambassador his Interpreter Richard Finch, willing him to certify unto the Ambassador, that the great Lord Emperor and great Duke Demetry Euanowich, sole commander of Russia, hath sent unto him one of his Courtiers, in regard of his Majesty's affairs: and after some two hours' respite, Gavareela himself shall ride to the Ambassador, and deliver unto him his Majesty's speeches, as followeth. THe great Lord Emperor and great Duke Demetry Euanowich of all Russia, and of many Kingdom's Lord and commander, Hath commanded thee, Thomas the English Ambassador, to certify unto james, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, that by the just judgement of God, and his strange power, we are come and succeeded into the place of our Father and predecessors: as also we are come to the throne of the great and famous Kingdom of Vlodemer Moscow, and to the Empire of Cazan, Astaracan and Siberia, and of all the Kingdoms of the Empire of Russia; being an Empire belonging to the great Lords, Emperors, and great Dukes of all Russia. Moreover, we calling to memory the sending, love and amity betwixt our Father, the great Lord and Emperor, and great Duke Euan Vasilywich of all Russia, of famous memory: as also our Brother, the great Lord and Emperor and great Duke Feoder Euanowich of all Russia, sole commander, with their sister Elizabeth, Queen of England: in the like manner do we purpose to have sendings, and to be in love with your Lord King james, and more than hath been in former time. And in token of our said love and amity, we do intend to favour all his subjects in our Land, and to give unto them freer liberty than they have had heretofore; and you his Ambassador, we have commanded to dispatch without all delay or hindrance. Therefore we would have you to make known unto your Lord King james, our Majesty's love. And as soon as God shall grant the time of our Coronation to be finished, and that we are crowned with the Imperial crown of our predecessors, according to our manner and worthiness; then we the great Lord Emperor, and great Duke Demeetry Euanowich of all Russia sole Commander, will send our messenger to salute each other, according to the former manner. And concerning those Letters which were sent by you from Borris Godenove, we would have you deliver them back again to our Courtier Gavareela, and after the delivery of our speeches to return him to the Emperor, under written by the Chancellor Ofanasy Euanowich Vlaseou. The Copy of the Translation of a new Privilege that was given to the Company, by the Emperor DEMEETRY EVANOWICH, otherwise called GRYSHCA OTREAPYOVE, the which Privilege was sent into England over-land by OLIVER LYSSET Merchant, and servant to the foresaid Company. GOD, the Trenitie, before, and without the beginning, the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost, establish us to hold and keep our Sceptre and Realm for the good of our Land, and the happiness of our people. We the resplendent and manifest, and not the miserable upholder, but sole commander, the great Duke Demetry Euanowich, by the mercy of God, Caesar and great Duke of Russia, and of all the Empire of Tartary, and many other Kingdoms; as also of the great Monarchy of Moscow, Lord Emperor and Commander, Have bestowed, and gratified unto the English Merchants, viz. Sir Thomas Smith, Knight, Sir john Spencer, Knight, Sir Humphrey Wild, Knight, Robert Dove, Robert Chamberline, William Garaway, john Harvey, Richard Stapers, john Merricke, Richard Write, Richard Cocks, Thomas Farrington, Richard Wych, George Bowles. Bartholomew Barnes, Richard Bowldra, john Casten, Edward Chery, Thomas, the son of Alexander alias Hicks: we have given them free liberty to come with their ships into our Realm and Dominion, and to the Country of Dwina, & to the Castle of Archangel, and to Colmogro, with all manner of commodities, and to trade freely, as also to come from the sea side by land or by water, to our great dominion and Caesar's City of Moscow, & great Novogrod and Vobsko, and all other cities within our dominions, to trade with all manner of commodities, in the same form and manner, as heretofore was bestowed on the English Merchants, in the time of our father of famous memory, the great Lord and Caesar, and great Duke Euan Vassilywich of all Russia, sole Commander, and as was granted unto them in the time of our Brother the great Duke Theodor Euanowich of all Russia sole Commander. And as for custom of their goods, or for passing by, as also for the custom of their boats, or for Head-money, or for going over bridges or Ferryes, or for entry of goods, As also all manner of Custom whatsoever, we command shall not be taken of them: Also the English Merchants shall not bring nor sell other men's goods in our Dominion, as their own: neither shall our Subjects buy, or sell, or traffic for. Also our subjects pawns they shall not keep by them, nor send others about the Cities to buy goods: but what Cities they come into themselves they shall traffic and sell their own commodities, and buy Russee commodities freely: And when they come into our Dominion of great Novogrod and Vobsko, or to any other Cities within our Realm to traffic with their goods, and that after the market is past, they shall be desirous to pass for Moscow, or for England, than our Gentlemen and Governors, and all people shall according to this our Caesar's Letter, let them pass without delay, and as for Customs for them and their goods they shall not take any. And whithersoever they pass with their goods, without buying any commodities, or selling their own; Then likewise in those Cities they shall pass, and not take of them any manner of Custom whatsoever as before: also the English Merchants shall traffic as followeth; They shall barter their own goods, by the whole Salecloth: by the Pack, and by the Clothes: Damask and Velvet not by the piece, but by the are shine and by retail and retail weights they shall not barter or sell. Also goods, which is sold by weight, by retail, or by the zolotnicke they shall likewise not sell. And Claret wine they shall sell by the piece, but by retail, as by the Veader stop, or Pot and Charck they shall not sell. Likewise they shall buy and sell, and barter their goods themselves: but the Ruff Merchant shall not sell nor barter their goods for them; neither shall they carry other men's goods in colour of their own, not to any place whatsoever. Also if the English Merchants be minded to make sale of their commodities at Colmogro, or on the Dwina, or at Vologda, or at Yeraslave, than they shall do it freely. And for their said goods in all our Cities within our Realm, our Gentlemen and Governors, and all manner of our Officers shall not of them take any Tole or custom, according to this our Caesar's Letter of Favor. And in all our Cities within our dominion, they shall hire Carrier's Boats, and men to row them freely as before. And as the order is of the Merchants within our Realm: so likewise if the English Merchants be desirous to go out of our Realm, into any other Kingdom, or into their own Country: as also if they be desirous in our Realm to buy any Staple commodity, and to carry it into their own Land, then shall they likewise buy and traffic freely at pleasure, and those Staple commodities which are fitting for our Caesar's Treasure, they shall likewise bring it to our Treasure freely at pleasure, and for the said Staple commodities in all our Cities, our Officers shall not take any manner of Custom: but they shall suffer them to pass without any staying of them. Also when the English Merchants have ended their market, and shall desire to go from the Moscow, than they shall appear in the Ambassador's Office, to our Chancellor and Secretary Euan Cowrbatou Hramoteenop. Moreover, if that by the providence of God, the English Merchants have any shipwreck, and that the said ship be brought or driven to any place within our Realm, than our Caesar's commandment to those places where the ship is brought in, that our men in office do seek out the English Merchants goods justly, and to give them to the English people that shall be at that time in our Land. But if at that time there be none of them in our Realm, then to gather them together, and to lay them up in one place: and so when the English Merchants do come there, by our Caesar's Order, to deliver those goods to the said Merchants. And whereas the English Merchants according to their former Letters of Favor had a house in the Moscow by the Church of the holy Maxim by the market, which was granted unto them by our predecessor the great Lord and Caesar of Russia, the said English Merchants shall dwell in the said house as heretofore they have done: Keeping one housekeeper a Ruff, or one of their own strangers, but any other Russes they shall not keep. Moreover the said English Merchants have houses in other Cities, a house at Yeraslave, a house at Vologda, a house at Colmogro, and a house at the shipping place at the Castle of the Archangel: and those houses they shall keep and hold by them, according to our Caesar's Favour or Gratitude, as in former time they have done, and for any subsidy, rent, duty, or any custom whatsoever for the said houses there shall not be any taken of them: and their other houses, as at Yeraslave, Vologda, Colmogro and Archangel, they shall have housekeepers of their own countrymen or Russes, but the Russes shall be mean men▪ a man or two at a house: And they shall lay their goods in those houses, and likewise shall make sale of their goods out of their houses, to whom they will, according to this our Caesar's Letter of Favour, and their housekeepers being Russes shall not buy or sell any manner of commodities in their absence. Also they shall come with their ships to the shipping place, as before with their Commodities, and to unlade out of the ship their goods, and to lad their ship with Russee goods, with their own hired labourers, as also to carry their own goods over in their own Boats and Vessels, to their own house at the Castle of Archangel. And whatsoever goods they have, our chief Customer, and Officers, and sworn men, shall take a note of the goods under their own firm, both of goods they bring in, and also of goods they carry out. But they shall not look over, neither unpacke their packs in any place; as also they shall suffer them to pass in all places, without all stay or delay, according to this our Caesar's privilege and Letter of favour. Also whensoever the English Merchants shall be desirous to send out of our Realm into their own Land any of their servants overland, or into other Kingdoms, than they shall likewise send their people over land with our Caesar's order freely, but without carrying any Commodities, and their pass shall be given them in the Ambassador's office. Further, concerning any matter of controversy that any man shall have to do with them either in bargaining, or in injury, according to this our Caesar's order, they shall be judged by our Counsellor and Secretary E●an Cowroaton Hramoteeu. Therefore, as before, wheresoever they, or any of their servants, in all our Realm, in what City soever, have any matter of controversy in Bargaining, or in Injury against any man, or that any man have any matter against any of them, then in all our Cities, our Gentlemen, and Governors, and all other our Officers, shall judge them, doing justice betwixt either of them with equity and truth. This privilege or letter of favour was given at our Caesar's Palace of Moscow. From the world Anno 7113. in the month of December. The Copy of the Translation of a Contract, made by the Emperor DEMETRY EVANOWICH, otherwise called GRYSHCA OTREAPYOVE, and the daughter of the Palatine SENDAMERSKO, chief General of Poland, in the time of DEMETRY his being in Poland, the which was sent over by Master JOHN MERRICK, and translated out of Russee into English for the King's Majesty, as followeth. A True Translation of a writing out of Polish into Russee, given by a Monk who left his habit, called by the name of Gryshca O●reapyoue, supposed to be the Son of the Emperor Euan Vassiliwich, named Demeetry Euanowich, who gave this assurance under his firm, to the Palatine Sendamersko, as also hath been avouched by one Bewcheesko, principal Secretary unto the said Demetry, before all the Nobility of Russia, that this said writing was written by the General his own hand, as followeth. We Demetry Euanowich, by the mercy of God, Prince of all Russia, of Owgleets Demetryuskoy, and Lord of all the Empire of Moscow, and being of the stock of Preatrove; Calling to memory our former life, being not in that form and manner, as is in other great Monarchies, as was in the time of our Predecessors, and other Christian people. Nevertheless, by the providence of God almighty; from whom proceedeth a beginning and an end, and from whom cometh life and death▪ We have by him espied and made choice unto ourself, with good liking, in the time of our being in the Kingdom of Poland, of a Companion, of great and honourable birth, and of godly education, and is such a companion, with whom we shall by the mercy of God, live peaceably: which is the resplendent and Noble Lady Marina, daughter to the great Palatine Sendemersko. And upon this occasion have taken him for our Father, and having requested of him to give unto us his Daughter Maryna in marriage, and in regard that we are not yet in our own Kingdom, therefore do we purpose hereafter to take order for her coming unto us with the General Sendamersko. Likewise, when I do c●me to live in my own Kingdom, then shall the Palatine Sendamersko remember his faithful and true promise with his Daughter, the Lady Maryna her vow, myself remembering my own vow, and so both of us to hold it faithfully with love and affection, and to that end do we bind ourselves by our writings. Likewise, first and principally, in the name of the holy Trinity, I do give my faithful and true princely promise, that I will take in marriage the Lady Maryna. If on the contrary, I do not, then, I wish that I might give this as a curse upon myself: also so soon as I shall make entrance into our Kingdom, and heritage of Moscow, then will I give the Palatine, the Lord her Father, a reward of ten thousand pieces of Polish gold. And to the Lady Maryna our wife, in consideration of her great and long journey, as also for the providing and furnishing of herself, I will give out of my Treasure Velvets wrought with Silver and Gold. And the Messengers that shall be sent to me from the Lord her Father, or from the Lady herself, I shall not hold or keep, but shall let them pass, and will reward them with gifts, which shall be a token of our Princely favour; and thereunto do we give this our Princely promise. Secondly, as soon as we shall come to the Imperial throne of our Father, then presently will we send our Ambassador to the resplendent King of Poland to certify unto him, as also to entreat him to take knowledge of this business now passed betwixt us. and withal, that he would be pleased to suffer us to conclude and effect this our said business, without loss or hindrance. Also unto the forenamed Lady Maryna our wife, we give two Lordships, viz. Novogrod the great, and Vobsko, with all the Provinces belonging to the same, with Counsellors, Gentlemen, and Yeoman, and Priests, fitting for a Congregation, to rule and govern freely with full authority in the same form and manner, as if we ruled. And myself to have no more right or title nor authority in the said two Cities of Novogrod and Vobsko: and thereunto do I bind myself with this writing, and do wholly give and bestow all on the said Lady Maryna that is contained in this writing, as soon as by God's help we shall be married together, and thereunto have given this our writing, sealed with our princely Seal. But if by chance our wife hath not by us any children, then in those two Lordships before specified, she shall place men in authority of her own, to govern and to do justice: and also it shall be free for the said men in authority, to give Lands and Inheritance to their own Soldiers, and to trade freely at pleasure, as shall be best liking to them, and as though it were in their own true and lawful dominion, and to build Monasteries, and to set up the Romish Religion, and to have Latin or Romish Priests, and Schools. Promise of Romish Religion. But she herself to abide and remain with us. And concerning her Priest, to have as many as shall be needful to be kept for her own godly Romish Religion, without all le● or hindrance: and as we ourself by the mercy of God are already inclined to the same, so will we likewise with earnest care, seek by all means to bring all the Kingdom of Moscow to the knowledge of the Romish Religion, and to set up the Church of Rome. Also, if God should not grant unto us good success, whereby this be performed within a year; than it shall be at the pleasure of our Father to separate me and his daughter Maryna. But if it please him to forbear till another year, then do I pass this my Bill, with my own hand writing, and thereunto I have sworn myself, and given a vow according to the holy order, and all in this Bill to hold and keep carefully: as also that I shall bring all the Ruff people to the Latin Religion. Written at Sambore the five and twentieth of May, in Anno 1604. underneath was his firm, to all this foresaid as appeareth: Prince Demetry of Owglets. NOw let us return with Thuanus into Poland, where with his Historical eyes we see this glorious Spouse, her Father, Uncle, & train of women accompanying the Russian Ambassador in his return; whom many Merchants out of Italy and Germany followed in hope of gain. In this lingering journey, Demetrius his Marriage. they continued from the end of january to the six and twentieth of April, before they entered Moscow. And the seventh day after, Peter Basman with a great troop of Courtiers and Nobles, attended the Spouse to the Court, where she was solemnly entertained by her Husband, and thence conveyed to the Monastery where his Mother abode. The fourth day after, Both crowned. all things being prepared, she was brought into the Palace, and the next day married to him by the Patriarch after Evening Prayer. Both of them also, solemnly crowned, returned with sound of Music and Ordnance into the Castle, and the night passed with great jubilee, Conspiracy. Demetrius his mind being filled notwithstanding with cares. For a conspiracy which had been hatching six months, now growing to ripeness, terrified him: against which he had armed himself with foreign aides. At first he had brought a guard of Germans out of Poland, which being without example of his Predecessors, and seeing it disliked of his subjects, he dismissed, together with all foreign Soldiers. They being thus sent away without pay, returned with the cashiered Polanders to the borders, where they committed many out rages to the greater discontent of the Russes. Many of them found grievances notwithstanding, in his too much respect to the Poles: and many made question of his birth. Many were suspected of conspiracy, and diverse tortured, which was but quenching fire with Oil, the ●●ame growing greater. And now began▪ Demetrius to repent of his ha●tie dismissing his guards, and began a new Check-roll of Lieflanders and Germans, to which he added an hundred English Halberdiers and as many Scots (their Captains he calleth Mathias C●o●senius and * I suppose this should be Gilbert: for one Captain Gilbert I have often he●rd of in that place of service, which writ also commentaries o● these affairs which I have much sought to little purpose in our Merchant's hands. Albert Lant) and an hundred French under jaques Margeret armed with Partisans. Then also he enlarged his pay, but too late. Alexander Gosenskie Coruinus was sent Ambassador from Poland with rich Presents and Letters from King Sigismond to Demetrius, which because they expressed not the Title of Emperor were not received not opened. In excuse where of the Ambassador used words unsufferable to Russian patience, that he should go and deprive the great Turk of those Titles. Demetrius dissembled notwithstanding, in regard of his past experience, and hoped helps from the Pole. The days following were spent in pastimes and sloth. Saturday was solemn to the Russians, a Feast then happening which they prefer before Easter. The Emperor and Empress ●ate crowned in the Hall, and made a great Feast to their own and to strangers; in which the Pole Ambassador refused to be present, except he might sit at the Prince's Table, as the Russian Ambassador had been honoured at Craco●ia. The Russes denied stiffly, but Demetrius at length yielded. Many peremptory and licentious passages happened, the Poles carrying themselves domineeringly to the Russes, as Victors to the conquered. Demetrius at first overbold, now began to fear, and warned the Poles to be wary, and sent for all his guards. On Friday, the Russes preparing for offence, and the Poles for their defence (for they and not the Prince, seemed to be then in danger) in the Evening the Nobles command the people to arm against the next day. The Empress was this while secure, and made ready a magnificent Feast against Sunday. But on Saturday (the sixteenth of the Kalends of june) the Conspirators assemble early, Bloody day. and a great cry is raised to kill the Poles and Demetrius. Some greedy of spoil run presently to the Poles Lodgings, assault them and embroil all with slaughters. Others run to the Castle. Few of the guard were there, delay having bred security in Demetrius, nor were any of their Captaynes seen. Margaret then lay sick as he after told me (Thuanus) which disease saved his life. Things were done with such fury and celerity, that many Russes in Polish attire were slain before they were known. Peter Basman came running forth half naked, & was killed by one of his own servants. Suiskie their Leader, carrying a Sword in one hand, a Cross in the other, P. Basman slain. caused the great Bel to be rung in token of fire that Demetrius might be raised & come forth of his Parlour. He awakened with the noise, now seeing a greater danger than fire, taketh a Turkish Sword, and suddenly slips down out of a window, breaking his leg with the fall, whereby he was easily taken by the people, and by Suiskoys command carried into the greater Hall, where Ambassadors have audience. Demetrius taken and slain. There some upbraiding his impostures, he with his sword laid one on the ground: and then desired the Nobility to permit him to speak to the people, which was denied. Some say that he obtained of Suiskey, that he might be tried by the testimony of Vasilowich his Wife; which being brought out of the Nunnery, affirmed before the Nobles on her oath, that her Son Demetrius was many years before murdered by Boris his perfidies, which she at first seeing the people's favour, and just revenge on Boris, willingly dissembled, whereupon they ran upon him, and with many wounds slew him. Thus writeth Peter Paterson of Vpsal which then was in Russia. When they had slain him, they thrust a rope thorough his secret parts, Contumelious usage. and drew him thorough the mire into the Market place, where he remained four days lying all gory and miry on a board, with Peter Basman under it, and an ugly Vizard over it, a Bagpipe in his mouth, with other lascivious cruelties exercised on his dead body. The Palatine Sendomir (or Sandamersko) was blocked up in his House, Poles slain. and other Poles Houses rifled, many of which died not unrevenged, howsoever by numbers overcomne. Viteneskie after much slaughter of the assailing Russes, when he saw Ordnance brought, set forth a white flag in token of yielding, bidding his Servants cast abroad his money; which whiles the people were gathering, he and his made way with their Swords with great slaughter, & yielded to the Boiarens which came from the Castle. The miserable Bride was not only spoilt of inestimable Treasure, but of all her Apparel, and jewels, careful only of her Father and Uncle, The Queen. and thinking it a happy purchase, if she might save her life and recover her Country. Meanwhile, without her Garment to cover her, without Bed to lie on, without security of life, she expected in poor Weeds the issue of the people's fury. Many Merchants endured like fates. Ambrose Cellar, besides the loss of thirty thousand Crowns, lost his life. janies' Winifrid was with his own Sword beheaded: Merchants spoilt. Nathan lost one hundred and fifty thousand Florins: Nicola● Limborough fifty thousand. Two of Auspurg had lent two hundred thousand Crowns to Demetrius, which now was not to pay them. Marcellius lost an hundred thousand Florins. Twelve hundred Poles lost their lives; Russes slain. many were saved by the Boiarens. Four hundred Russes were slain. At night the tumult ceased. Scarcely would the people give leave to bury the bodies after three days wallowing in the dirt, in the german Churchyard. After this tempest was calmed, the Boiarens assembled in counsel about a new Election, where Suiskey made speech to them, professing himself sorrowful for that had passed, in the execution of a just zeal to the Imperial Family and his Country, Suiskeys speech. and in hatred of a cruel Tyrant: that juan Vasilowich, how ever injuriously taxed by some, had left Kingdoms annexed to his Inheritance as Monuments of his great spirit; by whom he had been sent to Stephen King of Poland to treat of peace, and ever since had so carried himself in the State, that none could justly blame him: that john being dead, Theodore succeeded, but another ruled, who murdered the younger brother, and as was thought, after that poisoned the other; so attaining the Empire, which how miserable was it all his time? that Demetrius therefore (whosoever he was) found friends, himself amongst others, but when their Religion was endangered, Foreigners advanced, Laws violated, Exotike fashions brought in, liberties suppressed, he withstood with the peril of his life; which it grieved him to have enjoyed, as a Thief's benefit, by his grant which had no right to take it: yet seeing their forwardness in a cause so just (would God it had not been so bloody) more regarding his Country's safety than rumours and reports, he had been their Captain to do that which God the disposer of Kingdoms by the success had approved, so that now they were freed from a cruel Tyrant, nor had they any Sorcerer or Impostor to mock them: that it remained now, seeing the Imperial Family was extinct, they should now seek one of noblest blood, of wisest experience, of most religious zeal, who might esteem his people's hearts his strongest Forts, such an one as either is, or is thought to be the best man to become their Prince. Thus was himself chosen Emperor the thirteenth of the Kalends of june. A writing was published to justify the kill of Demetrius, a runagate Friar called Grishkae, He is chosen Emperor. or Gregory Strepy, professed in the Monastery in the Castle (which therefore he would never enter lest he should be known) with other aspersions of Heresy, Sorcery, affectation of inducing Popery (the Pope's Letters also challenging his promise produced) to give the Jesuits Temples, Colleges, and other necessaries; with other overtures to the Palatine Sand●mersko, for Smolensko, and Novogrod; his bringing in Poles in Russian Rooms, his luxury, riot, pomp, The Devil is often slandered: and by ill willers, bad is made worse. And so perhaps by Suiskeys faction was this Demetrius. reserving Boris his Daughter in a Nunnery with intent of incestuous lust, having murdered her Mother and Brother; making a silver Throne with six Lions on each side, and other pride; abusing Nunneries to lust and lasciviousness, etc. But we shall give you hereof more authentic testimony than this of Thuanus in Suiskeys Imperial Letter to His Majesty. Meanwhile touching this Demetrius we will produce a few English Testimonies extracted out of their Letters and Relations: wherein if some circumstantial discrepance appear (in things done both so far and so foul in tumultuous fury, where men had rather hide themselves then become witnesses, lest whiles they would be Spectators, they should be forced to be Actors, and have their parts acted in that bloody Tragedy) it is no marvel. I produce all Witnesses I can, in a cause of so remarkable consequence, and choose rather to be prolix then negligent, that the Reader out of so much evidence may better weigh and examine the truth. The former part of this intelligence I found in Master Hackluyts Papers; the later by conference, etc. Son o● Gregory Peupoloy. See Suiskeys Letter following. Occasion of ambition. Boris ill government. THe late Emperor of Russia called by the name of Demetry Euanowich, is now credibly said (as some of them say) to have been the Son of a Ruff Gentleman, named Gregory Peupoloy, and that in his younger years he was shorn a Friar into a Monastery: from whence he afterwards privily got away, traveled into Germany and other Countries, but had his most abiding in Poland, in which time he attained to good perfection in Arms and Military knowledge; with other abilities of sufficiency; Afterwards finding a conceit taken by the Russes of a secret conveying away of Demetry Euanowich, brother and heir to Pheodore Euanowich Emperor; and that some other should be made away in his steed: And finding also the general distaste of the government of Boris then Emperor, who after a fair beginning, did in his latter years uphold himself, and his house with oppression and cruelty: And having also many circumstances and opportunities of time and age, and such other likelihoods, to advantage and second his pretence, began first to broach his Title (as before) and by degrees found such a general acceptation of all sorts of people, that it so daunted Boris, that (as it was then rumoured about) he, first, and afterwards his Wife, and his Son succeeding him, made themselves away by Poison. Though now it goeth for certain, Demetrius' Emperor. that the poisoning of them was procured by the Pretender, to make the easier way to the Empire, which thereby he obtained, entering and continuing the same with all the State, and greatness that such a place required: Until at length the Russes moved rather by other certainties, then by any thing discovered by himself, the sixth day after his marriage (which was kept with very great pomp and solemnity) being the seventeenth of May last past, He is slain. taking a time when the Poles stood least on Guard; came to the Court with one consent of Nobility and Commons about three of the clock in the morning, and mastering the Guards, drew the Emperor out of his bed from the Empress, and charging him that he was not the true Demetry Euanowich, but a false Pretender, he confessed the Deceit, and was forthwith hewed in pieces by the multitude: Peter Basman resisting was likewise slain; and both brought into the Market place, where their bodies lay for a time to be viewed of every man. The old Queen denied him to be her Son, excusing her former acknowledgement to have proceeded from fear and the general acceptance which he found amongst the people. As many Poles as made resistance, were slain to the number of seventeen hundred. The new Empress, her Father, his brother with the other Poles were committed to safe keeping, to the number of eight or nine thousand. Suiskey Emperor. And then proceeding to a new Election they chose Emperor Vassiloe Euanowich Shoskey, who not long before was at the Block to have been beheaded, for reporting that he had seen the true Demetry Euanowich after he was dead, and did help to bury him. But the Emperor did recall him, and afterwards advanced him to the chiefest place of dignity about his person. He is the next of blood * This might be rumoured: Others say he was not of that but of very noble blood. See sup. in Fletcher and Thuanus. Demetrius his person described. Some say that he was not like Demetrius and that he seemed a dozen years elder: but perhaps they mistake this for an other after Pretender, calling himself the same Demetrius, etc. as after shall appear, a deformed man. living, descended of the Race of the old Emperor juan Vasilowich, of the age of fifty years or thereabouts, never married, but kept under during Boris time, a Prince of great wisdom, and a great favourer of our Nation, as did specially appear by the care he had to guard the English House from rifling, when the late Demetry was brought in by the Poles. The late Pretender was o● stature low, but well set, hard favoured and of no presence; howsoever otherwise of a Princely disposition, executing justice without partiality; And not remitting the insolency even of the Poles; well seen in martial practices, and training his Nobility to the Discipline of war, to make them the readier against the Tartar, not given either to women or drink, but very liberal and bountiful, which occasioned some grievous Exactions to maintain the same. And to conclude, a man in the opinion of such as knew him, not unworthy of a better gotten, and longer continued Empire, which he lost chiefly through the greatness of his mind, supposing that none of his Subjects durst attempt any such matter against his person, when as in the mean time the practice went on with such a general Conjuration, that the Russes were summoned by the ringing of a Bell to be ready to enter the Court. And to shake off that Government which would have made them a more noble Nation then formerly they have been. IT is reported by some of Ours, that he the rather was inclinable to our Nation in the respect he bore to his Majesty, having read that his worthy Work dedicated to Prince Henry. He is said also to have been a resolute man of his hands, to have delighted in fight with the Bear; active and strong. I have likewise heard that he gave the command of his Guard consisting of strangers to Captain Gilbert a Scot; Captain Gilbert. Buchenskoy. to have made one Buchenskoy (a Learned and Religious Protestant) his Secretary; and otherwise to have been so alienated from Russian manners, and so well affected to Strangers, that they conspired as aforesaid. The people are said to have entered the Castle (which was a quadrant, having a high brick wall of seven stories, and another of stone, Stones rare about Moscow. and a Market place) with stones in their pockets (which are rare thereabouts) and some with weapons. Some report from Captain Gilberts Relation, that lying on his bed not long before his death (as he thought▪ awake) an aged man came to him, Captain Gilberts report of a Vision. which sight caused him to arise and come to Captain Gilbert, and his guard that watched, but none of them had seen any thing. Hereupon he returned to his Bed, but within an hour after he again troubled with like apparition called, and sent for Buchinskie: telling him that he had now twice seen an aged man, who at the second coming told him, that though for his own person he was a good Prince, yet the injustice and oppressions of his inferior Ministers must be punished, and his Empire should be taken from him. In this perplexity his Secretary gave him good and holy counsel, saying till true Religion were there planted, his Officers would be lewd, the people oppressed, and God Almighty offended, who perhaps by that Dream or Vision had admonished him of his duty. The Emperor seemed much moved, and to intend that good which that Country was not so happy to receive. For a few days after (as that Relation averreth) his Ruff Secretary came to him with a Sword, at which the Emperor jested, Another manner of his death reported. Coluga. and he suddenly after saucy speeches assaulted him, with many other Grandes of that Conspiracy, and (like another Caesar) slew him, crying Liberty, before his guards could apprehend the danger; of which some were slain, but the most with Gilbert their Captain, got to a place called Coluga, which with the help of some Russes they fortified and held for their defence. Buchinskie the Secretary was taken and imprisoned, the strangers murdered, the English except, who have in all changes been well beloved of the Russians; as indeed they deserve, having always done good service to the Emperors. And their interest saved the life of that worthy man Buchinskey, which they requited with much observance to the succeeding Emperor Suiskey, who comes next to be spoken of; and first you shall have his Letter to our Gracious Sovereign. §. four SVISKEY the Successor his Letter to our King, describing the former DEMETRIUS his Acts and Tragedy. The Copy of the Translation of a Letter sent from the new Emperor Vassily Euanowich Shoskey to the King's Majesty by Master john Mericke. I find him called Shoskey, Suiskey, Ziska, etc. the just translation and pronunciation being hard. The love and mercy of God that guideth us in the ways of peace, we glorify with the Trinity. FRom the great Lord Emperor and great Duke Vassily Euanowich of all Russia, sole Commander of Voladomer, Mosko, Novogrod, King of Cazan and Astracan, of Syberia, Lord of Vobsko, and great Duke of Smolensko, Twerskoy, Yauharskoy, Pearmskoy, Vatskoy, Bollharskoy, and of other: Lord and great Duke of Novogroda of the Low Country of Cherneego, Rezanskoy, Polotskoy, Rostouskoy, Yereslaveskoy, Bealozerskoy, Leeflanskoy, Owdorskoy, Obdorskoy, Condinskoy, and Commander of all the North parts: also Lord of the Land of Eeverskoy, Cartalinskoy, and over the Empire of the Gorgians of the Land of Cabardinskoy, and Eeharskoy Land, likewise of many other Lordship's Lord and Commander. To our beloved Brother james King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, We give to understand that Sigismond King of Poland, and great Duke of Letto, in Anno 7109. did send unto the late Emperor Boris, his Ambassador named Lewis Sapeago, being Chancellor of the great Dukedom of Poland, requesting the said Emperor Boris, that the former league and peace made and concluded upon by the great Lord Emperor and great Duke Theodore Euanowich of all Russia, and him Sigismond King of Poland, might be steadfastly holden and continued till the time of that league were expired. League with the Pole. As also that the Emperor Boris would enlarge the said league for thirty years more, whereupon the Emperor Boris yielded thus far unto the request of the King of Poland, that he would continue the old league till the full time were expired, and assent to a new league for twenty years more; and to that effect he took an Oath, to hold and keep all the contents faithfully, mentioned in the said Writing, touching the same league: and instead of the King of Poland, his Ambassador Lewis Sapeagoe was sworn in the presence of the Emperor Boris. And after the Polish Ambassador was departed from the Mosko, the Emperor Boris sent unto Sigismond King of Poland his Ambassador, being one of the Privy Council, called Michailo Zleabowich Sallteecove, with some others to end and finish the aforesaid league, to the which league the King of Poland himself was sworn in the presence of the Emperor's Ambassador to hold and keep the said league faithfully, according to the tenor of their Writing. He taxeth the King of Poland. Allegations against the pretending Demetrius. But not long after Sigismond King of Poland, with one Pavarade, entered into such a practice, as be therein falsified his Oath, and made way to the shedding of much Christian blood: First, by retaining and upholding one Gryshca Otreapyove, a Runagate, a Conjurer, and one that left his profession being a Monk, and ran away out of Russia into Poland, and being come thither, took upon him to be the Son of the great Emperor Euan Vassilawich of famous memory, and by name Demetry Euanowich: when as it was well known in our Kingdom, that before he was shorn a Monk, he was commonly called Yowshco, Son to one Bowghdan Otreapyove, dwelling at a place called Galitts: and when he had committed much villainy, A Friar. A Clerk. to save his life he shore himself a Friar, and so run from one Monastery to another, and lastly, came into a Monastery called Chowdo, where he was made one of the Clerks; being so placed there by the Patriarch of Mosko himself: But he did not leave off his former life; for he continued still in his most Devilish actions, as he did before he was shorn, committing villainy, forsaking God and falling to the study of the Black Art, and to many such like evils he was inclined. Also there was found by him a Writing which showed how he was fall'n from God, Magician. and the same was made well known to the holy Patriarch of Mosko, and of all Russia, and to the metropolitans, Archbishops, and Bishops, and to all the holy Clergy: whereupon the said Rulers of our true Christian Faith, which is from the Grecian Law, Greek Church for these his most ungodly works, consulted to send him to perpetual Prison, there to end his life. Whereupon this notorious Instrument of Satan, perceiving this his overthrow, and that his vile practices were discovered, Flight to Letto. ran away out of the Kingdom of Mosko, beyond the borders, and into Letto to a place called Keeyeve: thus according to the Devils instructing of him, as one forsaken of God, he made this his doing manifestly known to all people, leaving off his Monk's Habit, and withal by the counsel and advice of our Enemy the Polish King, and one of his Palatines named Sandamersko Yourya, m George. with Duke Constantine, and Duke Veshnevetskoy and his Brethren with other Polish Lords that were of his Council, began to call him the Son of the great Lord, Emperor and great Duke Euan Vassilywich, by name Prince Demetry of Owglitts. As also by his villainous treachery and the Devils persuading of him, he made much trouble in our Land, by sending abroad many of his enticing and provoking Letters, to diverse places upon the borders of our Country: that is, to a place called Done, and to the Volgoe, to our Cossacks and Soldiers, naming himself to be the Prince Demetry of Owglitts. Moreover, there came to our Kingdom of Mosko many Polish Spies, which brought and dispersed Libels both in City and Towns, and in the highways, practising to raise dissension in the Kingdom of Mosko. Also it is well known, not only to them in the Empire of Mosko, but likewise in other Kingdoms, that the great Lord Emperor, and great Duke Euan Vassilywich of famous memory, had a Son called by the name of Prince Demetry, and after his Father's decease, there was given unto him and his Mother the City of Owglitts. But in the year 7095. being in the Reign of the great Lord, Emperor and great Duke Theodore Euanowich of all Russia, this foresaid Demetry was murdered by the order and appointment of Boris Godenove. And at his Funeral was his Mother now called the Empress Martha, with her own Brethren by name Michaila and Greegory the Sons of Theodore Nahovo. Demetry of Owglits. His murder. Likewise to his burying, there was sent from the Mosko metropolitans, and Archimandreets, and Abbots: and the great Lord Emperor, and great Duke Theodore Euanowich sent to his Funeral many Nobles and Courtiers of the Land which saw him buried in the chiefest and principal Church of Owglitts. Moreover. Martha the Duchess and Empress his Mother is yet living, and many of her Brothers and Uncles, which do at this present time serve us the great Lord Emperor, Burial. and great Duke Vassily Euanowich, of all Russia sole Commander: Likewise in these last years past, as in Anno 7111. and in Anno 7112. and 7113. concerning that foresaid Traitor and Heretic, the forsaken of God Gryshca Otreapyove, many of our Gentlemen, Captains and others our Officers did many times write from the North parts of the borders of our Kingdom into Poland and Letto, and to others their inferior Cities, to the Rulers and Governors of the same; as also our spiritual people: the Patriarch, the Metropolitans, Archbishops, and Bishops wrote unto the spiritual people of Poland, declaring unto them what that Heretic and Traitor was, Letters to Poland. likewise from whence he came and what manner of person he was; as also of his demeanour, and likewise of the occasion why he run away to them out of the Land, as also the manner of the making away of the Prince Demetry, and withal requested the Rulers and Spiritual people of Poland, that they knowing what Runagate this was, would not give credit unto him, nor to make a breach of the late league concluded upon. But the Governors of the Dukedom of Poland and Letto, as also the spiritual men, according to the King of Poland his commandment, gave no credit unto our writings, but began, more than before to entice and persuade men to uphold the Traitor, and to aid him. Moreover, to make trouble and dissension in our Land, they took this forsaken of God, Greeshca unto them, and called him by the name of Prince Demetry of Owglits: likewise the King gave unto him a chain of gold, with many thousand pieces of Polish gold, to the defraying of his charges; Polish aides. as also sent in arms to our borders with one of his Lords, the Palatine Sendamersko, and another of his chiefest Lords, with many troops of Poles. But when the Emperor Boris understood how that this Gryshca Otreapyove was called, by the name of Prince Demetry Euanowich of Owglits, and withal, that they did aid and help him against the Kingdom of Russia: he caused his Counsel to send a messenger, as from themselves, to the Polish Lord Panameerada, which Messenger was named Smeernay Otreapyove, Smeernoy sent. being Uncle to the said Gryshca Otreopyove being the Son of one jamateen Otrepayou, only to declare unto them what this Gryshca was; but that Polish Lord Panameerada would not suffer him, and his Uncle to be brought face to face. But he made answer to the said Messenger Smeernay, that they did not aid him, neither did they stand for him in any sort. So after he had sent away the Messenger Smeernay, the King of Poland, and the Lord Panameerada did aid Gryshca Otreapyove with men and treasure more liberally than before, purposing to make great strife and trouble, and to shed much blood in the Kingdom of Moscow. Also at the same time Sigismond, King of Poland, requested the aid of one of the Princes of Crim in Tartary, named Cazateera; and to that end he should aid Gryshca with his forces, against the Kingdom of Mosko; Crim Tartar. and he in consideration, did promise to give unto the foresaid Crim, Prince, what he would demand. Then the Emperor Boris understanding what practices were in hand, being altogether contrary to the league; thereupon purposely he sent to Sigismond King of Poland, another special Messenger, one named Posnicke Agareove; likewise at the same time, the holy Patriarch of Moscow, and all Russia, with the Metropolitans, Archbishops, and Bishops, with all the rest of the holy Clergy, Another Messenger. sent their Messengers with Letters to the State of Poland, and so the great Dukedom of Letto, to the Archbishops, and Bishops, and to all the Spiritualty. Moreover, in the said Letters, the Emperor Boris with the Patriarch, and all the holy assembly, wrote unto the Lord Panameerada concerning Gryshca, making it known unto them what he was, and wherefore he ran away into Poland, and likewise that the Son of the great Lord Emperor, and great Duke Euan Vasiliwich, the Prince Demetry was dead: And to that intent, that the King Sigismond should not give credit to the said Gryshca, and that they should not spill Christian blood nor violate the league. Hereupon Sigismond King of Poland writ unto the Emperor Boris, and further, by word of mouth, both he and Panameerada delivered to the said messenger in his message, that he did hold and keep their League, and moreover, did not violate or break his oath no manner of way: and likewise did write, that he did not aid that foresaid Gryshca, neither did give credit unto him: withal denying that he was with him in his Kingdom: and further he did write, that if there were any out of Poland or Letto that did aid or assist him, that then they should be executed. But after he had dispatched away the messenger of Boris, not regarding his oath, still more and more did aid and help this Gryshca Otreapyove. Also the Palatine Sendamersko, and Myhala Ratanisko came into the Kingdom of Moscow, to a place called the Land of Seeversko, putting the people of that Land in fear, and persuading them there, this Gryshca was the true Prince, and that the King of Poland and Panameerada, had found out the certainty thereof: and therefore they will have Poland and Letto stand for him. Also from out of many other Kingdoms they go to aid and assist him: likewise other inferior Kingdoms are willing to stand for him: moreover, that Gryshca in the foresaid Land of Seeversko, and in other places of our Borders, by the means of his devilish practices and conjurations did entice and tempt them to fall to him: likewise the people of those foresaid places of the Land of Seeversko, and on the Borders, being simple people, and resorting seldom to the City of Moscow, and being enticed by Gryshca, and the rest of the Governors, could not withstand, but yielded them unto them. Whereupon against those Polonians and Lettoes, and other enemies that were already entered the Kingdom of Moscow, the Emperor sent his Nobles with a great Army: but by the appointment of God, the Emperor Boris deceased; upon whose death, the chiefest of the Nobles departed the Campe. And after their departure, the Army hearing of the death of the Emperor, and being drawn thereto by fear and otherwise, at last yielded themselves over unto Gryshca, as the Borderers had done before. Also the foresaid Gryshca, by the help of the Devil, and King Sigismond, and Panameerada, came into the City and Kingdom of Moscow, to the great disquietness and trouble of the whole Land; by whom the Religion was corrupted, and by him were many true Christians put to exile, for denying his right and interest to the Kingdom of Moscow. And shortly after he was settled in the Kingdom, and he took to wife the daughter of one Sandamersko, as was appointed by the King of Poland and Panameerada: the which wife of his was in Moscow with her Father and Brother Senatskoy, and with one Veshnevetskoy, with their Polish and Letto Lords, and other people, by whom Religion was profaned: as also we were forced and driven to receive many wrongs and injuries, which the people of the Kingdom of Moscow could not endure. Also, at last this Greeshca, by the counsel of the Palatine Sandamersko his Father in Law, and by the counsel of Veshnevetskoy, and other Polish and Letto people, Mutation of Religion. which he brought in with him, was purposed, by a secret politic device to have put to death the Metropolitans, Archbishops, and Bishops, and all the holy and spiritual assembly, with the Nobles, and Courtiers, and diverse others which were of the better people▪ and so to have sent others into Poland and Letto; withal to have changed the Religion, and to have established the Romish Religion, for which purpose he brought with him many Jesuits. Romish Religion and Jesuits The which we the great Lord and great Duke Vasily Euanowich, of all Russia, with the Metropolitans, Archbishops, and Bishops, and with all the holy spiritual assembly, and with the Nobles, Courtiers, and Commons of the Kingdom of Moscow, well considering, and perceiving what an alteration this would be to our Christian faith, with the overthrow and utter undoing to our whole Kingdom: we then earnestly bewailed and lamented, and withal heartily prayed to the almighty Trinity our only Lord God, that liveth and defendeth mankind, that it would please him to deliver us, and the Commonwealth from those vile, cruel, devilish attempts, and devices of theirs. Thus desiring the mercy of God, we all returned and stood steadfast to our former unspotted and true Christian faith, against that usurper and counterfeit Gryshca and his Counsel, with a resolution to stand in the same manfully, and even to the death, hoping and longing for the time that all people, and warlike men and Soldiers and many others of the Empire of Moscow might come to gather themselves together, & that they might likewise perceive and discern this usurping Heretic, and his devilish courses, by which he did decline from the true Christian faith of our Religion. The largeness of the Kingdom of Moscow cannot be unknown unto you our loving Brother, Large Empire of Russia. how far it extendeth itself both to the South, and to the West, as also to other places, that in half a years space they could not gather themselves together. But when as the power and warlike Soldiers, and all other people were gathered together, then through the mercy and favour of God, this enemy of God's Commonwealth was discovered to all what he was. And the Empress Martha, being Mother of the true Prince Demetry Euonowich, did certify unto us before the Metropolitans, Archishops, and Bishops, and before all the holy assembly, as also to the Nobles and Courtiers, and other Officers, and men of worth within our Empire, did she deliver, that her Son the Prince Demetry was murdered beyond reason, at a place called Owglits, by appointment of Boris Godenove, and that he died in her arms; yet did this Gryshca falsely call himself by the name of him that was murdered. Also we found in the custody of this Gryshca, the Copy of a writing, which was the contract and agreement that he made betwixt him and the Palatine, before his coming out of Poland; in which was written, See before. that as soon as he did come to the Kingdom of Moscow, that then he would take to wife the daughter of the Palatine, and would give her two Provinces, called great Novogrod and Vobsko, with counsel, Courtiers, Gentlemen, and Priests, fitting to a Congregation, with inferior Castles and Lands, freely in those foresaid, to build and set up Monasteries, and also to set up the Romish Religion; And when he came to the Kingdom of Moscow, that then he should give unto the Palatine ten thousand pieces of Polish Gold, which is by our Russia account, three hundred thousand Marks: and to his wife, in consideration of her long journey, he promised to give cloth of Gold, and cloth of Silver, and of all the best things that was in the Treasury of the Kingdom of Moscow. Likewise, that he the said Gryshca, at his coming to Moscow, would take order to bring these things to pass with all diligence, whereby he might draw all the Dominion of Moscow from our true Grecian Religion, and so to have turned us into the Romish Religion, and to have destroyed the holy Church over all the Empire of Moscow, and so to have built up the Religion of the Church of Rome: and for the performing of all this, the said Gryshca was sworn to the Palatine Sandamersko, in the presence of the Teachers of the Land, as beforesaid; that he according to his own hand writing, would hold all the said covenants with all diligence, as likewise to bring all the Empire of Moscow to the Romish Religion. The which covenants and agreements the General Sandamersko himself hath confessed to our Majesty, and Nobles, that the foresaid agreements and covenants betwixt him and the foresaid Gryshca were true, and how that they trusted one to another: moreover, the Palatine did certify unto our Nobles, how Gryshca sent him a Letter under his own hand and Seal, in which he promised to give him Smolensko, with all the Provinces belonging thereto, and another place called Seeverow, as also gave him liberty to set up Monasteries, and the Religion of the Church of Rome. Further, there was found by him Letters which were sent to him from the Pope of Rome, Pope's Letter. and the Cardinals, and Priests, to that effect, that he should remember and withal be mindful to take in hand speedily those matters and business upon which he had given to Sigismond, and the Cardinals his troth and vow, the which was, as beforesaid, to be himself of the Romish Religion, as also to bring all the people of the Kingdom of Russia into the same Romish Religion, not only them that of themselves were willing thereto, but also others by compulsion, and to put them to death that fought to contrary the same. And not only them of the Kingdom of Russia, but likewise other godly people of several Religion: and that do serve in the Kingdom of Moscow, as the Catholics, and the Caluinists, them likewise he should seek to bring into the Romish Religion with all persuasions. Moreover, Gryshca himself, before us, and our Nobles, and Courtiers, and before our Commons, did acknowledge as much, and thereupon yielded himself to be in fault: as also that he did all with help of the Devil, having forsaken God. For which these his vile actions, this Gryshca, according to the true justice, received an end to his life, and was by abundance of people slain in the Moscow, where he lay three days in the midst of the City, to the view of all such like usurpers, and disturbers. And because his body was loathsome unto us, Slain & burnt. we caused it to be carried out of the City, and there to be burnt. This Enemy thus having ended his life, than the King's sons of diverse Countries, now dwelling within our Kingdom, with the Patriarch, metropolitans, Archbishops, and Bishops, with the Nobles, Courtiers, and the Commons, made entreaty unto us Vasili Euanowich, Election of Swisky. to reign and govern over them and over all the Kingdom of Moscow, as their Lord, Emperor, and great Duke of all Russia. According to which entreaty made unto us by the said King's sons of diverse Countries, as likewise by our Nobles, Courtiers, Merchants, and all the rest of the Commons of all the Kingdom of Moscow, We are come to the great Kingdoms of Volodemar, Moscow, Novogrod, and as also of the Kingdoms of Cazan, Astracan, and Siberia, and over all the Provinces of the Empire of Moscow: as also we the great Lord Emperor, and great Duke of all Russia, are crowned with our Imperial Crown: and for the said King's sons of diverse Religions, and our Nobles, Courtiers, and Soldiers, and all manner of People, do serve our Imperial Majesty with desire and good liking voluntarily, and not by delusions and conjurations, as the Poles and Lettoes were bewitched by Grishca. But we the great Lord Emperor and great Duke Vasili Euanowich, with great care stayed and restrained our People from the spoil of the Poles and the Lettoes, defending them from death; and withal have commanded to let go many of them into Poland and Letto: but the chiefest of them that were of the Council, and that practised to bring trouble and dissension in the Kingdom of Moscow, are now taken. And we to do an honour unto the dead body of the true Demetrie, have (upon conference with our metropolitans, Archbishops, and Bishops, and all the holy Assembly, our Nobles and Courtiers, and all the Kingdom of Moscow) sent to the City of Owglets a Metropolitan, named Filareta, of Rostove and Yeraslave, who was called before he was made Metropolitan, Theodor Neekete, which being one of the Nobles in times past, and with him the Archbishops of Astracan, called Feodosia, and our Nobles the Duke Euan Michalowich Vorotinskoy, with the rest of his fellows, commanding them to bring up with them the body of the Prince Demetrie Euanowich, who was murdered by the appointment of Boris Godonove, and to bring it up to our City of Moscow with great honour, which body shall be buried in the principal Church of Moscow, called Michael the Archangel, near to his father the great Lord Emperor and great Duke Euan Vasilowich of famous memory, and by God's power his body shall not be touched or abused any manner of way. Likewise will we, by the favour of God, honour the Funeral of Demetrie Euanowich with special solemnity, which body performeth many cures, and worketh miraculously unto them, Miracles. that come to him with Faith to be cured of their diseases. And now most loving and dear brother, we calling well to mind the great amity and friendship that was betwixt the great Lord Emperor, and great Duke Euan Vasilywich, and his Son Theodor Euanowich, the Emperor Boris, and the great Lady Queen Elizabeth: the like brotherly love do we desire to have with you, most loving and dear brother, to be established and continued betwixt us, as it was with them, during our lives. Therefore may it please you, our loving brother james, King of England, after the hearing of these great and strange dangers passed, to rejoice with us, that he hath delivered from such a vile enemy, and that he, our merciful God, hath divided and scattered that wicked counsel, and that he hath turned their cruelty upon their own head, to their shame and confusion. And concerning your Merchants that were in our Kingdom, john Merricke with his fellows, we have graced them with our Imperial presence; as also have given unto the said john Merricke and his fellows, Sir john Merricke. New Parent. a new privilege, and Letters of favour, by which they shall come into our Kingdom, and to traffic with all manner of goods freely, without paying any Custom whatsoever, and as to them was granted in former time, and this favour we have given them to manifest unto you our loving Brother, our Brotherly love. And the reason that we have not sent to you, loving brother, our Ambassador, is, because we had not time, in regard of many our Imperial affairs, but hereafter do purpose to send, to visit you in your Kingdom. Written at our Imperial palace and City of Moscow, from the beginning of the World Anno 7114. the fourth day of june. 1606. Thus is Demetrius painted out by his Enemies, which perhaps were not altogether led with simplicity of truth, but in many things made him worse, Thu. l. 135. that they might make their own cause (bade enough) to appear better. They tell also of great outrages committed by the Poles, Polish insolences. (like those sometimes here in England by the Danes) their proud insulting over the men, ravishments of women, fetching them out of their houses and husbands bosoms to serve their lusts: neither did Demetrius, as they say, punish them; one only being sentenced, and he violently rescued from execution by the Poles. They say also that Demetrius his body was plucked out of the grave and burnt, the ashes thrown into the air, the seeds, as the sequel seemed to show, of many Demetrij after. Suiskey is also by some reported to have been chosen by lot in this manner. The Nobles cast lots four times to receive a Successor, as it were, by divine sentence in lot-oracle: Choosing by lot. in every of which times the lot fell upon Suiskey (for as some say, there were three or four nearer than he) he modestly refusing and enforced by constancy of the various lot to accept that Sceptre; whereof others think him as ambitious, as was modest Boris before him. However, he hath left his name and memory written in as black ink as either Boris or Demetrius, if Reports be true, which say that he proved a wicked Prince, partly by poison, partly by the Tartars, making away all, Suiskeys vices. whose blood might by Nobility threaten a probability of their proving his Corrivals. Yea, he is said to have sent for Witches and Sorcerers, Laps, Samoeds, Tartars, or whatsoever other Nation yielded such Hell-hags, incarnate Fiends, the Devil's black guard, to consult about his Empire and succession; and (the Devil is a murderer) to have sealed their predictions with blood. Thus being told that one Michalowich should succeed, he is said presently to have plotted the death of three Grandes of that name, The like is told of K. Edward the fourth▪ that upon prediction of one to succeed, whose name began with G, he put to death George Duke of Clarence his brother, and yet Gloster succeeded. A printed book 1614 tells of a great man, named Tragus, which betrayed by one Glasco was arraigned, and to prevent the fury of Suiskey stabbed himself, etc. Cap. Gilbert. his best servants: yet the superstitious people observe (after much chopping and changing) that in little time the State was settled on one of that Name, which still swayeth the Sceptre; Who then being a youth of no State-terror, was his attendant in Court, and bore an Axe (after their custom) before him. One of his first Acts, was to send into Poland an Embassage, which could not be admitted audience till januarie. He thereby complained of Sandomerskos arts which obtruded that Changeling on Russia, whereby above two hundred of principal Nobility had lost their lives: demanding restitution of the moneys which that Impostor had caused to be transported into Poland, and restitution of goods; otherwise he would with Charles of Sweden Duke of Suderman, enter Poland with an Army to be revenged for the league (which they had sworn) broken, etc. Sigismond answered modestly, with excuse of their helping the right Heir in their conceits, and that his desire was that peace should continue (being loath in times then tumultuous at home, to provoke a foreign enemy, so near in dwelling, so remote in affection) Sandomersko still remained prisoner in Russia. But things being better settled in Poland, and growing worse in Russia, by the dislike conceived against Suiskey, a double danger grew to him both from another revived Demetrius (yea many pretending that Name and Title did after arise, as out of his dispersed ashes) within Russia; and from the Poles without, willing both to assist him under colour of Revenge, and with hope of Conquest also, to invade and fish for themselves in troubled waters. As for that Demetrius new risen from the dead (not to mention the others of inferior note) I shall relate Captain Gilberts reports which knew him and was by him entertained, as I received them of a judicious friend of mine, which had them from his own mouth. He being at Coluga (as before is said) received a Letter from this new Demetrius * Thuan tells that fourteen horses were missing in the King's stable on the massacre day, and hence was occasioned a suspicion of escape, etc. , so written that it appeared to be of the former Demetrius his own hand: and thus also he used to do to others being able to counterfeit his writing, and to relate such other particulars as seemed impossible to any but Demetrius to do. Hereupon Captain Gilbert went with his Guard of Soldiers to meet him and the Polake General which came with him. And whiles he was yet a good distance off, Ah (this Demetrius called to him) my true servant, where were you and my Guard, when the villains hurt me? but if I had followed the counsel which you gave me such a time in such a place (relating the particulars) I had prevented them. This circumstance had moved him to believe this to be the former Demetrius, had not he differed from this in person, as night from day. Thus also he said he affirmed to the Pole General, A strange juggler. ask him how he liked this Demetrius, that This and That were as like as Night and Day (for the former was of goodly personage, and this a very deformed wretch.) The Pole replied, It is no matter, Captain, this Demetrius shall serve our turn to be revenged of the perfidious and bloody Russee. And this Demetrius acted the other so nearly, and could so cunningly and confidently relate particular passages of past occurrents, that the Lady of Demetrius was by him bedded. Thus was miserable Russia ground betwixt these two Millstones, the pretending Demetrius and the super-intending Pole. Suiskey is helped not a little by the English, English aid. which brought him strangely and adventurously powder and munition to his Castle to Moscow, which yet at last by revolt of the Citizens delivers up itself and him to the Poles. And as for that pretending Demetrius, he was afterwards murdered in his Camp by a Tartar. But it is meet to take hereof larger view. Sweden Title. Sigismond King of Poland layeth claim to Sweden, as son to King john (who is said to have unjustly deprived Ericus of his life and Kingdom) whose younger brother Duke Charles first received his Nephew King Sigismond (than also elected and still continuing King of Poland) but upon wars which after arose betwixt them, the issue was, that the Pole holds the Title; but Charles obtained both Regal Title and Power, wherein his Son hath succeeded. Suiskey takes hold of this difference, and Charles assists him with an Army sent under the command of Pontus de la Gardiner a French Colonel, consisting of English, French, and Scots. These march to Moscow, which the new Demetrius and Poles held besieged, and put Demetrius into such fear, that not trusting the Pole, and fearing his Adversaries on both sides, he stole away by night with a small retinue: Foreign aides to the Russes. and the Poles obtained Articles of composition and departed. But miserable were the distresses by famine, fire, sword, rapes, and other outrages in other parts of Russia, caused by other Poles; and yet these but as a beginning and prelude to other following. For the King of Poland entered with a huge Army (some say of an hundred thousand men) invaded the Muscovite, and especially laid siege to Smolensko. He is reported thence to have sent twenty thousand to besiege Moscow. Suiskey had sent to King Charles for more aid, which he procured out of England, and other Countries, of which I had rather let you hear an eyewitness speak of this, as elsewhere other English men have related their own voyages. This indeed deserveth relation, as a tragedy of meaner persons with manifold vicissitudes of miseries (attending voluntary Soldiers) as before you have seen tragedies of Princes and Grandes. And first you may read King Charles his compact and promised stipend to such voluntaries, which for the more understanding Readers delight I have here inserted. NOs Carolus No●us, Dei gratia Suecorum, Gothorum, Wandalorum, Finnonum, Coreliorum, Lapporum, Conanorum, Esthonumque in Livonia, etc. Rex. Notum facimus quod illustrem & generosum nobis syncere dilectum Dominum jacobum Spentzium, Baronem Wolmerschonium in ministrorum nostrorum numerum clementer receptum, omnium qui nostris nunc militant, aut in posterum militaturi sunt auspicijs, Anglorum, Scotorumque ducem & praefectum constituimus, ea conditione ut in nostrum, Regnique nostri usum, ped●tes mille, & equites quingentos, spectatae virtutis milites conscribat, adductosque●●unte vere ad 12. scilicet Maij sequentis Anni 1609. in Regno sistat. Cu● nos ad dictos milites tam colligendos quam in regnum traducendos, in pedites quidem novem, in equites vero quatu●r thalerorum imperialium millia & quingintos assigna●i●●●. Cum autem in regnum praefatus militum numerus appulerit, illis si equos & arma subministra●erimus, ea peditum quidem singulorum dimidij equitum vero duorum de cuiusque stipendio menstruo thalerorum singulis mensibus donec pro armis & equis nobis satisfiat, detractione soluentur. Ipsi duci primario Peditum vero singulis cohortibus (quarum quaevis ducentis Capitaneo caeterisque officiarijs una comprehensis constabat) mille septingentos thaleros in mensem dabimus. Equidem autem cohors quaelibet centum equites continebit. Quod si pauciores fuerint, quot personae in prima lustratione defecerint, totidem thalero menstruo Capitaneorum, Equicumque Magistrorum stipendio detrahentur: In sequentibus vero lustrationibus quae singulis mensibus semel institui debent, si qui forte inter●a ex hac vita decesserint, aut alio quocunque modo, militum numerus fuerit ita diminutus, ut pedites cuiusque cohortis ducentis pauciores sint (non tamen in eam paucitatem redactus ut ad tuendum, ornandumque vexillum modo militari pedites ●●pares inveniantur▪) Capitane● nihilomi●us stipendium integrum ad sex menses persoluetur, quod si postea defectum non suppleverit, ipse officio Capitanei carebit & pedites ipsius per caeteras cohortes, ad earum supplementum distribuentur. Equites vero cohortis cuiusque, si centum pauciores fuerint, Magister equitum nihilominus donec numerus sexagenario maior fuerit stipendium integrum consequetur, idque ad sex menses duntaxat. His autem exactis, nisi praestitutum, centum equitum numerum suppleverit, ips● munere suo privabitur, & equites per caeteras cohortes distribuentur. Magistro equitum centum, Vicario seu locum tenenti quadraginta, Signifero triginta, Decurioni viginti, singulis ductoribus viginti, cuique buccinatori sex, Equitibus vero singulis duodecem thaleri, in singulos menses munerabuntur. Dicto autem duci generali, ut sequentes officiarios sibi adiungeret clementer ●ermisimus: Vicarium generalem, cui quadringintos, praefectum vigiliarum, cui nonaginta, Secretarium cui octoginta, Praetorem cui sexaginta, Praefectum a●nonae cui sexaginta, Pastorem cui sexaginta, Chirurgum cui quadraginta, Archicustodem cui quadraginta, Inspectorem armorum cui quadraginta, Tympanistam cui sedecim florenos in singulos menses promissimus. Primus autem stipendij mensis intra decimum quintum diem à militum in regnum adventu inchoabitur. Liberam quoque habebit praefatus dux Primarius plenamque i●statiae exercendae potestatem in omnes suo imperio subiectos, idque in omni criminis genere excepto 〈◊〉 las● Maiestatis; Peditum cuique subsidij loco thalerum unum; Capitaneis autem & relics officiarijs stipendij singulis designati dimidium; Magistro militum duodecim; Eius Vicario octo, signifero sex, cuique Decurioni quatuor singulis ex tribus ordinum ductoribus tres, Buccinatori unum cum dimidio, singulis vero equitibus duos in septimanam thaleros dabimus; Semestri quolibet exacto habitaque, ●ccurata supputatione, quod de menstruo stipendio reliquum est, eye persoluetur, habita tamen ratione numeri quem in singulis delectibus seu militum lustrationibus Capitanei equitumque Magistri exhibuerint. Quod si dux militibus suis secundum aliquod praelium fecerit, aut arcem urbemque aliquam vi expug●auerit, eo ipso die quo id contigerst priore finito nows mens●s inchoabitur. Liberum quoque erit Ducibus singulis, quoties necesse erit ●●cohortium supplementum adducendum aliquem mittere, qui dum absens erit stipendium sicum nihilominus consequetur, pro singulis autem qui in supplementum adducti fuerint decem thaler● numerabuntur. Quod si in praelijs, velitationibus, excubijs aut alio quovis casu quenquam ducum, aut militum in hostium potestatem venire contigerit, idque non spontanea deditione aut alia ratione subdola & fraudulenta accidisse compertum fuerit, is alius suae conditionis statusque captivi permutatione liberab●tur. Hostium vero aliquis si captiws ad nos nostriue exercitus Ducem à quoquam eorum perductus fuerit, quod pro su● liberatione captiws praetium spoponderit, id ei, qui captiwm duxerit, numerabitur. Quod▪ si quisquam horum militum pila ictus tormentaria, aut alio quovis modo mutilus, aut mancus evadit, ita ut ipse s● alere victumque quaerere nequeat, illi à nobis pro ut cuiusque requirit status & conditio, honestum stipendium per omnem vitam suppeditabitur: sin vero diutius in hoc Regno nostro commorari noluerit, tum unius mensis accepto stipendio integrum ei erit, quo libuerit commigrare. Cum cohortes, sive simul, sive seperatim exauctorabuntur, singulis officiarijs & militibus mensis unius numerabitur stipendium. Si aut praefat●●s primarius aut alius inferiorum Ducum vel Officiariorum à S. R. M. Britanniae accersetur, persoluto quod tunc forte restabit stipendio, ipsoque duce remunerato, libera dabitur discedendi facultas. In quorum evidentiorem fidem manus propria subscriptione Regiaeque nostri sigilli appensione praesentes munivimus. Ex Regia nostra Stocholmensi die 7. Octobris, Anni Millesimi sexcentesimi octavi. Subscript. CAROLUS. 1200. Soldiers shipped from England. ABout a fortnight before Midsummer, which was A. 1609. a company of Voluntaries, to the number of a thousand and two hundred Soldiers, were at several times shipped from England to pass into Sweden, to aid the King of that Country in his wars against the King of Poland. To which aid diverse other Nations did likewise resort, as French, high Dutch, etc. Of the English Companies that went thither, Colonel calvin. the first was commanded by one calvin a Scot; who by appointment was made Lieutenant Colonel, and chief of the other Captains over the footmen. After the first Company was gone, a second number of three hundred men (of which I the Relator of this, was one) were put into one ship belonging to Sweden, and came from thence for us. We were assaulted with a great tempest, and were tossed so long, that all our victuals were almost spent: the misery of which, threw us into more desperate fears: now were we assaulted by double deaths (Famine and Shipwreck) what course to take for our relief no man presently knew. A tempest. Continue without food it was impossible, and as impossible was i● for us to recover the Land in any short time, without the assured destruction of us all. At this season, our Commanders were these; Lieutenant Benson, Lieutenant Walton, who was Provost Martial of the field; and an Ancient of the Colonel's company. The common Soldiers vowed and resolved to compel the Mariners (seeing the present miseries, and no hopes promising better) to set us all on shore upon the first Land that could be discovered. Another tempest of the mutinous vulgar. Our Commanders did what they could by dissuasion to alter this general resolution, because they feared it would be the loss of the greatest part of our Companies, if they came once to be scattered: and besides, they knew that it would redound to their dishonour and shame, if they should not discharge the trust imposed upon them by our Captains, which trust was to conduct us and land us before, whilst our Chieftains remained a while behind in England, to take up the rest of our Companies. Yet all this notwithstanding, Land being discovered, there was no eloquence in the world able to keep us aboard our ship, but every man swore if the Master of the ship would not set us on the shore, the sails should be taken into our own hands, and what was resolved upon (touching present landing) should in despite of danger be effected. Upon this the Master of the ship and the Mariners told us, that if we put to land in that place, we should all either perish for want of victuals, which were not to be had in that Country, or else should have our throats cut by the people. We resolved rather to try our bad fortunes on the land, and to famish there (if that kind of death must needs attend upon us) then to perish on the Seas, which we knew could afford us no such mercy: and on shore we went, as fast as possibly we could. When our Officers saw, that there was no remedy, nor force to detain us aboard, they then disheartened us no longer, but to our great comforts told it, that the Master of the ship (which thing he himself likewise openly confessed) knew both the Land and Governor thereof (as indeed we proved afterwards he did: They land in P●tland. ) and therefore desired they all our companies not to missebehave themselves toward the people, for that it was an Island called juthland, under the Dominion of the King of Denmark, but subject to the command of a Lord, who under the King (as his Substitute) was the Governor. And that we might be the better drawn to a civil behaviour towards the Inhabitants, our Officers further told us, that they would repair to the Lord Governor of the Country, and acquaint him with the cause of our unexpected landing there; upon which we all promised to offer no violence to the people; neither was that promise violated, because we found the Inhabitants tractable, and as quiet towards us, as we to them: yet the greater numbers of them ran away with fear, at the first sight of us, because (as afterward they reported) it could not be remembered by any of them, that they ever either beheld themselves, or ever heard any of their ancestors report, that any strange people had landed in those places and parts of the Island: for they thought it impossible (as they told us) that any ship should ride so ne●ee the shore, as ours did, by reason of the dangerous Sands. Our Officers so soon as they were at land, went to the Governor of the Island, whilst the Soldiers (who stayed behind them) ran to the houses of the Islanders, of purpose to talk with the people, and at their hands to buy victuals for a present relief: but when we came among them, they could neither understand us nor we them; so that the Market was spoiled, and we could get nothing for our money, yet by such signs as we could make, they understood our wants pitied them, and bestowed upon us, freely, a little of such things as they had. In the end, a happy means of our relief was found out by a Soldier amongst us who was a Dane by birth, but his education having been in England, no man knew him to be other than an English man. This Dane made use of 〈◊〉 own native language, to the good both of himself and us, certifying the people (who the rather believed him because he spoke in their known tongue) of the cause that compelled us to land upon their Coast, and that we intended no mischief, violence, or money: to which report of his they giving credit, stood in less fear of us then before, and thereupon furnished us with all such necessaries, as the Country afforded to sustain our wants. The food which we bought of them was only fish, and a kind of course bread, exceeding cheap. Of which food there was such plenty, Fish cheap. that for the value of three pence we had as much fish as twenty men could eat at a meal, and yet none of the worst sorts of fish, but even of the very best and daintiest, as Mackerel and Lobsters, and such like. In which our trading with the poor simple people, we found them so ignorant, that many, yea most of them regarded not whether you gave them a Counter, or a Shilling: for the bigger the piece was, Ignorant Boars. the more fish they would give for it: but besides fish we could get no other sustenance from them, or at least, could not understand that they had any other. But observe what happened in the mean time that we were thus in traffic with the Islanders for victuals, our Officers (as before is said) being gone to the Lord Governor, who lay about twelve English miles from the Sea side, the Master of our ship on a sudden hoist up sails, and away he went, leaving one of his own men at shore, who accompanied our Officers as their guide, through the Island. The cause of the ships departure, did so much the more amaze us, by reason it was so unexpected, and the reason thereof unknown to us: But we imagined the Master of the ship and Mariners fea●ed to receive us into the Vessel again, because some of our men at their being at Sea, threatened the Sailors, and offered them abuses before they could be brought to set us on land. On the next day following, the Lord Governor of the Island came to us, bringing our Officers along with him, yet not being so confident of us, but that (for avoiding of any dangers that might happen) he came strongly guarded with a troop of Horsemen well armed. And (upon his first approach) demanding where our ship was, it was told him in what strange manner it stole away and forsook us: he than asked what we intended to do, to which we all answered, that we would be ruled by our Officers: hereupon he inquired of them, what they would have him to do in their behalves: they requested nothing else at his hands, but only his favourable Pass through the Country, and a ship to carry us forward into Sweden: to which request he made answer, that he could grant no such licence until he had made the King of Denmark acquainted with our being there, for the Island belonged to the King, he said, and he was no more but an Officer or Substitute under him. Yet in consideration that our ship had so left us in a strange Land, he promised to do all that lay in his power to effect our good: but withal told us, that the people had inward fears, and were possessed with suspicions, that our intents of landing upon such a Coast, were not, as we ourselves affirmed, only to get food, but rather to make spoil of the poor Inhabitants. And therefore, to remove all such fears and jealousies out of the people's hearts, he held it most convenient for the general safeties of both parties, to separate our numbers, and to spread us abroad in the Country, one and one in a house, where it was agreed that we should receive both a lodging, and meat, and drink, until he had sent to the King of Denmark some of his own men with our Officers, to understand his Majesty's pleasure, and what should become of us. To this we all agreed, and accordingly for that purpose, were by the Lord Governor, safely by these armed horsemen which were his guard, conducted to his own house. To that place were all the people of the Island summoned together, they came at the appointed day to the number of five or six hundred, circling us round with Bills, Holbards, two-hand Swords, and diverse other weapons: And at the first sight of us grew into such rage, that presently they would have cut all our throats, and hewed us to pieces, but that the authority of the Governor kept them from offering violence, yet was he feign to use the fairest means of persuasion to allay their fury. For they would not believe but that our arrival there was to destroy them. Yet the Governor showed unto them all our number, which was but three hundred men, and those all unweaponed, and so consequently, neither likely nor able to undertake any mischief against them: Charging the unruly multitude, upon pain of death, not to touch the least finger of us, but to divide us equally into several Villages, as it should seem best unto them, and so bestow kind and loving entertainment upon us till they heard further from him, which command of his they accordingly performed. Immediately upon this settling of them and us in quietness, one of our Officers with two of the Governors' men, were sent away to the King of Denmark, to understand his Highness' pleasure, which Messengers were no sooner dispatched about the business, but the Islanders growing more and more suspicious, came again to the Governor, jealousy of th● people. and never would cease or give over troubling him, until they had gotten him to make Proclamation (in hearing of us all.) That if any of us would freely discover the true cause of our landing upon that Coast, and reveal the plots of any dangerous enterprise intended against them, he should not only be rewarded with great store of money, and have new apparel to his back, but also should without tortures, imprisonment, or death be set free, and sent back again into his own Country. This Proclamation struck us all with fear and astonishment, because albeit we to ourselves were not guilty of any plot, or villainy intended to the place or people, yet we knew this might be a means to endanger all our lives, Griffin a base coward and traitor to his fellows. how innocent soever. Our suspicion of danger fell out according to our fears: for one Thomas Griffyn a Welsh man, one of our own company, went and kneeled before the Governor, and with a face counterfeiting a guiltiness and fearful destruction, told him that we came thither only, and for no other purpose, then to surprise the Island, kill the Inhabitants, make spoil of their wives and goods, and having set fire of their Towns and Villages, to fly to Sea again. Yet for all this would not the Governor believe him, telling him it was a matter very unlikely, A wise Governor. that so small a number, so distressed for want of food, so weatherbeaten and so disarmed, should venture upon an enterprise so full of dangerous events; but the villain replied, that all those complaints of want, were but songs to beguile the people, for that upon the least Alarm given, other ships that lay hover at Sea, and furnished both with men and armour, would on the sudden, and that very shortly land for the same desire of spoil, as these their fellows had done, and therefore counselled the Governor to prevent such imminent mischiefs betimes. The Governor being thus far urged, presently called before him Lieutenant Walton, whose lodging was appointed in his house, and having related to him all that Griffin had discovered, and withal, demanding of Lieutenant Walton what he could say to this matter of treason and conspiracy: the Lieutenant at the first stood amazed, and utterly denied any such intended villainy, protesting by the faith of a Soldier, that this report of the Welshman proceeded from the rancour of a vile traitor's heart, and therefore on his knees entreated the Governor, not to give credit to so base a villain, who for the greediness of a little money, went about to sell all their lives, and to make all the inhabitants of the Island become murderers: The rest lay scattered about and knew nothing of the matter. Now soon after, just as the traitor had told the Governor, that more ships were not far off, but were ready to second us upon our arrival, it chanced that in the very heat of this business, Two Ships. and their fears of danger where none was, two other ships full of armed Soldiers came to the same place of the Island where our ship put in: These two ships had brought Soldiers out of the low Countries (a cessation of wars being there) and were going into Swethland, as we were, but by cross winds and fowl weather, lay so long at Sea, that wanting victuals, they were driven in hither for succour. Whose sudden approach and arrival being signified to the Lord Governor, the Welch-man's words were then thought true; all the Island was presently up in Arms to resist the strength and fury of a most dangerous supposed enemy: and so secretly did the Inhabitants put on Arms, that we who were kept like prisoners amongst them, knew not of these uproars. But night approaching, the General gave special charge that secret watch should be set and kept over every Soldier that lodged in any man's house: which by the common people was as narrowly performed, for they did not only watch us as the Governor commanded, but amongst themselves a secret conspiracy was made, that in the dead of night, Hard usage. when we should be fast asleep, they should come and take us in our beds, and there to bind us with cords: it being an easy thing to do so, when our company were divided one from another over the whole Island. At the hour agreed upon, the plot was put in force, for they entered our Chambers, and bound every Soldier as he lay, making them all ready like so many sheep marked out for the slaughter. For mine own part, I had five men and three women to bind me, who so cunningly tied me fast with cords, whilst I slept, and felt nothing, nor deampt of any such matter, that with a twitch only I was plucked stark naked out of my bed, and laid upon the cold earth underneath a Table, with my arms bound behind me, so extremely hard, as four men could draw them together, my feet tied to the foot of the Table, and my neck bound to the upper part or board of the Table. In these miserable tortures lay I, and all the rest (in several houses) all that night, and the most part of the next day, our arms and legs being pinched and wrung together in such pitiless manner, that the very blood gushed out at the finger's ends of many. The enduring of which torments was so much the more grievous, because none knew what we had done that could incense them to this so strange and spiteful cruelty, neither could we, albeit we inquired, learn of our torments the cause, because we understood not their language. Whilst thus the whole Island was full of the cries of wretched men, and that every house seemed a shambles, ready to have Innocents there butchered the next day, and that every Islander had the office of a common cutthroat or executioner; Gods wonderful working turned the stream of all their cruelty: For the two ships that came out of the low Countries, and whose arrival drove so many miserable souls almost upon the rocks of destruction, having in that doleful and ruinous night, gotten some provision aboard, weighed Anchor, and departed towards Swethland. Which happy news being served up at breakfast to the Lord Governor betimes in the morning, and that the Ships had offered no violence to the Country, but had paid for what they took: About eleven of the clock the very same day at noon, we were all like unto so many dead men cut down, and bidden to stand upon our legs, although very few had scarce legs that could stand. Of one accident more that befell, I think it not amiss to take note, which began merrily, but ended tragically, and in blood; and that was this: Four of our company being lodged in one Village, and they being bound to the peace, as you may perceive the rest were; it happened that an Host, where one of them lay, had ●●pled hard, and gotten a Horse's disease, Effects of drunkenness▪ called the Staggers: In comes he stumbling, to the room where the poor Englishman was bound to the Table hand and foot: which thing the drunken Sot beholding▪ drew his Hatchet, which he wore at his girdle, according to the fashion of the Country, and because he would be sure his prisoner should not escape, with his Hatchet he cloven his head. And thinking in that drunken murderous humour, he had done a glorious act, away he re●les out of his own house to that house where the other three Soldiers lay bound, where beating at the doors and windows, and the Host ask what he meant to make such a damnable noise; he told him so well as he could s●amme● it out, that the Lord Governor had sent him thither to put the three Englishmen to death. Upon this, the devil and he (hand in hand) were let in, the one standing so close at the others elbow, that he never left him till he had cleft two of their heads, that lay bound▪ and being then weary (it should seem) with playing the butcher, he never ceased swearing and staring, and flourishing with his bloody Axe about their heads, till the people of the house had hung the third man upon a beam in the room. But they having less cunning in the Hangman's trade, then will to practise it, eyed not the halter so fast about his neck, as to strangle him: so that after he had hung an hour, he was cut down, revived again, was well, and afterwards was slain in Russia. This bloody feast being thus ended, and all storms as we well hoped, being now blown over to our freedom, and sitting at liberty from our tormentors▪ on the neck of these former miseries fell a mischief more dangerous to us then all the rest: for tidings were brought to the Governor, that our Ancient, who travailed with the Governors' two men to the King, had traitorously murdered those his guides, and then ran away himself▪ upon this rumour, nothing but thundering and lightning flew from the common people's mouths: there was no way now with us but one, and that one was, to have all our throats cut, or our heads cleft with their Axes. Cruel cowardice and base jealousy. But the Governor pitying our misfortunes, laboured both by his authority, & by fair speeches, to keep that manyheaded dog (the multitude) from barking. And in the end, when he saw nothing but the blood of us poor Englishmen would satisfy their thirst, because they still held us in suspicion and fear; he most nobly, and like a virtuous Magistrate, pawned to the inhuman Rascals (to my knowledge) his honour, all that ever he was worth▪ yea, his very life unto them, that within three days the messengers sent to the King, should return home, and that during those three days we should be of good behaviour to the Islanders: and besides that, if they did not return in such a time, that then he would deliver us up into their hands. Our Ancient with the Governors' two men, came home upon the third day, to the Governors' house, and brought from the King of Denmark his licence, King of Denmark's bounty▪ to carry us not only through the Country, but commanding that we should be allowed shipping also at convenient place, to carry us to Sweveland, whither we were to go: And according to this Licence the Governor caused us to be called all together the very next day; at which time, Thomas Griffin the Welsh I●das, who had all this while lain feasting in the house of the Lord Governor, began to tremble and repent him of his villainy, begging most base forgiveness on his knees, both from the Governor, and us his Countrymen and fellow Soldiers, protesting that what he did, came out of his fear to save his own life. But our Officers (upon hearing him speak thus) had much ado to keep the companies from pulling down the house where Griffin lay, because they would in that rage have hewed the villain in pieces. But leaving him and all such betrayers of men's blood to the hell of their own consciences, let us set forward out of this infortunate Island, and not stay in any place else, till in small Boats we come by water to Elzinore in Denmark, where we joyfully got aboard once more; Elzinore. and are hoisting up sails for Sweveland. Yet even in this sunshine day a storm falls upon us too: for our Officers not having sufficient money to furnish us with victuals, we were enforced to pawn our Ancient and Lieutenant Walton, for the safe return of the Ship, with condition, that they should not be released until a sufficient sum of money was sent to defray all charges. So that we left our Officers behind us; but the King of Sweveland did afterwards release them, and then they came to us. But before their coming, we having a good wind, landed at a place called Newleas in Sweve: Stockholme. and from thence were carried to Stockholme (the King's seat) and there was the King at the same time; between which two places, it was a days march on horseback. Upon this our arrival at Stockholme, we met with the rest that had gone before us, and with diverse others of our Countrymen, that came out of the Low-countries, as before is related. In this place we lay so long, and had such poor means, that wanting money to buy food, we wanted food to maintain life, and so a number of us were ready to statue: till in the end, our miseries making us desperate, we fell together by the ears with the Burghers of the Town: in which scambling confusion and mutiny, Misery after misery. every man got one thing or other, of which he made present money to relieve his body withal: yet lay we at the walls of the City, crying out continually for money, money, till our throats grew hoarse with bawling, but the stones of the walls gave more comfort to us, than the Inhabitants. One day (above all the rest) we heard, that the King was to ride a Hunting; and we imagining that all the abuses, wrongs, and miseries, which we endured, proceeded from some underhand hard d●aling, and packing of our Captains and Officers, resolved to gather about the King at his coming forth, and to cry out for money: but the King being angry (as we supposed) came riding amongst us, drawing his Pistol from the Saddlebow, as if he purposed to have shot some of us: but seeing none of us to shrink from him, nor to be dismayed, he road back again, we following him, and desiring, he would either give us money, or else to kill us outright; one amongst the rest (whose name was William Attane) spoke to the King aloud, thus: I hold it honour to dye by the hands of a King, but basely to starve to death, I will never suffer it. Upon these our clamours, the King looking better upon our necessities, sent money the next day, and immediately after gave us a month's means in money, and two months means in cloth, to make us apparel. Captain's cozenage. Of the cloth we received some part, but the money being paid, was by our Captains sent into England to their wives; no part of it ever coming to the poor common Soldiers hands: for presently upon this, we were commanded aboard the Ships, with promise that when we were aboard, we should have our money. But being in the Ships under hatches, away were we carried with provision only of one months victuals; when by reason of the weather, we were forced to lie eight weeks at Sea: in all which time, we had nothing but pickelled Herrings, and salt Stremlings, with some small quantity of hard dried meats: by which ill diet, many of our men fell sick, and died. In the Ship wherein I was, we lived fourteen days without bread, all our best food being salt Herrings, which we were glad to eat raw; the best of us all having no better sustenance. At the last, it pleased God to send us to a place called Vfrasound in Fynland, where we landed, Finland. (Fynland being subject to the King of Sweveland.) From Vfrasound we were to go to Weyborough, a chief Town in the Country of Fynland: where we no sooner arrived, but our Soldiers ran some one way, and some another, so long that the Captains were left alone with the Ships: This running away of them, being done only to seek food, so great was their hunger. By this careless dispersing themselves, they lost the command of the whole Country, which they might easily have had, Dispersing. if they had been united together: and not only were deprived of that benefit, but of Horses also, which were allowed by the King for them to ride upon. So that, what by the reason of the tedious journey (which we were to travel, being fourscore leagues) and what by reason of the extreme cold, being a month before Christmas, at which time the Snow fell, and never went off the ground until Whitsuntide following; Distress by Frost. but all the Rain, and all the Snow that fell, freezing continually, diverse of our men were starved to death with the Frost. Some lost their fingers, some their toes, some their noses, many their lives: insomuch, that when we all met at Weyborough, we could make no more but one thousand and four hundred able men; and yet when we were landed at Vfrasound, we were two thousand strong; the extremity of the cold Country having killed so many of our Soldiers in so little time. At our landing at Weyborough we had good hopes to receive better comforts, both of money and victuals: for the Inhabitants told us, the King had allowed it us, and in that report they spoke truth: yet contrary to our expectation, we lay there about fourteen days, and had nothing but a little Rice, of which we made bread, and a little butter, which was our best relief. Drink had we none, nor money: our Captains gave us certain leathern pilches, only made of Sheep's skins, to keep us from the cold. At this place we received arms to defend us against the enemy, and six Companies that were allowed by the King for Horsemen, Their miserable march into Russia. received Horses there. From thence we were to march into Russia, where our enemies continued. But the journey was long and uncomfortable: for we marched from Newyeares' day until Whitsuntide, continually in Snow, having no rest, but only a little in the nights. So that the miseries and misfortunes which we endured upon the borders of Fynland, were almost insufferable, by reason the number of them seemed infinite. For all the people had forsaken their houses long before we came, because they were evermore oppressed by Soldiers: by which means we could get neither meat nor drink, but were glad to hunt Cats, and to kill them, or any beasts we could lay hold on, and this we baked, and made them serve for daily sustenance. The greatest calamity of all was, we could get no Water to drink, Want of meat and of Water. it had been so long frozen up, and the Snow so deep, that it was hard to say, whether we marched over Water, or upon Land. So that we were compelled to dig up Snow, and with stones red hot, to melt in tubs, and then to drink it. This affection continued about twelve or fourteen days, till we came into Russia. Upon our very first entrance into which Kingdom, we marched over an arm of the Sea, that was eight leagues over, many of us starving to death in that passage, by the cold freezing winds that blew the same day. In which frosty journey, I saw so much bread as a man might buy for twelve pence, sold away in little bits, for the value of forty shillings. But this misery ended the next day, at our setting foot into Russia, where we found plenty both of corn and cattle; Russians run away. only the people of the Country ran away, leaving all their goods behind them, but so cunningly hidden, that the best policy of ours could hardly find them out. By this means of the people's running away, we were glad to play the Millers, and to grind all our corn ourselves, to bake our bread, and to dress our own victuals. Then marched we up to Novogrod (a chief City in Russia) where we were to receive all our means that rested behind unpayed: but our Captains beguiled us, and kept it for themselves: Novogrod. yet to stop our mouths, they told us we should go into Muscovy, and there all reckonings should be made even. We had scarce marched above three days towards Muscovy, but that news came, how a certain number of our enemies lay in a sconce by the way; the strength of them was not perfectly known, but it was thought they were not above seven hundred, and that we must use some stratagem to expel them from thence: upon which relation, Polake enemies. our Captains drew forth to the number of three hundred English horsemen, and two hundred French horsemen: so that in all we were about five hundred that were appointed to set upon the supposed seven hundred Polanders, (our enemies) that so lay insconsed: upon whom we went. Our chief Commander in that service was monsieur la Veite, a French man, who so valiantly led us on, that the enemy hearing of our coming, fled over a water that was by the sconce; They fled. yet not with such speed, but that we slew to the number of four hundred of their side, and lost only three men of our own: but we took the sconce. About the sconce stood a fair Town called Ariova, with a river called the Volga, running through the middle, but no bridge over it; Sconce taken with store of Arms. only a few Boats and Sloates (made and cut out of trees) were there, to carry the people over from the one half of the Town to the other. This sconce furnished us not only with great store of riches, but also with a number of Polish Horses, and as many arms as served to arm five hundred men; our want of that commodity being as much as of any thing besides: for of those five hundred men that went upon the service, there were not three hundred fixed arms; yet through the hand of him that deals victories, or overthrows, as it pleaseth him best, the day was ours. Over this river Volga the enemies were never driven before, either by the Emperor of Russia, or by the King of Swethland: for which cause (as afterward we heard) the next day when they departed from the other side of the River, they burned that half of the Town on which side they were themselves, and in most bloody, barbarous, and cruel manner, made havoc both of men, women and children, Poles cruelties most execrabl● albeit (not above half a year before) the Inhabitants on that side had revolted from their own Emperor, and turned to them. In which tyrannical uproar, their custom was, to fill a house full of people, and then (the doors being locked upon them, that none might issue forth) the house was fired about their ears: and oftentimes were young children taken by the heels, and cast into the midst of the flames: This inhuman tyranny being practised not only by the Poles, that were our enemies, but even by those Russes that were traitors to their own Emperor, and served under the Poles, and were called Cossakes, whose cruelty far exceeded the Polish. The Town being thus burnt to the earth, all the six thousand (which as I said before, fled over the River, out of the sconce, and were by us supposed to be but seven hundred) came down in full battalion to the River's side with such fierceness, as if presently they and their horses would have swom over, to fight with us, which being perceived, our poor five hundred stood ready to resist them. But whether they feared our numbers to be greater than they were, and that we had some other secret forces, I know not: but away they marched, the self same day in which they came down in that braue●y, not doing any thing of which, we for our parts, were not much sorry; because if the battles had joined▪ we knew ourselves far unable to withstand them. And this was the service of the most note, that we went upon. HONDIUS his Map of Muscovia. MOSCOVIA map of Muscovy Our General (whose name was Euer●or●e) was a Fynlander, and with a company of Fynland blades (as they term them) well appointed on Horseback, was by the King of Sweveland, sent after us, as our Convoy, until we should come to Pontus le Guard, who was chief General over the whole army of strangers that came into the Land: Pontus le Guard so that according as he was sent and charged by the King, he overtook us before we came to Ario●a. By the entreaty therefore of this Fynlander, and the flattering promises of our own Captains, we were contented to go upon this service, and to deliver the Russes, or to dye ourselves in the action. Yet with condition, that (as they promised to us) we should by the way meet our chief General, Pontus le Guard, who with certain numbers of English, French and Dutch (which the year before were come into the Land) was upon a march out of Muscovy, not only to meet us, but to join with us, and pay us all our money which remained good to us; provided likewise, that so soon as ever we should release the seven thousand Russes, our money should be paid down. On these conditions (I say) we yielded to go upon the business. They meet. At length Pontus le Guard met us (according to the promise) and with him was money brought to pay us, and his word given that presently we should receive it. But the lamentable estate, in which the poor besieged Russes were (within the sconce) being at the point of death for want of food, required rather speedy execution, than deliberation▪ so that the necessities of their hard fortunes craving haste, on we went, having about nineteen or twenty thousand Russes, that were people of the same Country, joined to our Army, to aid them in this enterprise. But as we all were upon a march, the enemy having received Intelligence of our approaching, set forward, to the number of eight thousand Lanciers and more, to intercept us by the way: and being within one days march of the place to which we were likewise going, they set fire upon three or four Villages hard by the place where we lay at Grass with our Horses, for a token that they were coming. An. 1610. And ●his was done upon Midsummer day last in the morning, by break of day. Then came they thundering which shouts and cries to set upon us: but no sooner was the Alarm given, when the greatest part of those nineteen or twenty thousand Russes, that were joined to us as our aid, Base Russee flight. fled most basely before any blow was given. This sudden cowardice of theirs somewhat amazed us: but the hour being now come, wherein we were not to talk of dangers, but to go meet them, with our six companies of English horse, we bravely resisted the Polanders, and with great hurt to them, but with little loss upon our part, charged them three several times. At last Pontus le Guard (our chief General) took his heels and fled too, P. le Guard fleeth. leaving us utterly destitute of all direction: which much astonished us, as not well understanding what to do: for our greatest strength (being by their slight) taken from us, none but we strangers were left in the field, and of us there was not in all, above two thousand, and of that number there were above six hundred French horsemen, who seeing both the General gone, and the Russes fled, French flee. turned their backs upon us, and ran away too most valiantly, yet not out of the field, but to the enemy. Then were we not above twelve or fourteen hundred at the most left to resist eight thousand at the least: upon whom notwithstanding, our six companies of English horsemen, charged three several times, without any great lo●se, but with much honour: And at the fourth time, English honour. for want of powers to second them (which the French should have done) all our six companies were scattered and overthrown with the loss of few of our colours. The Captains over these six Companies of Horse, were these: Captain Crale, of whose company I was. Captain Kendricke, Captain Benson, Captain Car, Captain Colbron, Captain Creyton. Which six Captains had not in all their companies above five hundred men. In this battle, Captain Creyton was slain in the field; Captain Crale was shot in the knee, and within a short time after died of that wound; not above twelve of his company escaping. Captain Kendrick was wounded in diverse places of the head, and died. Captain Benson was shot in the hand, and wounded in the head, and yet escaped, and lived: only Captain Car and his Cornet escaped, but all his company scattered and lost. diverse other Officers were slain, whose names I cannot remember. Thus were all our English horsemen dispersed and overthrown, to the number of five hundred and upwards. Ou● General Euerhorne with his companies of Finland, or Finsc● blades, were also put to retreat: so that there was not left in the field above six or seven hundred, which were footmen. And of these, one half was English, one half Dutch, who kept only a certain place by a wood side, barricadoed about with wagons, having with them four field pieces, with which they did great spoil to the Enemy. But their number being but few, neither durst they venture on the Enemy, nor durst the Enemy enter upon them, but kept them still (as it were besieged) in that place only, because they could no ways escape. The inconvenience of which cooping up in so narrow a room, being looked into, and the dangers on every side well considered, it was held fittest for safety, to summon the Enemy to a parley. In which parley, the Enemy offered, that if they would yield, and fall to their sides, they should have good quarter kept. And if any man had desire to go for his own Country, he should have liberty to go with a Passport from the King of Poland. Or if any would serve the King of Poland, he should have the allowance of very good means duly paid him. Upon these compositions they all yielded, and went to the Enemy; only Captain York and his Officers, with some few of their Soldiers, went back into the Country, and came not to the Enemy, as the rest had done: who from thence marched up to the Polish Leaguer, being ten miles distant from the place, and there they continued. But such as desired to travel to their own Countries, were sent to the King of Poland's Leaguer, which lay at that time at a place called Smolensko, and there accordingly had their Pass, to the number of one hundred, of which number I myself was one. What became of the rest I know not: but I with five more held together in travel, until we came to Dantzicke, a great Town in Prussia, being distant from Smolensko one hundred leagues▪ To make an end of this Story of the Fox and the Bear, the pretending Demetrius and contending Suiskey; it is reported, that Demetrius seeing these perplexities of Suiskey, raised a great Army of such Russes as voluntarily * Some say he had 100000. which is scarcely credible. fell to him (the Pole having now rejected him, except some Voluntaries) and again laid siege to Moscow; Zolkiewsky for Sigismond, beleaguered another part thereof with forty thousand men, whereof one thousand and five hundred were English, Scottish, and French. Suiskey seeing no hope to withstand them, his Empire renouncing him, he would seem to renounce the Empire first, betaking himself to a Monastery. But not the sanctity of the place, Moscow yielded. nor sacred name of an Emperor might protect or secure him. The Muscovites yielded up their City and his Person to the Pole, and the Castle was manned for Sigismond. All join against Demetrius, who betaketh him to his heels, and by a Tartar (as before is said) was slain in his camp. Second Demetrius slain. Charles King of Sweden died Octob. 30. 1611. and Gustanus his son succeeded. Sigismond obtaineth Smolensko also after two years' siege and more: in which time the Defendants had held out so resolutely, that the Polish Peers and States (which in that Kingdom bear great sway) had called the King to their Parliament, the rather in regard of the King of Denmark warring upon Sweden (in which war diverse thousands of our English voluntaries * Under the Lord Will●ughby Gen. Sir john Poole, etc. assisted the Dane) but he first desiring to try his fortune, carried the City with two hundred pieces of Ordnance and other rich spoil. Many were slain, and diverse great persons taken, of which was the Archbishop. Many were blown up (as was thought) by their own voluntary act, by fire cast into the store-house, in which is said to have been (if our Author mistake not) fifteen thousand vessels of powder; A. jansonius, quindecies m●lle vasorum pull sul. whereupon seemed to return the very Chaos, or in stead thereof a Hell into the World. It is accounted one of the strongest Forts in Christendom, the walls able to bear two Carts meeting in the breadth. It was taken the twelfth of july, 1610. Suiskey was carried into Poland and there imprisoned in Waringborough Castle, and after the l●sse of liberty and his Empire, Suiskeys imprisonment and death. exposed to scorn and manifold miseries, he died in a foreign country. But before that Tragedy, the Poles are said to have more than acted others. For when they held him prisoner before his departure from Moscovia, they sent for many Grandes in Suiskeys name, as if he had much desired to see them before his fatal farewell, to take a friendly and honourable leave of them. Po●ish cruelty. They come, are entertained, and in a private place knocked on the head and thrown into the River: and thus was most of the chief remaining Nobility destroyed. The Poles fortified two of the Forts at Moscow, and burnt two others, as not able to man them. But the Muscovite also there held them besieged till famine forced them to yield: the Russians finding there sixty barrels of powdered man's flesh (it seemeth of such as had died, Their reward. or were slain, Eaters of man's flesh forced to eat man's fl●sh. that their death might give life to the Suruivers) a just, but miserable and tragical spectacle. We shall conclude this Discourse with giving you two Letters, the one taken out of a Letter written from Colmogro Sept. 7. (the year is not dated) amidst these broils; the other from Captain Margaret before mentioned by Thuanus: and after them, for further illustration and profitable use of this story, is added part of a Letter of Doctor Halls. ON Thursday morning came George Brighouse from Moscow, he hath been three weeks on the way, but by reason of his small staying here, I can learn but small occurrents, which is, still Moscow holdeth out, of late some of the Nobility issued out and gave the Enemy a small skirmish, slew near four thousand of them, took prisoners one hundred and seventy, whereof eleven Polish Gentlemen gallant men, are almost starved in prison. Sandomirsky * The Polish Valued whose daughter married Demetrie that was slain; who now had recovered liberty. Russia spoilt by Tartars. is entered the borders with a new supply of Soldiers, the which Demetrie his son in Law hath long since expected. The Crim Tartar is returned from thence into his own Country, hath taken more than twenty thousand prisoners captives out of Resan and thereabouts: Knez Scopin * The Polish Vaiu●d whose daughter married Demetrie that was slain; who now had recovered liberty. Russia spoilt by Tartars. is two nineties from Yeraslave, he means to march from thence to Moscow, but by George's speeches he makes no great haste. Bouginsky that was Secretary to Demetrie, is still under prestave with an Officer, was almost starved with hunger, but Master Brewster doth daily relieve him to his great comfort. George Brighouse came Post by Volodemer: the Princess, wife to Euan Euanowich, that was eldest son to the a General of the forces of Suiskey in the field. A Dane borne, see Doct. Hall's Epistles. Euan Vasilowi●h. Suiskey now reigning. Tho●e of the City ●n●ly. old Emperor (she to whom you gave the good entertainment to) is there at his going up and coming back, made very much of him; he dined in her Presence: after dinner sent him a great Present of many dishes and drinks for your sake, and often remembered you and your great kindness to her and hers; still remembering T. La. and kept him so a long time in her own Cell. There is a great conspiracy still in the Moscow against the Emperor Vasili Euanowich, only the Muscovites stand with him, and very few of the Nobility. Daily there issueth out by force or stealth diverse of the Gentry, most of the Dutch c Lie●●●nders that inhabit there. , specially the Women are gone out of the Moscow to the Tartar. It is supposed that the Emperor cannot long hold out, and * The second Demetrius, which was soon after slain by a Tartar. Demetrie Euanowich is reported to be a very wise Prince. Captain MARGARET'S Letter to Master MERICK from Hamborough, jan. 29. * 161●. in English account. The Poles in Mosco●esieged ●esieged by the Russes. 1612. RIght worshipful Sir, I could not omit this commodity without commending my service to your Worship, and also briefly to advertise you of the State of Moscow, which is not as I could wish. Also I left Master Brewster in good health at my departure: but three days after the Town within the red wall was burnt with certain fire Balls shot in by the Russes, so that there is but three houses left whole, the English house also being burnt. Master Brewster is constrained to have his dwelling in a Seller under the Palace, without great friends except Misslofsqui. The General Cotquevilsh is arrived there, English house burned▪ and left a sufficient number of men to keep the Castle, and the red Wall, he himself with his Army is gone towards Resan, and he hath sent with much to do, and upon certain conditions, to the River of Sagia towards the Volga, to bring victuals to maintain them that are in the Castle besieged of the Muscovites. The King of Poland is altogether resolved to go there in person this summer, and if the Russes have no foreign help, as there is no appearance, no question it will come to pass as I writ last to your Worship, that they will be forced to yield. I write briefly to your Worship, because I hope to take my voyage to France through England, and there to meet with your Worship; entreating your Worship to accept these few lines as a testimony of the service I have vowed to your Worship, etc. and so I end in haste. Thus have we finished four Acts of this Tragedy: the first, ending with the end of Bealas family; the second, with the ruin of that of Boris; the third, with that (whatsoever) Demetrius; the fourth, with this Suiskey, attended with that shadow or ghost of another Demetrius. Now as I have seen sometimes the Spectators of Tragedies whiled with discourse of a Chorus, or (as in our vulgar) entertained with music, to remit for a time those bloody impressions fixed in attentive minds▪ so have we represented Pheod●res Coronation added to the first; Boris his Charter to the English to conclude the second; that of Demetrius to the third, and for this fourth I have here made bold with a Letter of my worthy friend (so am I bold to call that good Man, zealous Protestant, elegant Writer, industrious Preacher, learned Doctor, and Reverend Deane Doctor Hall▪ a Hall adorned with so rich Arras, and with all the ground, light, life, the All of these, Christian humility) which may serve as a Letter of commendation to my intent, as it was intended to another work, which had it been public, might have prevented the greatest part of this: A work of Master Samuel Southeby, in Sir Th. smith's Voyage mentioned, touching those Russian occurrents which he in part saw. As a Traveller he deserveth place here. Master S●. Southeby. And howsoever I have neither been so happy to see the Work nor the Workman, yet this Epistle tells what we have lost, and my work easily proclaims the defect of such a Wardrobe, being (as you see) like a Beggar's cloak, all of diversified patches; so much more labour to me, in both getting and stitching them, though so much less satisfaction to thee. Once, as I have placed this long Russian story in the midst of Marine Discoveries, to refresh the Reader a while on Land: so amidst these tragical, harsh Relations, I thus seek to recreate thy weary spirits with this chat of mine, and after these Minda gates, more really, with this Letter so useful to the present subject, so pleasing in the stile. The whole, and the next following to Buchinski, the Reader may find in his so oft published Decades of Epistles. Travel perfiteth wisdom; and observation gives perfection to travel: without which, a man may please his eyes, not feed his brain; and after much earth measured, shall return with a weary body, and an empty mind. Home is more safe, more pleasant, but less fruitful of experience: But, to a mind not working and discursive, all heavens, all earth's are alike. And, as the end of travel is observation; so, the end of observation is the informing of others: for, what is our knowledge if smothered in ourselves, so as it is not known to more? Such secret delight can content none but an envious nature. You have breathed many and cold airs, gone far, seen much, heard more, observed all. These two years you have spent in imitation of Nabuchadnezzars seven; conversing with such creatures as Paul fought with at Ephesus. Alas! what a face, yea what a back of a Church have you seen? what manners? what people? Amongst whom, ignorant Superstition strives with close Atheism, Treachery with Cruelty, one Devil with another; while Truth and Virtue do not so much as give any challenge of resistance. Returning once to our England after this experience, I imagine you doubted whether you were on Earth, or in Heaven. Now then (if you will hear me, whom you were wont) as you have observed what you have seen, and written what you have observed; so, publish what you have written: It shall be a grateful labour, to us, to Posterity. I am deceived, if the fickleness of the Russian State, have not yielded more memorable matter of History than any other in our Age, or perhaps many Centuries of our Predecessors. How shall I think, but that God sent you thither before these broils, to be the witness, the Register of so famous mutations? He loves to have those just evils which he doth in one part of the World, known to the whole, and those evils, which men do in the night of their secrecy, brought forth into the Theatre of the World; that the evil of men's sin being compared with the evil of his punishment, may justify his proceedings, and condemn theirs. Your work shall thus honour him▪ besides your second service, in the benefit of the Church. For, whiles you discourse of the open Tyranny of that Russian Nero, john Basilius; the more secret, no less bloody plots of Boris; the ill success of a stolen Crown, though set upon the head of an harmless Son; the bold attempts and miserable end of a false, yet aspiring challenge; the perfidiousness of a servile people, unworthy of better Governors; the misse-carriage of wicked Governors, unworthy of better Subjects; the unjust usurpations of men, just (though late) revenges of God; cruelty rewarded with blood, wrong claims with overthrow, treachery with bondage; the Reader, with some secret horror, shall draw-in delight, and with delight instruction: Neither kn●w I any Relation whence he shall take out a more easy Lesson of justice, of Loyalty, of Thankfulness. But above all, let the World see and commiserate the hard estate of that worthy and noble Secretary, Buchinsky. Poor Gentleman! his distress recalls ever to my thoughts Aesop's Stork, taken amongst the Cranes: He now nourishes his hair, under the displeasure of a foreign Prince; At once in durance, and banishment. He served an ill Master; but, with an honest heart, with clean hands. The Master's injustice doth no more infect a good Servant, than the truth of the Servant can justify his ill Master. A bad Work man may use a good Instrument: and ofttimes a clean Napkin wipeth a foul mouth. It joys me yet to think, that his piety, as it ever held friendship in Heaven, so now it wins him friends in this our other World: Lo, even from our Island unexpected deliverance takes a long flight, and blesseth him beyond hope; yea rather, from Heaven, by us. That God, whom he serves, will be known to those rude and scarce humane Christians, for a protector of innocence, a favourer of truth, a rewarder of piety. The mercy of our gracious King, the compassion of an honourable Counsellor, the love of a true friend, and (which wrought all, and set all on work) the grace of our good God, shall now lose those bonds, and give a glad welcome to his liberty, and a willng farell to his distress. He shall (I hope) live to acknowledge this; in the mean time, I do for him. Those Russian Affairs are not more worthy of your Records, than your love to this friend is worthy of mine. For neither could this large Seâ drown or quench it, nor time and absence (which are w●nt to breed a lingering consumption of friendship) abate the heat of that affection, which his kindness bred, religion nourished. Both rareness, and worth shall commend this true love; which (to say true) hath been now long out of fashion. Never time's yielded more love; but, not more subtle. For every man loves himself in another, loves the estate in the person: Hope of advantage is the Loadstone that draws the iron hearts of men; not virtue, not dese●t. No Age afforded more Parasites, fewer friends: The most are friendly in si●ht▪ serviceable in expectation, hollow in love, trustless in experience. Yet now, Buchinsky, see and confess thou h●st found one friend, which hath made thee many, etc. §. V. Of the miserable estate of Russia after SWISKEYS deportation, their election of the King of Poland's Son, their Interregnum and popular estate, and choosing at last of the present Emperor, with some remarkabe accidents in his time. THus have we seen the Russian sins utterly rooting up so many Russian Imperial Families and persons: the whole Family of juan extirpate, that of Boris succeeding, annihilate; two pretending Demetrij and Suiskie extinct: and yet have we greater abominations to show you. No Tyrant, no Serpent, no Dragon is so exorbitant and prodigious as that which hath many heads▪ and therefore in divine Visions Monarchies (how ever excessive and tyrannical) have been resembled by simpler and more uniform beasts, but the Devil in a great red Dragon with seven heads and ten horns, Dan. 2. & 7. & 8 Ap. 12.3. & 13.1, 2. & 17.1. jud. 17.6. & 18.1. & 19.1. & 21.25. and the Beast likewise to which he gave his power and his seat and great authority, which opened his mouth in blasphemy against God, etc. On which sat the great Whore, the Antichristian Babylon. There was no King in Israel, is both Alpha and Omega, Preface and Conclusion, Divine Writ to some misery in Israel; as if all Kings and no King, were the Circumference of all the lines proceeding from Mischief's Centre. And now was Russia a Monster of many heads, that is, a body fallen into many pieces. One man possessed of the Wife of that double Demetrius, got to Astracan, there seating himself to set up an usurped shop of Rule; the Southern parts chose Prince Vladislaus, Son of K. Sigismond of Poland; jud. 9 Popular government in Russia. ●hose of the North thought of other Princes; and at last when neither the Figtrees sweetness nor Olives' fatness, nor cheering Wine from the Vine could take place in their inconstancy, the Brambles conceived a fire which devoured the Cedars of Libanus: a popular government happened, or if you will, a Confusion of the multitude bare sway, which killed and murdered every Great Man, whom any Rascal would accuse to be a friend to the Poles, or to any of the dead Emperors, whom those popular injudicious judges fancied not. And now Russia blushed with impudency, that is with shameless sight of the daily effusion and profusion of her best blood; now every man was an Actor: and oh had they been but Actors! too really did they present (not represent) bloody Tragedies, of which their whole Country was becomne the Theatre; the Devil the Choragus (a Murderer from the beginning) and the whole World Spectator, stupid with admiration, quaking with horror of so uncouth a sight! Now for the overtures betwixt the Muscovites, and Stanislaus Stanislawich Zolkiewskie, General of the Polakes, touching their Election of Vladislaus Son of King Sigismond, and the Articles propounded: also the answer of Prince Vladislaus to the same Articles, Anno 1612. I have here expressed in Latin as I found them: fearing I should be over-tedious to translate them, especially seeing the business came not to effect: and the English Articles following of the Russian Embassage to the King of Poland, doth lay open that and other passages of the Russian Confusions. Pacta inter Primarium Ducem Exercituum Regni Poloniae, & inter Heroes Moscoviae. SErenissimi Potentissimique Imperatoris Sigismundi tertij Dei gratia Regis Poloniae, Magnique Ducis Lithuaniae, Russ●ae, Prussiae, Samogitiae, Kieviae, Volhoniae, Podoliae, Po●lachiae, Suecorum, Oestonorum, aliorumque nec non haereditarij Regis Suecorum, Gottorum, Vandalorum, Finlandiaeque Principis. Palatinus Kijeviensis, Primarius Dux Exercituum Regni Poloniae Capitaneus Rohativensis, Camaenacensis, Ka●usciensis. Ego Stanislaus Stanislaides Zolkiewsky de Zolkwia, Manifestum facio praes●ntibus pactis, & confirmatis meis literis. Quòd Omnipotentis in Trinitate adorandi Dei gratia, & voluntate, tum & benedictione venerabilis Hermogenis, Moscovitarum, totiusque Russiae Patriarchae, Metropolitarum, Archiepiscoporum, Episcoporum, Archimandrytarum, Humaenorum totiusque venerabilis Cleri. Et post pacta omnium Heroum, Comitum, Capitaneorum, Primariorum Dapiferorum, Aulicorum, Tenutariorum, Aulicorum arcibus Praefectorum, & Decurionum Sclopetariorum, necnon quorumnis Moscoviae haeredum, Heroumque liberorum, Aduenarum, Mercaturam exercentium, jaculatorum, velitum Fabrorum tormentariorum, & reliquorum in colarum magni Imperij Moscovitarum. Heroes, vtpoie Comes Albertus juanoviz Micislawskij, Dux Venceslaus Vencesl●●des Gali●z●ja, Albertus juanoviz Seremetij, Dux Venceslaus Mieliechij, & Primarij Deputati Venceslaus Telepnievij, & Thomas Lugowskij, & universi totius Moscoviae Primates, Egerunt, deliberaveruntque mecum, de eligendo Imperatore, in Wlodijmi●iense universumque Moscovitarum Imperium, ac tradiderunt mihi suam confirmatam figillatamque obligationem & sacrosanctum vivificum baptisma sicrae Regiae Maiestatis exosculati sunt 〈◊〉 tantum Prim●rij Comites, sed etiam Heroes, incolentes Aulici, Capitanei, Primarij Dapiferi, Aulici, Cubicularij, Structores, Tenutarij, & Decuriones Sclopetarior●m, om●●sque dignitatis homines, jaculatores, velites, Fabri Tormentarij, varijsque statu● seruiles, & liberi homines Imperij Moscovitici, Hunc s●●modum: Quod venerabilis Hermogenes Moscoviae, & universae Russiae Patriarcha, Metropolitae, Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Archimandrytae, Humaeni singuli & universi venerabiles Heroes, Capitanei, Primarij Dapiferi, Aulici, Cubicularij, Structores, & Decuriones Sclopetariorum, Tenutarij, haeredes Heroum, Aduenae, homines Mercaturam exercentes, jaculatores, Velites, F●britorimentarij, omnis sortis seruiles, & haereditarij Imperij Moscovitici, constituunt Legatos mittere, atque supplicare magno Imperatori, Serenissimo Sigismundo Regi Poloniae, & Serenissimo sacrae eius Maiestatis Regiae filio Vladis●ao Sigismundi, ut Serenissimus Imperator Sigismundus Rex, commisereri eorum velit, constituatque Vlodijmitiensis●otiusque ●otiusque Imperij Moscovitici Imperatorem Vladislaum Sigismundi sacrae suae Regiae Maiestatis filium. Quod ut fiat, venerabilis Hermogenes totius Moscoviae Patriarcha, Metropolitae, Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Archimandrytae, Humaeni, totu● denique venerabilis Clerus, Deum ter optimum maximum rogat, & Imperatorem Serenissimum Vladislaum Sigismundi filium sacrae Regiae Maiestatis Imperio totius Moscoviae co●stitui laeto exoptant animo. Omnes etiam Heroes, Aulici Imperatorij. Capitanei, Primarij Dapiferi, Equites▪ Cubicularij, Structores, Decuriones Sclopetariorum, Tenutarij, in arcibus Praefecti, Disp●usatores, liberi Heroum, Aduenae, Mercat●ram exercentes, jaculatores, velites, Fabri tormentarij, om●●sque conditionis seruiles, & liberi incolae Imperij Moscoviae, Serenissimi Imperatoris; filij Serenissimi Regis Po●oniae Vladishi Sigismuntoviz, & posteritatis (si quae ipsius futura) exosculati sunt sacrosanctum vi●ificum baptismae, hoc signo indicantes, se cum ipsi Imperatori, tùm omni ipsius posteritati aeternis temporibus seruituros, omniaque prosperima exoptantes, in omnibus non secus ut superioribus haereditarijs màgnis Imperatoribus, & Caesaribus, Magnis item Ducibus universi Imperij Moscovitici, nec ullum malu●● ipsi, & eius posteritati o●inaturos, machinatu●os, cogitaturos, aut alium quempiam ex Moscovito Imperio, vici●isque Imperijs, in Imperatorem Moscoviae, praeter Serenissimum Vladislaum Sigmuntoviz filium▪ Serenissimi Regis Poloniae introductores, adoptaturosue. Quibus verò cum conditionibus in Imperatorem Moscovitici Imperij eum sint suscepturi, hac de re Heroes Dux Albertus juanoviz Mscissawskij cum Collegis suis tradidere mihi obligatorium pactum. Ego verò Primarius dux Regni Poloniae, post pactum●st●d in scriptis mihi traditum; de omnibus punctis cum Heroibus certam conclusionem constituimus, & approbanimus. Harumque conditionum approbandarum gratia tradidi Heroibus Duci Alberto juanoviz cum Collegis eius obligationem, & confirmavi meae manili subscriptione, & sigilli appo●itione, & sacrosanctum vtu●sicum Baptisma exosculatus sum ego Primarius Dux exercituum Regni Poloniae & omnes Primipili, Centuriones sese obligando, pro Magno Imperatore nostro Serenissimo Sigismundo Rege Poloniae▪ ●psinsque filio Serenissimo Vladisl●o, Sigmuntoviz, & pro magnis Imperijs, universoque magno Regno Poloniae, Magnoque Ducatu Lithuaniae, & pro nobismetipsis, tot●que exercitis, qui●st penes sacrosanctam Regiam Maiestatem, & penes me Primarium suum. Eum in modum. Quòd benedictione castissimae Deiparae, & Sanctorum, qui magna miracula in Moscovia praestitere, utpote Sancti Petri Alexij & Anthonij omniumque Sanctorum, Serenissimus Sigismundu Rex noster Poloniae miserebitur Imperij Mosco●itici, & creabit Imperatorem Wldij ni●●ensem, omniumque magnorum Imperiorum, totius Mu●coviae filium sacrae suae Regiae Maiestaris Vladislaum Sigmuntoviz. Cum veròiam Serenissimus Vladislaus Sigmuntoviz filius Serenissimi Regis Poloniae advenerit ad Arcem Sedis Imperatoriae Moscoviticae, tùm coronabitur in Imperatorem Wlodi●miriensem, omniumque, totius Moscoviae Imperiorum, ipsique Imperatoria Corona, & Diadema imponetur à venerabil● Hermogene Patriarcha totius Moscoviae, & ab universo venerabili Clero Graecae Religionis, secundum pristinum morem & dignitatem. Factus verò Serenissimus S.R. Maiestatis fili●s Vladislaus Sigmuntoviz Imperator Moscoviae, Templa Dei in Moscovia per omnes Arces, Vicos, universumque Imperium Moscoviae repur gabit, & augebit in omnibus ad pristinam consuetudinem, & ab omni incommodo tutabitur, tum Sanctis Dei, & Divorum imaginibus, & castissimae Deiparae, omnibus ossibus Sanctorum, quae magna prodigia in Moscovia faciunt, debitum cultum flexis gen●●us praestare, illaque adorare tenebitur. Et Politica, nec non Spirituali utriusque sexus Christianitati, omnibusque vere Christianis, ut sint verae Christianae legis Graecae Religionis non proh●bebit. Romanae Religionis aliarumque diversarum Sectarum Religionis Templa, aut Synagogas, in Moscovitici Imperij Arcibus, & pagis, nullibi aedificare debet ut nihilominus in Arce Moscovia praefata, 〈◊〉 Romanum Templum esse possit, propter homines Polonos, & Lithuanos, qui penes Imperator●m filium Serenissimi R. Polo. sunt futuri, ea de re cum sacra R. Maiestate, & venerabili Hermogene Patriarcha Moscoviae, omnibus spiritualibus, tum Heroibus, & Capitaneis collatio instituenda. Religio autem sacrosancta Graeca nullo in puncto violanda, aut perturbanda, vel alia quaepiam inusitata introducenda est, in idque danda opera, ut sancta, vera, Christiana Graeca Religio, suam integritatem, & cultum retineat, iuxta morem antiquum, nec Imperium Moscoviticum, eiusque incolae veri Christiani, à Graeca Religione ad Romanam, aut aliam quampiam, vi, se● robore, & seruitute, alijsque his similibus modis abducaniur. judaei in universum Moscoviae Imperium causa Mercaturae, aut alterius cuiuspiam rei proficisci n● permittantur. Venerabilia & ossa Sanctorum, ab Imperatore filio Serenissimi R. Pol. Vladislao Sigmuntoviz sancta cum veneratione debent venerari. Et venerabilem Hermogenem Patriarcham Moscoviae, Metropolitas, Archiepiscopos, Episcopos, Arch mandrytas, Humaenos, Praesbyteros, Diacono●, & praesentes spirituales, universumque Clerum Christianae sacrosanctae Religionis Graecae, debito afficere honore, in omnibusque tutar●, spiritualibus negotijs sese immiscendo, alienas sectas praeter Graecam religionem introducere nullas debet. Quod autem Templis, Monasterijsue non Patrum dicatur, de varijs proventibus, & qui dabantur antiquorm tempore Imperatorum Moscoviae, utpotè sacrati panes, legumina, summae pecuniales, & his de varijs reditibus similia: bos proventus Ecclesiae dicatos, & omnium Imperatorum antiquorum Moscoviae, nec Herorum, aut aliorum bominum donationes, siquas Templis, aut Monasterijs Dei dica●erunt, aut dicaturi sunt, adimere debet, nulla secundum antiquum morem constituta violando. Spirituales, & Regulares status nullo modo infringendo, Dimensarijs omnia pensa spiritualia, & Regularia, quibus antiquitus dabantur ex fisco Imperatorio omnia reddendo, ut solitum fuit, & ex Imperatorio Thesauro in Templa & Monasteria, stipem variorum redituum augendo. Heroes, Imperatorij A●lici, Capitanei, Primarij Dapiferi, Cubicularij, & cuiusuis generis Ten●tarij, in omnibus negotijs, in omnibus Imperialibus, Castrensibu●, & terr●stribus causis, in Arcibus Palatini, Capitanei, sine Ten●tarij & Telonarij, aut alij cuiusmodi Praefecti, & omnis conditionis homines, ut antiqua retineant Privilegia prout constitutum est in Moscovitico Imperio, ab antiquis magnis Imperatoribus, in id Serenissimus Imperator incumbet seriò Poloni verò & Lithuani, in Moscouia nullis in terrestribus, forensibus negotijs, aut Arcibus Palatinorum, Capitaneorum●e esse debent, nec successiones Praefecturae, aut dignitatis in Arcibus illi● tribuendae sunt. Quia autem Poloni, & Lithuani ex utroque Imperio videtur consultum, ut praeficiantur confinibus Arcibus ad absolutum levamen huius Imperij, ea de re Serenissimus Imperator cum Heroibus collationem instituet suo tempore. jam vero universa Respublica supplex S●renissimum Imperatorem precatur, ne ad executionem perducat hanc conditionem, antequam fuerit hac in parte utrinque deliberatum. Qui verò Poloni & Lithuani penes Serenissimum Imperatorem Vladislaum Sigmuntoviz sunt futuri, eos non solum honoraturi, sed etiam contentaturi pec●niali numeratione, & promoturi secundum uniuscuiusque merita sumus. Moscovitici Imperij Heroes, Aulicos, Imperatorios, Capitaneos, Primari●s Dapiferos, Cubicularios, Praefectos, Structores, Tenutarios, Arcium Praefectos Sclopetariorum, omnisque ad Aulam Imperatoriam pertinentes homines, & liberos Heroum, Aduenas, Mercatores, Iaculator●s, velites, Fabros tormentarios, & omnis conditiones bellicosos homines, aliosque haeredes Imperij Moscovitici, Serenissimus Imperator debet habere in dignitate, honore, gratia, & amore, ut fuit antiquitus apud primos magnos Moscoviae Imperatores; Nec antiquos mores & status qui erant in Imperio Moscoviae immutare, vel Moscoviae Ducum, Heroumque viduas Aduenis in patria, vel Tenutis ●locar●, aut deprimere. Tributa pecunialia, stipendia reddere, & haereditates quas aliquis possidebat ad haec usque tempora, is etiamnum, & in posterum possid●r● debet. Haereditaria bona à nemine abalienare, sed semper omnibus hominibus Moscovitici Imperij providere perpendendo seruitia eorum, prout aliquis de Republica meritus est. Aduenis omnibus qui vocati fuerant ex varijs Nationibus, à primis Imperatoribus Moscoviae, necessarijs providere, prout antea solitum fuit: nec stipendia, Tenutas, & possessiones eorum ab iis abalienare. Heroibus, Aulicis, Cubicularijs, Dapiferis, & liberis Heroum, omnibusque Aulae Imperatoriae inseruientibus, Imperatoriam benevolentiam commonstrare, & salaria debita, secundum antiquum morem reddere, Serenissimus Imperator tenebitur. Quod si verò alicui salaria multiplicabuntur, possessionesque aut tenutae, supra eius dignitatem, vel contra alicui minuentur, praeter culpam ipsius, ea de re Serenissimus Imperator conferre, & consultare debet cum Heroibus Primarijs: & prout unanimes decreverint, idque secundum aequitatem, ita sit facturus. Qui vero Aulici, aut liberi Heroum sumunt beneficio Imperatoris, ex Arcibus omnibus stipendiarijs, quibus benefici● tempore praeteritorum Magnorum Imperatorum Moscoviae ob merita ipsorum dabantur, illis quoque iam & stipendia pecunialia, & alimentaria, ex Mandato Imperatoris danda sunt. In Arce dicta Moscovia, alijsque Arcibus, judicia exequi debent, & obseruari ut solitum, secundum statuta Moscovitici Imperij. Quod si verò aliqua essent corrigenda, ad corroborationem judiciorum, conceditur Serenissimo Imperators, sed cum consensu omniam Heroum Vniversitatis Moscoviae, ita tamen, ut respondeant aequitati. Magnus autem Imperator Serenissimus Rex Poloniae, Magnus Dux Lithuaniae, eui●sque totius Regni Poloni●, Imperia, necnon Magnus Ducatus Lithuaniae, cum Magno Imperatore filio Regis Polon ae Vla●islao, Sigmuntoviz, cum omnibus Imperijs Moscoviae, in amicitia, soci●tate, amore, aeternis temporibus inviolabiliter, nec contra se invicem exercitus colligere, & bella concitare nullis modis debent. Quod si autem aliquis hostium tentarit impetus facere in Imperium Moscoviae, sive etiam in Regnum Poloniae, & Magnum Ducatum Lithuaniae: contra istiusmodi omnes hostes iunctis viribus insurgere utrumque Imperium tenebitur. Caeterum, in Tartarorum finibus quod si necessum fuerit seruare vtri●sque Imperij milites, cum iam coronatus fuerit filius Serenissimi Regis Poloniae, Imperator Imperij Moscovitarum: hac de re, collatio cum Heroibus instituenda, & cum magno Imperatore Serenissimo Sigismundo Rege Poloniae, idque decenter, animo sincero, absque ulla machinatione dammni alicuius, aut Tyrannidis illationis in homines Moscovitici Imperij: honorem, vitam, aut aliud quippiam istiusmodi nemini adimendo, cuiuscunque conditionis ille fuerit: Aut si in Poloniam, vel Lithuaniam, aliaque Imperia Moscovitici Imperij homines transmittendo, aut ex Lithuania in locum eorum alicuius alterius generis homines supponendo: Vxores, aut liberos alicuius dolose corrumpendo, vel sobolis procreandae gratia sumendo, & ad exteras Nationes parentes cum liberis transmittendo. Qui autem ex quocunque Imperio istiusmodi facinoris reus, & poena dignus inveniretu●: Is in Imperatorijs & terrestribus iudicibus prou● meruit, puniendus est: & decretum per Imperatorem aut Heroes, vel Capitaneos de illo ferendum. Vxores autem eorum & liberi, fraetres, & qui istud facinus nec perpetrarunt, nec ipsis fuit cognitum, ●ut illud perpetrandum consentiêre. Illi ●edum puniendi, sed secundum aequitatem Privilegiorum suorum, patrimonia, tenutas, vitam,, aulas, retinere debent. Sin verò reus non possit explorari, nemo tum judicio Imperatoris, at Heroum iudicari, puniri, proscribi, vel incarcerari, aut ad alienos transmitti debet: sed unusquisque in suis Tenutis & A●lis conseruari. Steriles autem, quia ex hac decesserint vita, bona ab illis relicta, vel consanguineis ipsorum, sive cuieunque ipsi legaverint, tradenda: id tamen non absque mutua collatione, & consilio esse debet. Porro quoniam tempore praesentis seditionis multi perire, & multos ex Moscovitis prostratos constat à Polonis, & Lithuanis, & contra Polonos & Lithuanos à Moscovitis: istud factum, & nunc, & imposterum, nec commemorandum, nec ulla vindicta utrinque pensandum esse debet. Qui autem Poloni, & Lithuani Primipoli, Centuriones, alijque diversae sortis homines duxère captivitatem in Imperio Moscoviae, quorum aliqui adhuc in vinculis tenentur, illi ex Moscoviae Imperio reddendi, sine ulla pecuniali liberatione. Tum quoque vice versa Aulici, liberi Heroum, jaculatores, Velites, Fabri tormentarij, omnesque seruiles & liberi homines, Aulicorum liberi, jaculatorum, Fabrorum tormentariorum, Sclopetariorum, & horum similium. Item Matres, Vxores, Liberi, & his similes, ex Imperio Moscovitarum, virilis aut muliebris sexus, in praesentem seruitutem praesente primo Moscovitarum, virilis aut muliebris sexus, in praesentem seruitutem praesente primo Moscovitarum Imperatore Venceslao accepti in Poloniam vel Lithuaniam, illi ab Imperatore Serenissimo Rege Poloniae, restitu●●di à minimis ad maximos usque absque pecuniali redemptione. Proventus Imperatorios ex Aroibus, alijsque possessionibus, tum ex tenutis & arendis census, omnesque reditus, debet Serenissimus Imperator exigere, ut antea fecere Primi Imperatores, & prioris Magistratus mores, & statuta absque consensu in nullis immutare. Arces, aut Civitates, quae bello vastatae, ad eas mittere debet Serenissimus Imperator, & praecipere, ut conscribantur Registra eorum, quae per vastationem periere: ut vicissim sumptis proventibus al●und●, secundum conscripta registra possint resarciri. Quorum verò Haereditates, Possessiones, vel Tenutae spoliatae, iis levamen dandum, sed non absque consensu Heroum. Et quae recens vastatae A●ces, illas quamprimum restaurare, confilio mito cum Heroibus, & Nobilibus. Mercatores Moscovitici Imperij omnium Civitatum, in Polonia, & Lithuania, sic Poloni, Lithuani, in Moscouia, Polonia, Lithuania, merces coemere debent more vsi●ato, ut antea: I st●d tamen cavendum, ne invicem sibi facessent negotia Mercatores, & alij Christiani in Lithuaniam ex Russia, & ex Lithuania in Russiam, sese transportando cum mercibus Heroes, & Aulici omnes, mancipia debent in seruitute detinere, prout solitum. In Volda, Dona, & Tekier Arcibus, velites, si illis opus fuerit, seruari debent: do quibus Serenissimus Imperator conferre debet cum Heroibus, & Nobilibus, postquam coronabitur. Arces Moscovitici Imperij, ad Imperatorem pertinentes, tum illae, quae in tenuta● Polonis, & Lithuanis traditae sunt, vel quas iam Vor praefatus sub potestatem suam subiecit: Ego Primarius Dux exercituum Regni Poloniae, constitui cum Heroibus Moscoviae, quod Serenissimus Rex Poloniae, Filio sacrae suae Regiae Maiestatis Serenissimo Vladislao Sigmuntoviz, has arces, cum omnibus qu● sunt vastatae, Moscovitico Imperio restituere debet. Illustres vero Legati Moscovienses, hoc in negotio tractaturi sunt cum sacra Regia Maiestate de sumptibus, & expensis sacr● Regia Maiestatis in milites expositis, & de persoluendis Polonis, & Lithuanis, sunt quoque consultaturi, quomodo absolu● possint. Demetrius supposititius secundus. Vor autem praefatus, qui sese Caesaridem Moscovitici Imperij, Demetrium Euanoviz appellat: de illo, mihi Primo Duci Regni Poloniae consilium meundum, & omnis cura habenda, ut capi, vel penitus è vita tolli possit. Qui postquam captus, vel occisus fuerit, Ego Primarius Dux Exercituum Regni Poloni●, cum exercitu sacrae Maiestatis à primaria Arce, sedis Imperatoriae, Moscovia praefata discedere ad Arcem Mozaisko, vel ubi fuerit opus, post collationem cum Heroibus institutam, ibique Legatos Moscoviae, & mandatum sacrae Regiae Maiestatis, praestolari tenebor. Quod si nihilominus Vor praefatus contra Imperatoriam arcem Moscoviam sic dictam tentaverit insidiari, aut seditiones aliquas excitare; Ego Primarius Dux Regni Poloniae, illum profligare, & armis persequi tenebor. Dominum vero Sapieza, qui se Vor praefato adiunxit, ab illo & exercitum Polonicum, & Lithuanicum abducere; Quod si idem Vor praefatus, ex Moscouia cum Ruthenis disc●sserit, militum autem Polonorum, & Lithuanorum quosdam apud se detinuerit; Ego Primarius Dux Regni Poloniae, cum exercitu sacrae Regiae Maiestatis, una cum Heroibus Moscoviae, ne sanguicidium imposterum exordiatur, sed Imperium pace publica assecuratum stabiliatur, dabimus operam. Demetrij primi 〈…〉. Pala●●●filia. Mulier verò, quae cum eodem Vor praefato per Moscoviticum Imperium, cum exercitu passim grassatur, Imperatricem Moscoviae sese ventilando; illi prohibendum, ne eandem se imposterum cognominare, vel quippiam istiusmodi, aut aliquas difficultates, contra Imperium Moscoviticum moliri audeat: sed, quamprimum in Poloniam reducenda est. Imperator verò Serenissimus, filius Regis Poloniae Vladislaus Sigmuntoviz in omnibus antiquitus, iura sancita, & pacta Magnorum Legatorum Moscoviae, cum Serenissimo Sigismundo Rege Poloniae, & confirmata privilegia imitari debet. Civitatem & Arcem Smolinsk praefatum quod attinet; Ego Dux Primarius exercituum regni Poloniae supplicabo apud S.R. Maiestatem, ut prohibeat, ne milites in Civitate tanta homicidia exerceant, & Arcem spolient. De ba●tismate verò, ut illud Imperator Vladislaus Sigmuntoviz, filius sacrae Regiae Maiestatis suscipiat, De Baptismo repetendo. & baptizetur in illorum Sacrosancta legis Graecae religione, in illaque perseveret, ut & de aliis nonaum contractis actis, & conditionibus, & reliquis circumstantijs antiquitus in Imperio Moscovitico, ad praesentem usque expeditionem bellicam obseruatis: Inter Serenissimos Imperatores & Imperia omnium, con●ilium & collatio institui debet, ut amor, & amicitia, utrinque augeri, & conseruari possit. Qua de re, Ego Primarius Dux militiae, cum iam à S.R. Maiestate commissa, & mandata nulla habeam, contuli cum Heroibus, quid ipsis responsi sum daturus: sed primùm cum sacrae Regia Maiestate hoc in negotio, tum etiam cum Serenissimo Imperatore Vladislao Sigmuntoviz filio sacrae Regiae Maiestatis, conferam. Insuper, Ego Primarius Dux exercituum regni Poloniae, in Arcem Moscoviam praefatam, Polonos, Lithuanos, Germanos, & omnis generis bellicosos, qui sunt mecum, & cum Domino Sapieza, absque permissu Heroum, vel ipsa necessitate, intromittere non debeo. In Arcem Moscoviam praefatam, Mercatorum Polonorum, & Lithuanorum, mercium coemendarum gratia, ex omnibus Provincijs regni Poloniae, cum meis Imperialibus testimonialibus literis, non ultra viginti, vel paulo plures sunt intromittendi: absque literis à me datis testimonialibus, in Arcem Moscoviam praefatam, aut alibi, nemo proficisci debet. Ob maius verò robur, & confirmationem Pactorum istorum, Ego Primarius regni Poloniae Dux exercituum, Stanislaus Stanislaides, Zolkiewsky de Zolkwia sigillum meum apposui, & manum propriam subscripsi. Sic etiam Domini Primipoli, & Centuriones exercitus, qui tum temporis mihi aderant, ad haec mea scripta nomina sua subscripsere. Datum in Castris, apud Arcem sedis Imperatoriae Moscovitici Imperatoris. Anno 1610. Augusti 27. die. Responsum ad Pacta inter Primarium Ducem Exercituum Regni Poloniae, & Heroes Moscoviae, Serenissimi Regis Poloniae, & Serenissimi VLADISLAI SIGMUNTOVIS Filij Sacrae Regiae Majestatis. MAgnus Dei gratia Imperator Vladislaus Sigmuntoviz, Filius Serenissimi Regis Poloniae, Sueciae, etc. Amplissimi Molcouitarum●mperij ●mperij universo venerabili Clero, Ministris Dei vigilantissimis, Heroibus, Capitaneis, Liberis Heroum, Aduocatis velitum, jaculatoribus, & Velitibus, Adue●is, Mercatoribus, omnibus seruilibus, & liberis hominibus significamus, Nos quandoquidem v●bis Imperatorem totius Imperij Moscovitici, Caesarem, & Magnum Principem Wlodymiriensem, necnon universarum Moscovitici Imperij Provinciarum coronari petijstis: Nos quoque post Legato●um vestrorum supplicationem, pro vobis intercessimus apud Serenissimum Tertium Regem Poloniae, Magnumque Duc●m Lithuaniae, Dominum parentem nostrum, ut secundum suae sacrae Regia Maiestatis misericordiam, consuetudinem, vestrae subveniat calamitati, & prout caepit, ad finem usque vos, & totum Moscoviticum Imperium restauret, & pace confirmet: & sanguinem Christianum qui per malos quosdam pacis publicae violatores, & periuros effunditur, coerce●t: Serenissimus itaque Rex Poloniae, Dominus Parens noster, post vestr●m Legatorum supplicationem, & nostram filij sui intercessionem, Decrevit nobiscum filio suo, in Moscoviticum Imperi●m, iter quamprimum suscipere: ut confirmetur Imperium, & sanguicidium sanguinis vestri cohibeatur, vobis vero pax, & Pairia, ex integra restituatur. Et vobis venerabili Clero, Heroibus, Incolis, Capitaneis, & universis cuiuscunque sortis hominibus, Spiritualibus, & Politicis, istud necessariò sciendum est. Vos autem, qui Serenissimo Regi Poloniae, Domino Parenti nostro, & nobis, ad hoc usque temp●s fidem inviolatam conseruastis, iam quoque●obis Magnis Imperatoribus vestris officia vestra, & promp●●●udinem animi conseruabitis, adventumque nostrum in Imperium Moscoviticum, cum gaudio in pace expectabitis. Qui verò malâ de nobis opinione, contumacia, & seductione Vo● praefiti, repulsam fecere, iis ne amplius ●ergiuer sentur, promittendo illis nostram benevolentiam, & amorem, persuadere debetis, & ad nos Imperatores convertere, ut sint quoque vobiscum unanimes, Et supremi Cancellarij Exercitus, Serenissimique Regis Poloniae, Domini Parentes nostri, nostrisque sese ad●●ngant: Et cum supremo Cancellario, de nostris Imperatorijs, & terrestribus negotijs consultent, commodaque Patriae curent, ut quamprimum possit Imperium Moscoviticum, ad pr●stinum statum reduci, & paci, ac tranquillitati antiquae restitui ● ac nos, do●ec venerimus, laeti praestolentur. Seditiosis, ac male de nobis opinantibus, nullam fidem habeant, nec ullis obediant, qui secundum animi sui praesumptionem falsam, se suamque posteritatem Imperatoribus Moscoviticis successuram arbitrantur. Et qui de sacra Regia Maiestate, Domino Parente nostro, nobisque metipsis, rumores nefarios, scriptis ad Arcium Praefectos literis sparsere, & disseminarunt, verbaque dolosè excogitata, inter homines dimisere, & iam disseminant: atque hac tyrannide, & malitia sua, recentes seditiones in Moscovia concitaverunt, quibus multam copiam sanguinis Christiani frustra effundi passi sunt, & totum Imperium diviserunt, & hac pertinacia, atque malitia sua, Dei ter Opt. Max. castissimaeque Deipar● voluntati, necnon Serenissimi Sigismundi Dei gratia Regis Poloniae misericordiae, & ipsius benevolo erga se animo adversantur, Nobisque Serenissimo Imperatori iuramentum exosculatione vinifici Baptismatis praestitum violant. Quare quosdam eorum iam etiam propterea Deus Omnipotens, iusto suo iudicio, ex hac vita sustulit, & punijt: quosdam verò, eius atrocissima vindicta expectat, nisi à sua contumacia conversi, apud nos, Magnos Imperatores suos, culpam quamprimum supplices deprecentur. Insuper, omnibus vobis in universum sciendum est, quod ij, qui ad nos Magnos Imperatores suos, & nostram misericordiam, asylumque confugerint, iis secundum magnum affectum nostrum Imperatorium, miserebimur: paenis remissis condonabimus omnia, & in tutelam eosdem nostrum recipiemus. Sacrosanctam quoque Religionem vestram Legis Gracae permittimus, earumque secundum constitutiones Patrum Sanctorum, tuebimur, in nullo puncto violandam, & immutandam. Et universam vener abilium Patrum, Ministror●m Dei Confessariorum vestrorum Coronam, debito in honore sumus habituri. Heroes, Aulicos, & cuiuscunque sortis alios deligere, promovere, patriam possessionem, pecunialem, aliamque omnem provisionem, à nemine abalienando: sed suum unicuique attribuere promittimus, secundum antiquam consuetudinem: & insuper nostra Imperatoria prouisione, unumquemque secundum ipsius dignitatem, & merita promovere. Qui autem in malitia, & cont●macia sua perseverare non cessabunt, ij, Deum Opt. Max. & ●astissiman eius Genitricem, strictissimo illos glad●o punituros certo sciant: & nostrum Imperatorium benevolum, animum, in iram, & vindictam mutatum experientur. Non vult enim Deus Omnipotens, ut, ob▪ malitiam, & contumaciam Rebellium, innocentium ulterius sanguis effundatur, Templa Dei spolientur, & gloria sancti Nominis e●us, magis, ac magis deprimatur. Vos omnes, apud animum vestrum diligentius perpendite, & his, qui adhus nobis tergiuer santur renunciate, ut animo mutato, ad veritatis agnitionem redeant, & seditiosos, & pacis publicae diremptores reliquant. jam vero, ad quas Arces, & Civitates, hae literae nostrae pervenerint, Mandamus, ut eorum Capitanei, & Tenutarij, omnia ad victum necessaria, & pecuniam colligant, in paratisque habeant, ad nostrum adventum. Interea Exercitus sacrae Regiae Maiestatis, Domini Parentis nostri, nostrique proprij, ne ullum detrimentum patiantur, sed una in fraterno amore, quoad venerimus, vivatis, Et donec Opt. Max. ex mera gratia sua, nostraque Imperatorium cura, & diligentia, toto Imperio Moscovitico firmato, & restaurato, vobis petiri concesserit. Dabantur Varsourae, Anno Domini 1612. 9 die Martij. The points of the Embassage of the Russian Messenger sent to his sacred Majesty, briefly collected. Ru●eck. BY what manner their natural Lords ruled over them, they alleged, to wit, beginning from Bor●k, who was of the blood of Augustus Caesar, Emperor of Rome, even unto the last Lord and Emperor Pheodor Euanowich, Pheodor Euanowich. Boris Godonove. in whom their Race ceased. That Boris Godonove abiding with Pheodor Euanowich, was created (by his own force and power) Emperor or Lord: but after a little time, the pleasure of God so working, being thrust-out of the Imperial seat, departed this life shamefully, and by violent death, together with his Wife and Children. Gregorij Eutropio, Rostrige. Demetrij Euanowich. Primates. That Christophorus Otropitij the Rostrige, being of base descent, under the Name which he did bear of Emperor, otherwise Demetrij Euanowich, slain at Owglets, did fraudulently and by deceit (wherewith he deceived the common people, and others that believed them) obtain the Imperial Seat by force, without the consent of the Spiritualty, and all the chief Bishops and Lords, and great men of the Kingdom, who durst not withstand the same, seeing the Commons to yield thereunto. Lord Palatin of Sandomire. How the excellent Lord Palatin of Sandomire, gave his daughter in marriage to the Rostrige, and himself (many Gentlemen both of the Kingdom of Poland, and great Duchy of Litow, accompanying him) came into Moscovia. Vasili Euanowich Suiskey. Then, that Vasili Euanowich Suiskey, with his brethren, and many others associated to this attempt, and stirring up other great men of the Land, did kill the Rostrige, with many Gentlemen of Poland, and the great Duchy of Litow, and put the rest into diverse Castles. And himself was made Emperor, although he were not elected by all the States. Whereupon many of our sort did not willingly acknowledge him Emperor, and many would not obey him. The Wor. Coluga. How another named the Wor, did rise up at Kalusia, and caused himself to be named Demetrij, and so accounted. Whereof when many (both Russes and Poles) heard, they assembled unto him, thinking him to be the true Demetrij: and the Russes did so much the more willingly draw unto him, because of the murderers. Other Worse, or pretenders, juan, Peter, Pheodor. How others called Worse, did name and call themselves sons of the slain Emperor, as juan, Peter, Pheodor, and by many and diverse other names: and under the same names, did consume the State, and shed much blood. How the King's sacred Majesty, coming to S●olensko, sent his Messengers the Lord of Praemislave, The King of Poland. The Lord of Praemislave. and other noble men, who coming unto the Camp, the forenamed Worse fled away: but diverse of the Russes came unto his Majesty. And taking counsel with the Boiarins, at that time remaining with Suiskey in the chief City, we sent our Messengers to his Majesty at that time, being at Smolensko, viz. Michael Salticove, and others, requesting that his Majesty would grant us his Son to be our Lord. Michael Salticove. How they were dispatched away, and what answer they brought from his Majesty, with conditions engrossed, and signed with his hand and seal. The Articles are before in Latin. How that after the deposing of Suiskey, the noble Lord General of the Kingdom, coming into Moscovia, concluded all the said businesses and treaties: and confirmed them with the oath of himself, and his fellow Soldiers. And that they after that oath, likewise made their oath for the same. Then, that for the greater defence of the said principal City from the Worse, they sent Soldiers into the City, and sent also their Messengers from the whole Country Fidareta, the Metropolitan and Vasili Galichin, Vasili Galichin. with others, unto the King's Majesty, and required an oath in his Majesty's behalf, of all the several Provinces. How that his Majesty's Soldiers dwelled and behaved themselves in this capital City of Moscow, before the troubles began, without injuring any man, punishing the evil according to their deserts. How the Boiarins handled other Gentlemen, and principal persons of the Ruff Religion, although more inclined unto them: but especially the Officers and Servants of the Worse, as also such as had fled over. It followeth, how they often sent word unto the City of Smolensko, and willed them to deliver up the City unto his Majesty, to be under his prosperous government and power. As for the secret plots of their Messengers, Galechin. Galechin and others, they said, they were ignorant, as also of some unknown practices, handled with the Wor called Halusin. But they said, that they had written very often to the City of Smolensko, Halusia a Wor or Pretender. and commanded them to do whatsoever stood with his Majesty's pleasure, and liked him, without further effusion of blood. How also it befell in the chief City to Lepun, and Sa●usky, and the other Rebels, Lepun. Saruski. when they violated their fidelity. That they certified his Majesty's Soldiers thereof, and that they, with them, did rise against the Rebels, and that even to this present, they do keep, and will keep their oath once made, and their due obedience unto their Lord. And, in that Lepun was punished of God for his treachery, and departed this life with so shameful a death, we think it to be for the good example of others, to reduce them into their former estate, to revoke others unto their fidelity, and for keeping their oath already given. Therefore, after many circumstances, they inferred, that they would presently send their Messengers to the general Parliament: but moved with the persuasion of the honourable Lord General, to wit, that his Majesty would be contented with their fidelity once made, and performed under oath, and with their grief for the same cause, and will cheerfully forgive them: and doth not refuse to give his Son to reign over them. Adding withal, that many Kingdoms, to wit, the Kingdom of Hungary, the Kingdom of Bohemia, and a great part of Russia, do earnestly request, that he would receive them under the happy government of his Majesty: that they might enjoy the privileges of Poland, and Litow, to which, none in the whole world can be compared. But, because his Excellent Majesty, as a Christian Lord, rejecting all other Kingdoms, and Dominions, will graciously receive under his Rule and government the said Dominions, and that he is sorry for their destruction: he therefore now admonisheth them, if they will be under his prosperous Rule, and enter into an union together with the Kingdom of Poland, and the great Duchy of Litow, and live friendly with them: if they will perform, and consent thereunto, His Excellent Majesty promiseth to remit their offence, and to receive them under his happy government and authority, and refuseth, The King assents. and by no means will alter or change their faith and conscience, or places dedicated unto God, or builded for devotion: neither will impose on them any other Religion, or alter their ancient Manners, or Customs, but will bestow on them privileges and offices: and that the Rights and Privileges, which the Poles, with the great Duchy of Litow do enjoy, shall be conferred on them: and that they shall be equalled with the Kingdom and great Duchy of Litow, etc. which jurisdictions and privileges, in former times, their Predecessors wanted. For this persuasion therefore of the honourable Lord General, which he had in charge from his Majesty to make, they yield all thanks: but notwithstanding they propound, and plainly add, that their oath shall be so, that his Majesty's son shall succeed in their government, with certain additions, to wit, that they will have none other over them but only his Majesty's son, and that the whole Land doth make it known, and propound their judgement and sentence, by way of denunciation, that by no means, but by offering his Majesty's son, these troubles of Moscovia can be extinguished. Adding withal, that at that time, in the first troubles, when the honourable Lord General came into the Country of Moscovia, and required the oath for the King's Majesty's son: if his Majesty had made any mention thereof, it is certain, that the Commons and all the Nobility, would not have consented thereunto by any means, and that greater effusion of blood had risen thereupon: And that they had taken for their Prince Klutzinsky, called the Wor, to whom all were not assembled, who also at that time had a great power of men, as well of Poles, as Russes and Litowes. Klutzinsky a Wor or Pretender, acknowledged Emperor. They therefore seeing the great discord amongst the people, taking counsel, did freely choose for their Lord and Emperor his Excellent Majesty's son, unto whom they had a great affection, and who had a long time before lain in their hearts: assuring themselves also, that by this election of his Majesty's son, many troubles and dissensions would be pacified, and so rejected the aforesaid Wor Klutzinsky: As also they received into their chief City the chief General. But, when it was heard that his Excellent Majesty, would by no means give unto them his son for their Lord, and to rule over them, they fell into such effusion of blood and insurrections, As also the same time, the whole Country of Moscovia looked and expected nothing else then his Majesty's son. Calling to memory, for their better advice, that it was to be feared, lest whilst his Majesty came too late with his son, diverse parts of the Land should choose unto themselves several Lords. As to the Southward the Castles Strachen and others, to the King of Persia; Astracan. Lapland● part of Pomerland and Siberia, to the Kings of Denmark and England; Novogrod, Plesco▪ juanogrod, and others, to the King of Sweden: and that the other Cities would choose to themselves other Lords separate from the rest. In the mean season, they desire his Excellent Majesty, to make a speedy end of these wars, according to his Obligation and promise ratified by the oath of the honourable Lord General, and the whole Army: and that his Majesty himself, with his son, would come into Moscovia. They request also, that his Excellent Majesty would retain with himself and his Son, Counsellors, and Messengers of their Commonwealth, for the ordaining and concluding of perpetual Conditions. They request also, that his Majesty, in the name of his Son, would send unto all the Inhabitants of the Towns, and write unto the several Cities, signifying his coming into their Dominions, and willing, that out of the several Provinces, all sorts of men send their Messengers, to treat and conclude of the affairs of all sorts of People, and of perpetual tranquillity. Promising after the said Charge and Letters to all people in general, and notifying from their said Lord, that (by God's grace) there may be throughout the whole Land of Moscovia, tranquillity, peace, and security. To conclude, they pray heartily unto the Lord God, to grant unto his Majesty in this business begun, a prosperous and speedy end. Russian inconstancy. Thus have we seen dissolute resolutions, or resolute dissoluteness, men only constant in inconstancy, resolved upon irresolution. As we often see sick persons turning every way, and no way eased; in the night time longing for day, and in the day for night; such was now the Russian sickness, they would and they would not, and yet would again, and again would not, they scarcely knew what or why; fluctuating in an inward storm of diversified hopes, fears, desires, distracted affections, no less then in that outward broil of State. For it was not long that they looked toward Poland, whether for breach of conditions of that part, or out of inveterate hate to the Pole, or their national jealousy and distrust of Strangers, or a natural inconstancy; they fell off from that Prince: and their Chancellor (Father to the now reigning Emperor) employed there with others in Embassage) were detained thereupon prisoners. It is also reported that they made secret overtures to His Majesty of Great Britain, and that Sir john Merick and Sir Willam Russel were therein employed: but the strong convulsions and sharp agues and agonies of that State could not, or would not endure the lingering of such remote p●isicke; the wheel of Things being whirled about before such a Treaty might admit a passage of Messengers to and fro. Once that Russian Head grew so heady and giddy, that at last it bred innumerable Heads, Manyheaded body. yea the whole Body became Heads in the worst of tyrannies, a popular (government shall I say? or) confusion. Neither were Hydra's heads (monstrously multiplying two for each cut off) like this: for besides so many Wor's after the first and second Demetrius (which might make up that comparison) each limb, nay almost each hair of this Hydra (not the Nobles alone, but the basest which had nothing but themselves, and were nothing but Numbers) became so many prodigious Heads; they also like Pharaohs lean kine devouring the fat, and upon light pretences beheading themselves in cutting off the heads and nobler Persons amongst them. janson. A. 1612. When they had thus made away almost all the Grandes, and left the South parts to the spoil of the Poles, which once again were drawing near to Moscow to besiege it; the Poles also suffered some disaster, their Soldiers mutinying for want of pay, and banding themselves to return into Poland, there invaded the Mints and Custome-houses, and some governments, detaining them for their pay; sending also threatening Letters to diverse Cities and Towns, forced diverse Nobles and Plebeians to composition. The Turks and Tartars broke likewise into Walachia, Moldavia and Polonia, so that Zolkiewsky or Sulcosky the General was forced to go against them, of whom he made so great a slaughter, that the Great Turk committed the Polake Ambassador at Constantinople to Ward, and threatened the Poles with invasion. These mutinous Soldiers continued mean while that and the next year to spoil Poland, doing much damage to the King and the Bishops, challenging many millions due, as they said, for pay. Yea they passed further into Prussia, and made spoil in every place, on the eight of November 1613. passing with a great prey to Thorn, being parted into three Bands, the Sapians, the Sborovians, and Smolenskians. Another company of them terrified Silesia. The Tartars likewise made impression and committed great spoil in Podolia. God's providence permits not the utter ruin of Russia. Thus an Army divided could not conquer, nor so utterly exterminate Russia as otherwise opportunity was offered: the Pole Soldiers being herein like angry Elephants which sometime recoil upon their own troops and do more spoil than the enemy could either have effected or expected. But whiles the Invaders were thus invaded, the Russes were forward to work those executions on themselves, which their enemies could have wished to them; till at last awakened with the horror of their own evils, some began to think of a better course. In the North about the Dwina, a bold fellow, a Butcher, railing at the Nobilities baseness, and the Officers corruptions, Strange alteration of affairs by a Butcher. said, if they would choose a good Treasurer and pay Soldiers well, they might have those which would fight and expel the Poles their Enemies: provided, that they would first choose a worthy General, for which place he recommended to them a poor maimed Gentleman, called Pozarsky, who had done good service, but being neglected, now had retired himself not far off. Pozarsky chosen General, and a Butcher Treasurer. The multitude approved the Butcher's counsel, and chose Pozarsky for their Leader, and that Butcher for a Treasurer, delivering into his hands what money they had, which he so faithfully disbursed, Pozarsky also discharging so well the trust reposed, that a great Army was gathered, and the siege of Musco thereby raised. And joining with Knes Demetry Mastroukswich (a kind of Tartar which commanded an Army of Cossaks in service of the Ruff) they ●ell in consultation with Boris Liciu, Boris Liciu. the third Great Soldier of that Country, upon choice of an Emperor. Their minds herein disagreeing (some naming one, some another) some named Mastroukswich himself, other for further security against the Poles, and to recompense the sufferings and imprisonment of the Russian Chancellor in Poland, named his young Son Micallowich, Micalowich Son to the Chancellor chosen. under whose Empire (having a good Council appointed) they might live happily. This was first approved by the Cossaks, and then by the other Armies, the Butcher also was taken to become a Counsellor, and those three Leaders aforesaid were made Military Commanders for the present Emperor against the Poles. Ambassadors also were sent to diverse Princes to mediate betwixt them and the Pole, and betwixt them and the Sweden; and by his Majesty of Great Britain (whom God long preserve to reign over us) his countenance and intercession, there hath been some agreement, Our King's mediation. His Father's return and Patriarkship. and the young Emperor hath settled his Domm●ons in peace, making at last a truce for fourteen years with the Poles, obtaining also in that Treaty his Father the Chancellor his liberty and return out of Poland, who since is consecrated Patriarch of Russia. His Ambassador to the Emperor came to Lintz in December 1613. and thence was conveyed by the Emperor's Officers to the Court, where he had solemn audience, where after rich presents of Furs and his Letters, he delivered his speech, janson. that Michael Phedorowich was now by unanimous consent advanced to the Russian Empire, and willing to entertain and continue the ancient confederacy betwixt both Empires: desiring the Imperial Majesty to dehort the Pole from his unjust attempts, to deliver the Ruff Captives, and not again to infest the recovered Musco, but to enter into peace, and abstain from Christian bloodshed. Likewise to send an Ambassador to his Court, etc. This mediation Caesar promised, and gave the Ambassador liberal entertainment, and gentle dispatch. Not long after in May 1614 the Russian Ambassador had audience with the States of the United Provinces at Hage; and before that in England. I was present both at his arrival at Gravesend, and his honourable entertainment into London, and saw him also presently after the running at Tilt and Whitehall, the four and twentieth of March, admitted to his Majesty's presence, performing that Russian Rite of bowing with his face down to or near the ground, etc. Anno 1615. The Turkish Ambassador treated with the Caesarean Majesty about the mediation betwixt the Pole and the Muscovite, who employed to that purpose Erasmus Heidel and the Baron of Dohn. The Pole notwithstanding sent an Army in his Son's challenge (who was shortly to follow to Smolensko) into Muscovia; Pontus Tellagard the Sweden Commander infesting also the Russians at the same time. But the next year 1616. Sir john Merike Knight, Sir I. Merikes negotiation. Sir Dudley Digs was also sent Ambassador in a troublesome time, when he could not with safety pass up to Moscow for the enemy, in the first times of Micalowich. a man of great experience in those Northern parts, was employed his Majesty's Ambassador to negotiate betwixt those two Great Princes, the Moscovite and the Sweden, the Articles of whose composition I obtained by the mediation of Sir Thomas Smith (my ancient Benefactor in this kind) and have here communicated to thee, but in another Chapter as being now past our Tragic Thunders: as also the following Russe-China News, that you may see not only the face of Russia washed from her bloody pollutions, but her hands further than ever extended (fortunate in treaty of Commerce) as far as China: likewise the Ruff Patent to the English. Sweet is the name of Peace, and the thing itself a Heaven upon Earth. BLESSED ARE THE PEACEMAKERS (His Majesty's word elsewhere, here his deed) for they shall be called (said the only begotten Son) the Children of God; even the God of peace will make them his heirs of Heaven, which (models of Deity) seek to establish the peace of God upon Earth. And let it not seem tedious here to present these His Majesty's Travels, amongst our other Travellers, but in a more glorious manner (l●ker to God unmoveable which moveth all things) who hath not only been our Sun, and with lightsome heat and influence filled our British Hemisphere, but hath dispersed his bright rays of Light, and warmed with sweet quickening beams of heat, those remoter frozen Climates of Sweden and Russia, (not to mention, or but to mention the quarrels of Denmark and Sweden) and after their long frosty Night (such is the nature, such was the state of those States) to reduce the fair daylight of Peace, the warmth whereof hath thawed the Icy hardened hearts of Enmity, and filled all things with sweets, and cheer of a returning Spring. Nulla salus bello, pacem te poscimus omnes. CHAP. X. A brief Copy of the points of the Contracts between the Emperor's Majesty, and the King's Majesty of Sweden: at Stolbova the seven and twentieth of February, 1616. Oblivion of former quarrels. Michaelo Pheodorowich Emperor of Russia. Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden. INprimis, and especially that all matters by set aside, forgotten, pacified, and renounced, which passed these former years since the conclusion of peace at Taffina in the year 7003. between the former great Lords, Emperors, and great Dukes of all Russia, and afterwards our great Lord, Emperor and great Duke Michaelo Phedorowich of all Russia Sam. his Imperial Majesty, and Empire of Russia; and between their late high, mighty Lord King Charles the Ninth of Sweden, the above named Kings Majesties highly honoured and beloved Father, especially their high mighty Lord King Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, his Kingly Majesty and the Crown of Sweden: As also both the Princes their Dominions, Lands, Cities, and people, chance or hap of the Subjects, which happened or was done by robbery, burning, kill, or other enmities whatsoever might be, or by whom it was done, that all those griefs and troubles in all matters shall be set aside, and hereafter not be revenged or remembered of neither party, for ever and by this present strong conclusion of peace betwixt our great Lord Emperor and great Duke Michaelo Pheodorowich of all Russia, Sam. and betwixt their great mighty Lord, King Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, etc. and of other Dominions, Lands, Castles, aswell those of old, as those which by this conclusion of peace are given and yielded up, and betwixt all the Subjects and people to be renewed, established, confirmed and held unremovable in the manner of a peace for ever and ever; and sure friendship perpetually: Also that the Emperor's Majesty, and the King's Majesty shall desire one another's best in all matters, and neither seek a better friend, but to deal faithfully and truly in all matters reciprocally. 2. Item, is given unto our great Lord Emperor and great Duke Michaelo Pheodorowich of all Russia, Sam. his heirs, successors and hereafter coming great Lords, Emperors, and great Dukes of all Russia, and the Empire thereof, by their great Lord King Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, for himself, his successors, and hereafter being Kings of Sweden, and for the whole Crown of Sweden, doth deliver and clear by the power of this conclusion of peace, these Castles of the Empire in Russia with the Towns and Suburbs which were taken in these years, Great Novogrod, etc. returned to the Ruff. namely, great Novogrod, Stararousse, Porcove, Lodiga, Odo, with their Territories, Somerskey, Volost, with the Villages belonging to the Emperor's Household, to Metropolie, Monasteries, gentlemen's Lands, Inheritances, Farms, with all their profits and revenues according to former Borders and Limits, except those Castles which the Emperor's Majesty doth yield by power of this Contract of peace, as hereafter more certainly shall be expressed. 3. Item, The King's Majesty of Sweden doth give unto the Emperor's Majesty, with the aforesaid Castles and Towns, all manner of Church ornaments which are in the Church of Sophia, The Sapience of God, and within all Churches and Monasteries in Novogrod, and in other Castles and Towns which the King's Majesty hath given to the Emperor's Majesty without carrying any thing away. Churches restored with their goods, etc. Also the King's Majesty doth give the Metropolite and all the Spiritualty, with all their goods, as also all manner of Russee people what calling soever they be, which are in those Towns, Castles, and Territories, dwelling now or planting themselves there with their Wives, Children, and all their goods whatsoever any hath. As also the King's Majesty shall give all manner of Writings and Books, which are in those Castles and Towns to be found in Roserades judgement houses, or elsewhere with all Ruff Ordnance, Munition, and Provisions there belonging, and the Bells in those aforesaid Castles and Towns, in such manner as they were the twentieth of November last passed, according to agreement made with the Kings most excellent Majesty of Great Britain's Ambassador Sir john Merick, except those Bells which the people of Novogrod themselves did sell after that agreement, Sir I. Merike Ambassador. for the payment of Soldiers, and were carried away from Novogrod, but those Bells which the King's servants and people did take perforce without buying, shall be in right manner sought out and brought back again to Novogrod and restored there. Also which Bells the King's Majesty's people bought at Novogrod, it shall be free for the Novogrod men to redeem them back again at the same price they sold them for, and the King's people hereafter shall not buy any more Bells of the people of Novogrod by no means whatsoever. 4. Item, the King's Majesty's people of Sweden, at their departure out of the Emperor's Majesty's Castles and Towns aforesaid, namely, great Novogrod, Stararouse, Porcove, Lodaga, Somersko, Volosco, Liberty of persons. etc. shall use no violence to the Emperor's Majesty's people by burning, robbing, or killing, neither carry any Ruff people with them to the King's Majesty's side, neither men, nor women, nor children, nor any of their goods: and if any goods remain of the Swethish people, at their going out of the aforesaid Town, which at that time they cannot take all with them, such goods shall be kept in safety by those with whom they are left, till such time as every one of them shall come thither for his own goods, or send some body for them, and these people shall have free liberty to go without all molestation or let, to come for their goods, and to return again at their own convenient time. 5. Item, the King's Majesty's Governors and Officers shall deliver unto the Emperor's Majesty's Voyavodes and Commanders the above named Towns and Castles, to say great Novogrod, Stararouse, Porcove, with their Territories, and Somerskey, Volost in presence of the great Lords, james King, etc. his Majesty's great Ambassador Sir john Merike Knight, etc. or the said King's Majesty's Gentlemen, Time of delivery. the which the above said great Ambassador shall send to that end cleansing and giving over the said Castles and Towns, two weeks after this contract is confirmed between us both, great Commissionors by Writings, Hand, Seale, and Kissing of the Cross of our side, and on their part, by oath upon the holy Evangelists. 6. And after that the Castle of Lodiga and Territories, shall be delivered to the Emperor's Majesty's Messengers by the King's Majesty's Governor, three weeks after the confirmation of this contract, in presence of the abovesaid great Lords, james King, etc. his Gentlemen, which to that purpose the great Ambassador shall send, than the said Castle and Province to be redeemed and given up, with all the Ruff Ordinance, people thereto belonging, none to be carried away, nor no violence to be offered them by robbing, or otherwise spoiling of them; nor no Ruff Ordnance to be carried away. But the Castle of Odow, and Province, and people is to remain on the King's Majesty Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, for a time, till this contract of peace be confirmed by both the Potentates, by their Writings, Odow to remain cautionary. by the Emperor's Majesty with the Seal of the Empire, and by the King's Majesty's hand and Seal of the Kingdom of Sweden, as also by the Emperor's Majesty's kissing of the Cross, and the King's Majesty's Oath upon the holy Evangelists confirmed, and the borders divided and measured out justly. And the Ambassador which both the Princes shall send to that effect having been with both the Princes shall return again to the borders, having well concluded the business, as then two weeks after that time the Emperor's Majesty's Voyavodes and Commanders, which his Majesty shall send for the receiving of the said Castle and Province of Odow from Vlasquo shall receive the said from the King's Majesty's Governors, with all the Ruff people and Ordnance with all their goods, and what they have, and as long as the Castle of Odow is on the King's Majesty's side, all the people of Odow and the Province thereof shall give unto the King's Majesty their former Corn, and do service as before for the maintaining of those Soldiers that remain there, the King's Majesty's people in the mean time shall do to those people of Odow no violence nor robbery, neither carry any Ruff people, or Ordnance from thence, nor cause any to be conveyed away. 7. Item, the King's Majesty G.A. etc. best beloved brother Prince Charles Philip, Prince hereditary of S. etc. shall hereafter lay no claim or challenge to these Castles, and Towns, namely great Novogrod, Charles Philip Prince of Sweden not to lay claim. Porcove, Stararouse, Somerskey, Volost, Odow, Ladogo, and all their confines, borders and Provinces; nor come upon them with no manner of War, to seek to attain them: nor remember any more that oath which formerly the people of those places made to the Prince C. Ph. Also the King's Majesty G.A. shall promise not to give any aid of men or money to his abovesaid Brother C.Ph. against the aforesaid Castles and Towns in no wise. 8. And against or in lieu of the above said our great Lord Emperor, and great D. M.F. of all Russia, Sam. etc. for himself, his successors, and hereafter being great Lords, Zares, Zar or Czar, is a Title of the great Duke. and great Dukes of all Russia, etc. and for the whole Empire of all Russia, etc. especially, for the dominion of Novogrod the great, hath given and yielded unto their high mighty Lord King G.A. of S. etc. from the dominion of Novogrod, from himself and the whole Empire of Russia, especially in respect of love and friendship, these Castles, Forts, and Land, following, which heretofore did adjoin to the Dominions of Novogrod, Places yielded by the Mu●co●ite to the Sweden. as namely Euanogrod, Yam, Coporea, Orieseke, with all unto them adjoining▪ Towns, Lands, and Provinces, with all Towns, and Villages in the Country to them belonging, and due unto them, according to their former, just, and ancient borders, with the people that dwell, and plant themselves there, with all other profits, revenues; and payments, with the shores of Rivers, with Lakes, nothing exempted, the Emperor's Majesty hath yielded, and given to their King's Majesty, G.A. of Sweden, etc. as proper and own to him and his Majesty's successors, and hereafter being Kings of Sweden, and to the Crown of Sweden for an everlasting property for them to hold, without cavillation or any contradiction, by the Emperor's Majesty, or his Majesty's Successors, or hereafter being Emperors, and great Dukes of all Russia, as also by the whole Empire of Russia, and from the Dominion of Novogrod, for everlasting times, in all points, as former great Lords, and great Dukes of all Russia, held and kept the same; namely the late, of blessed memory, great Lord Emperor, and great Duke Euan Vasiliwich, of all Russia, Sam. and the great Lord Emperor, and great Duke, Pheodor Euanowich of all Russia, Sam. and the spiritualty, as Monks, and all others in those Castles and Towns, as well Gentlemen, as other inhabitants of the said places, two weeks after the conclusion of this contract, when it shall be revealed unto them, they shall have free liberty, all such as desire to go to the Emperor's Majesty's side, with their wives, children, families, all goods and chattels, which way soever they will into the Emperor's Majesty's Lands and Towns. And that all Ruff people, in the said Castles, Forts, and Towns, might know the same: it is here agreed and concluded, that as soon as the conclusion of this peace shall be effected and confirmed betwixt us both, the great Potentates great Commissioners shall send their Posts and Messengers into all the aforenamed Towns and Castles, which they in presence of the Lord King james his great Ambassadors, Messengers, shall openly reveal and proclaim, that all spiritualty, with their goods, Courtiers, Gentlemen, Burgesses, and Townsmen, which are desirous to go from thence within two weeks after to the Emperor's Majesty's side, they shall have liberty to go from thence with their wives, children, families, all their goods, and chattles, and none of them to leave any thing behind them against their will, neither to be stayed nor violated by the King's Majesty's people; but moreover, to have convoys and presta●es, to bring them without all fear or wrong to the Emperor's Majesties next borders, in such manner that they be neither robbed nor killed, but especially and certainly, it is concluded and agreed on between us both sides great Commissioners, that all Ruff Country Priests, and Husbandmen in the said Towns and Countries which are given and yielded by the Emperor's Majesty, shall by no manner of means be enticed or carried from thence, but shall remain there with their wives, children, and family, under the Sweths' Crown, as also all Courtiers, Gentlemen, and Burgesses, which do not remove from thence, in the foresaid two weeks. Money to be given to the Sweden. 9 As also from the Emperor's Majesty, great Lord and great Duke M. F. of all Russia, Sam. etc. the King's Majesty, etc. shall have 20000. rubbles, in ready good current unchangeable Silver deynings, and those moneys immediately as soon as this contract of peace shall be concluded and confirmed between us, shall be given to the King's Majesty of Sweden great Commissioners by the great Ambassador of the Kings most excellent Majesty of great Britain his great Ambassador Sir john Merricke, Knight. 10. And as for the Ruff Ordnance in these Castles which shall be given to our Lord Emperor, and great Duke▪ Ordnance and Munition to remain. etc. from the King's Majesty G.A. etc. which Ordnance shall remain there, shall be given to his Majesty's Officers, and what munition of Artillery, as provision for Wars, and Bells, and other matters, which their King's Majesty hath taken in the Land of Russia out of those Castles, before the contract which the King's Majesty's great Commissioners, and the great Lord King james etc. great Ambassador Sir john Merricke, Knight, did erect, as the twentieth of November, such Ordnance and provisions shall remain to the King's Majesty's use, and Crown of Sweden, without all contradiction or cavillation. 11. And because the late great Lord Emperor, and great Duke Vasilly Euanowich of all Russia, Sam. did give and confirm by writings, unto their high, mighty, late Lord, King Charles' the ninth of S. etc. and to the Crown of Sweden the Castle Corela, The contract of V E. for Coreliu and the Territories, confirmed to Sweden and the Province thereof, for that faithful and good willing aid which was done unto him, against the Polish people: in like manner doth confirm, and establish the same by this contract of our great Lord Emperor, and great Duke M.F. etc. the same yielding and donation of the great Lord Zare, and great Duke Vasily Euanowich, etc. for himself, his successors, and hereafter being Emperors, and great Dukes of all Russia, and for the whole Empire of all Russia, that the said Castle of Corella, with all profits, revenues, and rents, by Land and by Water, according to their former ancient, and now being borderers, nothing exempted in all, accordingly as it was by former Emperors, and great Dukes of all Russia, as they possessed and held it, so hereafter it shall remain to their King's Majesty, G.A. of S. etc. and to his Majesty's Successors, and hereafter following Kings of Sweden, and the Crown of Sweden, without all cavillation or contradiction for everlasting times. 12. And that hereafter there be no more difficulty or variance concerning the borderers of the Land, it is concluded and agreed upon, that in this year 7125. upon the first of june, our great Lord Emperor, and great Duke M.F. etc. and their high, mighty King G.A. &c, shall send on both sides, special good Courtiers, and Notaries, to meet between Lodiga and Oreseke, at the mouth of the River Lava, whence it doth fall into the Lake of Lodiga, Commissioners o● both sides to meet. so that they shall meet upon the said River, on the midst of the Bridge, which of both sides their people shall make upon that River, and when there the one shall have showed the other their ample Commissions, and shall appear that they are worthy to measure out the borders thereby, between the Emperor's Majesty, and the King's Majesty's Lands: so that from the borders of Novogrod, Lodiga, and Odow, with their Provinces, and also from Somerskey, Volost, be divided from the ancient and former precincts, and borders of Oreseeke, Copora, Yam and Euanogorod, in just manner as it ought to be, at the same time next ensuing the first day of june, than the said Courtiers and Notaries, three in presence in the said manner on both sides, shall meet together upon the borders of Novogrod, between the Province of Olimets and Corela at Salomensky Town, by the Lake of Lodiga,; which Courtiers also shall view the same Provinces according to the former borders, and as the former are expressed, how they have been, and confirm the same, and if they so chance, that they cannot happen upon the former ancient borders, then shall they, by just inquisition, make new borders and Landmarks, in such manner, that hereafter there be no further controversy concerning those borders, and those Courtiers or Gentlemen shall not part asunder of neither side, till they have sufficiently and friendly ended that business in all manner, and what those Courtiers shall finish and effect in this manner, the same according as befitteth there shall express by writing upon parchment on both sides, and confirm the same by their subscription, Seals, kissing of the Cross, and oath interchangeable: and as concerning the dividing of borders, and the Gentlemen shall do it, as namely of Novogrod, Lodiga, Odo, Somerskey, Volost, of one part, and also between Oreseke, Copora, Yam, and Euanogorod, on the other side, and also between the borders of Novogrod and Corela, shall be set down and written, the same shall be i●remoueable and fast for everlasting times, by our great Lord Emperor, and great Duke Michall Fedorowich of all Russia, etc. and the King's Majesty Gustaws Adolphus, etc. and their successors, and hereafter being on both sides, for everlasting times, according to this contract of an everlasting peace: and for more firm confirmation of the same, that it shall be held and kept; it shall be declared further in the Letters of contract, which shall be hereafter given between both Princes, from the Emperor's Majesty, by kissing the Cross, and confirmation of his said Letters by his great Seal, and by the King's Majesty's oath upon the holy Evangelists. 13. As also the former, of blessed and most famous memory, great Lord Emperor, and great Duke Fedor Euanowich of all Russia, Sam. our great Lord Emperor, and great Duke Michall Fedorowich, of all Russia, Sam, etc. Uncle in conclusion of peace made at Tausin, in the year 7103. did yield and give over all his pretention and claim to the Country of Leifland, as also the great Lord Emperor, and great Duke Vasily Euanowich, of all Russia, Sam. in a conclusion of peace made at Wyburgh, in the year 7117, did renounce the same; so it is now here concluded and agreed, that our great Lord Emperor, and great Duke M. F, etc. and his successors, The title of Leifland resigned by V.E. at Wiburgh, Anno 7117. now confirmed. and hereafter being Emperors and great Dukes, shall at no time for ever challenge unto themselves any right, or pretence to the Country of Leifland; neither shall our great Lord Emperor and great Duke M.F. of all Russia, Sam. nor his successors, great Lords, Emperors, and great Dukes of all Russia, hereafter write unto their great Lord, King Gustaws Adolphus, nor his successors hereafter, being Kings of Sweden, nor to the Crown of Sweden, with the title of Leifland, or those Castles which the Emperor's Majesty hath now renounced to the King's Majesty for ever, neither by Letters of confirmation to write themselves, or name themselves in them, nor suffer his Uoyavodes, Servants and Commanders, to write themselves with the title of Leifland, or the Towns aforesaid, neither in writing nor speeches, to name themselves. As also our great Lord Emperor, and great Duke M. F. of all Russia, Sam. his successors, and hereafter being great Lord Emperor, and great Duke of all Russia, in their writings and speeches, shall give to their King's Majesty, and hereafter being Kings of Sweden, their accustomed title of Leifland, and Corella. Item, on both sides, the great Commissioners have agreed, since at this Treaty we could not accord upon the full title of both the great Potentates; As to entitle the Emperor's Majesty, and of many other Dominions, Lord and Conqueror, and the King's Majesty, with the title of Ingermanland, we have of both sides great Commissioners, referred the same to both great Potentates liking therein; and if that either Potentate will be pleased to write the other with the full title, as to the Emperor's Majesty, the King's Majesty doth write the full title with the word Conqueror; Title to be given. and that the Emperor's Majesty also do write to the King's Majesty his full title with Ingermanland, then both the Potentates are to send those titles by their Ambassadors, and nominate the same full title in one of their Letters of confirmation, and the other. Letter to be written according to this our present agreement: and if in both the Letters, the titles be written to the full as the Emperor's Majesty's full title, with Conqueror; and the King's Majesty with Ingermanland, than both sides Ambassadors shall show one the other the said Letters, and having shown them, shall go to each Prince with the same; if then on either side the Potentate shall not like thereof, and shall send the said Letters of confirmation with the short title, according to this our present agreement: the Ambassadors of both sides shall in like manner make known the same one to the other, and so proceed therewith to both Potentates. 14. Also it is agreed and concluded, that there shall be free commerce of Trade between both the great Kingdoms, the Empire of Russia, and the Kingdom of Swethen, and both Kingdom's subjects: so that all the subjects of our great Lord Emperor, and great Duke Michael Fedorowich, of all Russia, Commerce of Trade. Sam. Merchants of the Dominions of Russia, from Novogrod, Plesco, and other Cities and Towns, paying their due custom, shall have free liberty without let to traffic at Stockholme, Wiburgh, Revel, narve, and other Towns in the Countries of Swethland, Fynland, and Leifland, and they that dwell and plant themselves at juangrod, Yam, Copora, Nettingburgh, and Coreilla, what Nation soever, either Ruff or other people, shall have free liberty without let to traffic, and to trade, paying their due custom, in the right Custom houses, at Moscow, Novogrod, Plesco, Lodiga, and other Towns of Russia, with the Emperor's Majesty's subjects, and also have liberty to travel through the Dominions of our great Lord Emperor, and great Duke M.F. etc. for their trade of Merchandise within the Dominions of Russia. 15. And by reason heretofore our great Lord Emperor and great Duke Michall Phedorowich, of all Russia, etc. his Majesty's subjects Merchants, had their free house of merchandise at Revel, also now by contract of Tausin and Wiburgh, it is concluded they should have a good place for a house, Merchants of both Kingdoms to have houses and Churches in each others Countries. appointed them in Revel, as also in other the King's Majesty's Towns, as at Stockholme, and Wyburgh, they shall have house and Divine Service, according to their Religion, in the said houses, without let or hindrance, but at Revel in their Church, as formerly they have done; yet to set up no Church, according to their Religion. And as heretofore their King's Majesties his Subjects, have had a free house of trade at Novogrod, now also according to the contract of Tausina, and Wyburgh, they are to have a good place for a house, prepared them at Novogrod, and the Emperor's Majesties other Cities, at Moscow and Plesco, house for the said purpose, and use their Divine Service according to their Religion, in the house; but to build no Churches for that use any where. For brevity, I have omitted the following Articles to the 29. the substance whereof is as followeth. The 16. determineth what debts shall be recoverable. The 17. Free passage of Subjects thorough each others Territories. 18. Freedom of Prisoners, on both sides. 19 Liberty of Inhabitants to stay in the places surrendered. 20. Fugitives to be redelivered. 21. Borderers to be restrained from robberies. 22. For ending of quarrels, if any happen. 23.24. Confirmation of former contracts, of Tawsina and Wiburge. 25. No private or public practice to be made against each other. 26. Showing of Letters of confirmation at the meeting of Ambassadors of both sides. 27. Honourable convoy for Ambassadors on either part. 28. And also for Interpreters free passage. 29. Item, It is agreed and concluded, that if by the permission and pleasure of God, there happen an alteration of government in Sweden or Russia, New Ambassadors in case of new successors. them that Prince which shall newly come to his government first, shall reveal by his Ambassador to the other Prince from himself, and after that the other shall visit him by his Ambassador. 30. Item, If it so fall out at any time, that of both sides the Princes, as our great Lord, etc. & their great Lord King Gustavus Adolphus shall find one to the other their great Ambassadors, to confer of good matters, than those said great Ambassadors upon the borders shall meet without all controversy or strife, either between Odow and Euangorou: Place of Ambassadors meeting. or between Lodiga and Oreseke, where they shall think most fitting for them on both sides: in the midst of the division of the borders, and there to confer of these good matters in friendly and loving sort, either by the Prince's Commission or other commandment, as they shall have. 31. Item, If it happen that the Emperor's Majesty's Subjects and Merchants, their Boats, Lodies, and Merchants Vessels shall go to Revel, Wybourgh, or other Towns and Castles of Swethen, Fynland or Liefland, or ships and other Vessels, whereupon the Emperor's Majesty's Ambassadors and Messengers shall be going to the Emperor's Majesty, to the Pope, into England, or any other Kingdom, by the Kingdom of Swethen, or coming back again be cast away and brought to the Swethish shore, either upon the Salt Sea or the Lake of Lodiga, by tempests or other means, such people shall have free liberty without hindrance to go from thence with all the goods they can save or shall get saved, Case of Shipwreck. and the King's Majesty's people shall help them to save their goods. In like manner if it happen with the King's Majesty Gustavus Adolphus of Swethen, etc. Subjects, and Merchants Boats, and Merchants Vessels with Commodities, or otherwise be cast away and brought to the Emperor's Majesty's shore upon the Ladigo or Plesco Lake, than these people shall have free liberty to go away with all their goods which they can save or get to be saved without let or hindrance, and the Emperor's Majesty's people shall help them to save their goods. 32. Item, It is concluded and agreed on, that our great Lord, etc. shall not aid or assist against the King's Majesty of Sweden Gustavus Adolphus, and the Crown of Swethland, the Kingdom of Poland and Lettow, Neither party to aid the Pole & e. nor his Son Ladislaus and the Crown of Poland, and the Dukedom of Lettow, nor all the Dominions of Poland and Lettow, nor shall help him with men or treasure, nor stand for him as one himself▪ nor any other Prince for him shall not practise or seek any thing against the King of Sweden. Those Lands and Castles which belongeth to the Kingdom of Sweden of old, or those which now the Emperor's Majesty hath yielded to the King's Majesty by this conclusion of peace, he shall not seek to get them under him, or have possession of them. In like manner the King's Majesty of Sweden shall not stand against the Emperor's Majesty etc. to assist the King of Poland and Lettow, and all the Dominions of Poland and Lettow, neither with men nor treasure, and not to be with him as one. Neither shall the King's Majesty by himself or other Princes and Governors seek any practice against the Emperor's Majesty and his Lands and Castles which belong to the Emperor of Russia, he shall by no means seek to get under him or possess the same. It is also agreed and concluded between us, that those Ambassadors which the Emperor's Majesty shall send to the King's Majesty, and the King's Majesty to the Emperor's Majesty for the confirmation of this conclusion of peace, shall have full authority to confer between the Emperor's Majesty and the King's Majesty of Swethland for a union and joint assistance against Sigismond King of Poland, and the Crown of Poland, and the great Dukedom of Lettow in such manner as shall be thought fit and requisite by both the Princes. 33. And for more certain and firm assurance, that all this here hath been concluded, and agreed on between us the above said Emperor's Majesty, Confirmation. and King's Majesty's great, ample, and powerful Ambassadors, by the mediation and intercession of the great Lord King james his Majesty's great Ambassador, in his presence, this conclusion is made, established, and finished, and shall by our great Lord, and great Duke M.F. of all Russia, Sam. and by his successors, and hereafter being great Lords, Emperors, and great Dukes▪ be kept faithfully, firmly, and unmoveable, and shall be followed in all points, and finished without all falsehood or deceit: and our great Lords, Emperors, and great Dukes, etc. by his commandment, we his great Commissioners, Ocholuech and Namestincke of Susdall Knese Dannyll Euanowich Mezetskey. Names of the Commissioners. I the Emperor's Majesty's Dwarenni and Namestincke of Shatskey Olexsey Euanowich Zuzen. I the Emperor's Majesty's Duke, Michcola, Meketesin Novokseno. I the Emperor's Majesty's Duke, Dobrenia Semenou, have confirmed this conclusion of peace, with the kissing of the Cross, and thereunto set our hands and Seals: also the King's Majesties of great Britain's great Ambassador, Sir john Merricke Knight, Gentleman of his Majesty's privy Chamber, for the more witnessing of the same, that this is also concluded here between us, hath firmed with his own hand and Seal, both these obligations, and a confirmation, which we the Emperor's Majesty's ample Ambassadors, have given to the King's Majesty's great Commissioners▪ and against that we have taken the like writing of confirmation, from the King's Majesty's great Ambassadors Written at Stalbo, in the year from the creation of the World 7125. the seven and twentieth day of February. Having here presented the fruits of his Majesty's mediation betwixt the Muscovite and Sweden: I thought good also to add this other testimony of B●ati Pacifici, in the peaceable fruits of his endeavours betwixt the said King of Sweden, and the King of Denmark, after bloody wars betwixt them, in which the English voluntaries were so great a part: of whom (if I mistake not) four thousand served the Da●e, under the command of the right honourable the Lord Willoughby. The Articles of agreement betwixt them are these six, concluded January 16. 1613. translated out of the Dutch Copy, Printed at Copenhagen first, and after at Hamburge. 1. That the King of Sweden shall have again the City of Calmar, with all that belongeth unto it, excepting Artillery, which shall be restored to the King of Denmark, or to be sold for his profit. 2. That the King of Denmark shall have Elsborch and Orland, with all the forces and strength of Arensborch, in pawn, for the space of twelve years ensuing, for the sum of fifteen T●n of Gold; the which sum of money the King of Sweden shall pay unto the King of Denmark within the foresaid twelve years, at certain times, in consideration of his charges during the said wars. 3. That the Navigation and passages by Seas and Land to Norway shall be used free without any hindrance of those of Sweden. 4. That Lapland shall be free without giving of any contribution. 5. That the King of Denmark shall have Groneland free, without paying of any contribution unto the King of Sweden. 6. That the King of Denmark shall bear the three Crowns without any gainsaying or contradiction of the King of Sweden (which was the first and principal cause of these aforesaid bloody and unneighbourly wars, and continual eruptions.) Both Kings subscribing hereto. CHAP. XI. A relation of two Russee Cossacks travails, out of Siberia to Catay, and other Countries adjoining thereunto. Also a Copy of the last Patent from the Muscovite. A Copy of a Letter written to the Emperor from his Governors out of Siberia. TO our Lord Emperor and great Duke Michaile Fedr●wich of all Russia, your Majesty's Vassals, Euan K●●raki●, and Euan K●b●●liti●, do knock their heads, etc. Lord this present 7127. year (or 1619) we writ unto your Majesty by a Cozack of Tobolsko, Clement Oboshkin, Ambassador from Catay and from the King of Altine. See sup. pag. 527. & 552. that there were come to Tobolsko Ambassadors out of the Dominions of Catay, and from the King of Altine, with the people of Tobolsko. Euash●● Petlin, and Andrashko Madiegene: And with them together do go to you great Lord Ambassadors, out of the Dominions of Labin, and the Altine Char, from Ski●gia with presents, the which we dispatched to your Majesty, with Burnash Nik●●●●e, the sixth of july, and before them we dispatched to your Majesty Euashk● Pettlin and Patoy Kizall, by whom we sent unto your Majesty a Letter from Tambur, King of Cathay, and a Copy of the King Altines Letter translated, with a Card and description of the places, which way Euashk● Petlin, None able to translate the China Characters. & Andrushko Madigene, passed from the Castle of Tomao, into the Dominions of Catay, as also in what other Dominions they were. The Letter itself which came from Altine Char, Labatharshan doth carry to your Majesty: but as for the Letter out of Catay, there is none in Tobolsko to translate it. The Copy of the Altine Chars, or golden King's Letter to the Emperor of Russia. TO the Lord Emperor and great Duke; The golden King received your Letter. In former times (Lord) it came to my hearing, that your Princely good Ambassadors, did seek a way or passage to come to me, since which time it is now thirteen years, but then the people of 〈◊〉, Tub●nt●▪ Ma●tàra, & black Kolmaks did not suffer your Princely good Ambassadors to come to me, Eastern Tartar Nations. but did rob and spoil them. Now since ten of your Majesty's people are come to me, and I have sent to you Ichkmen Kichenga, to do obeisance unto your Majesty, and see your Princely eyes, wh●n your Majesty vouchsafed to do their obeisance and see your Princely eyes. Russian Presents. And to me you sent of your Grace three Cups of Silver, a Bow, a Sword, two Guns▪ and two Garment Clothes, all which your Princely favours I have received, and what shall be behou●●full for your Majesty from hence▪ I will furnish you withal: As also I am to request your 〈◊〉 in respect the Ambassadors do pass between us very miserably, and poor, by reason's h●re are now some small wars betwixt us and the black K●l●●acks, and there are but small 〈◊〉 Tobolsko Castle, and in the Castles of Tomin, Dark●, and from the Barban people. Now if so be your Majesty will favour me, and defend me with these people from Karakula; and will be plea●ed to 〈◊〉 on war on your own side, and I on mine, that matter will be done between us and all good matters, continue betwixt us. And so by your Princely favour, Ambassadors may continually pass between us. juan Tarchan Varchies and Andrei Tarchan Varchies, did conduct two of your Majesty's Messengers into the Dominions of Catay, according to your Majesty's commandment, and they are returned to me again out of Catay. Also (Lord) there is come unto me the Tarchan of Labaia, and I have sent unto you with my Presents the said Tarchan Labar and Ri●ibacshy An●haij▪ Tarchan of Labaia. Sirgos. Three Leopards, etc. for a Present. His requests. and with them ten men, and two men of Sirgos; in their Letter is written that there is sent unto your Majesty three Leopards with their claws, an Irbish with his claws, three Lizernes with their claws, a red and a yellow Damask upon a gold ground, a piece of Velvet, and an ambling Horse. And I am humbly to request your Majesty, if it be your Majesty's favour to grace me for your own honour with a garment of cloth of Gold, and of diverse colours, five Garments of fine Cloth, a Head-piece, a shirt of Male, a Sword, a Bow, twenty Guns, a Flagon of Gold, a Kettle of Silver, and five sorts of Precious Stones, of each one, a Tennet, a Dwarf, and Workmen to make Guns and Powder, and two thousand pence. Your Majesty's name is grown renowned and famous every where, therefore I do reverence unto your Majesty, because many Kings of many Countries have spread abroad the fame of your Majesty's name every where. And I request that Ambassadors may speedily pass betwixt us, and now if it be your Majesty's favour, I desire you to dispatch these my Ambassadors with speed to me back again. Relation of two Russee travellers of their Voyage to Catay. Tomo a new Castle beyond Ob. See sup. pag. 527. Kirgis. Mutalla. Anno 7128. the three and twentieth of September in the Emperor's Dominions at Soldota, a Cazacke of Siberia, called Euashko Pettlin, did report, being examined of his Travels. The last year past 7127. he said that the Boiaren and Voyavod Knez Euan Simonowich Koorockin, sent him from the Castle of Tomo, and his f●llow● Andrashko, to conduct the King's Altines Ambassadors, as also to inquire or search the Kingdoms of Catay. They went from the Castle of Tomo, about the ninth of May, and traveled from Tomo to Kirgis, with much expedition ten days, and in Kirgis is a Duke subject to the Emperor's Majesty, his name is Nemi, who gave them victuals and post. Through this Land of Kirgis they were half a day, and came to the Dominion of Mutalla, to the Altine King, who gave them provisions and post, and dispatched them thence: so they passed through his Land five weeks to the Country of Sheremugaly; where reigneth a Queen called Manchika, who caused to have provision and post given them. In this Country of Sheromogula they traveled four days, Sheromugola. Q. Manchika. and came into the Dominions of Catay; called Crim, where is a wall made of stone fifteen fathoms high, alongst the side of which wall they went ten days, where they saw petty Towns and Villages belonging to 〈◊〉 Queen Manchika; but in those ten days they saw no people upon the wall at all. At the end of these ten days, Wall of Catay. The gate and guard. they came to the gate, wherein lie very great Pieces of Ordnance, shooting shot as big as a man's head, and in the said gate standeth in watch three thousand men, and they come with their Merchandizes to traffic at the gate. The Altine men also come to the gate, with their Horses to sell to the Catay men; but are not permitted to come within the walls, except very few at once. Thus their whole travel from Tomo Castle to this gate, was twelve weeks, besides some days that they stood still, See for better understanding hereof, Goes & other Jesuits Relations in the second Book. and from the gate to the great Empire of Catay ten days, and came to the City or Castle of Catay about the beginning of September, and were lodged in the great Ambassadors house: and having been there in Catay four days, there used to come unto them a Secretary with two hundred men upon Asses very well apparelled, and did entertain and feast them with Sack and other Drinks made of Grapes, and told them that the Emperor, or King Tambur had sent him to ask them wherefore they were come into the Dominions of Catay. Whereupon they answered that our great Lord and Emperor had sent them to discover the Dominions of Catay, and see the King thereof; but he answered them again, that without presents they could not see the King, and withal gave them a Letter, which Letter they brought with them to Tolbosko, and from thence is sent to the Emperor's Majesty by them. Out of Catay they went about the twelfth of October, and came to the Castle of Tobolsko about Whitsontyde the same year 1619. A Description of the Empires of Catay and Labin, and other Dominions aswell inhabited, as places of Pasture * Such are the Tartars dwellings or fleetings, rather with their beasts. Their journal, or daily journeys from place to place. Huge Lake. called Vlusses and Hordes, and of the great River Ob, And other Rivers and Land passages. FRom Kirgis to the River Bakanna is six days travel, and from Bakanna to Kinchike, is nine days travel, from Kinchike to the great Lake, (in which Lake Rubies or Saphires grow) is three days travel, and the compass of that Lake is twelve days travel on horseback. There falleth also into the said Lake four Rivers, to wit from the East, South, West and North, yet the water doth not increase in the Lake, nor decrease. There falleth yet another River into the said Lake, which cometh from between the East and the North, and is called Kitta, upon which we went fifteen days to the head of it, where we found the King Altine in progress; the way is very stony. And from the King Altine to an Vlusses five days travel; King Altine. Vlusses, or Tartarian Hordes. the Vlusses is called Algunat, and the Duke in it is called T●rm●shine; from him to another Vlusses five days, the Vlusses is called Chikursha, and the Duke in it is called Carakula; from thence to an Vlusses five days called Suldussa, wherein is a King called Chaksa●a, from him to an Vlusses called B●su● five days, the Duke's name is Chichim; from him to an Vlusses called Iglethin, five days, the Duke is Taschils' Cherekta, from him to an Vlusses called Beskuta, five days, the Duke is called Cherkar, from him to an Vlusses called Girut, four days without water, the Duke is called Chiche●●●●. From him to an Vlusses called Isut five days, the Duke of it is called Chechen. From him to an Vlusses called Tulent Vnient four days, the Duke is called Tayku, Katin. From him to the Vlusses Yogorsin three days, there is a King called Bakshuta. Yellow Mugals▪ or Moal-Tartars. Mugalla, or Ta●taria Orientalis from Bughar in Bact●ia to the Sea. From thence to an Vlusses of the yellow Mugalls called Mugolehin, wherein is a Duchess called Manchika, with her Son Ouchai Taichie, it is within two days journey of the Land of Mugalla, a very dangerous passage through the cliffs of the Rocks, which being passed they came into the Land of Mugalla, wherein are two Castles or Cities built of stone, they are called with them Bashum, in one of them is a Duke called Talaij Taishen; and in the other the Duke is called Egidon Taishen; there is also a third City in it called Lobin, wherein doth govern a woman called Duchess Manchika with her Son, the said Duchess doth command all the Cities of Mugalla, and her command extendeth into Catay. If any man be to travel over the borders, and into Catay, he must have a Pass under her Seal; which if they have not, they may not pass through Catay. The Land of Mugalla is great and large from Bughar to the Sea; all the Castles are built with stone four square; at the corners, Towers, the ground or foundation is laid of rough, grey stone, and are covered with 〈◊〉, the gates with counterwards as our Ruff gates are, Their buildings. and upon the gates a●●rum Bells or W●tch-bels of twenty poode weight of metal, the Towers are covered with glazed Tiles; the houses are built with stone four cornered high, within their Courts they have low Vaults, also of stone, the feelings whereof, and of their houses are cunningly painted with all sorts of colours, and very well set forth with flowers for show. In the said Country of Mugalla are two Churches of Friars, or Lobaes, built of square stone, and stand between the East and the South; upon the tops of them are made beasts of stone, and within the Church just against the door are set three great Idols or Images, in the form of women of two and an half fathom long, Friars. Idols. gilt all over from the heads to the feet, and sit a fathom high from the ground upon beasts made of stone, which beasts are painted with all manner of brave colours. Those Idols have each in their hand a Vessel, and there burn before them three tallow Candles; Candles. on the right side of them are erected eight Idols more in the form of men, and on the left side eight Idols more in the form of Maidens, gilded all over from the head to the foot, their arms stretched out after the manner as the Mugall people, or Religious men use to pray. And a little way from these Idols stand two Idols more made naked as a man is in all parts, not to be discerned, even as though he were alive, having before them Candles burning, as small as a straw, Candle burning without flame. Rites of Religion. and burn without a flame only in an Ember or Coral. Their service or singing in these Churches is thus. They have two Trumpets of a great length, about two fathoms and an half long, and when they sound on these Trumpets, an● beat upon Drums, the people fall down upon their knees and clap their hands again, ●a●●ing their arms asunder, they fall to the ground and lie so half an hour. Their Churches are covered with glazed Tiles. As for bread in the Land of Mugalla there grows all manner of 〈◊〉, as Prosse, or Russee Rice, Wheat, Oats, Barley, and all sorts of other Grain 〈…〉 their Wheat bread is as white as Snow. Corne. As for Fruit in Mugalla they have of all 〈…〉 Apples, Melons, Arbuses, Pompions, Cherries, Lemons, Cucumbers, Onions, Garlic●●. 〈…〉 are not fair, but the women exceeding fair, and wear for their Apparel, Velvets and 〈…〉, Fruits. People and attire. the Capes of their Garments both of the men and women hang down to their 〈◊〉. They distil Aqua●it● out of all sorts of Grain, without Hops. As for Pre●ious Stones and Gold they have none, but for Silver they have great store out of Catay. Distilled wine. Their Boots they wear of their own fashion. They have no Horses, only Mules & Asses in abundance; they till and plough their ground with great and small Ploughs, as we do in Siberia at T●bolsk●. Their Cuttuffs are in our Language patriarchs, and both in Mugalla and Catay are but two Cuttuffs; the one was about twenty, Cutuffs, or patriarchs. and the other thirty years of age. Within the Churches are made for them high places with seats whereupon they sit: the King doth honour them with bowing down before them. Their Lobaes are in our Language Friars, which are shorn about twenty years of age, and know no women from their Mother's womb, Lobas, or Friar's Continency, shaving. they eat flesh continually every day, and shave both Beards and Moustaches: their Garments are of Damask of all sorts and colours, and their Hoods yellow, they say that their Religion and ours are all one, only the Ruff Monks are black, and theirs white. Three Kingdoms. Ortus. Beyond the Land of Mugalla are three other Countries or Dominions, stretching towards Bughar, the one called Ortus, the King's name there is Euakan, the City is of stone, and the Kingdom rich. Talguth. The other is called Dominions of Talguth, the King's name is Savelanche, his Cities are also of stone, and his Kingdom rich. Shar. The third Country where the chief City is, is called Shar, and the King thereof is called Zellezney, or Iron King, his Kingdom is rich, and not far from Bughar. From this Iron King come Diamonds, and all these three Kingdoms are under the South, and on the other side of the black Mugalls are the yellow Mugalls, Black Mugols, or Cara Catay. Shrokalga in Catay. Walls of Catay. stretching all alongst the Sea, aswel Towns as walking people, with their Families and Herds. From the Country of Mugalla, where the Duchess Manchika dwelleth, to the City of Shrokalga in Catay, is two days travel on horseback: and the bordering or frontier walls stand under the South towards Bughar, two months travel, all made of Brick of fifteen fathom high, whereupon they told about a hundred Towers in sight, on both sides of them, but towards Bughar, and towards the Sea, the Towers are not to be numbered, and every Tower standeth from another about a flight shot distant. The said wall 〈◊〉 down towards the Sea four months travel. The people of Catay say, that this wall stretcheth alongst from Bughar to the Sea, Tower-becons and the Towers upon it stand very thick; it was made, as they say, to be a border between Mugalla and Catay. The Towers upon it are to the end, that when any enemy appeareth, to kindle fires upon them, to give the people warning to come to their places where they are appointed upon the wall. At the entering without the wall dwell the black Mugalls; and within is the Country and Cities of Catay. Cara Catay. In the wall to Catay are five gates, both low, and strait or narrow, a man cannot ride into them upright on horseback, and except these five gates there is no more in all the wall; But five gates in the wall. there all manner of people pass into the City of Shrokalga. Within the borders or wall is a City or Castle of Catay, called Shirokalga, built of stone, the Governor thereof is called Duke Shubin, Shirocalga. who is sent thither for a time from Tambur King of Catay, the Castle is very high walled and artificially built; the Towers are high after the manner of Moscow Castle, in the Loopholes or Windows are Ordnance planted, as also upon the Gates or Towers; their Ordnance is but short, they have also great store of small shot, and the Watchmen everywhere upon the Gates, Short Ordnance. Towers, and Walls, well appointed; and as soon as they perceive the Sun going down, the Watch dischargeth their Pieces of Ordnance thrice, as also at the break of day in the morning, they shoot out of their Pieces thrice, and do not open the Castle Gates till the sixth hour of the day. Within the Castle are shops built of stone, and painted cunningly with diverse colours, wherein they have all manner of Merchandizes, as Velvets, Damasks, Dorogoes, Taffetas, Cloth of Gold, and Tissue of diverse colours, sundry sorts of Sugars, Cloves, etc. in the Governors' house is a strong Watch of Partisans and Halberds, and their Drums made like great Barrels. When the Governor goeth abroad, they carry a Canopy over him, and make way before him with Rods, as before our Emperor in Moscow. And from Shirokalga to the City Yara is three days travel: this City is large, built of stone, and the circuit of it is two days travel, Yara. with many Towers, and four Gates to come in at, the Markets in the City are well and richly accommodated, with jewels, Merchandizes, Grocery, or Spices, the City well inhabited having no place void or waste in it. The houses and shops are built with stone, with streets between; the Governors here are called Duke By● and Duke ●●chake, here they have Post Stages as we, their Markets have a very odoriferous smell with Spices. And from this City, to a City called Tayth, is three days journey, it is built of stone, large, and high walled, Tayth. & is in compass two days travel about, at the first coming to it are five gates barred and bolted with Iron, very thick and close, fastened with Nails; the houses and shops, or Warehouses are all built of stone, wherein are all manner of Merchandizes, Spices, or Grocery, and precious things more abundant then in the aforesaid Cities, they have Taverns or Drinking houses stored with all manner of Drinks, as Aquanit●, Meade, and Wines from beyond Seas in abundance, there they have also their Watch, Ordnance, and Munition in great store; the Governors of this place are one Duke Tuga, and the other Duke Zumia, there we saw Cinnamon, Anniseeds, Apples, Arbuzes, Melons, Cucumbers, Onions, Garlic, Radish, Carrots, Parsnips, Turnops, Cabbage, Lemons, Poppiseeds, Nutmegs, Rice, Almonds, Pepper, Rhubarb, & many other Fruits, which we know not, so that they want nothing whatsoever groweth in the World▪ the shops are within the City, stored of all manner of Commodity as is said, as also victualling and drinking Houses, stored with all manner of Drinks, where they have also Dicers and Whores, as with us. Their Prisons in the City are of stone, for theft they hang the thieves, and for Robbery or Murder they stake the Murderers, or else head them. And from Shirokalga to a City of Catay, called Shirooan is a day's journey: this City is built of stone high walled, and large in compass, it is a day's travel, it hath twelve Towers; Shirooan. whereupon, as also on the City Gates is planted Ordnance and small shot great store, with a continual Watch or Guard, night and day, at the first coming are five Gates well furnished with Ordnance and Warlike Munition; and from one Gate to the other through the City is half a days going. The Governor of this place is called Duke Sanchik. For Victuals and Merchandizes, here is more than in the Cities mentioned, all their shops very full, and the City so populous, that one can hardly pass the streets for the throng of people. The Ambassadors Houses are also fair built of stone, their Wells covered with Brass, so that this City is adorned more with precious things than the former mentioned, and much more populous. Now from the City of Tayth, to a City called White Castle, is two days travel: this City is built of white stone, and thereof hath his name, it is high walled and large, White Castle. being in compass or circuit three days travel, a● the first entry it hath three Gates under one Tower, the Gates are high and wide with strong Iron bars: and the Gates fastened with Iron Nails whited with Tin, it hath great Ordnance in the Gates and Towers: some Pieces carrying shot of two Poode weight, the shops within the City reach from Gate to Gate, and between them are streets paved with stone, all their shops and houses are built of stone before their shops. They have grates painted cunningly, with all manner of colours, flowers and such like, and upon the shops are the houses painted cunningly with Pictures and flowers in diverse colours, and the painting within is upon Pastboord adorned with Damask and Velvets; here is more abundance of Riches and Commodities then in any of the Cities afore mentioned. The Governors' names here were Duke Toy●an, and Duke Sulan. From this white City, or Castle, to the greatest City of all Cataya, called Catay, is two days journey, where the King himself dwelleth, it is a very great City, Catay greatest City of Catay. If Catay be the same with China (as before in Goes and the Jesuits is observed) many difficulties arise. But this Russian Relation and that of Chaggi Memes seem to agree to place some Catay, North from China, if this did not speak of the wall. The Tartar names so differ from those of the portugals, that it is hard to reconcile them. And the Iesuit● make four months travel from the wall to Pequin, which is here but a few days: except we say the Russes entered the wall at the North East part of it: which the shortness of their journey admits not. Perhaps this chief City was but the chief of that Province where the Viceroy resided, and they were willing to make the most of their travels Russi●a fide Yet the nearness of the Sea, there also causeth scruple. I suppose rather that these Russes entered China but a little way, and received the Viceroys Letter only (there observed with Ragall Rites) and had much by Relation, of that little which they tell. How ever I have here offered this to thy view at more leisure to use thy more judgement. built of white stone four square, and in compass it is four days journey, upon every corner thereof are very great Towers high built, and white, and alongst the wall are very fair and high Towers, likewise white and intermingled with Blue or Azure, upon the Gates, Wall, and Towers, the Loopholes or Windows are well furnished with Ordnance, and a strong Watch. In the midst of this white City standeth a Castle built of Magnet, or Loadstone, wherein the King himself dwelleth, called Tambun; this Castle standeth so in the midst of this City, that every way you have half a days going to it from the Gates, through the streets which hath stone shops on both sides with all manner of Merchandizes; upon their shops they have their houses built of stone, cunningly painted more than the former Cities. The Castle of Magnet is curiously set forth with all manner of artificial and precious devices, in the midst whereof standeth the King's Palace, the top whereof is all gilt over with Gold. And they would not admit us to come before their King without Presents, saying, it was not the manner of Catay, to come before their King without some Present, and though (said they) your white Emperor had but sent with his first Ambassadors to our King some thing of no great value, our King would have sent him many precious things, and dismissed you his Ambassadors honourably, and have sent his Ambassadors with you: but now he only endeth his Letter to your Emperor. The City of Catay, where the King dwelleth, is built upon an even plain ground, and is encompassed round about with a River called Yo●ga, which falleth into the black Sea, which is from the City Catay seven days travel, so that there come no ships nearer the City Catay, than seven days travel off, but all things are transported in small Vessels and ship-boats. The Merchandizes the King doth send into all parts of his Dominions of Catay, and from thence are carried over the borders, into the Land of Mugalla, to the King Altine, to the black Kollmakes, to the Iron King, into Boghar and other Dominions, their patriarchs and Friars, travel with the Commodities, as Velvets, Satins, Damasks, Silver, Leopard Skins, Turkesses, and black Zenders, for which they buy Horses, and bring them into Catay, for in Catay are but few horses, only Mules and Asses, and Cloth they have none, their Horses and Silver goeth into strange Countries, or as they say, Nem●sij, the Silver is made in Bricks, which they call Kritsij, valued each Kritsij at fifty two Rubles, their Apparel they wear with long broad hanging sleeves, like the Gentlewoman's Summer-coats or Letti●ks in Russia, the people are very fair but not warlike, timorous & most their endeavour is in great and rich traffic. They told us that not long before our coming, the people of Mugalla had taken two Castles from them by deceit, also they told us that their King hath a stone which lighteth as the Sun both day and night, called in their Language Sarra, and in our Tongue Iacha●t, or Ruby; another stone they say he hath, which driveth away water from it, it is also called a Ruby. There come to them Strangers, or Nemtsij every year, Merchants. with all manner of Merchandizes, and barter for Dear Skins, and Loshids, Sables, Bevers, Velvets, Taffetas, and Zendews, or Calico; these strangers, they say, come to them out of the black Sea, from the East and the South, also, they say, there is a River called Kartalla: Kartalla River. Ob. which falleth into the great River Ob▪ but they know neither the head, nor the fall of it, they imagine it cometh out of the black Sea, and falleth into it again, upon this River dwell many people with walking Herds. For a triple testimony of Sir john Merikes honourable courtesy, I have added this succeeding Patent, which howsoever in some things it concur with the former of Boris and Demetrius; Yet those being obscurely translated or written, this may illustrate them; and it also presenteth both larger Privileges, the Partriarkes name joined with the Emperors, and the Golden Seal. WE the great Lord Emperor and great Duke Michael Pheodorowich of all Russia, sole Commander of Volodemer, Moscow, and Novogrod, Emperor of Cazan, Emperor of Astracan, Emperor of Siberia, Lord of Plesco, and great Duke of S●olensky, Twensky, Vgorsky, Psermesky, Vatsky, Bolgorsky, and others; Lord and great Duke of Novogrod, in the lower Countries, Cheringosky, Rahansky, Rostouskey, Yaraslausky, Belozersky, Vdorskey, Obdorsky, Condinsky, and of all the Northern parts Commander, and Lord over the Country of juersky, and Caberdynland, Cherkaskey, and of the Dukedoms of Igorskey, and of many other Kingdoms, Lord and Conqueror. Together with the great Lord Philleret Neketich, the holy Patriarch and Head of the Reverend Clergy of the Imperial City of Moscow, and of all Russia by the flesh our natural Father, and by the power of the Holy Ghost our Spiritual Past●r and Ghostly Father. Whereas there was sent unto us the great Lord Emperor, and great Duke Michael Pheodorowich of all Russia, and to our Father, the great Lord, the holy Patriarch of Moscow, and of all Russia, From our loving Brother james, by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland; and of many others his Majesty's Ambassador Sir john Merike, Knight and Gentleman of his Majesty's Privy Chamber, upon both our Princely Affairs. The said Sir john Merike, in the name of our said loving Brother King james requested our Imperial Majesty, and our Father the great Lord, the holy Patriarch, to be pleased graciously to favour the English Merchants, to grant them leave to come with their ships unto our Port and Han●ns of Archangel, with all kind of Commodity's, and freely to traffic from the Sea side, to our Imperial City of Moscow, and to our Patrimony of great Novogrod and Plesco, and unto all other our Cities, Towns, and Countries of our Empire, with all sorts of Commodities, without paying of Custom in as ample manner as formerly hath been granted to the English Merchants, and that our Imperial Majesty, together with our dear Father the holy Patriarch, would be pleased to grant a new our gracious Privileges under our Princely Seal, accordingly as our Predecessors Emperors, and great Dukes of all Russia, have heretofore granted unto them. We therefore the great Lord Emperor, and great Duke Michael Pheodorowich of all Russia, sole Commander; together with our dear Father the holy Patriarch of Moscow, and of all Russia; for the love we bear to our most loving Brother the great Lord King james, with whom we are willing and desirous ever to remain in the strongest bonds of brotherly love and friendship, have graciously granted to his Kingly Majesty's Subjects the English Merchants, Sir Thomas Smith Knight, Sir john Merike Knight, Sir Richard Smith Knight, Sir William Russell Knight, Sir George Bowles Knight, Hugh Hamersley Alderman, Ralph Freeman, Richard Wytch, Morris Abbot, Robert Bateman, William Stone, Rowland Healing, job Hanby, Richard Ironside, Edward james, john Caslen, Benjamin Deicrow, Fabyan Smith, and their fellows free leave to come with their ships into our Kingdoms, into our Countries of Dweena, unto the Port of Archangel, and from thence to our Imperial City of Moscow, and of Novogrod the Great, and unto Plesco, and into all other the Cities of our Empire, to trade and traffic with all kind of Merchandizes, free of all Customs, as well the great Customs as Tole: unlading of Vessels or Boats, passages through any place by water or Land entries, Head-money, Bridge-money, Ferrying, or any manner of Customs, or Duties whatsoever can be named. The English Merchants being thus licenced to trade in our Kingdoms, free of all customs for their own commodities, shall neither colour nor sell strangers wares, as their own; neither shall our people sell for them any of their goods, nor yet shall they keep any of our people under their protection: and into what Cities the English Merchants themselves, or their Factors, or Servants shall come with their goods, it shall be lawful for them freely to traffic and sell their own commodities, in barter, or otherwise against Commodities of our Country. And whensoever the said Merchants shall come into our Patrimony of great Novogrod and Plesco, or into any other the Cities of our Empire; We straightly command our Nobles in general, and all other our authorized peopl, that according to this our Imperial letters of privilege▪ they suffer the foresaid Merchants to pass without all manner of hindrance or lets, & without taking any manner of customs of them for themselves, or for their goods; and into what place soever they shall come, or 〈◊〉 with their Merchandise, and shall not desire to buy nor sell with our people▪ those our authorized 〈◊〉 shall freely let them pass without taking any manner of customs, according to this our Imperial gracious privilege. And wheresoever the English Merchants shall happen to sell or barter ●ny of their 〈…〉 with our Merchants, they are to barter and sell them in their own house by gross sale, and not by 〈…〉 small measure and weight, as by the yard, pound and ounce; that is to say, This doth clear the doubtful passages, pag. 760. their Cloth by whole clothes and Packs: Damask and Velvets by the Pocce; and all other wares that are to be sold by weight accordingly. Also the Wi●es by the great, viz. by the Butt, the Pipe, the Hogshead, and by the A●me, and not by small measure, as Veders or Pots. And the said English Merchants are to sell and barter their own Commodities themselves in our Empire. But the Russee Merchants shall neither sell nor barter for them; neither shall the English carry or transport to or from any place, any Wares belonging to other Strangers, by way of their own goods. And if the said English Merchants shall be desirous, to sell any of their commodities, at Cylmogro, or upon the River of Dwina, or at Vologda or Yeres●aue or other the Towns and Cities of our Empire, they may sell at their pleasures▪ 〈◊〉 likewise at their own choice and pleasure, they may transport their goods into all or any part of our Dominions, and hire Carriers, Boats, and men a● such price as they themselves can agree. Also when the English Merchants themselves, or any of their Factors, do travel out of our Dominions into their own, or other foreign Kingdoms, and that we shall be pleased to deliver them of our Treasure, they shall take it with them, and sell, and barter it for such commodities as we shall think fit and necessary for our use, and Treasury: our Governors, and all other our Officers, in all our Cities and Dominions, shall suffer them and their people freely to pass without taking any custom of them▪ but when the English Merchants have done their traffic, and are going from our City of Moscow, they shall give notice thereof unto the Chancellor of our Office of Ambassadors. Further, when any English Merchants shall come with their Ships and Vessels by Sea, into our Dominions, and that any misfortune happen unto them by shipwreck 〈◊〉 any of our shores or coasts, our Governors and Officers shall cause search to be made for their goods, and shall aid and help them faithfully therein, and the goods gathered together shall be restored to the English Merchants, who shall be at that time in our Kingdoms; and if there shall be at that time none of the English Merchants, or people in our Kingdoms, the said goods shall be taken and laid up in safety, and delivered without delay to the English Merchants when they shall c●me into our Country, and shall challenge the same. Further, of our gracious goodness, we gave free leave to the English Merchants, and Company, to keep the house in Moscow by Saint Maxsime behind the Market place, and shall remain after their old manner, and therein shall have one housekeeper a Ruff, or else one of their own Servants, but no other Russee people: the houses which the English Merchants have in other places of our Dominions, a● at Yereslave, Vologda, Collm. and at Saint Michael Archangel, they shall keep and use at their pleasure, according to our former gracious favour, without paying any duty, rent, tax, or any manner of custom whatsoever: neither shall the people of the said Towns take any thing of them, of theirs, for any duty whatsoever belonging to their houses: and the said English Merchants shall enjoy their said houses peaceably to themselves, without the annoyance of any Stranger or other to lodge in them, whether in time of their being there, or in their absence. And in their houses at Yereslave, Vologda, Collmogro, and Archangel, they shall likewise have a housekeeper of their own people, or of our Subjects, a man or two of the meaner sort; but so, that those our people be no merchants. Their Housekeeper being a Ruff shall not undertake to meddle or sell any of their wares without themselves be present, and they the English Merchants, by virtue of this our gracious Letters of privilege, shall lay their wares and commodities in their own houses, and sell them to whom they please. And it shall be lawful for the said Merchants, when they shall arrive at our Sea Port, to lad and unlade their Merchandizes, as in times past, at their pleasures: and when they lad or unlade their Ships, it shall be lawful for them to hire any of our Subjects to help them, and shall have leave to carry their goods too and fro with their own Vessels, and house them in their own Warehouses: only they shall give a note under their hand to our Governors, Customers, or sworn men, what goods they bring in, and Ship out; Whereby it may be known what goods cometh in, and goeth out of our Kingdoms: but in no wise our Officers shall open or unpacke any of their Wares or Merchandise in any place wheresoever. Also when the English Merchants shall Ship or transport any of their Country Commodities from Saint Michael Archangel, to our royal City of Moscow, or Russee Commodities, into their own Country: our authorised Officers and Customers, by virtue of this our Imperial Letters of privilege, shall suffer them to pass with their goods in and out, without doing them any manner of hindrance. And whensoever any of the said English Merchants or Factors shall have occasion to send overland, out of our Dominions, any of their people, or Servants, into their own Country overland, they shall freely pass by this our special command, only they are to take a pass letter from our Chancellor of the Office of Embassy. And whosoever in any of our Cities, shall have any matter against the English Merchants by way of contention, we command that none of our Governors, nor other of our Officers, do judge the English Merchants, their Factors or people: neither shall they send Officers for them, except for matter of murder or theft, and th●● also not to be done, but by manifest t●ken thereof: but the English Merchants, their Factors and people, shall only have trial, and be judged in our Imperial City of Moscow, by virtue of this our gracious Letters of privilege, before our Chancellor in this Office of Embassy, and in no other place or Town, and he to hear their causes, and to give justice between both parties, according to equity and right; and where the truth cannot be found out by Law, it shall be referred to oath and lot, and on whom soever the lot falls, to him shall the right be adjudged. And if any of the English Merchants, in any of our City: within our Kingdoms, do complain of any wrong offered them by our people, for debts growing by trade or otherwise: we command our Governors, and all other our authorised people, that they presently minister true justice unto them. And for any wrong or other matter of controversy that the English Merchant shall have against any of our Subjects, our Governors and other our authorised people upon their complaint for all controversies (matters of debt excepted) shall give our Subjects so offending upon surety, setting them time to appear at Moscow, to answer the same with the English Merchants, face to face, before our Chancellor, in the Office of Embassy: and in these matters our Chancellor shall truly examine the business, and minister true justice: and what by examination cannot be found, shall be referred, as before, to oath and lot: the judges and justices through our Dominions shall take no kind of duty of the English Merchants for their matters of Law. We will and command, that those our Imperial gracious Letters of privilege, be strictly observed in all points, in all parts of our Dominions, and by all our Subjects, Governors, Secretaries, and other Officers, without disobeying in any thing. And whosoever shall not obey this our Princely and gracious Letters of privildge, but shall offer wrong to the English Merchants, those our Subjects shall be with us in our high displeasure. Th●se our gracious Letters of privileges, are sealed with our Imperial Seal of Gold, in our Princely Palace of our Imperial City of Moscow, Sealed with the Golden Seal. in the year from the World's creation 7129. in the month of May, the eleventh day. Subscribed by our Imperial Majesty's Chancellor of our Office of Embassy, and our privy Chancellor Euan Corbatovesin Gramotin. But it is now high time to leave Russia, and all that Barbarous shore, of Samotees and Tartars: only we will borrow help of some Barbarians to ship us thence to Sea. And although Finch, Gourdon, and others have in the former Book inserted so great light: yet seeing Master Marsh hath entertained other guides, we will take Sea by Ob, and thence set forth on further discoveries. CHAP. XII. Notes concerning the discovery of the River of Ob, taken out of a Roll, written in the Russian tongue, which was attempted by the means of ANTONY MARSH, a chief Factor for the Moscovie Company of England, 1584. with other notes of the North-east. FIrst he wrote a Letter from the City of Moscow, in the year 7092. after the Ruff account, which after our account was in the year 1584. unto four Russes that used to trade from Colmogro to Pechora, and other parts Eastward: whose answer was: By writings received from thee, as also by reports, we understand thou wouldst have us seek out the mouth of the River Ob; which we are content to do; and thou must give therefore fifty rubbles: it is requisite to go to seek it out with two Cochimaes, How to find out Ob from Pechora. or companies; and each Cochima must have ten men: and we must go by the River Pechora upwards in the Spring, by the side of the Ice, as the Ice swimmeth in the River, which will ask a fortnight's time; and then we must fall into Ouson River, and fall down with the stream before we come to Ob, Ouson River. a day and a night in the spring. Then it will hold us eight days to swim down the River Ob, before we come to the mouth: therefore send us a man that can write; and assure thyself the mouth of Ob is deep. On the Russee side of Ob sojourn Samoeds, called Vgorskai & Sibierskie, Samoeds; and on the other side dwell another kind of Samoeds, called Monganet, or Mongaseisky, Samoeds. Vgorskdi and Sibierskie. We must pass by five Castles that stand on the River of Ob. The name of the first is Tesuoi Gorodok, which standeth upon the mouth of the River Pardon. The second small Castle is Nosoro-gorodock, and it standeth hard upon the side of Ob. The third is called Necheiour-goskoy. The fourth is Charedmada. The fifth is Nadesneàa, that is to say, The Castle of comfort, or trust; and it standeth upon the River Ob, lowermost of all the former Castles toward the Sea. Heretofore your people have been at the said River of Obs' mouth with a Ship, A shipwreck at the mouth of Ob. and there was made shipwreck, and your people were slain by the Samoeds, which thought that they came to rob and subdue them. The Trees that grow by the River are Firres, and a kind of white, soft and light Fir, which we call Yell. The banks on both sides are very high, and the water not swift, but still and deep. Fish there are in it as Sturgeons, and Cheri, and Pidle, and Nelma, a dainty fish like white Salmon, and Moucoun, and Sigi, and Sterlidi: but Salmon there are none. Not far distant from the main, at the mouth of Ob, there is an Island, An Island near the mouth of Ob. whereon resort many wild beasts, as white Bears, and the Morses, and such like. And the Samoeds tell us, that in the winter season, they oftentimes find there Morses teeth. If you would have us travel to seek out the mouth of Ob by Sea, we must go by the Isles of Vaygats, and Nova Zembla, The way to discover Ob by Sea Mattpheone or Matthewes land A●ter our stile 1584. and by the Land of Matpheone, that is, by Matthewes Land. And assure thyself that from Vaygats, to the mouth of Ob, by Sea, is but a small matter to sail. Written at Pechora, the year 7092. the twenty one of February. Master MARSM also learned these distances of places and Ports, from Caninos to Ob by Sea. FRom Caninos to the Bay of Medemske (which is somewhat to the East of the River Pechora) is seven days sailing. The Bay of Medemsky is over a day and a half sailing. Caninos. From Medemske Sanorost to Carareca, is six days sailing. Medemske. Carareca. Carska. Ob. From Carska Bay to the farthest side of the River Ob, is nine days sailing. The Bay of Carska is from side to side, a day and a nights sailing. He learned another way by Nova Zembla and Matthuschan you're to Ob, more Northeastward. From Caninos to the Island of Colgoieve, is a day & a nights sailing. Caninos. Colgoieve. Nova Zembla. From Colgoieve to Nova Zembla are two days sailing. There is a great Osera or Lake upon Nova Zembla, where wonderful store of Geese and Swans do breed, and in moulting time cast their feathers, which is about Saint Peter's day: and the Russes of Colmogro repair thither yearly, and our English men venture thither with them several shares in money▪ they bring home great quantity of Doune-Feathers, dried Swans, and Geese, Bears skins, and Fish, etc. Naromske. From Naromske Re●a or River to Mattuschan you're, is six days sailing. From Mattuschan you're to the Peronologli Te●pla, that is to say, To the warm passage over-land, compassing or sailing round about the Sands, Mattuschan Ya● is thirteen days sailing: And there is upon the Sands at a full Sea, seven fathoms water, The Sands. and two fathoms at a low water. The occasion of this highing of the water, is the falling into the Sea of the three Rivers, and the meeting of the two Seas, to wit, The North Sea, and The East Sea, The two Seas. that is, the North and the East Sea. The bigness of the Cliff or Isle of Mattuschan. Anthony Marsh sent two of his men upon the discovery of Ob by land with four Russes. Bodan Master Marsh his man brought to Moscow. which make both high water and great Sands. And you must beware that you come not with your Ship near unto the Island by the River Ob. From Mattuschan you're to this Island, is five days sailing. Mattushan you're is in some parts forty Versts over, and in some parts not past six Versts over. The aforesaid Anthony Marsh sent one Bodan his man, a Ruff borne, with the aforesaid four Russes, and a young youth, a Samoed, which was likewise his Servant, upon the discovery of the River of Ob, by Land, through the Country of the Samoeds, with good store of commodities to traffic with the people. And these his Servants made a rich Voyage of it, and had bartered with the people about the River of Ob, for the value of a thousand rubles in sables, and other fine Furs. But the Emperor having intelligence of this Discovery, and of the way that Bodan returned home by, by one of his chief Officers lay in wait for him, apprehended him, and took from him the aforesaid thousand Marks worth of Sables, and other Merchandises, and delivered them into the Emperor's Treasury, being sealed up, and brought the poor fellow Bodan to the City of Moscow, where he was committed to prison, and whipped, and there detained a long while after, but in the end released. Moreover, the Emperor's Officers asked Anthony Marsh, how he durst presume to deal in any such enterprise? To whom he answered, that by the privileges granted to the English Nation, no part of the Emperor's Dominions were exempted from the English to trade and traffic in: with which answer, Russian jealousy of discovery they were not so satisfied, but that they gave him a great check, and forfeited all the aforesaid thousand Marks worth of goods, charging him not to proceed any further in that action: whereby it seemeth they are very jealous that any Christian should grow acquainted with their Neighbours that border to the North-east of their Dominions, for that there is some great secret that way, which they would reserve to themselves only. Thus much I understood by Master Christopher Holmes. The report of Master FRANCIS CHERRY a Moscovie Merchant, and Master THOMAS LYNDES touching a warm Sea to the Southeast of the River Ob, and a Note of FRANCIS GAULLE. MAster Francis Cherry, one of the chief Merchants of the Moscovy Company, which was the Emperor juan Basiliwich his Interpreter, and hath travailed in person into Per●●a far to the East in Russia, saith, That he hath eaten of the Sturgeon that came out of the River of Ob. And that in those parts it is a common received speech of the Russes that are great travellers, A warm Sea beyond Ob. that beyond Ob to the Southeast there is a warm Sea. Which they express in these words in the Ruff tongue; Za Obyreca moria Teupla, that is to say, Beyond the River Ob is a warm Sea. Master Thomas Lined. Furthermore, Master Thomas Lind an honest and discreet English Merchant, which hath likewise lived many years in those parts of Moscovy, saith, That this Sea beyond Ob, is by the report of the Russes, that are travellers, so warm, that all kind of Sea fowls live there as well in the Winter as in the Summer, which report argueth, that this Sea pierseth far into the South parts of Asia. Third Volume of English voyages, pag 446. FRancis Gaulle that passed the Ocean between japan and Nova Hispania, in the Latitude of 37. degrees and a half, writeth thus. Proving a great Sea to come from the North-east parts of Tartary; running thus East and East and by North about three hundred leagues from japan, we found a very hollow water, with the stream running out of the North and Northwest, with a full and very broad Sea, without any trouble or hindrance in the way that we passed. And what wind soever blue, the Sea continued all in one sort with the same hollow water and stream, until we had passed seven hundred leagues. About two hundred leagues from the Coast of New Spain we began to lose the said hollow Sea, whereby I persuade myself that there you shall find a Channel or straight passage between the firm Land of New Spain and the Country of Asia and Tartary. We found all this way Whales, Tunnies, Bonitoes, which are fishes that ke●pe in Channels, Straits, and running Waters, there to disperse their seed, which further confirmeth me in that opinion. See of these voyages. Hak. Tom. 1. But seeing thus we are shipped from Russia, and have again taken Sea, that which ●ee permitted not to St●phen Burrough, Pet and jackman, nor others, English and Dutch, which have attempted that North east passage; and that which Master Baffin said to me, that if he might have employment, he would adventure to discover from the Coast of China and japan on the North of Asia hitherward; all this shall be suddenly pervious to our swifter and unstayable thoughts, to set us in a new discovery by Danish and English assistance for a Northwest passage so often, not so fortunately attempted, as by Reason it seemeth probable and almost certain, especially th●● way where Sir Th. Button and Nelson left. But we will discover these Discoveries more methodically and historically to you, that you may see the English ancient right, as I may say, to those parts of the new World. CHAP. XIII. Discoveries made by Englishmen to the Northwest: Voyages of Sir SEBASTIAN CABOT, Master thorn, and other Ancients: and of Master WEYMOUTH. WE have before given some light of the Northwest, in hudson's and other men's Voyages. The desire of Riches in some, of Knowledge in others, hath long whetted men's industries, to find out a more compendious way to the East Indies, by a shorter cut than the usual passage, which in going to the places of principal Trade there, and the returning thence by enforced compassings, is made no less a Voyage for time, cost, danger and labour, than the immediate compassing of the whole Globe, as in Master Candishes circumnavigation (not to mention others) is evident. But if either by the North-east, or Northwest, or North, a passage be open, the sight of the Globe (the Image of the site of the World) easily showeth with how much ease, in how little time and expense the same might be effected, the large Lines or Meridian's under the Line containing six hundred miles, contracting themselves proportionably as they grow nearer the Pole, where that vast Line and Circumference itself becomes (as the whole Earth to Heaven, and all earthly things to heavenly) no Line any more, but a Point, but Nothing, but Vanity. Hence such laborious searches from Columbus his first discovery (that also occasioned by a conceit of finding the East by the West, whereupon he named Hispaniola Opbir, thinking he had then arrived at the East Indies) especially the English, seated commodiously for that discovery, and to reign over the Northern and Western Ocean, have herein been more than industrious. Doctor powel in his history of Wales saith, that Madoc son of Owen Guyneth left the Land in contention betwixt his brethren, and prepared certain ships with men and munition, and sought adventures by Sea, sailing West, and leaving the Coast of Ireland so far North, that he came unto a Land unknown, where he saw many strange things. There he left many of his people An. 1170. and returned for more of his own Nation and Friends to inhabit that large Country, going the second time thither with ten sails. Some think that the Mexican Kings (Mutezuma the last, professed that they were strangers) were hence derived. This western Land is like to be some part of the West Indies, though the universal savageness of those parts make it questionable where. But he which seeth how some of our English in small time have grown wild in Ireland, and become in language and qualities Irish, few of whom do in exchange become civilised and English (even as healthful men are easier infected in a contagious air, then sick men recovered in that which is wholesome and sound) will not wonder that in so many Ages the half civilised Welsh, amongst Barbarians, without succession of Priests and intercourse of these parts, might wholly put on feritie. Meredith ap Rise a Welsh Poet, which lived before Columbus had begun his discovery, hath these verses. Madoc wife, myedic wed, jawn Genau, Owyn Guynedd Ni finnum dir, fie enaid oedd Na da Mawr, and y moroedd. that is. Madoc I am the son of Owen Gwynedd, With stature large and comely grace adorned, No lands at home nor store of wealth me please, My mind was whole to search the Ocean seas. Columbus also sent his brother Bartholomew to King Henry the seventh, to make offer of his service in the New-Worlds discovery, which fell by the way into the hands of Pirates, whereupon poverty assaulted him with sickness in a foreign Country, D. ●. Colon de vita patris Chris●oph. Col. 6.13. so that he was forced to get somewhat about him by making of Maps: one whereof had this more ancient than elegant inscription. janua cui patria est, nomen cui Bartholomaeus Columbus de Terra Rubra, opus edidit istud Londonijs An. Domini 1480. atque insuper anno Octavo decimaque die cum tertia mensis Februarij. Laudes Christo cantentur abundè. Whose Country Genua is, whose name Bartholomew Colon de Terra Rubra, this work set forth new At London, A thousand four hundred eighty February thirteenth, sing praise to Christ on height One of these Maps he presented to King Henry with the said offer, who cheerfully accepted the same, and sent to call his brother into England, who before he could effect it, was employed by the Kings of Castille. Columbus his fortunes awakened others industry, amongst the rest john Cabota a Venetian, and his three sons Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius, who obtained a Patent of King Henry the seventh for discovery with five ships with English Masters, Mariners, and Colours also, the same to erect in whatsoever Lands unknown before to Christians, See Hak. tom. 3. pag. 5. to hold the same to them and their Heirs as Vassals and Lieutenants to the Crown of England, paying the fifth part of their gain at Bristol, etc. In the year 1497. john Cabot a Venetian, and Sebastian his son (these are the words of the great Map in his Majesty's privy Gallery, of which Sebastian Cabot is often therein called the Author, and his Picture is therein drawn, with this Title, Effigies Sebast. Caboti Angli, filij Io. Ca Venetiani, Militis Aurati, etc.) discovered that Land which no man before had attempted jun. 24. about five in the morning. This Land he called Prima vista (primum visam, This Map, some say, was taken out of Sir Seb. Cabots' Map by Clem. Adam's 1549. or first seen) because that was first descried from Sea. That Island which lieth out before the land, he called Saint john's Island, because on that feast day it was discovered. The Inhabitants wear beasts skins and as much esteem them, as we do garments most precious. In their wars, they use Bows, Arrows, Pikes, Darts, Clubs of wood and Slings. The soil is barren in some places and yieldeth little fruit, but it is full of white Bears and Stags of unusual greatness. It aboundeth with Fishes and those great, as Seals and Salmon; Soles also an elle long. Especially there is great store of those fishes which they call commonly bacalaos. There breed also Hawks as black as Ravens, Partridges and black Eagles. Thus we see Newfound Land discovered by English Ships, Mariners and jurisdiction. Sir Sebastian Cabot, for his English breeding, conditions, affection and advancement, termed an English man, thus reported of this voyage; Ramus. Tom. 2. That upon occasion of the admiration of Columbus his voyage into the East, where Spices grew, by the West, so rife then in the Court of King Henry the seventh, there arose in his heart a great desire to attempt some notable thing. See Hak. Tom. 3. pag. 7▪ And understanding by the Sphere (saith he) that if I should sail by the Northwest, I should by a shorter Tract come into India; I thereupon caused the King to be advertised of my device; who immediately commanded two Carvels to be furnished with all things appertaining to the Voyage; which was, as far as I remember, in the year 1496. in the beginning of Summer. I began therefore to sail toward the Northwest, not thinking to find any other Land then that of Cathay, All the Coast to Florida discovered by the English: from 67. deg. 30. min. as he writ to Ramusio. R. praefat. Tom. 3. as likewise he was cause of the Russian and Greenland discoveries. and from thence to turn toward India. But after certain days I found that the Land turned toward the North, which was to me a great displeasure. Nevertheless, sailing along by the Coast to see if I could find any Gulf that turned, I found the Land still continent to the 56. degree under our Pole. And seeing that there the Coast turned toward the East, despairing to find the passage, I turned back again, and sailed down by the Coast of that Land toward the Equinoctial (ever with intent to find the said passage to India) and came to that part of this firm land, which is now called Florida; where my victuals failing I returned towards England; the tumults and preparations of wars against Scotland caused that then no more consideration was had to this voyage. Whereupon I went into Spain, etc. By the King and Queen there he was set forth and discovered the River of Plate, and sailed into it more than six score leagues. After this he made many other voyages, etc. Sir Seb. Cabot was after by King Edward the sixth constituted grand Pilot of England with the annual stipend of one hundred and sixty six pounds thirteen shillings and four pence, See sup. l. 2. c. 1. and was Author of the Russian and Northeasterne discoveries. Fabian in his Chronicle A. R. Hen. 7.14. hath this testimony. This year also were brought unto the King three men taken in the Newfound Land, W. Purchas. in William Purchas time being Major. These were clothed in beasts skins, and did eat raw flesh, and spoke such speech that none could understand them, and in their demeanour like to bru●t beasts, whom the King kept a long time after. Two years after I saw two of them at Westminster, apparelled like English, etc. Thorn and Eliot▪ first finders of America. Master Robert thorn writes, that his Father and Master Hugh Eliot a Merchant of Bristol, were the first discoverers of Newfound Land: and if the Mariners would have been ruled and followed their Pilots mind, the West Indies had been ours: so that it seemeth this Discovery was before that of Columbus. Master Hakluyt hath published the particulars of these things more fully, as also diverse Treatises touching the Northwest of Sir Humphrey Gilbert and others: to which I refer the Reader; and no less for the Voyages made by diverse English into those parts: three by Sir Martin Frobisher, in the years 1576, 77, and 78. Two of Captain john Davies, in 86, and 87. that of Master Hore, An. 1536. that of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 1583. that of Master Charles Leigh to Ramea, An. 1597. and before in 1593. that of George Drake; with those of jaques Cartier, and diverse others. My purpose is not to steal Master Hakluyts labours out of the World, by culling and fleecing them for our purpose, but by this Index to instruct men where they may have festival store in this kind. I had rather give you new things. Such are to the World, these that you had before in Hudsons' voyages set together, as also those of Greenland: and such are those of Waymouth, Knight, Hall, Baffin, etc. And first, as Foreman of our Quest, we will give you Sir Humphrey Gilberts Letter, written with his own hand from Newfound Land, whereof he took formal possession to the Crown of England, and was as a Martyr of those Discoveries. It was written to Sir George Peckham (a great Adventurer in that voyage, and a greater in one of longer life, his written Treatise of Western planting, extant in Master Hakluyts third Tome) and I have here inserted, it being hitherto vnprinted, as a memorial of both their worths; and after it (though in time before) we will recreate you with a plain Mariner's Letter endorsed in homely phrase, To the Honourable King's Grace of England, here (as I think) given you from the Original. I have also another written to Cardinal Wolsey touching the same voyage in Latin, by Albertus de Prato; for the antiquity, rather than any remarkable rarity, worthy here to be mentioned. SIr George, I departed from Plymouth on the eleventh of june with five sails, and on the thirteenth the Bark Rawley ran from me in fair and clear weather, having a large wind. I pray you solicit my brother Rawley to make them an example of all Knaves. On the third of August we arrived at a Port called Saint john's, and will put to the Seas from thence (God willing) so soon as our ships will be ready. Of the Newfound Land I will say nothing, until my next Letters. Be of good cheer, for if there were no better expectation, it were a very rich demaynes▪ the Country being very good and full of all sorts of victual, as fish both of the fresh water and Sea-fish, Deer, Pheasants, Partridges, Swans, and diverse Fowls else. I am in haste, you shall by every Messenger hear more at large. On the fifth of August▪ I entered here in the right of the Crown of England; and have engraven the Arms of England, diverse Spaniards, Portugals, and other strangers, witnessing the same. I can stay no longer; fare you well with my good Lady: and be of good cheer, for I have comforted myself, answerable to all my hopes. From Saint john's in the Newfound Land, the 8. of August, 1583. Yours wholly to command, no man more, HUM. GILBART. I mentioned before Master Thorns fathers finding Newfound Land, with Master Eliot. These animated King Henry the eight to set forth two ships for discovery, one of which perished in the North parts of Newfound Land. The Master of the other, john Rutilio, writ this Letter to King Henry, in bad English and worse Writing. Over it was this superscription. Master Grubes two ships departed from Plymouth the 10. day of june, and arrived in the Newfound Land in a good Harbour, called Cape de Bas, the 21. day of july: and after we had left the sight of Selle, we had never sight of any Land, till we had sight of Cape de Bas. PLeasing your Honourable Grace to hear of your servant john Rutilio, with all his Company here, in good health, thanks be to God, and your Grace's ship. The Mary of Gilford, with all her thanks be to God: And if it please your honourable Grace, we ran in our course to the Northward, till we came into 53. degrees, and there we found many great Lands of Ice and deep water, we found no sounding, and then we durst not go no further to the Northward for fear of more Ice, and then we cast about to the Southward, and within four days after we had one hundred and sixty fathom, and then we came into 52. degrees and fell with the main Land, and within ten leagues of the main Land we met with a great Island of Ice, and came hard by her, for it was standing in deep water, and so went in with Cape de Bas, a good Harbour, and many small Lands, and a great fresh River going up far into the main Land, and the main Land all wilderness and mountains and woods, and no natural ground but all m●sse, and no inhabitation nor no people in these parts: and in the woods we found footing of diverse great beasts, but we saw none not in ten leagues. And please your Grace, the Samson and we kept company all the way till within two days before we met with all the Lands of Ice, that was the first day of july at night, and there rose a great and a marvellous great storm, and much foul weather; I trust in Almighty jesus to hear good news of her. And please your Grace, we were considering and a writing of all our order, how we would wash us and what course we would draw and when God do send foul weather, that with the Cape de Sperato she should go, and he that came first should tarry the space of six weeks one for another, and watered at Cape de Bas ten days, ordering of your Grace's ship and fishing, and so departed toward the Southward to seek our fellow: the third day of August we entered into a good Haven, called Saint john, and there we found eleven sail of Normans, and one Britain, and two Portugal Barks, and all a fishing, and so we are ready to depart toward Cape de Bas, and that is twenty five leagues, as shortly as we have fished, and so along the coast till we may meet with our fellow, and so with all diligence that lies in me toward parts to that Lands that we are commanded by the grace of God, as we were commanded at our departing: And thus jesus save and keep your honourable Grace, and all your honourable Rever▪ in the Haven of Saint john, the third day of August, written in haste. 1527. By your servant john Rutilio, to his uttermost of his power. I have by me also Albert de Prato's original Letter, in Latin stile, almost as harsh as the former English, and bearing the same date, and was endorsed, Reverend▪ in Christo Patri Domino Domino Cardinali & Domino Legat● Angliae: and began, Reverendissime in Christo Pater salutem. Reverendissime Pater, plaeceat Reverendissima peternitati vestra, scire, Deo favente post quam exivimus à Plemut quae fuit x. junij etc. (the substance is the same with the former, and therefore omitted) Datum apud le Baya Saint johan in Terris Novis, die x. Augusti, 1527. Rever. Patr. vest. humilis seruus, Albertus de Prato. (the name written in the lowest corner of the sheet.) The voyage of Captain GEORGE WEYMOUTH, intended for the discovery of the Northwest Passage toward China, with two fly Boates. ON Sunday the second day of May, 1602. in the afternoon, I weighed anchor and set sail from Redcliffe with two Fly-boates, the one called the Discovery, of seventy Tons; and the other called the God speed, of sixty Tons, to discover the Northwest passage, having in my ships five and thirty men and boys, throughly victualled and abundantly furnished with all necessaries for a year and an half, Mosc. and Turkey Companies. Master Cartwright had been in Persia and Turkey. See the former Tome. Buquhamnes. by the right Worshipful Merchants of the Moscovie and Turkey Companies: who for the better success of the voyage provided me of a great traveller and learned Minister one Master john Cartwright. The Master under me in the Discovery was one William Cobreth, a skilful man in his profession; and in the God speed, one john Drewe, and Mate in the said ship one john Lane. The first of june, we descried Buquhamnes in the Latitude of 57 degrees. The second day we saw the Point of Buquhamnes Northwest from us, being a very smooth land; and the land by it to the Southward riseth with many Homocks. There lieth a ledge of Rocks hard by the Nesse, in a sandy Bay fair by the shore. When we came near the land, we met with a fisher Boat, and I agreed with one of the fisher men to carry me between the Isles of Orkney, because I was not acquainted with the coast. The fourth day, at ten of the clock, we descried the Isles of Orkney. Orkney. Some of those Southern Lands are pretty high land; but the Northern Island, which is called the Start, is very low land. There is no danger, giving the shore a good birth, unless it be by the Norther point of the Start: The Start. there doth a ledge of Rocks lie a mile from the shore. At noon I found myself to be in the latitude of 59 degrees and 30. minutes, 59 degrees 30. minutes. Fair I'll. the point of the Start bearing West: and at one of the clock in the afternoon, we saw a fair I'll, which bare North-east and by North from us: and at eight of the clock at night, we were North of the Start: Then I directed my course West and by North. The fifth day about ten of the clock in the morning, Two small Lands. we ran some ten leagues, and then we saw two small Lands, some two leagues off: and at eight and nine of the clock we saw four or five Boats of Fishermen, and spoke with one of them, and they were Scottish-men. The sixth, in the morning fell much rain, and lasted till nine of the clock: and at ten of the clock it cleared up, and became very fair weather, and very temperate and warm, and our course was West. The seaventh, the wind was at East and by North, fair weather, and our course West. The eight, at noon I observed the Sun, and found us to be in 59 degrees and forty seven minutes, and we ran West South-west. The twelfth day we held our course West, the wind at East North-east, with fog in the morning: 57 degrees 55. min. no variation. at noon I observed the Sun, and found myself in 57 degrees, and 55. minutes. the variation here was nothing at all. The thirteenth at noon, our course was West and by North, the wind at North-east, with fog some three or four hours, and then clear again: the air very warm, as in England in the month of May. The foureteenth was fair weather, and the wind at East North-east, and our course West and by North. The fifteenth much rain all the forenoon, our course West, the wind at East and by North. The sixteenth, the wind was at North North-east, with much rain, wind and fog. In the forenoon, being very cold, and at noon, Variation eleven degrees Westward. I observed the Sun, and found us to be in 57 degrees and 35. minutes: we found the variation to be eleven degrees Westward; and by that mean I found myself to be one degree more to the Southward, than we should have been by our course; for we could not see the Sun in 96. hours before this day at noon, and at our last observation before this, which was the twelfth day, we could not find any variation at all. Then we stood close by a wind to the Westward, No variation. the wind being at North North-east. The seaventeenth we ran North and by West, the wind at North North-east, fair weather. This day we saw many grey Gulls, and some Pigeons. Gulls and Pigeons. 59 deg. 51. min. A great Island of Ice. Groneland. The eighteenth at noon I observed the Sun, and found ourselves to be in the latitude of 59 degrees, and 51. minutes. And then we first descried a great Island of Ice, which lay North from us, as far as we could ken it from the head of our main topmast: and about two of the clock in the afternoon, we saw the South part of Groneland, North from us some ten leagues. As we coasted this Ice to the Northward, we found it to be a main bank of Ice; for we saw the other end of it to bear West Northwest from us; the wind being at South South-west, A main bank of Ice. little wind: Then we ran West South-west, to clear us of the Ice. The nineteenth, the wind was at East Southeast, with some small rain. The twentieth, our course was West Northwest, Black water as thick as puddle the wind being at North and by East, little wind. This day sometimes we came into black water as thick as puddle, and in sailing a little space the water would be clear again. Seeing this change of water, so often to be thick, and clear again so suddenly, we imagined it had been shallow water: then we founded, and could fetch no ground in one hundred and twenty fathoms: and the Sea was so smooth, that we could discern no current at all. At this time I reckoned the Cape of desolation to bear North North-east twenty four leagues from us. The Cape of desolation. The one and twentieth, the wind was variable. The two and twentieth, we were in the latitude of 60. degrees and 37. minutes: 60. deg. 37. min. the wind being at West, we ran North and by West. The seven and twentieth, the wind was at West South-west: then our course was Northwest and by North, the weather fair and warm, as in England, in the month of May. Store of Guls. This day we saw great store of Gulls, which followed our Ship sundry days. The eight and twentieth, the wind being at North and by West, we directed our course to the Westward; America descried ●n 6●. degr. and 30. min. and about twelve of the clock the same night, we descried the land of America, in the latitude of 62. degrees and 30. minutes; which we made to be Warwick's foreland. This Headland rose like an Island. And when we came near the Foreland, we saw four small Lands to the Northwards, and three small Lands to the Southward of the same Foreland. The Foreland was high land: all the top● of the hills were covered with Snow. The three small Lands to the Southward were also white▪ that we could not discern them from Lands of Ice: also there was great store of drift Ice upon the Eastside of this Foreland: but the Sea was altogether void of Ice: the Land did lie North and by East, and South and by West, being six leagues of length. The nine and twentieth, at six of the clock in the morning, we were within three leagues of this Foreland: then the wind came up at North-east and by East, a good stiff gale with fog: and we were forced to stand to the Southward▪ because we could not wether the Land to the Northward: and as we stood to the Southward along by Warwick's Foreland, Warwick's Foreland supposed to be an Island. The greatest hope of the Northwest passage. A current Westward in sixty one degrees. we could discern none otherwise, but that it was an Island. Which if it fall out to be so, than L●●leys Inlet, and the next Southerly Inlet, where the great Current setteth to the West, must of necessity be one Sea▪ which will be the greatest hope of the passage that way. The thirtieth, the wind was at North-east, with fog and Snow. This day we came into a great whirling of a Current, being in the latitude of 61. degrees, and about twelve leagues from the coast of America. The first day of july, the wind was at West, with fog and Snow; the air being very cold. This day we came into many Ouerfals, which seemed to run a great current; but which way it did set, we could not well discern. The greatest likelihood was, that it should set to the West. But having contrary winds some sixteen or seventeen days, A current likely to set to the West. we always lay in traverse among these overfals; but could never find any great current by our courses: we sounded sometimes, but could get no ground in one hundred and twenty fathoms. The second day, we descried a main Bank of Ice in the latitude of 60. degrees: A main bank of Ice in 60. degrees. The North coast of America seemeth to be broken land. the wind was at North Northwest, and very fair weather. We wanting fresh water did sail close to this Land of Ice, and hoist out our Boat, and loaded her twice with Ice, which made us very good fresh water. Within twenty leagues of the coast of America, we should oftentimes come into many great overfals. Which doth manifestly show, that all the coast of America is broken Land. The third, the wind was at South-west, very foggy: and as we stood toward the coast of America, we met with another main Bank of Ice. The fog was so thick, that we were hard by the Ice, before we could see it. But it pleased God that the wind was fair to put us clear from this Ice again; and presently it began to clear up, so that we could see two or three leagues off; but we could see no end of the Ice. We judged this Ice to be some ten leagues from the coast of America. We found the water to be very blackish and thick, Black puddle water. like puddle water. The eight, the wind was at North Northwest, very fair weather; we standing to the Westwards met with a mighty main Bank of Ice, which was a great length and breadth, and it did rest close to the shore. And at eleven of the clock in the forenoon, we descried again the Land of America, in the latitude of 63. degrees and 53. minutes, being very high Land: America again descried in 63. deg. 53. min. and it did rise as Lands, the tops being covered with Snow. This Land was South-west and by West, some five leagues off us: we could come no nearer it for the great quantity of Ice, which rested by the shore side. The ninth, the wind being at North-east and by Last, blew so extremely, that we were forced to stand to the Southward, both to clear ourselves of the Land, and of the Ice: for the day before we passed a great bank of Ice, which was some fourteen leagues to the Eastward of us, when the storm began; but thanks be to God, we cleared ourselves both of the Land and of the Ice. This day in the afternoon the storm grew so extreme, that we were forced to stand along with our forecourse to the Southward. The seventeenth was very foggy, the wind being at East: and about two of the clock in the afternoon, we saw four great Lands of Ice, of a huge bigness: and about four of the clock we came among some small scattered Ice, and supposed ourselves to be near some great Bank. The fog was very thick, but the wind large to stand back the same way we came in; or else it would have endangered our lives very much. And at nine of the clock at night we heard a great noise, as though it had been the breach of some shore. The loathsome noise of Ice. Being desirous to see what it was, we stood with it, and found it to be the noise of a great quantity of Ice, which was very loathsome to be heard. Then we stood North Northwest, and the fog continued so thick, that we could not see two Ships length from us: whereupon we thought good to take in some of our sails; and when our men came to hand them, they found our sails, ropes, and tackle, so hard frozen, that it did seem very strange unto us, Sails, ropes and tackling frozen. being in the chiefest time of Summer. The eighteenth day, the wind was at North-east and by North, the air being very clear and extreme cold, with an exceeding great frost; and our course was Northwest. This day in the forenoon, when we did set our sails, we found our ropes and tackle harder frozen than they were the day before: which frost did annoy us so much in the using of our ropes and sails, that we were enforced to break off the Ice from our ropes, that they might run through the blocks. And at two of the clock in the afternoon, the wind began to blow very hard, with thick fog, which freezed so fast as it did fall upon our sails, ropes, and tackling, Thick fog freezing as fast as it fell. that we could not almost hoist or strike our sails, to have any use of them. This extreme frost and long continuance thereof, was a main bar to our proceeding to the Northward, and the discouraging of all our men. The nineteenth day, the wind was at North and by East, and our course to the Eastwards. The same night following, all our men conspired secretly together, to bear up the helm for England, Mutiny. while I was asleep in my Cabin, and there to have kept me by force, until I had sworn unto them, that I would not offer any violence unto them for so doing. And indeed they had drawn in writing, the causes of their bearing up of the helm, and thereunto set their hands, and would have left them in my Cabin: but by good chance I understood their pretence, and prevented them for that time. The twentieth day, I called the chiefest of my Company into my Cabin, before Master john Cartwright our Preacher, and our Master, William Cobreth, to hear what reasons they could allege for the bearing up of the Helm, which might he an overthrow to the Voyage, seeing the Merchants had been at so great a charge with it. After much conference, they delivered me their reasons in writing: Concluding, that although it were granted, that we might winter between 60. and 70. degrees of latitude, with safety of our lives and Vessels, yet it will be May next before we can dismore them, to launch out into the Sea. And therefore if the Merchants should have purpose to proceed on the discovery of these Northwest parts of America; the next year you may be in the aforesaid latitudes for England, by the first of May, and so be furnished better with men and victuals, to pass and proceed in the aforesaid action. Seeing then that you cannot assure us of a safe harbour to the Northward, we purpose to bear up the Helm for England; yet with this limitation, that if in your wisdom, you shall think good to make any discovery, either in 60. or 57 degrees, with this fair Northerly wind, we yield our lives with yourself, to encounter any danger. Thus much we thought needful to signify, as a matter builded upon reason, and not proceeding upon fear or cowardice. Then, we being in the latitude of 68 degrees and 53. minutes: the next following, about eleven of the clock, 68 deg. 53. min they bore up the Helm, being all so bend, that there was no means to persuade them to the contrary. At last understanding of it, I came forth of my Cabin, and demanded of them, who bore up the Helm? They answered me, One and All. So they hoist up all the sail they could, They return from the North. and directed their course South and by West. The two and twentieth, I sent for the chiefest of those, which were the cause of the bearing up of the Helm, and punished them severely, that this punishment might be a warning to them afterward for falling into the like mutiny. Mutineers punished. In the end, upon the entreaty of Master Cartwright our Preacher, and the Master, William Cobreaths, upon their submission, I remitted some part of their punishment. At twelve of the clock at noon, we came hard by a great Island of Ice: the Sea being very smooth and almost calm, we hoist out the Boats of both our Ships: being in want of fresh water, and went to this Island to get some Ice to make us fresh water. And as we were breaking off some of this Ice (which was very painful for us to do; A great Island of Ice cracked like a thunderclap and was overthrown. for it was almost as hard as a Rock:) the great Island of Ice gave a mighty crack two or three times, as though it had been a thunder-clappe; and presently the Island began to overthrow, which was like to have sunk both our Boats, if we had not made good haste from it. But thanks be to God, we escaped this danger very happily, and came aboard with both our Boats, Great store of Sea Fowl upon the Ice. the one half laden with Ice▪ There was great store of Sea Fowl upon this Island of Ice. The five and twentieth and six and twentieth, the wind being at East, did blow a hard gale, and our course was West and by South, with fog. This day in the afternoon I did reckon myself to be in the entering of an Inlet, An Inlet in 61. degrees & 40. minutes. which standeth in the latitude of 61. degrees and 40. minutes. The seven and twentieth, the wind was at South Southeast, and blew very hard, our course was West. The eight and twentieth and nine and twentieth, our course was West and by South, the wind blowing very hard at East Southeast, with fog and rain. The thirtieth, the wind came up in a shower by the West Northwest, blowing so hard, that we were forced to put a fore the Sea. Now because the time of the year was far spent, and many of our men in both Ships sick, The return out of the Inlet. we thought it good to return with great hope of this Inlet, to be a passage of more possibility, then through the Strait of Davis': because I found it not much pestered with Ice, and to be a strait of forty leagues broad. Also I sailed an hundred leagues West and by South, The variation 35. degrees Westward. within this Inlet; and there I found the variation to be 35. degrees to the Westward, and the needle to decline, or rather incline 83. degrees and an half. The fifth of August (the wind all that while Westerly) we were clear of this Inlet again. The sixth the wind was at East Southeast with fog. The seaventh, eight, and ninth, we passed by many great Lands of Ice. The ninth day at night, we descried the land of America, in the latitude of 55. degrees, An Island on the coast of America in 55. deg. & 30. min. and 30. minutes. This Land was an Island, being but low land and very smooth: then the night approaching, and the weather being something foggy and dark, we were forced to stand to the Northward again. This night we passed by some great Lands of Ice, and some big pieces which did break from the great Lands: and we were like to strike some of them two or three times: which if we had done, it might have endangered our Ships and lives. Our consort, the Godspeede, struck a little piece of Ice, The Godspeed● stroke upon a piece of Ice. which they thought had foundered their Ship; but thanks be to God they received no great hurt, for our Ships were very strong. The tenth day, the wind was at North-east and by North, with fog and rain; and our course was to the South-eastward: for we could by no means put with the shore, by reason of the thickness of the fog, and that the wind blew right upon the shore, so that we were forced to bear sail to keep ourselves from the land, until it pleased God to send us a clear; which God knoweth we long wanted. At six of the clock in the afternoon, it was calm; and then I judged myself, by mine account, to be near the Land: so I founded, and had ground in 160. fathoms, and fine grey Osie Sand: and there was a great Island of Ice, a ground within a league of us, where we sounded, and within one hour it pleased God to send us a clear. Then we saw the land some four leagues South-west and by South from us. This land lieth East and by South, and West and by North, being good high land, but all Lands, Many Lands. as far as we could discern. This calm continued until four of the clock in the afternoon of the eleventh day: the weather being very clear, we could not discern any Current to go at all by this Land. This day the Sea did set us in about a league nearer the Land, so that we judged ourselves three leagues off. Here we sounded again, and had but eighty fathoms. The variation of the Compass we found to be 22. degrees and 10. minutes Westward. The variation 22. degrees to West. At five of the clock there sprung up a fine gale of wind, at East Southeast, and being so near night, we stood to the Southward, thinking the next day to seek some harbour. But it pleased God, the next day, being the twelfth, to send us a storm of foul weather, the wind being at East and by South, with fog: so that we could by no means get the shore. A Storm. Thus we were forced to beat up and down at Sea, until it should please God to send us better weather. The foureteenth, I thought good to stand to the Westward to search an Inlet▪ in the latitude of 56. degrees. I have good hope of a passage that way, by many great and probable reasons. The fifteenth the wind continued at the South▪ with exceeding fair weather, and our course was West. We were this day at noon in the latitude of 55. degrees and 31. 〈…〉 I found the variation to be 17. degrees and 1●. minutes, to the Westward. 55. deg. 31. min. Variation 17. degr. 15. min. They descry the land again. And about seven of the clock at night, we descried the Land again, being ten leagues to the Eastward of this Inlet. This Land did bear from us South-west, some eight leagues off: and about nine of the clock the same night, the wind came to the West▪ which blew right against us for our entering into this Inlet. The sixteenth, the wind was at West Northwest, and was very fair weather, and our course South-west: about nine of the clock in the forenoon, we came by a great Island of Ice; and by this Island we found some pieces of Ice broken off from the said Island: And being in great want of fresh water, we hoist out our Boats of both Ships, and loaded them twice with Ice, which made us very good fresh water. This day at noon we found ourselves to be in the latitude of 55. degrees and twenty minutes: when we had taken in our Ice and Boats, ●5. deg. 20. min. the weather being very fair and clear, and the wind at West Northwest, we bent our course for the Land, and about three of the clock in the afternoon, A pleasant low land, being all Lands. 55. degrees. The variation 18. deg. and ●2. min. Westwards Temperate air▪ Gr●at hope of a passage 〈◊〉 three places. 〈…〉 Rocks strangely vanishing. A great Rock we were within three leagues of the shore. It is a very pleasant low Land; but all Lands, and goodly sounds going between them, toward the South-west. This Land doth stand in the latitude of 55. degrees; and I found the variation to be to the West ●8. degrees and 12. minutes. This coast is void of Ice, unless it be some great Lands of Ice, that come from the North, and so by winds may be driven upon this chaste. Also we did find the air in this place to be very temperite. Truly there is in three several places great hope of a passage, between the latitude of 62. and 54. degrees, if the fog do not hinder it, which is all the fear I have. At six of the clock, we being becalmed by the shore, there appeared unto us a great ledge of ro●kes, between us and the shore, as though the Sea did fly over it with a great height. As we all beheld it, within one hour, upon a sudden it vanished clean away▪ which seemed very strange unto us all. And to the Eastward of us, some two leagues, we saw a great Rock, lying some three leagues off the Land: we then supposing it to be should water, by this broken ground, sounded, but could get no ground in one hundred and sixty fathoms. About seven of the clock▪ there sprung up a gale of wind●, by the South Southeast, which was a very good wind to coast this Land. But the seventeenth in the morning, the wind being at the South, it began to blow so extremely, that we durst not stay by the shore, for it was like to be a great storm▪ than our course was East North-east, to get us Sea room. This storm still increasing, our slye-boates did receive in much water; for they wanted a Sparre-decke, which we found very dangerous for the Sea. About twelve of the clock at noon, this day there rose up a great shower in the West, A Whirlwind taking up the Sea. and presently the wind came out of this quarter with a whirl, and taking up the Sea into the air, and blew so extremely, that we were forced always to run before the Sea, howsoever the wind did blow. And within twelve hours after this storm began, the Sea was so much grown, that we thought our fly Boats would not have been able to have endured it. The eighteenth, the wind was at Northwest, and the storm increased more extreme, and lasted until eight of the clock in the morning of the nineteenth day, so furious, that to my remembrance, I never felt a greater: yet when we were in our greatest extremities, the Lord delivered us his unworthy servants. And if the wind, with so great a storm, had been either Northerly, They were entered 30. leagues into an Inlet in 56. degrees. They returned for England. This Book was also subscribed by W. Cobreth and john Drew. The lands end. or Southerly, or Easterly but one day, we had all perished against the Rocks, or the Ice: for we were entered thirty leagues within a Head-land of an Inlet, in the latitude of 56. degrees. But it pleased God to send us the wind so fair, as we could desire, both to clear ourselves of the Land and Ice. Which opportunity caused us for this time to take our leaves of the coast of America, and to shape our course for England. The fourth, in the morning, we descried the Island of Silly North-east and by East, some four leagues off us. Then we directed our course East and by North: and at ten of the clock in the forenoon, we descried the Lands end, and next day were forced to put into Dartmouth. CHAP. XIV. JAMES HALL. his Voyage forth of Denmark for the discovery of Greeneland, in the year 1605. abbreviated. IN the name of God Amen, we set sail from Copeman-haven in Denmark, the second day of May, in the year of our redemption 1605. with two Ships and a Pinnace: May 1605. The Admiral, called the Fr●st, a ship of the burden of thirty or forty lasts, wherein was Captain, and chief commander of the whole Fleet, Captain john Cunningham, a Scottish Gentleman, servant unto the King's Majesty of Denmark, myself being principal Pilot. The Lion Vice-admiral, being about the foresaid burden, john Cunningham. wherein was Captain, one Godsc●●● Lindenose, a Danish Gentleman, and Steereman of the same, one Peter Kils●n of Copeman-haven. The Pinnace, a Bark of the burden of twelve Lasts, or thereabouts: wherein was Steereman or commander, one john Knight, my Countryman. john Knight▪ of whom after. So setting sail from Copeman-haven, with a fair gale of wind Easterly, we came unto Elsonure, where we anchored, to take in our water. The third day we took in our water, at which time, the Captains, myself, with the Lieutenants, and the other Steeremen, did think it convenient to set down certain Articles, for the better keeping of company one with another, to which Articles or covenants we were all severally sworn, setting thereunto our hands. Flec●rie. The sixth we came to Fl●c●rie, into which harbour, by God's help, we came at two a clock in the afternoon. The seaventh day we supplied our wants of wood and water. The eight day, about two a clock in the afternoon, we set sail forth of the harbour of Flecori●, about six a clock it fell calm, till about eight, about which time, the Nas● of Norway, by the Danish men, called Lyndis-●ose, bore next hand Northwest of us, six leagues off, at which time I directed my course West Northwest, finding the compass varied 7. degrees 10. minutes, to the Eastwards of the true North. The thirteenth, we had sight of the Hand of Fair I'll, and also of the South-head of Sh●tland, called Swimborne▪ h●ad, which are high Lands: at noon, the Island of Fair Isle bearing West half a point Northerly: four leagues off I made observation, and found us in the latitude of 59 degrees 20. minutes. Variation observed. This night about seven a clock, we came about an English league to the Northwards of the Northwest and of Fair I'll, we met with a great race of a tide, as though it had been the race of Portland, A race of a tide it setting North Northwest. Being out of the said race, I directed my course▪ West and by North, having the wind North-east and by North: this evening Fair Isle bearing East Southeast four leagues: Swimborne▪ head, North-east and by North eight leagues: the Island of Fool●, North-east and by East, seven leagues. I found by exact observation, the compass to be varied to the Eastward of the true North 60. degrees 10. minutes. Variation observed. The fourte●●th in the morning, the wind came to the East Southeast, we steering West and by North away: this morning the Island of Fair Isle did show in my sight to be about ten leagues off, at which time we did descry two of the Westermost Lands of Orkney, which did bear South-west and by South. The eighteenth, the wind at Northwest and by West, we laid it away South-west and by West, and sometimes South-west. This day 〈◊〉 noon we were in the Latitude of 58. degrees 40. minutes. The nineteenth day, the wind at South-west and South-west and by West, we lying as the night before, being at noon in the Latitude of 59 degrees and a half. The four and twentieth day, the wind at North-east and by East, we steering still with a fresh gale West South-west, this evening we looked to have seen Buss Island, but I do verily suppose the same to be placed in a wrong Latitude in the Marine Charts. The six and twentieth at noon, Buss Island wrong placed. we were in the latitude of 57 degrees 45. minutes. The thirtieth day in the morning between seven and eight, the weather began to clear, and the Sea and wind to wax less, we looking for the Lion and the Pinnace, could have no sight of them, we supposing them to be a stern off us, we standing still under our courses. This day the wind came to the North-east and by East, being very cold weather, we lying North Northwest away. Making my observation at noon, I found us in the latitude of 59 degrees 15. minutes, our way North Northwest forty leagues. This afternoon between one and two a clock we descried Land, it bearing North North-east off us about ten leagues off North-east & by North off us about ten leagues, First sight of Groenland. it being a very high ragged land, lying in the latitude of 59 degrees 50. minutes, lying alongst Southeast and by South, and Northwest and by North. This Head-land we named after the King's Majesties of Denmark, Cape Christian. because it was the first part of Groenland, which we did see. This afternoon about one a clock, bearing in for the shore we saw an Island of Ice, which bore West South-west of us three leagues off, so having the wind at East Southeast, we bore in for the shore, where we found so much Ice that it was impossible either for us or any other ship to come into the shore without great danger: yet we put ourselves into the Ice as we thought convenient, The shore full of Ice. being encumbered and compassed about with the same in such sort, as the Captain, myself, the Boatswain with another of our company, were forced to go overboard upon an Island of Ice, to defend it from the ship, at which time I thought it convenient to stand off into the Sea again, and so being clear of the Ice, Cape Desolation. to double Cape Desolation, to the North-westwards of which I doubted not but to find a clear coast, so standing away all this night West South-west, to clear us of the Ice, which lay far from the shore, being very thick towards the Land with great Lands of Ice that it is wonderful. This evening, the Cape Christian bearing North-east and by East five leagues, Compass varied. I found the Compass varied 12. degrees 15. minutes to the North-westwards. Moreover, standing to Seaward from the foresaid Cape, we came in black water, as thick as though it had been puddle water, we sailing in the same for the space of three hours. Black water. The one and thirtieth in the morning fair weather, with the wind somewhat variable, we steering away Northwest and by West, between four and five in the morning we had sight of the Lion again, but not of the Pinnace. They being a Sea-boord off and having espied us, they stood with us, at which time the Captain, Lieutenant, and Steereman came aboard us, Sight of the Lion. earnestly entreating me to bestow a Sea Chartley of the Steerman, and to give him directions if by tempestuous weather they should lose us, they protesting and swearing that they would never leave us as long as wind and weather would permit them to keep company with us. By whose speechees I being persuaded did give them a Sea Chartley for those Coasts, telling them that if they would follow me, that by God's assistance I would bring them to a part of the Land void without pester of Ice, and also harbour the ships in good Harbour, by God's help; they swearing and protesting, that they would follow me so long as possibly they could, with which oaths and fair speeches I rested satisfied, thinking they had thought as they had sworn, but it fell out otherwise. So having made an end with us about noon, they went aboard again, we being this day in the latitude of 59 degrees 45. minutes, having stood all the night before, and this forenoon also, so nigh the shore as we could for Ice, the Cape Christian South Southeast and North Northwest, and from the Cape to Cape Desolation, the Land lieth East and by South, and West and by North about fifty leagues. This day between one and two a clock, the Vice-admirals Boat, being newly gone aboard, it fell very hasie and thick, so that we could not see one another by reason of the fog, therefore our Captain caused to shoot off certain Muskets with a great piece of Ordnance, to the intent the Lion might hear us, which heard of them they presently stood with us, at which time the fog began somewhat to clear, we having sight one of another and so stood alongst the shore, as nigh as we could for Ice. The first of june, we had a fresh gale of wind at South-west, june 1605. we steering North-east and by North into the shore, about three in the morning there fell a mighty fog, so that we were forced to lie by the lee, for the Lion playing upon our Drum to the intent for them to hear us, and to keep company with us, they answering us again with the shooting of a Musket, we trimming our sails, did the like to them, and so stood away North-east and by East: larboard tacked aboard half a glass, when we were hard encumbered amongst mighty Lands of Ice, Lands of Ice. Mighty encumbrance of Ice. A mighty current setting North Northwest. being very high like huge Mountains, so I caused to cast about and stand to the Westwards Northwest and by West. About twelve of the clock this night it being still calm, we found ourselves suddenly compassed round about with great Lands of Ice, which made such a hideous noise as was most wonderful, so that by no means we could double the same to the Westward: wherefore we were forced to stand it away to the Southwards, South South-West, stemming the Current, for by the same Current we were violently brought into this Ice, so being encumbered and much to do to keep clear of the mighty Lands of Ice, there being as both I and others did plainly see upon one of them a huge rock stone, of the weight of three hundred pounds or thereabouts, as we did suppose. Thus being troubled in the Ice for the space of two or three hours, it pleased God that we got thorough the same. The second day in the morning about three a clock, I came forth of my Cabin, where I found that the Shipper whose name was Arnold had altered my course which I had set, going contrary to my directions North Northwest away, whereupon he and I grew to some speeches, both for at this time and other times he had done the like. The Captain likewise seeing his bad dealing with we, did likewise roundly speak his mind to him, for at this instant we were nigh unto a great bank of Ice, which we might have doubled if my course had not been altered, so that we were forced to cast about to the Southwards, South and by East and South Southeast, with the wind at South-west and by South or South-west till ten a clock, when we stood again to the Westwards, lying West Northwest and Northwest and by West, being at noon in the latitude of 60. degrees 18. minutes, Cape Desolation is, I did suppose, bearing North and by West three or four leagues off, the weather being so thick and hasie that we could never see the Land. The fourth day between one and two a clock in the morning, it began to blow a fresh gale Easterly, we steering away North and North and by West, we being at noon in the latitude of 59 degrees 50. minutes, having made a West and by North way four and twenty leagues. This evening about seven a clock we had very thick water, and continued so about half an hour: about nine a clock we did see a very high Island of Ice to the windward of us, and about half an hour after with some drift Ice, they in the Lion thorough the fearfulness of their Commanders presently cast about standing away larboard tacked, till they did perceive that I stood still away as I did before, without impediment of the Ice, they cast about again and followed us. The fifth in the morning, being very fair weather with the wind at East Southeast, our course North Northwest, some of our people supposed they had seen the Land: our Captain and I went aboard the Pinnace, when after an hour of our being there we did see the supposed Land to be an hasie fog, which came on us so fast that we could scarce see one another. But the Lion being very nigh unto us, and it being very calm, we laid the Pinnace aboard of her, and so the Captain and I went aboard of them. The ninth day about four a clock, it began to blow an easy gale at Southeast and by South, I directing my course still North Northwest, when some of our people would not be persuaded but they did see Land, and therefore I stood in North and by East and North North-east, till about three a clock in the afternoon, A huge high Island of Ice. when we met with a huge and high Island of Ice, we steering hard to board the same, and being shot a little to Northwards of it, there fell from the top thereof some quantity of Ice, which in the fall did make such a noise as though it had been the report of five Cannons. Noise by the fall. This evening we came amongst much drift Ice, being both windwards and to leewards of us, yet by God's help we got very well through the same, when being clear I directed my course again North Northwest. The tenth day the wind at South-west and by West, I steering still Northwest and by North. This forenoon also we met with great Lands of Ice, it being very hasie and thick weather, the which did drive them in the Lion into great fear, and calling to us very fearfully persuaded me to alter my course and to return homeward, saying that it was impossible for us by any working, and course keeping to seize upon the Land, which did drive all our company into such a fear, Our people determined to return back again. that they were determined, whether I would or not, to have returned home, had not the Captain as an honest and resolute Gentleman stood by me, protesting to stand by me so long as his blood was warm, for the good of the King's Majesty, who had set us forth, and also to the performing of the Voyage. Which resolution of his did mitigate the stubbornness of the people: yet nothing would persuade those fearful persons in the Lion, especially the Steerman, who had rather long before this time have returned home, then to have proceeded on the action, as before the said Steerman had done when he was employed eight years before in the said action or discovery. Former discoveries. Therefore our Captain and myself seeing their backwardness now, as before we had done, went ourselves the same evening into the Pinnace, having a mighty bank of Ice of our larboard side, and spoke to them very friendly, giving order both to our own ship and to them, A mighty bank of Ice. that they should keep a Seaboord of us (for I did suppose this bank of Ice to lie in the narrowest of the Straight, between America and Groenland, as indeed by experience I found the same to be) therefore I determined to coast the Ice alongst till I found it to be driven and fall away, by reason of the swift current that setteth very forcibly through the said Straight, and then by the grace of God to set over for a clear part of the coast of Groenland, so all this night we coasted the Ice as close aboard as we could East North-east and North-east and by East, till about midnight, when we found the said bank to fall away. The eleventh day, being clear of the Ice, I stood away North North-east till six a clock, when we met with another great bank of Ice, at which time the Commanders of the Lion being now again very fearful as before, came up to our ship, Another bank of Ice. persuading the Shipper and Company to leave us, and to stand to Seaboord with them. But the Shipper who was also Lieutenant of the ship, being more honestly minded, said, that he would follow us so long as he could: with which answer they departed, using many spiteful words, both of the Captain and me, saying we were determined to betray the King's ships, The Lions departing from us. at which time they shot off a piece of Ordnance, and so stood away from us. I seeing their perverse dealing let them go, we coasting alongst the Ice North North-east with a fresh-gale, it being extreme cold with snow and hayse, the Sea also going very high by reason of a mighty current, A mighty current. the which I found to set very forceably through this Straight, which being nigh unto America side, setteth to the Northwards, and on the other side to the contrary, as by proof I found. So coasting alongst this main bank of Ice, which seemed as it had been a firm Continent till about eleven a clock, when we espied the Ice to stretch to windward, on our weather bow we setting our starboard takes aboard, stood away East and by South with the wind at South and by East, till we had doubled a Seaboord the Ice, at which time I directed my course directly over for the clear coast of Groineland, East and by North, which course I directed all the Frost to go, we standing away our course all this night, it being very much snow and sleet. The twelfth day in the morning about four a clock, we espied the Land of Groenland, Sight of Land. being a very high ragged Land, the tops of the Mountains being all covered with snow, yet we found all this coast utterly without Ice, we standing into the Land espied a certain Mount above all the rest, which Mount is the best mark on all this Coast, Mount Cunningham. the which I named Mount Cunningham after the name of my Captain. We coming into the shore between two Capes or Headlands, the Land lying between them North and by East, and South and by West, the Southmost of which Forelands' I named Queen Anne's Cape, Queen Anne's Cape. Queen Sophia's Cape. after the name of the Queen's Majesty of Denmark, and the Northermost of the two I called Queen Sophia's Cape, after the name of the Queen Mother. So standing into the Land, we came amongst certain Lands, where sailing in still amongst the same unto the Southermost foot of the foresaid Mount, we came into a goodly Bay, which we did suppose to be a River, being on both sides of the same very high and steep Mountains, we named the same King Christianus Ford, after the name of the King's Majesty of Denmark. Christians Ford. So sailing up this Bay, which we supposed to be a River, the space of six or seven English leagues, finding in all that space no anchoring, being marvelous deep water, till at the length we had sailed up the Bay the foresaid distance, at length I brought the Ship and Pinnace to an anchor in sixteen fathom shelly ground, at which time our Captain and I went aland, Our anchoring. giving thanks unto God for his unspeakable benefits, who had thus dealt with us as to bring us to this desired Land into so good an Harbour; which done, the Captain and I walked up the Hills, to see if we could see any of the people, having our Boat to row alongst with us. Our first landing in Groinland. Having gone alongst the River side upon the tops of the Hills the space of three or four English miles▪ at length looking towards our Boat, we saw upon the River side four of the people standing by their Houses or rather Tents, covered over with Seale-skins. Our first sight of the people. We coming down the Hills towards them (they having espied us) three of them ran away upon the Land, and the other took his Boat and rowed away leaving their Tents. We being come down the Hills called to our men in the Boat, Boat of Seal skins. and entering into her rowed towards the Savage who was in his Boat made of Seale-skins. He holding up his hands towards the Sun, cried Yota; we doing the like, and showing to him a knife, he presently came unto us and took the same of the Captain. When he had presently rowed away from us, we rowed a little after him, and seeing it was but in vain we rowed aland again and went into their Tents, Our entering into their Tents. which we found covered (as is aforesaid) with Seale-skins. We finding by the houses two Dogs being very rough and fat, like in shape to a Fox, with very great abundance of Seal fish, lying round about their Tents a drying, with innumerable quantities of a little fish like unto a Smelled (which fish are commonly called Sardeenes) of which fish in all the Rivers are wonderful skulls, these fishes also lay a drying round about their Tents in the Sun in great heaps, with other sundry kinds. Then entering into their Tents, we found certain Seal skins and Fox skin's very well dressed; also certain Coats of Seal skins and Fowl skins with the feather side inward: also certain Vessels boiling upon a little Lamp, the Vessel being made after the manner of a little Pan, the bottom whereof is made of stone, and the sides of Whales fins; in which Vessel was some little quantity of Seal fish boiling in Seal oil; and searching further, we did find in another of their Vessels a Dog's head boiled, so that I persuaded myself that they eat Dogs flesh. Moreover, by their houses there did lie two great Boats, Eaters of Dogs. being covered under with Seals skins, but aloft open after the form of our Boats, being about twenty foot in length, having in each of them eight or ten toasts or seats for men to sit on, which Boats, as afterwards I did perceive, is for the transporting of their Tents and baggage from place to place, and for a sail they have the guts of some beast, which they dress very fine and thin, which they sow together. Also the other sorts of their Boats are such as Captain Frobisher, and Master john Davis' brought into England, Of the other sort of Boats. There is one of these Boats in Sir T. smith's Hall. The manner of killing of their great fish or Seals. which is but for one man, being clean covered over with Seal skins artificially dressed except one place to ●it in, being within set out with certain little ribs of Timber, wherein they use to row with one Oar more swiftly, than our men can do with ten, in which Boats they fish being disguised in their Coats of Seal skins, whereby they deceive the Seals, who take them rather for Seals than men; which Seals or other fish they kill in this manner. They shoot at the Seals or other great fish with their Darts, unto which they use to tie a bladder, which doth boy up the fish in such manner that by the said means they catch them. So coming aboard our ships having left certain trifles behind us in their Tents, and taking nothing away with us, within half an hour after our coming aboard, the Savage to whom we had given the Knife with three others, Their coming to our ships. which we did suppose to be them which we saw first, came rowing to our ships in their Boats, holding up their hands to the Sun, and striking of their breasts, crying Yota. We doing the like, they came to our ship or Captain: giving them bread and Wine, which, as it did seem, they made little account of; yet they gave us some of their dried fishes, at which time there came four more, who with the other bartered their Coats, and some Seal skins, with our folk for old Iron Nails, and other trifles as Pins and Needles, with which they seemed to be wonderfully pleased, and having so done, holding their hands towards the Sun they departed. The thirteenth, there came fourteen of them to our ship, bringing with them Seal skins, Whale Fins, with certain of their Darts and Weapons, which they bartered with our people, Observation of the latitude. Observation of the tides. as before. This day I made observation of the latitude, and found this Roadsted in the latitude of 66. degrees 25. minutes, and the mouth of this Bay or Sound, lieth in the latitude of 66. degrees 30. minutes. Also here I made observation of the tides, and found an East and West Moon to make a full Sea, upon the Full and Change, more it floweth, three fathom and an half water, right up and down. The fourteenth and fifteenth days we road still, the people coming to us, and bartering with us for pieces of old Iron, or Nails, Whale Fins, Seals Skins, Morse Teeth, and a kind of Horn which we do suppose to be Unicorn's Horn, at which time the Captain went with our Boat, to the place where we had seen their Tents, but found them removed; and the other fish and the Seal fish lying still a drying: the Captain taking a quantity of the Sea fish into the Boat, caused some of the Mariners to boil it ashore, the Savages helping our men to do the same, the Captain using them very friendly, they having made about a barrel and an half of Oil, leaving it aland all night, thinking to bring the same aboard in the morning. But the Savages the same night let the same forth. Yet notwithstanding, the Captain showed no manner of discontent towards them. The sixteenth day, I went into the Pinnace, to discover certain Harbours to the Northwards, the wind being at East Southeast, I loosed and set sail, but instantly it fell calm, and so continued about an hour. When the wind came opposite at the West Northwest a stiff gale, we spending the tide till the flood being come, Our departing in the Pinnace from the ship. I put room again, and came to an Anchor a little from the Frost in twelve fathoms sandy ground. About one in the afternoon, the Frost departed from us further up the Bay, which we did suppose to be a River, promising to abide our return two and twenty days. The seventeenth day, the wind continuing at the West Northwest blowing very hard, we road still, the people coming and bartering with us. The eighteenth day, the wind and weather as before, we riding still. This forenoon there came to the number of thirty of them, and bartered with us as they had done before, which done, they went ashore at a certain point about a slight-shot off us, and there upon a sudden began to throw stones with certain Slings which they had without any injury offered at all; The Savages begin to sling stones at us. yea, they did sling so fiercely, that we could scarce stand on the hatches. I seeing their brutish dealing, caused the Gunner to shoot a Falcon at them, which lighted a little over them, at which time they went to their Boats, and rowed away. About one a clock in the afternoon, they came again to us crying in their accustomed manner, Yli●nt, they being sixty three in number, the shripper inquired of me whether they should come to us or not. I willed him to have all things in a readiness, they coming in the mean time nigh to the Pinnace, I did perceive certain of them to have great bags full of stones, they whispering one with another began to sling stones unto us. They sling stones again. I presently shot off a little Pistol which I had for the Gunner, and the rest of the folk to discharge, which indeed they did, but whether they did hurt or kill any of them or not, I cannot certainly tell, but they rowed all away making a howling and hideous noise: going to the same point, whereas in the forenoon they had been, being no sooner come on Land, but from the Hills they did so assail us with stones, with their slings, that it is incredible to report, in such sort that no man could stand upon the Hatches, till such time as I commanded for to lose sails and bonnets two men's height, to shield us from the force of the stones, and also did hide us from their sight; so that we did ply our Muskets and other Pieces such as we had at them; but their subtlety was such, that as soon as they did see fire given to the Pieces, they would suddenly duck down behind the Cliffs, and when they were discharged, then sling their stones fiercely at us again. Thus having continued there till four a clock, they departed away. The nineteenth day in the morning, about four a clock it being calm, I departed from this Roadsted, so causing our men to row alongst the shore, till the tide of the ebb was bend, at which time it began to blow a fresh gale at Northwest and by West, we turning down till about two a clock, when the tide of ●loud being come: when I came to an Anchor in an excellent Haven, on the South side of Cunninghams' Mount, which for the goodness thereof, I named Denmark's Haven. Denmark's Haven. The twentieth day, in the morning the weather being very rainy with a little air of wind, I loosed and caused to row forth of the foresaid Harbour, and coming forth between the Lands and the main, the people being as it seemed looking for us espied us: The people come again. making a hideous noise, at which time at an instant were gathered together about seventy three Boats with men rowing to us. I seeing them, thought it best to prevent the worst, because we were to come hither again: therefore to dissemble the matter, I thought it best to enter into barter with them for some of their Darts, Bows and Arrows, we finding every one of them to be extraordinarily furnished therewith: so rowing forth to Sea amongst the Lands, there still came more Boats to the number of one hundred and thirty persons, they still rowing by us, made signs to us to go to anchor amongst some of the Lands: but I preventing their devices, made certain Sconces with our sails, to defend us from their Stones, Arrows and Darts. They seeing this, went certain of them from us rowing to certain Lands, to which they did think we would come: The subtlety of the Savages. leaving no more but about ten men and Boats about us, who rowed alongst the space of an hour with us, making signs of friendship to us. At length perceiving, that we were not minded to go forth amongst these Lands, upon which the rest of their folk were, they threw certain shells and trifles into the Boat, making signs and tokens to fetch them, the which my Boy called William Huntries did. He being in the Boat, they presently shot him through both the buttocks with a Dart, at which time they rowed from us, My Boy shot with a Dart. they mustering upon the Lands to the number of three hundred persons, keeping themselves far enough from our danger. About six a clock this Evening it began to blow a fair gale Easterly, we getting off to Sea, stood all this night North and by East alongst the Land. A topographical Description of the Land as I did discover the same. NOw having proceeded for the discovery of the Coast and Harbours so far, and so long time as the time limited to me, therefore I think it convenient, to make a brief description of the same, according as by my short experience I found the same to be. The Land of Groenland is a very high, ragged and mountainous Country, being all alongst the Coast broken Lands, making very goodly Sounds and Harbours, The description of the land of Groenland. having also in the Land very many good Rivers and Bays, into some of which I entered sailing up the same the space of ten or twelve English leagues, finding the same very navigable, with great abundance of fish of sundry sorts. The Land also in all places wheresoever I came, seemed to be very fertile▪ Of the fertility of the Country. according to the Climate wherein it lieth: for between the Mountains was most pleasant Plains and Valleys, in such sort as if I had not seen the same, I could not have believed, that such a fertile Land in show could be in these Northern Regions. There is also in the same great store of Fowl, as Ravens, Crows, Partridges, Pheasants, Sea-mewes, Gulls, with other sundry sorts. Of Beasts I have not seen any, except black Foxes, of which there are very many. Store of fowl. Black Foxes. Also as I do suppose there are many Deer, because that coming to certain places where the people had had their Tents, we found very many Heart's Horns, with the bones of other beasts round about the same. Also going up into the Land we saw the footing and dunging of diverse beasts, which we did suppose to be dear, and other beasts also, the footing of one which we found to be eight inches over, yet, notwithstanding we did see none of them: for going some two or three miles from the Pinnace we returned again to go aboard. Moreover, in the Rivers we found sundry sorts of Fishes, as Seals, Whales, Salmon, Fishes. with other sorts of fishes in great abundance. As concerning the Coast, all alongst it is a very good and fair Land, having very fair shoalding of the same: for being three English leagues off the same, Of the Coast. I found very fair shoalding in fifteen fathoms, and coming nearer the same fourteen, twelve, and ten fathoms very fair sandy ground. As concerning the people, Of the people. they are (as I do suppose) a kind of Samoites, or wand'ring Nation travelling in the Summer time in Companies together, first to one place, and having stayed in that place a certain time in hunting and fishing for Dear and Seals with other fish, straight they remove themselves with their Tents and baggage to another. They are men of a reasonable stature, being brown of colour, The colour of the people. The people very active. very like to the people of the East and West Indies. They be very active and warlike, as we did perceive in their Skirmishes with us, in using their Slings and Darts very nimbly. They eat their meat raw, or a little parboiled either with blood, Oil, or a little water, which they do drink. They apparel themselves in the skins of such beasts as they kill, They eat their meat most part raw. Of their apparel. Of their weapons. but especially with Seals skins and fowl skins, dressing the skins very soft and smooth, with the hair and feathers on, wearing in Winter the hair and feather sides inwards, and in Summer outwards. Their Weapons are Slings, Darts, Arrows, having their Bows fast tied together with sinews; their Arrows have but two feathers, the head of the same being for the most part of bone, made in manner and form of a Harping Iron. As concerning their Darts, they are of sundry sorts and fashions. What knowledge they have of God I cannot certainly say, but I suppose them to be Idolaters, worshipping the Sun. The Country (as is aforesaid) seemeth to be very fertile, yet could I perceive or see no wood to grow thereon. We could see no wood. Drift-wood. We met all alongst this Coast much Drift-wood, but whence it cometh I know not. For coasting all this Coast alongst from the latitude of 66. degrees and an half, until the latitude of 69. degrees, I found many goodly Sounds, Bays, and Rivers: giving names unto diverse of them, and purposing to proceed further, the folk in the Pinnace with me did earnestly entreat me to return to the ship again, alleging this, that if we came not in convenient time, the people in the ship would mutiny: and so return home before we came: the which indeed had fallen forth, if the Captain as an honest Gentleman had not by severe means withstood their attempts, who would needs contrary to their promises have been gone home within eight days after my departure from them. But the Captain respecting his promise to me, would by no means consent, but withstood them both by fair means and other ways. So that upon the seventh day of july, I returned again into the King's Ford, which they in the ship had found to be a Bay, and coming to the place where we had left the ship hoping to have found them there, I saw upon a certain point a Warlocke of stones, whereby I did perceive that they were gone down the Ford. So the tide of ebb being come, it being calm we rowed down the Ford, finding in the mouth of the same amongst the Lands, many good Sounds and Harbours. july 1605. The tenth day of july the wind being at North Northwest, I being in a certain Sound amongst the Lands, it being high water I weighed, stood West forth of the Ford going to Sea on the South side between a little Island and the Main, which Island at our first coming, we called Frost Island, Frost Island. after the name of the ship: we espied on the South sides certain Warlockes set up, whereupon I suspected that the Frost might be there, commanded the Gunner to shoot off a Piece of Ordnance, Our meeting again with the ship. Three of the people taken. they presently answered us again with two other. We seeing the smoke (but heard no report) bore in to them, coming to an Anchor in a very good Sound by them, and found them all in health: the Captain being very glad of our coming, forasmuch as he had very much trouble with the company for the cause aforesaid. Also in the time of our absence the people did very much villainy to them in the ship, so that the Captain took three of them; other of them also he slew, but the three which he took he used with all kindness, giving them mandilions and Breeches of very good cloth, also Hose, Shoe, and Shirts off his own back. This afternoon, I with my Boy came again aboard the ship, taking in this Evening all our provision of water. The eleventh day, the wind being at North North-east, we set sail forth of the Sound which we named Frost Sound, but before our coming forth of the same our Captain commanded a young man whose name was Simon, Two men set aland. by the express commandment of the State-holder of Denmark to be set aland, we also in the Pinnace set another aland, they both being Malefactors, the which was done before our coming away, we giving to them things necessary, as victual and other things also. Thus having committed both the one and the other to God, we set sail homewards, we standing forth to Sea South-west, and South-west and by West till noon, when making observation, Queen Anne's Cape bearing South and by East half Easterly some ten leagues, I found myself in the latitude of 66. degrees 10. minutes, when I directed my course South South-west till six a clock when we were amongst much Drift Ice, being to lee-ward two points upon our lee-bow, so that I was forced to lie off West Northwest till we were clear of the same, at which time I directed my course South-west and by South, we sailing so all the night following. The twelfth day, the wind at North North-east, we went away South-west and by South till ten a clock, when we were amongst more Drift Ice, we being again to lie West Northwest, to get clear of the same, which we did about noon, we having this day and the Evening before a mighty hollow Sea, which I thought to be a current, the which setteth thorough Fretum Davis' to the Southwards, A great current setting to the Southwards. as by experience I proved: for making observation this day at noon, we found ourselves in the latitude of 62. degrees 40. minutes, whereas the day before we were but in the latitude of 66. degrees 10. minutes, having made by account a South and by West way about ten leagues. This afternoon I directed my course South South-west. The thirteenth day, the wind as before, we steered still South and by West, being at noon in the latitude of 60. degrees 17. minutes, going at the same time away South and by East. This foresaid current I did find to set alongst the Coast of Gronland South and by East. The fourteenth day, close weather, being an easy gale we steering Southeast and by East. The fifteenth day, still close weather till noon, we steering as before, being in the latitude of 59 degrees. This day at noon I went away East Southeast; this afternoon it was hasie and still weather, when we had sight of some Drift Ice. The 16. day, close weather with the wind at Northwest and by West, our course East Southeast till about ten a clock, Drift Ice. A mighty bank of Ice. A great skull of Whales. when we met with a mighty bank of Ice to windward of us, being by supposition seven or eight leagues long, we steering South Southeast to get clear of the same. We met all alongst this Ice a mighty scull of Whales. Moreover, we light with a great current, which as nigh as we could suppose, set West Northwest over for America. This day at noon, the weather being very thick, I could have no observation, this Evening by reason of the Ice, we were forced to lie South and by West, and South South-west, to get clear of the same, amongst which we came by diverse huge Lands of Ice. The seventeenth day, being clear of the Ice, about four in the morning, I directed my course Southeast by South till noon, at which time I went away East and by South, A great current. the weather being very haysie and thick: about midnight it fell calm, the wind coming up Easterly. The eighteenth day, the wind still Easterly, we lying East Southeast, away under a couple of courses larboard tacked. This day in the forenoon, we saw certain Lands of Ice. The nineteenth day, the wind still Easterly with the weather very hasie. The first day of August also it was very thick weather, with a fair gale at South-west and by West. This forenoon we met with a scull of Herrings, so that I knew we were not far from the Isles of Orkney, so having a shrink at noon, I found us in the latitude of 58. degrees 40. minutes, at which time I founded with the deepest Lead, finding 42. fathoms red sandy ground, with some black dents. This Evening between five and six a clock we founded again, when we had no more but twenty fathoms dent ground, whereby I knew that we were fair by the shore, when some of our men looking forth presently, We fell with Orkeney. espied one of the Lands of Orkeney, it being very thick, we cast about, and stood with a small sail to Seaboord again, we lying West Northwest off all this night. The tenth day, about five in the morning, we came thwart of the Castle of Elsonuere, where we discharged certain of our Ordnance, and coming to an Anchor in the Road, the Captain with myself went ashore, and hearing of his Majesty's being at Copeman-haven, we presently went aboard again, and set sail coming thither about two a clock. The Pinnace also which he had lost at Sea, in which my Countryman john Knight was Commander, came also the same night about four a clock, both they and we being all in good health, praised be Almighty God. Amen. CHAP. XV. The second Voyage of Master JAMES HALL., forth of Denmark into Groenland, in the year 1606. contracted. WE departed from Copeman-haven, the seven and twentieth of May, in the year of our Redemption 1606. with four ships and a Pinnace. The Frost being Admiral, wherein went for principal Captain of the Fleet Captain Godske Lindeno a Danish Gentleman with myself, Godske Lindeno. being under God Pilot Mayor of the Fleet. In the Lion which was Vice-admiral, went for Captain and Commanmander, Captain john Cunningham a Scottish Gentleman, who was with me the year before. In the Yewrens went Hans Browne, a Gentleman of Norway. In the small ship called The Gilleflowre, Captain Cunningham. Hans Browne a Gentleman of Norway. Rickerson a Dane. Andres Noll of Bergen. went one Castine Rickerson a Dane. In the Pinnace called the Cat, went one shipper Andres Noll, of Bergen in Norway. So by the providence of God, we weighed and set sail about six a clock in the Evening, with a fair gale at South South-west, coming to an Anchor in Elsonoure Road to take in our water. The nine and twentieth in the morning, we shot off a Piece of Ordnance, for all the Captains and Commanders to come aboard of us, who being come, our Captain commanded the King's Orders to be read, which done, they returned aboard, at which time we weighed with a fair gale at East North-east, standing away North and by West till I had brought the Coal North-east and by East off, when I steered away North Northwest, and Northwest and by North. This Evening about five a clock, I set the Annold, it bearing West half Northerly, three leagues and an half. All this Evening we stood away Northwest and by North. The thirtieth day, the wind at East Southeast, we steering as before, this morning about six a clock, the Lesold bore West and by North of us six leagues off. At five this Evening, the Scaw bearing West South-west five leagues, I directed my course West Northwest, with the wind at North-east and by East. The one and thirtieth in the morning, very hasie weather with a stiff gale at East North-East, we steering West Northwest away, till about nine a clock, when we had a shrink of the Land which was the w●ster gate of Mardo, we steering alongst the Land. We came to an anchor in Flecorie, Our coming to Flecorie. where we were to make and take in wood and water. The second of june we weighed, and came forth of the Harbour of Flecorie about six in the morning, Our departure. having a fresh gale at East North-east. About eleven at noon, I set the Nase of Norway, it bearing North Northwest four leagues off. The fourth day in the morning about two a clock, we were fair by the high Land of the Yeddoe, I causing to cast about stood to the Southwards, West and by South and sometimes West. This day at noon, I found myself in the latitude of 57 degrees 45. minutes, the Nase of Norway bearing East North-east two and twenty leagues off. This day at noon also I cast about and stood to the Northwards, lying North with the stem, One of our Groenlanders died. having the wind at North Northwest. This afternoon died one of our Groinlanders called Oxo. All this evening, and the night following, the wind as before, we lying also North with little wind. The fifth and sixth most what calme· The seventh day, the wind at South-west and by South and South South-west, we steering West and West and by North. This day at noon we were in the latitude of 58. degrees 40. minutes. The tenth day about four in the morning, it began to blow a fresh gale at East and by South, at which time we stood alongst the Land to the Southward, till I had brought the South Head of Shotland, called Swinborne Head, Northwest and by North about three leagues off; and Fair Isle next hand South-west and by South eight leagues off, at which time I directed my course away West with a fresh gale at East Southeast about half an hour to three. I set the South head of Shotland it bearing North-east eight leagues off, Shotland. Fair Ile next hand Southeast seven leagues off, foul next hand North four leagues, we still steering away West with a fresh gale at East Southeast. All this afternoon and the night following it was very thick and rainy weather, the wind continuing as before. This night at midnight died the Groenlander which we had aboard us, Our Groenlander died. named Omeg. The fourteenth day, the wind as the night before a fair gale, we steering as we did before, with haysie weather having a shrink, at noon I found us in the latitude of 58. degrees 40. minutes, having made a West and by South way Southerly two and thirty leagues, differing to the Westward from the Meridian of the Nase 19 degrees 45. minutes. This afternoon we had a fair gale at Southeast with thick weather, we steering away West. The fifteenth day, the wind as before, we steering away West, being by my imagination in the latitude of 58. degrees 40. minutes. The three and twentieth day, the wind at the North-east a fair gale, we steering between the West Northwest, and the West and by North, being at noon in the latitude of 56. degrees 10. minutes, having by reason of a Northerly current contrary to my expectation, made a West way Southerly two and twenty leagues. The Compass also as I do suppose, being varied more than a Point to the westwards. The first of july we saw Land being eight leagues off, with a great bank of Ice lying off South-west, Sight of Land with Ice. we setting our tacks aboard laid off East and by South and East Southeast, to double the same, about two a clock having doubled the same, we went away West and by South all this evening and night following. This Land I did suppose to be Buss Island; it lying more to the Westwards than it is placed in the Marine Charts. The second day thick weather with the wind at North Northwest, we steering West and by North. This afternoon we were in a great Current setting South South-west. The which I did suppose to set between Buss Island and Freseland over with America; A current. we steering West Northwest with a fair gale at North. This night about nine a clock, the Pinnace came foul of the Vide-admiral, The Pinnace came foul of the Lion. where with her anchor she tore out about a foot of a plank a little above water, and broke down the beaks head. The sixth making observation, I found us in the latitude of 58. degrees 50. minutes, contrary to my expectation, whereby I did see the Southerly Current to be the principal cause. The seventh day, South current. the wind at North and by East, we lying West Northwest, being at noon in the latitude of 59 degrees 40. minutes, our way Northwest two and twenty leagues. This evening I found the North Point of the Compass to be varied 12. degrees 5. minutes, Variation observed. to the Westward of the true North. The eight day, the wind came up more Southerly between the South-west, and the South-west and by West with an easy gale, we steering away Northwest and by West; being at noon in the latitude of 59 degrees 30. minutes, having by reason of the Current and Variation made a West way Southerly about ten leagues. The ninth day close weather, it being calm all the forenoon, we perceiving by our ships which lay becalmed, a violent Current setting South-west. This day at noon, we were in the latitude of 59 degrees 40. minutes. A current setting South-west▪ Sight of Amer●ca in 58. degrees and 30. minute's. The tenth about four in the morning, the wind came up to the North Northwest. I casting about stood to the Westwards, lying West with the stem, being in the latitude of 60. degrees 16. minutes. We saw the coast of America about nine leagues off, at which time I made observation of the variation, and found the Needle vary 24. degrees to the Westwards of the true North. The Hill tops were covered, with snow, and the shore to the Northwards full with Ice, but to the Southwards it seemed clear. Here I found a great Current to set West into the shore, A Current. which about midnight did bring us to be encumbered with very many Lands of Ice, having much to do to get clear off the same without danger: but by Gods help it being fair weather with a fresh gale at South-west, we got clear off the same, standing East Southeast and Southeast and by East. The fourteenth in the morning being clear of the Ice, I went away East North-east and North-east and by East till eight a clock, when I directed my course North-east and by North, being at noon in the latitude of 59 degrees, the Cape or Head land which we saw that night bearing West South-west sixteen leagues off. All this afternoon and night following it was for the most par● still weather: Variation observed. this evening I found the variation 23. degrees 55. minutes. The sixteenth fair weather with a fresh gale at East Southeast, our course as before, being in the latitude of 60. degrees 20. minutes, the ships way North and by East northerly twenty leagues. This afternoon and the night following the wind as before, we steering still North-east and by North. The eighteenth also thick weather, being forced to stand away North Northwest to double a great bank with great Mountains of Ice almost incredible to be reported, yet by the help of God we passed the same, sailing all this day by great and huge mountainous Lands of Ice, with the wind at South-west and by South; being at noon in the latitude of 63. degrees 45. minutes. We did see ourselves beset round about with mighty banks of Ice, being forced to make more sail, Compassed about with Ice. and to lie to and again all this night to keep us clear of great and small Lands of Ice, where many times we were in such danger, that we did look for no other thing then present death, if God had not been merciful unto us and sent us clear weather, where by his assistance we kept ourselves very hardly and with great difficulty clear of the Ice. The nineteenth day in the morning clear weather with a fresh gale at South-west, we plying amongst the Ice to see if we could get a gut to get clear of the same, at which time we saw the Land of America about the latitude of 64. degrees, Land of America. it lying next hand South and North, being high ragged Land covered with snow, the shore being all beset with Ice. So lying off and on amongst the Ice in great peril till about noon, when God of his goodness sent us to espy a little gut where we went through, and stood South Southeast away, coming still by many Lands of Ice. here I did find both by my course and reckoning (the variation also of the Compass respected) that we were carried with a mighty Current to the Westwards, as both now and afterwards we did probably prove and see the same. A mighty current setting to the westward. For I setting my course from the coast of America in the latitude of 58. degrees and a half for the coast of Groenland North North-east with a compass, whose wires were placed more than two third parts of a Point to the Eastwards of the North, the variation being 23. degrees 30. minutes Northwesting and 24. degrees, Note. as by observation I found between the latitude of 58. and a half and 54. degrees, yet I did find myself contrary either to mine own, or to any of their expectations which was in the Fleet with me, carried almost four Points with the Current to the westwards over our judgements. The twentieth, we still sailed to the Eastwards by many great Banks and Lands of Ice, Here I did give direction to the other steer-man to direct their course for Groenland. Variation observed. being still compassed in, we being forced to stand to the Southwards to get clear, where being sometimes becalmed, we did plainly see and perceive ourselves carried into the Ice to the westward very violently. This Current setteth West Northwest. The twentieth in the evening I found the Compass varied 23. degrees. The one and twentieth day in the morning fair weather, we espied a gut through the Ice, it seeming clear to the southwards of the same, where bearing into the same about noon, we were clear of all the Ice by the merciful providence of God. Here I observed the latitude, it being 63. degrees 33. minutes. Now having the one and twentieth day at afternoon caused the Admiral to call the other Captains and Steermen aboard, with whom we might confer, and having showed briefly my reckoning with the other events, which contrary to my expectation had happened, the cause whereof at that instant they did plainly see and perceive: They confessing, the Current as they did now plainly see, to be the cause of the same. The Current. So having done, I gave to the other Steermen directions, that being clear of the Ice they should go between the East and the East and by North over for the coast of Groenland and not to the Northwards of the East and by North, because of the former events. And now at this instant, by God's help, being clear I called to them, giving the same directions. This afternoon and the night following it was calm. Variation observed. This evening I found the Compass varied 23. degrees 25. minutes. The two and twentieth day at noon I found us in the latitude of 63. degrees 20. minutes. The three and twentieth fair weather, the air very cold, as with us in the month of januarie, the wind variable between the East North-east, and the Southeast and by East, being at noon in the latitude of 63. degrees, having made a Southeast and by South way eleven leagues. This day at noon I cast about to the Westwards, the other ships doing the like, lying North-east and by North with the stem, Variation observed. finding this evening the Needle varied to the Westwards 23. degrees 30. minutes. The four and twentieth, the wind variable between the South Southeast and the Southeast and by South with rain and fog. This day about eleven a clock we did see much Ice to leeward, wherefore I cast about to the Southwards, the wind coming to the East North-east, we lying Southeast with the stem, supposing the ship to have made a North and by West way half Northerly two and twenty leagues. This afternoon, by reason of the fog, we lost sight of the Lion and the Gilliflowre, we looking earnestly forth for them, and shooting both we and the Urinal diverse pieces of Ordnance, We lost the Lion and Gilliflowre. but we could neither see nor hear them, at which time the wind came up Southerly, we standing away our course between the East and East and by North. The five and twentieth, we had sight of Groenland, being about ten leagues to the Southward of Queen Anne's Cape. We standing away East Southeast in wi●h the Land with the wind at South. All this night it did blow very much, we steering North by West and North Northwest. The seven and twentieth day in the morning was reasonable clear weather with a fresh gale at South South-west. This morning between four and five of the clock, I espied Queen Anne's Cape to bear East by South next hand of me, and King Christians Ford South Southeast of me, being thwart of Rumels' Ford, Queen Sophia's Cape bearing North half westerly, about five leagues off. Therefore I thought it convenient to put into Cunninghams' Ford where the silver was, The silver Mine. both in regard that I had sworn to his Majesty as concerning the same; and also because we were expressly commanded to bring home of the same. So having a fair gale at West South-west, we came into the aforesaid River, anchoring in a very good Sound, hard by the Vre in sixteen fathoms, The place of the silver Mine. at the mouth of Cunninghams' Ford, about five of the clock. There came presently four of the Country people unto us after their old accustomed manner. This evening about six of the clock the Urinal anchored by us. This night the Admiral, myself, and Captain Browne went on Land to see the Mine of silver: where it was decreed, that we should take in as much thereof as we could. On Sunday the third of August, the Savages seeing our courtesy toward them, bartered Seals skins and Whales fins with us: Barter for Seals skins and Whales fins. which being done, we went to our Boat, and rowing away, three of them taking their Boats, rowed with us up the Ford, calling to other of the people, telling them and making signs to us, of our dealing towards them. Then they also came to us and bartered with us for old Iron and Knives, for Seals skins and coats made of Seales skins, and Whales fins, and rowed, still all with us. In the end, having rowed five or six leagues up the Ford, and seeing it to be but a Bay, we returned alongst many green and pleasant Lands, where we found good anchoring: the people still followed us to the number of five and twenty persons till about six of the clock; Many green Lands. when it fell thick with some rain, and the wind being Southerly, we rowed in among the Sounds, at which time they went from us: we rowing our Boat to one of the Lands went to supper. And having supped, Another ford. we rowed some three leagues up an other Ford, where we found very shallow water, in which place we stayed with our Boat all that night. The fourth day in the morning about three of the clock, we returned to our ship again with a gale of wind Southerly, being somewhat thick and rainy weather, sailing by the Land among the Lands, Queen Sophia's Cape. till we came three leagues to the Northwards of Queen Sophia's Cape, when going without the Lands, we met with a very high Sea, so that we had much to do, but by the providence of Almighty God, the Boat was preserved from being swallowed up of the Sea. In the end, we got again among the Lands, and so about noon we came to our ships. The fifth day, some of our men went on Land among the Mountains, where they did see rain Dear. Rhine Dear. The sixth day, I casting about, stood into the shore Southeast, till we had brought Ramels Ford East and by North off us, bearing room for the same Ford. There goeth a very hollow Sea between the Lands of the King's Ford and Ramels Ford. Ramels Ford. A hollow Sea. The wind being somewhat still, we towed on head with our Boats till we came thwart of a Bay, in which I was in the Vrins' Boat, which I named Fos Bay, after the name of Philip de Fos, Pilot of the Vrin. But the Admiral's wilfulness was such, Fos Bay. that I could by no means counsel him therein though night were at hand, but he would go up the Ford, till we came on the starboard side of the Ford to six and twenty fathoms sandy ground. The Urinal let fall anchor by us, but the wind coming off the Land (our Captain and Company being so obstinate and wilful, No ground at 100 fathoms in the midst of Fos Bay. that I could by no means get them to work after my will) the ship drove into the midfoord, where we could have no ground at an hundred fathoms, till the Tide of flood came, when the flood set the ship to the shore: but I laying out a Cage-anchor got the ship off; and setting our foresail, stood for another road up the River. The eight day about four in the morning, we came to an anchor in twenty fathoms sandy ground, having very fair shoalding within us. About noon the Urinal came and anchored by us. It floweth in this River Southeast and Northwest, Fos River in 66. degrees 25. minutes. A Town found teach 〈◊〉 up the River. and it standeth in the latitude of 66. degrees and 25. minutes. The ninth in the morning, our Captain with the Captain of the Urinal, went with their Boats up the River, where they did come to see their winter houses, which were builded with Whales bones, the balks being of Whales ribs, and the tops were covered with earth, and they had certain Vaults or Sellers under the earth four square, about two yards deep in the ground. These houses were in number about some forty. They found also certain Graves made up of stones over the dead bodies of their people, the carcases being wrapped in Seals skins, and the stones laid in manner of a Coffin over them. This day in this place we set a man on Land, which had served our Captain the yeer● before, which for a certain fault committed by him our Captain left behind in the Country. A man left on Land. About noon our men came aboard again; and after Dinner some of the people came unto us, of whom we caught 〈◊〉 with their Boats and stowed them in our ship●, to bring them into Denmark●, Five of the people taken again. Groenland called by the Inhabitants Secanunga. to inform ourselves better by their means of the state of their Country of Groineland▪ which in their own language they call Secanunga, and say, that up within the Land they have a great King, which is carried upon men's shoulders. The tenth of August in the morning, the wind being at East Southeast, we weighed and came forth of Rombes Ford, but being come forth to Sea amongst the Lands, the wind came up to the South-west and by South, the Sea going marvelous high, we lying West and West and by North to Sea, doubling certain Lands and Rocks. Where the Sea going so wonderful high had set us upon the Rocks, where we had all died, if God of his mercy 〈◊〉 that instant, when we saw nothing before our eyes but present death, had not sent us a great gale of wind at South South-west, whereby we lay West Northwest away with a flawn sheet, we doubling of the Lands and Rocks, were forced to go between certain little Lands, which lie off Queen Sophia's Cape four leagues into the Sea. The which Lands I named the year before, Knights Lands, after the name of john Knight. So having passed these Lands not without great danger, was found between them many blind Rock●▪ and being clear in the Sea. Knight's Lands. The thirteenth at noon, we were in the latitude of 66. degrees 50. minutes, being off Cape Sophia West and by North half westerly about sixteen leagues. The eighteenth about four in the morning, we got clear off the Ice, steering South and by West away, it being very thick weather till noon, when it cleared up: at which 〈◊〉 we saw the shore rising like Lands, being very high and stretching South and by East▪ and North and by West about four and twenty leagues, the shore being beset all full with Ice, so that in that place it is impossible for any ship to come into the shore. Also of the Southermost of these two Capes, lay such a great bank of Ice stretching into the Sea, that we were forced to lie West and by North to double the 〈◊〉. All this afternoon, we were almost comp●st with Ice, we hearing to the same, the wind coming up to the East Southeast, we 〈◊〉 South to the Ice were forced to lose for one Island, and to bear room for another till about four a clock when by God's helps 〈…〉 clear off the same, the wind coming up to the Southeast and by South, we lay South-west and by South off all this night. The two and twentieth thick weather, the wind 〈◊〉 before. This morning about seven a clock we saw a sail West and by South of us, we standing to him, for it was our Vice, admiral the Lion, who had been greatly troubled with the Ice▪ We met again with the Lion. we being glad to meet one another again. The eight and twentieth about four in the morning, the storm ceased, the wind coming up to the West South-west. About three a clock we set our sails standing Southeast away. But being under sail, we spied great banks and Lands of Ice to leeward of us, lying off East and by South, which Ice I did judge to lie off Cape Desolation about eight leagues off: the which by reason of the fog we could not 〈◊〉. The nine and twentieth about six in the morning, the wind came up to the North-east and by North, we making sail went South Southeast away till noon with a stiff gale, we seeing in the morning pieces of drift Ice to windward of us; having at noon a shrink of the same I found us in the latitude of 39 degrees 46. minutes, having from noon to noon made a Southeast and by South way eight leagues. The one and thirtieth, the wind continuing, we holding still our course with the wind still at North Northwest, with fair and clear weather it blowing very much, so that we stood away under a couple of courses low set, the Sea very 〈◊〉 grown, being in the ●●titude of 59 degrees 10. minutes, having made an East Southeast way somewhat Easterly four and thirty leagues. This afternoon after my observation, we saw some Lands of Ice 〈◊〉 some drift Ice, I something marvelling of the same, knowing both by my account and my 〈◊〉 ●●seruation, that we were shot too far from 〈◊〉 part of Groinland, that was described 〈…〉 Marine Chart. For the southermost part described therein is not in the latitude of 60. degrees, and we being now in the latitude of 59 degrees ten minutes, Cape Desolation bearing West Northwest half Northerly about sixty four leagues, and Cape Christian which was the next known part of Groenland Northwest and by West westerly eight and thirty leagues, so holding our course East Southeast away, Sight of Land. about four a clock we had sight of Land, being very high Land, it lying alongst East Southeast about sixteen leagues, the westermost part seemed either to fall away East North-east, and the southermost point bearing East northerly, fell away East and by North. This Land is very high, having the Hills covered with snow, the shore being very thick with Ice: this place because I knew not whether it was of the Main or an Island, I named Frost Island, Frost Island. after the name of the ship. The first of September, at noon, I made observation, and found us in the latitude of 58. degrees, having made a Southeast and by South way southerly six and twenty leagues. This day at noon I directed my course East and by South, This afternoon about six a clock it fell calm, and so continued all the night following. Variation observed. This evening I found the variation 10. degrees 50. minutes Northwesting. The fourth day the wind at East and by South, we lying South and by East, having a shrink of the sun about noon, I did suppose us in the latitude of 57 degrees 20. minutes, having made a Southeast and by South way southerly about ten leagues; all this day and the night following we lay as before. The eight day fair weather, the wind as before, it being almost calm, we going away as before, being at noon in the latitude of 58. degrees 36. minutes, having made an East North-east way northerly twenty leagues, A great Southern Sea. Variation observed. by reason of the great southerly Sea. All this afternoon and the night following it was for the most part calm. This evening I found the Compass varied about two degrees 45. minutes northwesting. The ninth day also fair weather, the wind southerly a fresh gale, our course still East, being at noon in the latitude of 58. degrees 40. minutes, our way East and by North easterly twelve leagues. This afternoon the wind came up to the South or South and by East with rain. This night about midnight thick weather with rain, the wind coming to the Southeast, we lying East North-east and North-east and by East with the stem. The tenth day about two in the morning, the wind came up to the South South-west, we steering our course East, being at noon in the latitude of 59 degrees 10. minutes, having made an East and by North way easterly four and forty leagues, we having a fresh gale westerly. This day we saw one of the Fowl the which are on the Island of Bas in Scotland, A Bas Goose. called Bas Geese. Variation observed to the North-east. This evening I found the Variation 1. degree 4. minutes northeasting. The eighteenth, this forenoon about nine a clock, we espied land, rising somewhat ragged, the Eastermost point of the same bearing Southeast and by South, and the Westermost part South and by West about eight leagues. These Lands by my account and observation, I found to be the Lands of Ferris, Sight of Ferris. being at noon in the observation of 62. degrees 5. minutes. The nineteenth I set a little Rock, called the Monk; which lieth off to the Southeast end, it being about five a clock, East Southeast of us three leagues off. This night about ten a clock it fell calm. The stream under the Lands of far. The twentieth, we did see the stream had set us to the Northwards. This stream setteth under the Lands of far next hand East and West. So casting about we stood to the westwards, lying West South-west and sometimes West and by South, and sometimes South-west, it being very rainy weather, about midnight it fell calm and so continued all night unto the morning. The first of October in the afternoon about four of the clock, we had sight of The Holmes. The second day, we steered away Southeast and by South and South Southeast for The Col. And about eight of the clock this night we came into Turco, where we road all the day following. Turco. The third day at night the wind came to the North-east; so we weighed and came into Elsenor Road. The fourth day, by the providence of God, we arrived in our desired Port of Copen Haven, 1606. The several burdens and numbers of men employed in the ships of the Fleet aforesaid, were as followeth. THe Trust being Admiral, was of sixty tons, had eight and forty men. The Lion Vide-admiral, was of seventy tons, had eight and forty men. The Urinal or Eagle Rear-admiral, of one hundred tons, had fifty men. The Gilliflowre was of forty tons, had sixteen men. The Pinnace called the Cat, was of twenty tons, had twelve men. Bredaransies Ford is most Northerly. Cunninghams' Ford is next in sixty seven degrees and odd minutes. The Ford wherein they saw the Town ten leagues up the same, is two leagues to the South of Cunninghams' Ford. The King's Ford is in sixty six degrees and an half. William Huntris' of Stowborow in Yorkshire, is Master Hall his man, and is allowed thirty pound by the year of the King of Denmark, for his skill in Navigation. I have also Master Hall's Voyage of the next year 1607. to Groenland from Denmark, written, and with representations of Land-sights curiously delineated by josias Hubert of Hull, but the Danes (envious perhaps that the glory of the Discovery would be attributed to the English Pilot) after the Land saluted 〈◊〉, and in fine forced the ship to return for Island. For which cause I have here omitted the whole. CHAP. XVI. The Voyage of Master JOHN KNIGHT, (which had been at Groenland once before 1605. Captain of a Pinnace of the King of Denmark) for the Discovery of the Northwest Passage, begun the eighteenth of April 1606. I Set sail from Gravesend in a Bark of forty tons, called the Hope-well, April 18▪ 1606. well victualled and manned at the cost of the Worshipful Companies of Moscovie, and the East Indie Merchants, for the Discovery of the Northwest Passage the eighteenth of April 1606. and arrived the six and twentieth of the same month in the I'll of Orkney, in a Sound called Pentlefrith. Pentlefrith, in Orkney. here we were stayed with contrary winds at West and Northwest, and with much storm and foul weather above a fortnight. In which mean space, I entertained two men of this Country, which are both lusty fellows at Sea and Land, and are well acquainted with all the Harbours of these North parts of Scotland. These men brought us into a very good Harbour, Saint Margarites Sound. called Saint Margarites Hope, where we had the Sea open to us for all winds that are good for us to proceed on our Voyage. In this Country we found little worthy of Relation. For it is poor, and hath no wood growing upon it. Their Corn is Barley and Oates. Their fire is Turf, their houses are low and unseemly without, and as homely within. Upon Monday the twelfth of May, I set sail from Saint Margarites Sound or Hope in Orkney, at nine of the clock in the morning, our course being West and by South: and at eight of the clock at night, the Hill called Hoyce, did bear West Southerly eleven or twelve leagues, and the Stack South and by East Easterly three leagues and an half, the wind being at East Southeast. This day was for the most part calm, and sometimes we had a fresh gale of wind: our course was West and by South, half a point Southerly. This day I passed by two small Lands. Two small Lands. The one of them is called, the Clete, and the other the Run. They are distant four leagues the one from the other. The course between them is South-west and North-east. The Southermost is called the Clete, and is the lesser of the twain: it is distant from the North-east part of Lewis, called the Blinghead, seven leagues: and the course betwixt them is Northwest and Southeast. Also this Blinghead is distant from the Farr● Headpunc; The Blinghead the North-east part of Lewis. of the Hieland of Scotland West and by North half a point Westerly, and is distant seventeen leagues. Also the course between Blinghead and the Northwest part of Lewis, is West and by South half a point Westerly, and fair low Land without wood. There is good riding all along the shore, the wind being off the Land, and in some places are very good Harbours for all winds. From eight to twelve at night, we ran six leagues West South-west. This morning we had a fresh gale of wind at East North-east: our course was South-west and by West two hours five leagues. From two to ten South-west, and by South 20. leagues. From ten to twelve West South-west six leagues. The latitude at noon was 58. degrees 27. minutes. Fifty eight degrees 27. min. From Wednesday at noon till Thursday at noon, was for the most part rain and fog, the wind at North-east and by East: our course was West half a point Southerly: our latitude at noon being Thursday, 58. degrees 23. minutes. From Thursday at noon till Friday at noon, being the sixteenth, our way was West Southerly about twenty leagues: the latitude at noon was 58. degrees 19 minutes. This night the wind was sometimes variable between the South and by West and Southeast, with fair weather, the Magnetical Declination 18. degrees: the height of the Pole was 58. degrees 10. minutes. Eighteen degrees of variation. Also in the morning the Sun being ten degrees above the Horizon, was distant from the East to the North-wards of the East twenty two degrees. From Friday at noon until midnight was little wind Southerly, and sometimes calm, and from midnight till twelve at noon the next day a stiff gale of wind at East North-east. This four and twenty hours I judged our way to be made good West, something Southerly thirty leagues. The latitude at noon was 58. degrees 10. minutes. Also the sun did rise fifty degrees to the Northward of the East. From Saturday at noon being the seventeenth, till Sunday at noon being the eighteenth, our course was West and by South a stiff gale of wind fifty leagues, being close weather, we made no observation of latitude. From Sunday at noon till Monday at noon I steered away West and West and by South, having a storm at East and by North: our course was West and Southerly fifty leagues. From Monday at noon till midnight, our course was West and Southerly: and from that time till noon West and by North and West among. I judged we sailed forty leagues these four and twenty hours, being for the most part foggy. The latitude at noon was 57 degrees 50. minutes. From Tuesday at noon till noon on Wednesday, our course was West and by North forty five leagues, A current to the Northward being foggy weather without observation. Here we had a current, which I judge setteth to the Northwards. From Wednesday at noon till Thursday at noon, being the two and twentieth, our course was West and by North fifty leagues with much fog and close weather, and much▪ wind at North-east and by East. From Thursday at noon till midnight, our course was West and by North. Then the wind came to the North: we took in our main course, and I spooned away with our foresail till Friday, the wind being at North North-east, I judged our way West South-west, the twelve hours that I spooned about fifteen leagues, the other twelve hours' West Northerly five and twenty leagues. Many Gulls and much Rock-weed. This three and twentieth day, we saw many Gulls and much Rock-weed. From Friday at noon till Saturday at noon, I judged our way to be made South-west and by West, A current to the North eastward. but it proved West and by South, rather Westerly, twenty leagues by reason of a current, that I judge setteth to the Northeastward. The latitude at noon was 57 degrees 53. minutes. The variation of the Compass was about a point to the Westward. This forenoon and all night the wind was at North a very hard gale; we spooned with our foresail. Also this forenoon, we saw much Sea Tange and Rock-weed. From Saturday at noon till Sunday at noon, our course was Southward about twenty leagues, the wind being Northerly. This day we saw much Rock-weed and Drift-wood. The latitude was fifty seven degrees. The variation 13. degrees Westward. The variation was to the Westward thirteen degrees or thereabout. The sun being five degrees high in the morning, was twenty four degrees to the Northward of the East. From Sunday at noon till two of the clock the next day in the morning, being Monday, our course was West Northwest, we made our way West and by North twenty leagues, having a fresh gale at Southeast and by East: it fell calm till four of the clock: than it blew an easy gale at West South-west, we stemming Northwest, etc. between that and North North-east the wind being variable. An Owl. The wind freshed toward noon. This morning we saw an Owl. The latitude at noon the eight and twentieth, was 57 degrees 57 minutes. The variation of the Compass was fourteen degrees and an half to the West. This day we had black water, and many over-falls, The variation 14. degrees and an half to the West. Fifty eight degrees of latitude. White fowls. Dead Cowes. stream leeches, and sets of currents, as it seemed to the Northward, and some to the Westward. The thirtieth, we found our latitude to be fifty eight degrees. here it seemed that we were in a tide gate, which I judged to set North and South, or that it was the Eddie of the currents, which we saw the other day. Also we saw white Fowls, which cheeped like Sparhawks. Also we saw driving many dead Cows. The one and thirtieth, the sun being fifty degrees above the Horizon, I found it to be twenty seven degrees to the Eastward of the South: again in the afternoon, the sun being fifty degrees high, The variation of the Compass 24. degrees Northwestward. june 1. it was distant from the South to the Westward fifty one degrees: at noon it was 55. degrees 6. minutes, the height of the Pole was 58. degrees 3. minutes. The variation of the Compass was twenty four degrees toward the Northwest. Our way made these twenty four hours was not above six leagues West, being little wind for the most part. From Saturday at noon till two of the clock it was calm: than it began to blow an easy gale at North. At night I observed the sun setting, and found it to set twenty one degrees to the Westward of the North, the wind continuing variable between the North and the West Northwest till noon, being the first of june. Then I found myself by observation to be in the latitude of 57 degrees 35. minutes. I judged our way from noon to noon West and by South or thereabout thirteen leagues. From Sunday at noon till ten of the clock the same Evening, it was calm. Then it began to blow a stiff gale of wind at South Southeast. Our course was West till noon, the next day being Monday, twenty three leagues. This day we saw many black Fowls like Willockes flying in flocks together. Many black wild fowls. The fourth my latitude at noon, was 56. degrees 40. minutes. The latitude next day at noon was fifty six degrees. The variation of the Compass by the Scale was twenty degrees, and by my other Instrument twenty four degrees to the West. Latitude 56. degrees. Variation 24. degrees Westward. Fifty eight degrees. The sun was twenty two degrees and an half high, and to the North of the West thirty degrees by the Instrument, and twenty six degrees by the Scale. Our latitude at noon the eleventh, was fifty eight degrees. And at night the sun did set fourteen degrees to the Westward of the North, and did rise fifty degrees to the Eastward of the North. The thirteenth, the Ice seemed to be dispersed thinner with the wind, or some other accident: then I set sail with our two courses, but was forced to take them in again, and moo●●d to another great Island of Ice, about a mile to the Westward of the other▪ Here setteth some small 〈◊〉 to the Southwestward. For the great fla●e● of Ice that we●e somewhat deep, A small current to the South-west. Sight of Land like Lands. drove to the Southward, and the other small Ice which was sto●ie drove with the wind, which wa● variable betwixt the Northwest and the North. Here we were in sight of Land, which bore West South-west from us, showing in some parts like Lands. Our latitude at noon was 57 degrees 25. minutes. From Friday at noon till eight of the clock at night, we continued moored to the aforesaid Ice: than it fell calm, and I loosed and ●owed to the Westward with our Oars, hoping to get through, till twelve of the clock, than the Ice grew very thick. I moored again till four of the clock the next morning. Then we rowed and sailed with an easy gale of wind till eight of the clock the next morning b●ing Saturday. Then it began to blow a fresh gale Easterly, and we cunned the ship among the Ice with ou● Oars till noon. Our latitude was fifty eight degrees. From Saturday at noon till midnight we guided our ship to the Westward among the Ice with our Oars, hoping to get through: but we were suddenly compassed about with many great Lands of Ice, and continued so distressed with a sore storm of wind at Southeast, being foggy and thick weather: we were so bruised between mighty great Lands of Ice, that we were in danger every minute to be crushed in pieces with force of the heaving and setting of the said Ice with the great Sea that the wind made, had not God of his mercy provided for us: for our own endeavours did little avail to our help, though we employed all our industries to the uttermost of our powers. The nineteenth, we descried the Land of America, which riseth like eight Lands: The Land of America descried in 56. degrees 48. minutes. America here showeth like broken Lands. the Northermost part of it did bear North and by West about fifteen leagues from us. I observed the latitude, and found myself to be in 56. degrees and 48. minutes. The variation of the Compass was twenty five degrees to the Westward. All this Coast showeth like broken Land or Lands; and the tide of flood cometh from the Northward. Tuesday the four and twentieth all the morning, there blew a storm Northerly, and such a suff of the Sea, and so much Ice came in, that our fasts broke that were fast on shore, and our Rudder was driven from our stern with the force of mighty Lands of I●e; so that we were forced to hale close into the bottom of the Cove to save our clothes, furniture and victuals: we did our best, but before we had done, our ship was half full of water: the night coming upon us being weary, we took a little rest. On Wednesday, we went hard to work when the ship was on ground, to get the water out of her, and to stop so many of her leaks as we could come by, and to save so much of our bread as we could; and some went to building our shallop. Also I caused our Boat to be launched over the Island; and sent my Mate Edward Gorrell, with three others, Edward Gorrell the Master's Mate. to seek for a better place where to bring our ship on ground, if it were possible, to mend her again. But they returned without any certainty by reason of the abundance of Ice, which choked every place. They found wood growing on the shore. Thursday being fair weather.] Here Master john Knight ended writing in this journal. On this Thursday the six and twentieth of june in the morning, our Master caused some of our men to go aboard our ship, to save what things they could. M. john Knight with five more passeth over to a great Island, where he and three of his company seem to have been intercepted by the Savages. And he and Edward Gorrell his Mate, and his brother, and three more of our Company took the Boat, carrying with them four Pistols, three Muskets, five Swords, and two half Pikes for to go over to a great Island, which was not above a mile from our ship, to look if they could find any Harbour or any Cove, to get our ship into for to mend her. Also he carried an Equinoctial Dial with him, and paper to make a Draught of the Land. When they were passed over to the other side, our Master his Mate, and his brother, and one more went on shore, leaving two of us in the Boat with one Musket, one Sword, and an half Pike to keep it: which two stayed in the Boat from ten of the clock in the morning, until eleven of the clock at night, but could hear no news of them after their departure up into the top of the Hill. Their Trumpettor. Then did the Trumpettor sound two or three times, and the other did discharge his Musket two or three times, and so they came away to the other side to the West of the Company, where the ship was: where they were watching for our coming; who seeing us two coming and no more, they marvelled where the rest of the company were. When we came on shore, they enquired for our Master and the rest of our company. But we could tell them no news of them after their departure out of the Boat, but that we did see them go up to the top of the Island. Which report did strike all our men into a great fear to think in what extremity we were, because we did want our Master and three of our best men, Their Shallop no● finished. and our Ship lay sunk, and we had nothing to trust to but our Shallop, which was not at that time half finished. This night lying on shore in our Tent, which was between two Rocks, They could not pass to the great Island for Ice. we kept very good watch, for fear of any people's sudden assaulting of us: or if our Master and his company had travailed so far, that they could not come again that night, and would shoot a Musket, that we might hear them. But they came not at all. The next day being Friday, and the seven and twentieth of june, we consulted to go over seven of us with our Boat, to try if we could see or learn any news of our Master, or any of our men; for we were afraid that they were either surprised by the Savages of the Country, or else devoured by the wild Beasts. So we took with us seven Muskets, and Swords, and Targets, and such provision as we had in the Ship, and went down to the Seaside, but we could not get over for Ice. At length we returned, with much ado to get on shore, land went to our Ship, to save what things we could all that day. On Saturday, the eight and twentieth, we did likewise save what things we could, and got all our things out of our Ship, and made her clean in hold, having fair weather, hoping in God to save her, and to mend all things, as well as we could; for she lay upon hard rocks: wherefore we kept her as light as we could, for beating and bruising of her hull. That night about nine of the clock, it began to rain very sore, and so continued all night: and about one of the clock at night, our Boatswain and our Steward being at watch, and their watch almost out, the Steward went aboard the Ship to pump, leaving the Boatswain at watch some Musket shot length from our Tent: The Savages of the Country assault our men at one of the clock at night. while he was in pumping, there came over the rocks a great sort of the Country people toward the place where the Boatswain was: who when they saw him, they shot their arrows at him, running toward him as fast as they could. Whereupon he discharged his Musket at them, and fled to our Tent as fast as he could, thinking they had beset us, they were so many of them in sight. The Steward hearing his Musket go off, came out of the Ship, and as he was coming, saw the Savages running to our Shallop, and cried out to us that were asleep in our Tent, to come to rescue the Boatswain, and the Shallop. We made what haste we could; when we came towards them, and saw so many of them in our Shallop, we were afraid we were betrayed. At this time it reigned very sore; yet calling our wits together, we sent two of our men back unto our Tent, Our men expulse the Savages. the rest of us made toward them, and shot at them some three or four Muskets: who when they saw us shoot, they stood in our Shallop, and held up their hands unto us, calling one to another. Then thought we with ourselves, that we were better to dye in our defence in pursuing of them, than they us, being but eight Men and a great Dog. When they saw us marching toward them so fiercely, our Dog being foremost, they ran away: Above fifty Savages in sight. but we durst not pursue them any further, for it was in the night, and they were in sight above fifty men. Thus we recovered our Shallop. Then we sent some more of our men to our Tent to keep it; and the rest followed toward the place whither they fled. But before we could overtake them, they were gotten into their Boats, and were rowing away through the Ice; Very great Boats of the Savages. which was so thick, that they could not pass away, but stuck fast; for their Boats were very great: we seeing them stick fast in the Ice, some setting with Oars, and some rowing, came so near them, as we could, and shot at them some dozen shot, before they could get clear: which shot caused them to cry out very sore one to another; for their Boats were full of men. The description of the Savages As far as we could judge, they be very little people, tawny coloured, thin or no beards, and flat nosed, and Man-eaters. On Sunday, the nine and twentieth, all day long we got such things as we could aboard our Ship, for fear they should come over with more men, and beset us, our Ship lying between two great Rocks, and all without so full of Ice, that we could not pass any way to Sea, no not with a Boate. That day, two of our men kept watch upon the Rocks, to give us warning, if they did come over with Boats. Then did our Carpenter make what shift he could with our Shallop, and did tench her in some places, but neither calke● her, nor pitched her. Then did we take her, and bring her down close to the Ship, and there she did stand all night. On Monday, the thirtieth day in the morning we went to work to cut the Ice with Axes and Pick-axes, to get our Ship; for all about the Island was nothing but Ice, and no place to ride free neither with Ship nor Boate. That night it pleased God, that we got her out, and came away rowing with our Oars; but she was exceeding leak, and our Shallop too: and, which was worse, we had never a Rudder to stir our Ship withal. We rowed all that night among the Ice. The first and second days of july, we continued also rowing up and down among the floating and driving Ice, with little hope of recovering our Country. The third of july, we had a gale of wind at North, and a great current setting to the Southward: A great Current setting to South▪ Then made we fast our Ship to an Island of Ice, and went to work, and to stow her things within board, to make her stiff; for we had never a whit of ballast in her. Then did our Carpenter make what shift he could, to hang our Rudder, having nothing convenient in our Ship to make Gudgeons, nor Pintels. Then were we forced to break open our Master's Chest, and to take all the Iron bands off it, to make fast two Pick-axes, for two Pintels, Pintels are small Iron pin's made fast to the Rudder, and hung the Rudder to the Stern-post, etc. and to bind our Rudders withal. So, as it pleased God, that night we hanged our Rudder, having but two Pintels and a Cable through the middle of it, to keep it to with two tacks. Then were we in good hope to get clear of the Ice, because we had some steerage, though it was but bad: for before, we durst bear but little sail, our Ship being so leak, and her stem so sore beaten with the rocks and Ice, and having no steerage, but were forced to row with our Oars, till we were all sore and weary. The next day about ten of the clock in the morning, the wind came to the West Northwest, and was fair weather: so we steered away East and by North, to get us out of the Bay: And at noon, the watch being out, They get out of the Bay, where they road. which was the third watch that we had after we came out of the Country (for before, continually we did watch all, to keep our Ship clear of the Ice, as near as we could) we began to Pump our Ship, but could not make her suck in a thousand strokes, if she had stood but one half hour unpumped. Then were we forced to unromage our Ship, to see if we could find our leaks. We soon found a great many of leaks, but not that which caused us to Pump so sore. At the last, we found it close abaft our forefoot, where her keel was splintred in two or three places, where the Sea came running in so fast, Our Ships Ke●le was splinted in two or three places. They consult to touch at New found Land. that it was not possible to keep her free with both our Pumps, and we could not come to it to stop it; for it was under the timbers. Then did we take our main Bonnet, and basted it with Occom, and put it overboard, right against our leak, which eased us some four or five hundred strokes in an hour. Then upon consultation had among ourselves, we resolved to shape our course towards Newfound Land, to see if we could get any place to mend our Ship, hoping there to meet with some English or French men. At this time we had one of our men very sick, and another had his hand very sore split; and most of us all were so sore with rowing and pumping, that we were scarce able to stir, but that we must perforce. The fifth of julie, we shaped our course for New found Land, with the wind at West South-west. The one and twentieth, the wind was at South South-west; and we fell with the Land, Broken Lands in 49. degrees and a half, of latitude. being nothing but broken Lands. Then we stood to the Westward, being in the latitude of 49. degrees and an half. The two and twentieth was fair weather, and the wind very variable: and about six of the clock at night, the wind came to the West Northwest. Then we steered in among the Lands, to see if we could find any harbour to mend our Ship; for she was very leak. Many broken Iland● which we●e the Isles de Fogo. When we were come in among them, we found nothing but broken Lands, and a great current, which did set from Island to Island, and had no ground at an hundred fathoms. That night we were very sore entangled with sunken Rocks, and in great danger of casting away our Ship, having very thick weather: wherefore we kept to and fro all that night. Sunken Rocks. The four and twentieth of july, in the morning, we spied some dozen Shallops, which were fishing some two leagues from us. Then we made what way we could toward them, Twelve Shallops of Fishermen. etc. We remained in this Bay of Fogo, in repairing our Ship, and refreshing of ourselves, until the two and twentieth of August. Then taking our leaves of our kind and loving friends, with giving them most hearty thanks for their goodness towards us, we put forth to the Sea, and with an indifferent and reasonable good passage we arrived safely in Dartmouth in Devonshire, and sent word to London unto our owners, of the loss of our Master and his three companions, and of the doleful success of our Voyage, the four and twentieth day of September, 1606. The rest of this journal, from the death of Master john Knight, was written by Oliver Browne, one of the Company. CHAP. XVII. The fourth Voyage of JAMES HALL. to Groeneland, wherein he was set forth by English Adventurers, Anno 1612. and slain by a Greenelander. Written by WILLIAM BAFFIN. WEdnesday, the eight of july, 1612. in the morning▪ I perceived the Sun and the Moon, both very fair above the horizon, as I had done diverse times before. At which time I purposed to find out the longitude of that place, by the Moons coming to the Meridian. Most part of this day I spent about finding of the Meridian line; which I did upon an Island near the Sea, hanging at the extremes of my Meridian line two threads with Plummets at them, instead of an index and sights. Thursday, the ninth day very early in the morning I went on shore the Island, being a fair morning, and observed till the Moon came just upon the Meridian. At which very instant, I observed the Sun's height, and found it 8. degrees, 53. minutes, North: in the elevation of the Pole 65. degrees 20. minutes. By the which, working by the doctrine of spherical triangles, having the three sides given, to wit, the compliment of the Poles elevation; the compliment of the Almecanter: and the compliment of the Sun's declination, to find out the quantity of the angle at the Pole: I say, by this working, I found it to be four of the clock, 17. minutes, and 24. seconds. Which when I had done, I found by mine Ephemerideses, that the Moon came to the Meridian at London that morning at four of the clock, 25. minutes, 34. seconds: which 17. minutes, 24. seconds, substracted from 25.34. leaveth 8.10. of time, for the difference of longitude betwixt the Meridian of London (for which the Ephemerideses was made) and the Meridian passing by this place in Groenland. Now the Moon's motion that day, was 12. degrees 7. minutes: 60. degrees 30. minutes difference of longitude between the meridian of London and Cockins Sound in Groenland. which converted into minutes of time, were 48. minutes, 29. seconds: which working by the rule of proportion, the work is thus: if 48. minutes, 29. seconds; the time that the Moon cometh to the Meridian sooner that day, than she did the day before, give 360. the whole circumference of the earth, what shall 8. minutes 10. seconds give, to wit, 60. degrees, 30. minutes, or near there abvut: which is the difference of longitude between, the Meridian of London, and this place in Groenland, called Cockins Sound, lying to the Westward of London. This finding of the longitude, I confess is somewhat difficult and troublesome, and there may be some small error. But if it be carefully looked unto, and exactly wrought, there will be no great error, if your Ephemerideses be true. But some will say, that this kind of working is not for Mariners; Objection. because they are not acquainted to work propositions by the table of signs, and an instrument is not precise enough to find out the hour, minute, and second. For the loss of one minute of time, is the loss of 7. degrees of longitude. I answer, that although the most part are not used to this work, Answer. yet I know some of the better sort, which are able to work this and the like propositions exactly. And those which ye● cannot, and are desirous to learn, may in short space attain to such knowledge as shall be sufficient for such things. And how necessary it is, that the longitude of places should be known, I leave to the judgement of all skilful Mariners, and others that are learned in the Mathematics. This afternoon it was agreed by the chief of our Company, that our Master, james Hall, should go in the smaller Ship, farther to the Northward. The foresaid Thursday in the evening, he departed out of the Patience into the Hearts-ease, to get forth of the Harbour, which our Master called Cockins-ford, in remembrance of Alderman Cockin one of the Adventurers: Cockins Ford in 65. deg. 20. min which place, is in the latitude of 65. degrees, 20 minutes. And the variation of the compass is 23. degrees, 58. minutes, to the Westward. That evening was very calm, Variation 23. deg. 58. min. and we towed our Ship forth with the Shallops and Ships Boat. But within an hour or two after we were got into the Offin; the wind being at North, it blew a great storm, which continued all that night. The foureteenth, our Master turned the Ship up to the River again, toward the River where the supposed mine should be. But the tide was so far spent, that we could not get to Sea, but were constrained to Anchor in a road at the South side of the River, Many good Rhodes. some three leagues from the Patience, in which place are many good Rode-steeds to be found. Thursday, the sixteenth day, the wind was at Northwest, and blew so stiff a ●ale▪ that we could not get to Sea that day. That night, eighteen of us went into the Lands to look for some Deer, Great footing. but found none. But we perceived the footsteps of some great Beast, which we supposed to be of some great Elk: the foot was as big as any Ox foot. Tuesday, the twenty one, the weather still continued in such sort, that we could not by any means get to the River, where the supposed Mine should be. Wherefore our Master bare room for Ramelsford, being a River Southward of another, called Cunninghams' ford, some twelve leagues. Ramels River. And we came to an Anchor at the entrance on the Southside of the Ford, about seven of the clock. Wednesday, the two and twentieth day, about nine or ten of the clock, the Savages came to barter with us, being about forty of them, and continued about an hour and an half: At which time our Master james Hall, being in the Boat, a Savage with his Dart struck him a deadly wound upon the right side, which our Surgeon did think did pierce his liver. We all mused that he should strike him, james Hall deadly wounded by a Savage. and offer no harm to any of the rest: unless it were, that they knew him since he was there with the Danes; for out of that River they carried away five of the people, whereof never any returned again: and in the next River, they killed a great number▪ And it should seem that he which killed him, was either brother, or some near kinsman to some of them that were carried away: for he did it very resolutely, and came within four yards of him. And, for aught we could see, the people are very kind one to another, and ready to revenge any wrong offered to them. All that day he lay very sore pained, looking for death every hour, and resigned all his charge to Master Andrew Barker, Master of the Hearts-ease, willing him to place another in his room Master of the small Ship. Thursday, the three and twentieth, about eight of the clock in the morning he died, being very penitent for all his former offences. And after we had shrouded him, The death of james Hall. we carried him in the Shallop, to bury him in some out Island, according to his own request while he was living. After we had buried him, we went in the Shallop to seek for the mine, which we had expected so long. All that day we rowed along toward the North, passing by a Cape called, Queen Sophia's Cape. Queen Sophia's Cape. That night we stayed at an Island, some three leagues short of the River. Friday, the four and twentieth, in the morning, we rowed along, and came to the place, which is on the Southside of the entrance of Cunninghams' River: And we found diverse places, Cunninghams' River. where the Danes had digged; it was a kind of shining stone, which when our Goldsmith, james Carlisle, had tried, it was found of no value, and had no mettle at all in it: The supposed Mine found to be of no value. A pleasant Valley. but was like unto Moscovia sl●dd●, and of a glittering colour. That day after we had dined, we rowed up that River some four leagues, where diverse of our company went up into the Mountains, and found a Valley more pleasant, than they had seen in the Country. That evening we returned, and came to the place where the Danes had digged their supposed Mine, and took some of it in our Boat to carry with us, and returned toward our Ship. That night we rowed and sailed, and the next morning about nine of the clock, we came to our Ship. Saturday, the five and twentieth, being Saint james his day, in the forenoon, we came to our Ship, lying on the South side of the River, called Ramels River. And as soon as our Master found, that the people came no more to trade with us, he determined to depart with the Ship into the King's Ford to the Patience: and rowing about the harbour, Many of their winter houses in Ramels River The fashion of their greater Boates. where we lay to find some nearer way out to the Sea, we found among the Lands, where many of their winter houses had been, and some of their Tents were but lately carried away. In which place we also found one of their long Boats, made of wood, and bound together for the most part, with shivers of Whales fins, and covered with Seales skins, being some two and thirty foot in length, and some five foot broad, having ten thoughts or seats in it. Ramels Ford in the latitude of 67. degrees. The variation is 24. degrees 16. minutes. That day about twelve of the clock we weighed anchor, and departed out of Ramels Ford, which lieth in the latitude of 67. degrees, and the variation of the compass is 24. degrees 16. minutes, being a very fair River, and one of the most principal, which we saw in that Country, stretching in East and East and by South. This night, about one of the clock, we came to the Patience, lying in the Kings Ford. Sunday, the six and twentieth, Master Andrew Barker, and our Merchant, Master Wilkinson, with other of the Company, were in conference about returning home, because that since our Master was slain, none of the Savages would trade with us, as they were wont. Wednesday, the nine and twentieth, we were likewise occupied about taking in of ballast; for our Ship was very light: and that evening it was agreed, that Andrew Barker, Master of the Hearts-ease, should go Master of the Patience, William Huntrice Master of the Hearts-ease. which was sore against the mind of William Gourd●n: and William Huntrice was appointed Master of the Hearts-ease, and john Garte●●y, one of the quarter Masters of the Patience, was Master's mate of the Hearts-ease. Tuesday, the fourth of August, in the morning the wind being Northerly, a very small gale we got to Sea, where the wind came to the Southward, and we tacked sometime on the one board, They come out of harbour. and sometime on the other, making small way on our course. Monday the tenth, was rain and foul weather, as it had continued every day since we came from harbour, saving the seventh day, which was somewhat fair: Thick and foggy weather, the wind being South. For commonly while the wind is South, it is very thick and foul weather. We tacked sometimes on one board, and sometimes on the other, making a South by West way, at noon six leagues. Wednesday, the twelfth, it waxed calm, we being somewhat Southward of a Cape, called Burnils Cape: and about three or four of the clock in the afternoon, Burnils Cape. the wind came to the North and by West, an easy gale, with fair weather. The eighteenth, at noon we were in 58. deg. 50. min. The seventeenth day, Variation 13. degr. 22. min. I took the variation of the compass, finding it to be 13. degrees 22. minutes, contrary to the observations of others in this place. And if any do doubt of the truth thereof, they may with a little pains prove it. The eighteenth of August, the declination of the Sun was 9 degrees 58. minutes, for the Meridian of London. But we being almost four hours of time to the Westward thereof, there are three minutes to be abated from the rest: and so the declination was 9 degrees 55. minutes; and his height above the horizon was 24. degrees 40. minutes in the latitude of 59 degrees 0. min. and his distance from the South to the Westward, by the compass, was 81. degrees. And for truth of the first observation, I took another shortly after, finding them not to differ above 4. minutes. Wednesday the nineteenth, the wind still continued with thick and hasie weather, we being at noon in the latitude of 58. degrees 30. minutes, or thereabout, making a South Southeast way, about ten leagues. Thursday the twentieth, was fair weather, the wind at East North-east, we steered away Southeast and Southeast and by East, making at noon a Southeast and by South way, about thirty leagues, being at noon in the latitude of 57 degrees 20. minutes. Variation 11. degr. 10. min. This day in the afternoon, I took the variation of the compass, and found it about 11. degrees 10. minutes. Friday the one and twentieth, fair weather, with the wind at North and North by East, and we made an East Southeast way, half Southerly twenty four leagues, being at noon by observation, in the latitude of 56. degrees 50. minutes. Saturday the two and twentieth, fair weather, the wind at North and Nrth by East, we made an East way half Southerly, some twenty two leagues, being at noon in the latitude of 56. degrees 47. minutes. Sunday the three and twentieth, fair weather, the wind at West Northwest, we making an East and East by North way about twenty four leagues. This day I took the variation of the Compass, Variation 7. degrees 23. minutes. and found it to be 7. degrees 23. minutes, being at noon in the latitude of 57 degrees 26. minutes. Monday the four and twentieth, being S. Bartholomewes' day, fair weather with an North Northwest, we making an East North-east way, half Northerly about twenty seven leagues, and were at noon by observation in the latitude of 58. degrees 4. minutes. Variation 7. degrees 20. minutes. This day I observed and found the Compass to be varied 7. degrees 20. minutes. Tuesday the five and twentieth, fair weather and calm: the wind at North, we made a North-east and by East way seventeen leagues, being at noon in the latitude of 58. degrees 30. minutes. The true variation 6. deg. 4. minutes. This day I found the common Compass to be varied one point, and the true variation to be 6. degrees 4. minutes. Wednesday the six and twentieth fair weather also, with the wind North Northwest, we made a North-east and by East way half about twenty two leagues, being in the height of 59 degrees 10. minutes. Thursday the seven and twentieth indifferent fair weather, with a stiff gale of wind at the North Northwest, we making a North-east way about thirty one leagues, being at noon in the latitude of 60. degrees 10. minutes. Friday the eight and twentieth, the wind at Southeast with a stiff gale, we made good about noon a North-east and by East way about twenty nine leagues. This day in the afternoon it blew so great a storm, that we were in great distress, the wind at East Southeast. But about eleven of the clock it came to the Northwest, and Northwest by North. And we ran some twenty leagues. Saturday the nine and twentieth, it blew so stiff, that we could bear none but our foresail, making an Eas● and by South way half Southerly, about thirty leagues. Sunday the thirtieth, all the forenoon it blew a very stiff gale, and about noon the wind came Southerly; and it blew a very great storm, which continued all that day and that night in such sort, that we could not sail at all, but all that night lay at hull. Monday the one and thirtieth, in the morning about four of the clock, the wind came to the South-west a very stiff gale. At which time we set our foresail. The wind continued all this day and night, we steered away East and by South, making at noon an East North-east way about thirty four leagues. Tuesday the first of September, the wind still continued at South-west, blowing a very stiff gale, we steered away East and by South, making an East way about fifty leagues. This day at noon we were in the latitude of 60. degrees 45. minutes. Wednesday the second fair weather with the wind at South-west, we made an East and by South way half a point Southerly about forty two leagues, being at noon in the latitude of 60. degrees 10. minutes. This day I observed, and found the Compass to be varied three degrees to the Westward. Thursday the third day fair weather, the wind at South-west: we made an East by North way at noon about twenty leagues. This day in the afternoon, the wind being at North Northwest, it blew a very stiff gale for two Watches; and toward seven or eight of the clock the storm so increased, that our ship was not able to bear any sail. And all that night we lay at hull. Friday the fourth, the storm still continued, and we could bear no sail all that day till about four of the clock in the afternoon, at which time we set our fore course, and our main course. The night before in the storm, we lost The Hearts-ease. This day we made some twelve leagues East and by North. They lose company of their consort, The Hearts-ease. And we fell to lee-ward lying at hull some five leagues South by West. Saturday the fifth calm weather, but very thick and close all the forenoon: the wind continued still at North Northwest, we making from the time we set our courses the day before, about twenty leagues East half Southerly; being at noon in the latitude of 59 degrees 53. minutes. Sunday the sixth, fair weather, the wind at North Northwest, we steering away East North-east, Variation 6. degrees to the East. Ground found. and East and by North, made an East by North way, half Northerly some 29. leagues, being at noon in 60. degrees 10. minutes. This day the Compass was varied to the East six degrees. This afternoon it was almost calm: and we sounded, and found ground at sixty eight fathoms. This Evening about ten of the clock the wind came to the Southeast. Monday the seventh, very fair weather, the wind Southeast and Southeast by East, we tacked in the morning to the Northward, and ran East North-east and East by North until seven or eight in the afternoon: at which time we tacked up to the Southward, Land descried. and went away South-west till toward twelve a clock that night twenti● leagues. Tuesday the eight, in our morning Watch I found ourselves to be in 59 degrees 20. minutes: And about five of the clock I espied Land, which we supposed to be the Isles of Orkney, as afterward we found them to be the same. And toward three of the clock, The Isles of Orkney. we came to an Anchor in a Channel running between the Lands; where the people came to us, and brought us Hens, Geese, and Sheep, and sold them to us for old clothes and shoes, desiring rather them then money. There are about eighteen of these Lands, which are called by the name of the Orkeneis. Wednesday the ninth, it was thick weather, and the wind so Easterly that we could not weigh Anchor. Thursday the tenth, fair weather, and the wind came to the Northwest, and about noon we weighed Anchor; and toward five of the clock we were clear off the Iles. The Channel for the most part lieth Northwest and Southeast. All that night we stood away Southeast. The lying of the Channel in Orkney. Friday the eleventh, fair weather, with the wind at North Northwest. And about nine of the clock in the morning, we steered away South Southeast. At which time we had sight of Buquhamnesse: And about two of the clock we were thwart of it. The seventeenth, Buquham-ness. They arrive at Hull. we came to an Anchor in Hull Road, for which the Lord be praised. Here I think it not amiss briefly to relate the state and manners of the people of Groenland, forasmuch as I could learn: As also what likelihood there is of a pass into the Sea, which lieth upon Tartary and China. The Northwest part of Gronland is an exceeding high Land to the Seaward, and almost nothing but Mountains; which are wonderful high all within the Land, High Mountains of stone very pure. as far as we could perceive: and they are all of stone, some of one colour, and some of another, and all glistering, as though they were of rich value; but indeed they are not worth any thing. For our Goldsmith james Carlisle tried very much of the Vre, No profitable Vre. and found it to be nothing worth. If there be any Mettle, it lieth so low in the Mountains, that it cannot be well come by. There are some Rocks in these Mountains, which are exceeding pure Stone, finer, and whiter than Alabaster. The sides of these Mountains continually are covered with Snow for the most part, and especially the North sides, and the Noth sides of the Valleys, having a kind of Moss, and in some places Grass with a little branch running all along the ground, Continual Snow. Grass. No Trees. Balls River. A Grove of small wood. bearing a little black Berrie, it runneth along the ground like Three-leafed Grasse here in England. There are few or no Trees growing, as far as we could perceive, but in one place some forty miles within the Land, in a River, which we called Balls River. There I saw on the Southside of an high Mountain, which we went up, and found (as it were) a young Grove of small Wood, some of it six or seven foot high like a Coppice in England, that had been some two or three years cut. And this was the most Wood that we saw growing in this Country; being some of it a kind of Willow, juniper, and such like. We found in many places much Angelica. We suppose the people eat the Roots thereof, for some causes. For we have seen them have many of them in their Boats. There are great store of Foxes in the Lands, and in the Main, of sundry colours: Foxes. White Hares. Dear. And there are a kind of Hares as white as Snow, with their fur or hair very long. Also there be Dear, but they are most commonly up within the Main very far; because the people do so much hunt them, that come near the Sea. I saw at one time seven of them together, which were all that we did see in the Country: But our men have bought diverse Coats of the people made of Deeres skins, and have bought of their Horns also. Besides, we have diverse times seen the footsteps of some beast, These seem to be Elkes, or Lo●shes. Dogs like Wolves. The pizzles of Dogs and Fox●s are bone: so also is the Morses pizzle. of which I have by me one of stone. The great swiftness of their Boats. Their Oars broad at both ends. whose foot was bigger than the foot of a great Ox. Furthermore, the Inhabitants have a kind of Dogs, which they keep at their Houses, and Tents, which Dogs are almost like unto Wolves, living by fish, as the Foxes do. But one thing is very strange, as I thought: for the Pizzles of both Dogs and Foxes are bone. The people all the Summer time use nothing but fishing, drying their fish, and Seals flesh upon the Rocks for their Winter Provision. Every one both man and woman have each of them a Boat made with long small pieces of Firre-wood, covered with Seales skins very well dressed, and sewed so well with sinews or guts, that no water can pierce them through, being some of them above twenty foot long, and not past two foot, or two foot and an half broad, in form of a Weaver's shuttle, and so light, that a man may carry many of them at once for the weight. In these Boats they will row so swiftly, that it is almost incredible: for no ship in the World is able to keep way with them, although she have never so good a gale of wind: and yet they use but one Oar, who sitting in the middle of their Boat, and holding their Oar in the middle, being broad at each end like our Oars, will at an instant go backward and forward, as they please. In these Boats they catch the most part of their food, being Seals and Salmon, Morses, and other kinds of fishes. Salmon and Morses, etc. Angles and Lines. Some they kill with their Darts, and other some with Angles, having a Line made of small shivers of Whales Fins, and an Hook of some fishes bones: with which Line and Hooks, we also have caught very much fish. Also they have another kind of Boat, which is very long. For we have seen one of them thirty two foot in length, Their great Boats 32. foot long. open in the top like our Boats; having ten seats in it. In which when they remove their Dwellings, they carry their Goods or Householdstuff: for they remove their Dwellings very often, as their fishing doth serve, living in the Summer time, in Tents made of Seales skins, and in Winter in Houses somewhat in the ground. We could not particularly learn their Rites or Ceremonies: but generally they worship the Sun, They worship the Sun. Their salutation. as chief Author of their Felicity. At their first approach unto us they used with their hands to point up to the Sun, and to strike their hands upon their breasts, crying Ilyont; as who would say, I mean no harm: which they will do very often, and will not come near you, until you do the like; and then they will come without any fear at all. Their burials. They bury their dead in the Out-Ilands near the Seaside. Their manner of Burial is this. Upon the tops of the Hills they gather a company of stones together, and make thereof an hollow Cave or Grave, of the length and breadth of the body, which they intent to bury, laying the stones somewhat close like a wall, that neither Foxes, nor other such beasts may devour the bodies, covering them with broad stones, showing afar off like a pile of stones. And near unto this Grave where the body lieth, is another, wherein they bury his Bow and Arrows, They burn the weapons and all other Furniture of the dead. with his Darts and all his other Provision, which he used while he was living. He is buried in all his Apparel: and the coldness of the Climate doth keep the body from smelling and stinking, although it lie above the Ground. They eat all their Food raw, and use no fire to dress their Victuals, as far as we could perceive. Also we have seen them drink the Salt-water at our ships side: But whether it be usual or no, I cannot tell. Although they dress not their meat with fire, yet they use fire for other things, They use fire. as to warm them, etc. diverse of our men were of opinion, that they were Man-eaters, and would have devoured us, if they could have caught us. But I do not think they would. For if they had been so minded, they might at one time have caught our Cook, and two other with him, as they were filling of water at an Island, They are not Man-eaters. a great way from our ship. These three I say were in the ships Boat without either Musket, or any other Weapon, when as a great company of the Savages came rowing unto them with their Darts, and other Furniture, which they never go without, Nails & old Iron greatly desired of the Savages. Men are not to go among Savages without the●r weapons. and stood looking into the Boat for Nails, or any old Iron, which they so greatly desire, while our men were in such a fear, that they knew not what to do. At length our Cook remembered that he had some old Iron in his pocket, and gave each of them some, as far as it would go, with his Key of his Chest And presently they all departed without offering any harm at all. But this I speak not, that I would have men to trust them, or to go among them unprovided of Weapons. CHAP. XVIII. A true Relation of such things as happened in the fourth Voyage for the Discovery of the Northwest Passage, performed in the year 1615. Written by WILLIAM BAFFIN. AFter three sundry Voyages towards the Northwest, to the great charge of the Adventurers: The first by Huds●● in which he perished; the second by Sir Tho●a● Button, the third by Captain Gibbins. the last being under the command of Captain Gibbins (in which was little or nothing performed.) Yet the Right Worshipful Sir Dudley Digges Knight, Master Wostenholme Esquire, Master Alderman jones, with others being not therewith discouraged, This year 1615. again set forth the Discovery, a ship of fifty five tons or thereabouts, which ship had been the three former Voyages on the action. The Master was Robert Bileth, a man well acquainted that way: having been employed in the three former Voyages: myself being his Mate and Associate, with fourteen others and two Boys. The sixteenth, we weighed Anchor at Saint Katherine's, and that tide came to Blackwall, the wind being at South South-west. The seventeenth, we went down to Gravesend, and the eighteenth to Lee, where we anchored that night. Upon the sixth of May, we saw Land on the Coast of Groenland, on the East side of Cape Farewell: and that night we had a great storm: Groenland. Cape Farewell▪ so we kept a Southerly course to get about the Ice which lay on that shore, and then kept our course until the seventeenth day of May, all which forenoon we sailed by many great Lands of Ice, some of which were above two hundred foot high above water (as I proved by one shortly after) which I found to be two hundred and forty foot high, and if report of some men be true, which affirm, High Icy Lands. that there is but one seventh part of the Ice above water, than the height of that piece of Ice, which I observed was one hundred and forty fathoms, or one thousand six hundred and eighty foot from the top to the bottom: this proportion I know doth hold in much Ice, but whether it do so in all, I know not. This seventeenth of May, about noon we were come to the firm Ice, as one would suppose, being in the latitude of 61. degrees 26. minutes or thereabout, being the latitude of the Sou●h part of the I'll of Resolution: we coming to this Ice, I'll of Resolution▪ our Master asked my opinion concerning the putting into the Ice. My judgement was it would be best for us to stand, and ply it up to the Northwards. He answered, we were on the North side of the South channel, and much Ice we must pass through, and if that we could get some two or three leagues within the Ice, it would every tide open, and we should get some thing onward of our way, having all the Channel to the Southwards of us. So with this resolution we put within the Ice, the wind being at East North-east: this first entrance I liked not very well, scarce finding any place to put in our ships head, and being near thirty leagues from the shore, towards Evening we were fast amongst the Ice. But sometimes each day the Ice would a little open, we making what way we could towards the Northwest in for the shore till the two and twentieth day, having had the wind all Southerly. Yet we plainly saw that we set to the Southwards, for all that we could do. The two and twentieth day, the wind came up at North Northwest: then our Master determined to stand forth again. For if the wind should have come to the North-east, it would be impossible for us to fetch any part of the Channel, seeing we drove so fast to the Southwards, with Southerly winds, and having so far into the shore, not having seen the Land. Our Master was also determined to spend some twenty, or four and twenty days in Fretum Davis', to see what hopes would be that ways, supposing there would be little good to be done in Hudsons' straits for this time limited: then we plying to get to Seaward, and so by eight a clock at night, the three and twentieth day, we were clear of the thick Ice: again, the Lord make us thankful, the wind at Northwest and by North fair weather: but no sooner were we forth of the Ice, but that our Master changed his opinion: and being clear of this thick Ice we stood to the Northward as much as the Ice and wind would give us leave, running some thirteen leagues true North-east by North, being in the latitude of 61. degrees 50. minutes. The four and twentieth day fair weather: the five and twentieth day, also fair weather, the wind at North and by West, till six a clock, we having made a North-east by North way about twelve leagues and an half, our latitude at noon 62. degrees 20. minutes, at six a clock the wind was at the North North-east. The six and twentieth day, all the forenoon fair weather and cold: but in the afternoon it blew very hard, being close hasie weather, that about two a clock this afternoon we took in our sails and hulled with our ship till the next morning at four a clock, all the time that we sailed this day we passed through many ledges of Ice having great quantity to the Northward of us, and having run about twenty one leagues true upon a West course. And note where I put this word true, I mean the true course, the variation of the Compass, and other accidents allowed. The seven and twentieth day close foggy weather with much snow freezing on our shrowds and tackling: the like we had not all this year before: but towards four a clock in the afternoon it began to clear up, and about five a clock we saw Land, being the Island of Resolution, and bearing West from us about thirteen or fourteen leagues. This morning we set sail, and stood to and fro as the Ice would suffer us, and at ten at night, we moored our ship to a piece of Ice, the wind being at West. The eight and twentieth day being Whitsunday, it was fair weather, but the wind was at the West, and West by North: all this day we were fast to the piece of Ice. Yet we plainly perceived that we set a great deal more into the straits with the flood. Then we set forth with the ebb the nine and twentieth day, the wind was variable, and fair weather: about eleven a clock we set sail and tacked to and fro along by the Island. And about two a clock the next morning, the wind came to the South Southeast, but we had so much Ice that we could do but little good with a fair wind, the wind continued all this day and night a stiff gale: No night. this night (or rather Evening, because it was not dark at all) we were set within the point of the Island: so that now we were within the straits. The one & thirtieth day also fair weather, the wind for the most part at North Northwest, the afternoon being clear we saw the point of the South shore, called Buttons Isles, to bear from us due South by the Compass, which is indeed South Southeast, somewhat Eastward, Variation 24. degrees. because here the Compass is varied to the Westwards twenty four degrees. The first of june, we had some snow in the forenoon, but very fair weather in the afternoon, the wind at West Northwest. We perceiving the Ice to be more open close aboard the shore, made the best way we could to get in, and to come to Anchor, if the place were convenient; and by seven a clock we were in a good Harbour, on the Northwest side of the Island of Resolution, where an East Southeast Moon maketh full Sea, or half an hour past seven on the change day, as Seamen account the water doth rise and fall, near four fathoms; the Compass doth vary to the West 24. degrees 6. minutes, and is in longitude West from London 66. degrees 35. minutes. The breadth of the South channel, or the distance between the Island and the South shore, is sixteen leagues, and the North channel is eight miles wide in the narrowest place. Upon this Island we went on shore, but found no certain sign of Inhabitants, but the tract of Bears and Foxes, Rocks and stony ground, hardly any thing growing thereon: it is indifferent high Land to the Northward, having one high Hill or Hummocke on the North-east side, but to the Southward it falleth away very low. The second of june in the morning the wind came up at East Southeast, with much snow and fowl weather: about noon we weighed Anchor, and stood up along by the Island, so well as the Ice would give us leave to get to the North shore. We continuing our courses so near the North shore, as conveniently we could, with much variable weather and winds, but steadfast in continuance among Ice, till the eight day, having the wind full contrary to us, and being somewhat near a point of Land, or rather a company of Lands, which after we called Savage Isles, Savage Iles. having a great Sound or In-draught, between the North shore and them. At six a clock we came to Anchor near one of them, being the Eastermost saving one. But whiles we were furling our sails, Dogs. we heard and saw a great company of Dogs running up and down, with such howling and barking, that it seemed very strange. Shortly after we had moored our ship, we sent our Boat somewhat nearer the shore, to see if they could perceive any people; who returning, told us that there were Tents and Boats, or Canowes', with a great many Dogs, but people they saw none. After Prayer, when our men had supped, we fitted our Boat and ourselves with things convenient: than myself with seven others landed, and went to their Tents, where finding no people, we marched up to the top of a Hill (being about a flight shot off) where we saw one great Canow or Boat, which had about fourteen men in it, being on the furthest, or Northwest point of the Island, Great Boat with 14. men. and from us somewhat more than a Musket shot. Then I called unto them, using some words of Groenlandish speech, making signs of friendship. They did the like to us; but seeing them so fearful of us, and we not willing to trust them, I made another sign to them, showing them a Knife and other Trifles, which I left on the top of the Hill, and returned down to their Tents again. There we found some Whale Fins to the number of forty or fifty, with a few Seal skins which I took aboard, leaving Knives, Beads, and Counters instead thereof; and amongst their houses I found a little bag, in which was a company of little Images of men; Bag of Images. one the Image of a woman with a child at her back, all the which I brought away. Among these Tents being five in number, all covered with Seales skins, were running up and down, Their Dogs described. about thirty five or forty Dogs; most of them muzzled. They were of our mongrel Mastiffs, being of a brinded black colour, looking almost like Wolves. These Dogs they use in stead of Horses, or rather as the Lappians do their Deer, to draw their sleds from place to place over the Ice: their sleds are shod or lined with great bones of fishes to keep them from wearing, and their Dogs have Collars and Furniture very fitting. The people described. These people have their Apparel, Boots, Tents, and other necessaries much like to the Inhabitants in Groineland, saving that they are not so neat and artificial, seeming to be more rude and uncivil, ranging up and down as their fishing is in season. For in most places where we came ashore, we saw where people had been, although not this year; but where their Habitation or their abode in Winter is, I cannot well conjecture. Situation. This Island lieth in the latitude of 62. degrees 30. minutes, and in longitude West from London, 72. degrees or near thereabouts, being sixty leagues from the entrance of the straits: here the Compass doth vary 27. degrees 30. minutes, and a Southeast Moon four degrees East maketh a full Sea: it doth ebb and flow almost as much water, as it doth at the Resolution, and here the flood cometh from the Eastward, although our Master was of opinion to the contrary. The tenth day in the morning, at six a clock we set sail, the wind at North, which continued not, but was very variable till noon, and then it came to Northwest, we having sailed along by the shore, about some nine leagues and an half North Northwest, the Ice lying so thick in the offen, that we could not well get out of it: then perceiving a good Harbour between two small Lands and the Main, we went in with our ship, where we moored her, and stayed till the twelfth day at Evening. In this place it is high water on the change day, at nine of the clock, or a Southeast Moon maketh a full Sea: the latitude of this place is 62. degrees 40. minutes; and the flood doth come from the Eastward, although our Master was persuaded otherwise, as well in this place, as at savage Lands: for being among Lands, every point hath his several set and eddy. But I going to the top of the Island, plainly perceived the Ice to come from the Southeast, and from the Northwest on the ebb. In this place is no sign of people, as we could perceive. The sixteenth day, lying still in the Ice, the weather being very close and hasey, as it hath been these six days: and being near a great company of Lands, in the afternoon, the wind being at West Northwest, we stood in amongst these Lands, and in the evening we moared our Ship to one of them in a small cove, the better to defend her from the Ice. In this place we stayed all the seventeenth day: and upon the eighteenth, being Sunday, about eleven a clock we set sail, being almost calm, making the best way we could to get forth. Here are a great company of Lands, each hath his several set and eddy, that the Ice doth so run to and fro, Many Lands and several tide Sets. and with such violence, that our Ship was in more safety further off then in this place: the latitude of the I'll we road by is 63. degrees 26. minutes, and longitude West from London, near 72. degrees 25. minutes: the Compass hath variation 27. degrees 46. minutes; and at a quarter of an hour after nine on the Change day, doth make a full Sea. This Evening, and the next morning, we had a fair steering gale of wind at Southeast, we standing along by the Land, it being all small broken Lands, to a point of Land about twelve leagues in distance from the I'll we put last from: which Point, I called Broken Point, Broken Point. it being indeed a point of broken Iles. On the nineteenth day, by twelve a clock at noon, we were about four miles from the Point before named, fast enclosed with Ice, very fair weather; and well we might have called this Point Fairness or Fair Point, for from this day till the thirtieth day, the weather was so fair, and almost, or altogether calm, that in few places elsewhere, finer weather could not be; and till the seven and twentieth at night, we were so fast enclosed up with Ice, that at some times one could not well dip a pail of water by the Ship sides: while we were thus fast in the Ice, upon the one and twentieth day, I saw both the Sun and Moon at one time, as indeed it is usual in fair weather. This one and twentieth, being fair weather, as afore is said, and I seeing both the Sun and Moon so fair: I thought it a fit time to make an observation for the longitude. Observations of longitude. But the two and twentieth day being very fair and clear, and also calm, being almost as steady as on shore: it was no need to bid me fit my Instrument of variation to take the time of the Moons coming to the Meridian, having also my quadrant ready to take the Sun's almicanter, it being indifferent large, as of four foot semi●●amiter: have taken the variation of my needle as precisely as possible I could, which was 28. degrees 20. minutes West, and if any be desirous to work the same, they may, but my work was as followeth. The Sun's almicanter, at the instant when the Moon was on the Meridian, was 26. degrees 40. minutes: and the Sun's declination for that time 23. degrees 6. minutes. By which three things given, I found the hour to be five a clock 4. minutes 52. seconds, 1. third 4. fourth's, or 76. degrees, 13. minutes, 16. seconds, of the equinoctial afternoon: and according to Searles Ephemerideses, the Moon came to the Meridian at London at four a clock 54. minutes, 30. seconds: and after Origanus the Moon came to the Meridian at four a clock 52. minutes, 5. seconds, at Wittenberg the same day. Now having this known, it is no hard matter to find the longitude of this place sought. For according to the Moon's mean motion, which is 12. degrees a day, that is in time 48. minutes: and to this account, if she be on the Meridian at twelve a clock this day, to morrow it will be 48. min. past 12. So I having the time found by observation at this place, viz. 5. hours, 4. minutes, 52. seconds, 1. third 4. fourth's: but in this I need not come so precise: and at London, at 4. hours, 54. minutes, 30. seconds: which substracted from the former, leaveth 10. minutes, 22. seconds, 1. third, 4. fourth's, now the Moon's motion that four and twenty hours, was 22. degrees, 38. minutes: which converted into time, is 50. minutes 25. seconds 20. thirds: then the proportion standeth thus; If 50. minutes, 25. seconds, 20. thirds, give 360. degrees, what shall 10. minutes, 22. seconds, 1. third, 4. fourth's give? the fourth proportional, will be 74. degrees 5. minutes, which is West of London; because the Moon came later by 10. minutes, 22. seconds, and by the same working by Origanus' Ephemerideses, the distance is 91. degrees, 35. minutes, West of West. But whether be the truer, I leave to others to judge: in these workings may some error be committed, if it be not carefully looked unto: as in the observation, and also in finding what time the Moon cometh to the Meridian, at the place where the Ephemerideses is supputated for, and perchance in the Ephemerideses themselves: in all which, the best judicious may err: yet if observations of this kind, or some other, at places far remote, as at the Cape Bonasperanze, Bantam, japan, Nova Albion, and Magellan Straits, I suppose we should have a truer Geography than we have. And seeing I am entered to speak of celestial observations, I will note another which I made the twenty sixth of April, being outward bound at Sea, by the Moons coming in a right line, with two fixed Stars; the one was the Lion's heart, a Star of the first magnitude; the other a Star in the Lion's rump, of the second magnitude, as followeth: The circumference or outward edge of the Moon, being in a right or strait line, with those two Stars before named: at the instant I took the altitude of the South balance, which was 2. degrees 38. minutes, because I would have the time: but in this it is good to wait a fit time, as to have her in a right line, with two Stars not far distant, and those not to be much different in longitude, because the Moon will soon alter the angle or position, and such a time would be taken when the Moon is in the nintieth degree of the ecliptic above the horizon, for then there no parallel of longitude, but only in latitude: but who so is painful in these businesses, shall soon see what is needful, and what is not: my observations were as followeth: Lion's heart Right ascension 46. deg. 28. min. 30. sec. Lion's rump. Right ascension 163. deg. 23. min. 00. se. Lion's heart Declination— 13. deg. 57 mi. 30. sec. Lion's rump. Declination— 22. deg. 38. min 00. se. Lion's heart Longitude— 24. deg. 29. mi. 45. sec. Lion's rump. Longitude— 5. deg. 53. min. 45. sec. Lion's heart Latitude— 00. deg. 26. min. 30. sec. Lion's rump. Latitude— 14. deg. 20. min. 00. sec. Lion's heart Almicanter— 33. deg. 40. min. 00. se. Lion's rump. Moon's Paralax— 00. deg. 47. min. 46. sec. North. Moon's Latitude— 03. deg. 20. min. 00. sec. North. Moon's Almicanter— 37, deg. 00. min. 00. sec. North. Latitude of the place— 56. deg. 43. min. These notes I have set down, that if any other be desirous to try, they may spend a little time therein; myself have spent some therein, and more I would have spent, if leisure would have permitted: but finding it not to my mind, I have not here set down my particular work: the working of this observation I received from Master Rudston. Master Rudston. But if it had pleased God, we had performed the action we were bound for, I would not fear but to have brought so good contentment to the Adventurers, concerning the true situation of notable places, that small doubt should have been thereof: but seeing so small hopes are in this place, I have not set down so many observations as otherwise I would. We lying here enclosed with the Ice with fair & calm weather (as before is said) till the seven and twentieth day at evening, at which time we set sail; the wind at Southeast, an easy gale: all the eight and twentieth and nine and twentieth days, we made the best way through the Ice we could, but the nine and twentieth day, the Ice was more open than it had been these ten days before, and at noon we saw Salisbury Island, it bearing due West from us. The first of july close foggy weather, with much rain, the wind at South Southeast: by noon this day we were some three leagues from the Land: but having much Ice by the shore, we stood along the Island to the Northward: and the next morning we were fair by another small Isle, or rather a company of small Lands, which after we called Mill Island, by reason of grinding the Ice, Mill Island. as this night we made proof thereof: at noon, being close to this I'll, we took the latitude thereof, which is near 64. degrees. Here driving to and fro with the Ice all this day, till seven or eight a clock, at what time the Ice began to open and separate; The Ice, as is said, beginning to open: we had not stood along by the I'll, on the East side thereof, an hour; but the Ice came driving with the tide of flood from the Southeast, with such swiftness, that it over went our Ship having all our sails abroad with a reasonable gale of wind, and put her out of the stream, into the eddy of these Iles. This Island or Isles, lying in the middle of the channel, having many sounds running through them, with many points or headlands, encountering the force of the tide, caused such a rebound of water & Ice (which ran one way, and the stream another) our ship having met the Ice with the first of the flood, which put her so near the shore, that she was in the partition between the Ice, which the eddy caused to run one way, and the stream the other, where she endured great distress; but God, which is still stronger than either Ice or stream, preserved us and our Ship from any harm at all. This continued till towards a high water, which was about one a clock; then with no small trouble we got into the channel, and stood away to the Northwest ward. After we had past some distance from this Island, we had the Sea more open than it was since we put first into the Straits; and sailed all the next day through an indifferent clear Sea, with the wind at South-west: but towards eight a clock at night, we were come again into much Ice; this Ice being more thicker and bigger than any we had been among: this place where we began to be enclosed again, is six and twenty leagues distant from the small Island we were at last: and our true course Northwest by West: after we were fast in the Ice, we made but small way, yet we perceived a great tide to set to and fro. The next day, we sounded, and had ground at one hundred & twenty fathoms, soft Osey ground: standing more Northerly: the next morning we had ground at eighty fathoms, than the wind came to the North, and we setting somewhat Southward, had ground at a hundred and ten fathoms. Thus seeing this great abundance of Ice in this place, and the more we got to the Northwest ward, the shoalder it was, the Ice also being foul and dirty, as not bred far from shore: our Master determined to stand to the Eastward, to be certainly informed of the tide. The sixth day in the morning, we broke in a plank and two timbers in our Ships bow, which after we had mended, we proceeded for to get to the East side, which we called the North shore, because it is the Land stretching from the Resolution, on the North side of the Straits. The seventh day we saw the land, it being but low land, and the Sea is should, in respect of other places, having ten or twelve fathom about a league off from shore, some thirty fathoms five or six leagues off shore, but further off some twenty or eighteen leagues, there is a hundred or a hundred and five fathoms; having very good channel ground, as small stones & shells, some twelve or fourteen leagues from shore, but the further off the more Osey: and also here is a very great tide runneth to the Northward, which this evening we found to be the tide of ebb, for coming with our Ship near the shore, about seven a clock, we hoist out our Boat, than I with five other went on shore, and found it to ebb: we stayed on shore about an hour and a half, in which time the water fell about three foot and a half, and a South-south East Moon maketh a full Sea, or half an hour past ten, as Sea men account: we saw no sign of people to be here this year, but in years heretofore they have been, as we might well see by diverse places▪ where their tents had stood: and perchance their time of fishing was not yet come, there being such great abundance of Ice as yet. The eight day the wind was at West, and the ninth almost calm: we reeking near to this shore the tenth day, our Master determined to stand for Nottinggams' Island▪ Nottinggams' Island. to make trial of the tide there; yet the wind was at South-west, so that we were forced to turn, but towards night it came to the North Northwest, so that then we stood away to the West wards, leaving the search of Nottinggams I'll, having a great swelling Sea, come out of the West with the wind which had blown, which put us in some hope: the eleventh day in the morning, we saw Land West from us, but had no ground at one hundred & thirty fathoms: so standing along by the Land which here lay about Northwest by North, the next morn we were thwart of a Bay: then standing over to the Northwards towards a fair Cape or head land which we saw, in the afternoon it was almost calm, and being about a league from shore, we hoist out our Boat, and sent some of our men in her, to see what tide it was by the shore, and from whence it came; they went from the Ship at five a clock, and came aboard again at eight, who brought us word, that it was falling water, and that it had ebbed while they were on shore somewhat above two foot: also they affirmed, that the flood came from the Northward in this place, the which we also perceived by the setting of our Ship, she setting a pace to the Northward, although no whit of wind: also we might see by the rocks, that the water was now fall'n: this put us in great comfort and hope of a passage in this place. Then our Master called this Cape or head land, Cape Comfort, for the reasons beforesaid; Cape Comfort. also we had one hundred and forty fathoms in depth, not a league from the shore: and here a South by East Moon maketh a full Sea: the latitude of this Cape is 65. degrees 00. min. and 85. degrees 20. minutes West from London. But this our sudden comfort was as soon quailed, for the next day having doubled the Cape, and proceeded not passed ten or twelve leagues, but we saw the land trending from the Cape to the Westward, till it bore from us North-east by East, and very thick pestered with Ice, and the further we proceeded, the more Ice, and the more Northerly, the shoulder water and small show of any tide. At six a clock this afternoon, we sounded, & had ground in o●e hundred and thirty fathoms, soft Osey, having had at noon one hundred & fifty fathoms. This was the farthest of our Voyage, being in ●he latitude of 65. degrees 26. minutes, and longitude West from London 86. degrees 10. minutes: for seeing the land North-east by East, from us about nine or ten leagues off, and the Ice so thick: our Master was fully persuaded, that this was nought else but a Bay, and so tacked and turned the Ships head homewards, without any farther search. The fourteenth day, the wind was for the most part at Southeast, that we could make but small way back again: and the next morning very foul weather, we coming to an Anchor in a small Inlet, near the Cape Comfort, on the Northwest side thereof; here we found, as on the other side, a South by East Moon, to make a full Sea; but from whence the flood came, we could not well see, it being so foul weather at Sea: in the afternoon the wind came to North by West: then we weighed, and stood along to the Southwards by the shore, with a stiff gale of wind, and very hasey. By the sixteenth day at noon we met with a great quantity of Ice, lying some few leagues within the point of the Land: among this Ice we saw a great number of Sea Morse, not seeing any more in all the Straits but here, and these very fearful, not suffering a Ship or Boat to come near them: by eight a clock we were come to this Southern point, which I called Sea Horse point, where we came to anchor open in the Sea, the better to try the tide: Sea Horse point▪ here most apparently we found to all our companies sight, that in this place the tide of flood doth come from the Southeast, and the ebb from the Northwest. We weighed, and stood over with a stiff gale of wind, which continued all this day, and toward night very foul weather & a sore storm: by ten a clock we were come to Anchor on the Northwest side of Nottinghams' Isle, where are two or three small Isles, lieth off from the greater, which make very good Sounds & Harbours: about this I'll we had store of Ice, but nothing as we had heretofore in other places. We stayed about this Island till the seven and twentieth day, having much foul weather, many storms, often fogs, and uncertain winds, many times we weighed anchor to go to that side of the I'll, where this Ship road when Captain Button was in her: finding in other places of this I'll the tide of flood to come from the Southeast ward, and the time of high water on the change day, to be at half an hour past ten, and not at half an hour past seven, as they supposed. In these ten days we stayed about this I'll, we fitted our Ship with ballast, and other necessaries, as we had need of. Then proceeded as followeth the six and twentieth day, being indifferent fair weather, we passed between Salisburies' Isle and Nottinghams' Isle at the South Point thereof, Salisbury I'll. I mean of Nottinghams' Isle, where are many small low Isles, without the which had been a fit place for us to have anchored, to have found out the true set of the Tide. But our Master being desirous to come to the same place where they had rode before, stood along by this I'll to the Westward, and came to an anchor in the eddy of these broken grounds, where the ship road at no certainty of Tide. The seven and twentieth, the next morning the weather proved very foul with much rain and wind, so that our Roger anchor would not hold the ship at eighty fathoms scope, but was driven into deep water, that we were forced to set sail, the wind being at East, and then come to the East North-east and about noon at North-east, still foul weather, being under sail, we stood away towards Sea horse Point: our Master (as I suppose) was persuaded that there might be some passage between that Point of Land and that Land which they called Swan Island: so this afternoon we saw both Sea horse Point and Nottinghams' Island, the distance between them is not past fifteen or sixteen leagues, Swan Island. bearing the one from the other Northwest and Southeast. The eight and twentieth day in the morning, we were near to Sea horse Point, the Land trending away West South-west so far as we saw, and very much pestered with Ice. At seven a clock our Master caused us to tack about, and stood away Southeast and by South. Digges I'll. The nine and twentieth the next day at eleven a clock, we came to anchor at Digges I'll, having very foul weather. At this place where we road it lieth open to the West, having two of the greatest Isles, break off the force of the Flood, till the Tide be well bend; for after the water were risen an hour and a half by the shore, then would the ship ride truly on the Tide of Flood all the Tide after. Now the time of high water on the change day, is half an hour past ten or near thereabout. The thirtieth day, being fair weather, we weighed and stood along close by Digges I'll, where we presently perceived the Saluages to be close on the top of the Rocks: Saluages. but when they saw we had espied them, diverse of them came running down to the water side, calling to us to come to anchor, which we would have done if conveniently we could. But in this place the water is so deep, that it is hard to find a place to ride in, which we seeing lay to and fro with our ship, while some of our men in the Boat killed about some seventy fowls, for in this place is the greatest number of fowls (whom we call Willocks) that in few places else the like are not seen, Willocks. for if need were we might have killed many thousands, almost incredible to those which have not seen it. Here also as we lay to and fro with our ship, we had sufficient proof of the set of the Tide: but when our men were come aboard again, we set all our sails for homewards, making the best expedition we could; but on the third of August, we were forced to come to anchor about thirty leagues within the Resolution I'll on the North shore. The next day we weighed anchor: And the fifth day in the forenoon, we passed by the Resolution Island, but saw it not: Thus continuing our courses (as in the brief journal may be seen) with much contrary winds and foul weather. We had sight of Cape Clear in Ireland the sixth of September: the next morning by day light, we were fair by Seely, and that night at two a clock the next morn, we came to anchor in Plymouth Sound with all our men living, having only three or four sick, which soon recovered. The next year being again employed in discovery, amongst other instructions they received this. For your course you must make all possible haste to the Cape Desolation, and from thence, you William Baffin as Pilot, keep along the Coast of Groenland and up Fretum Davis', until you come toward the height of eighty degrees, if the Land will give you leave. Then for fear of inbaying, by keeping too Northerly a course, shape your course West and Southerly, so far as you shall think it convenient, till you come to the latitude of sixty degrees: then direct your course to fall with the Land of Yedzo about that height, leaving your farther sailing Southward to your own discretion, according as the time of the year and winds will give you leave, although our desires be, if your voyage prove so prosperous that you may have the year before you, that you go so far Southerly as that you may touch the North part of japan, from whence or from Yedzo, if you can so compass it without danger, we would have you to bring home one of the men of the Country, and so God blessing you with all expedition to make your return home again. CHAP. XIX. To the Right Worshipful Master JOHN WOSTENHOLME Esquire, one of the chief Adventurers for the discovery of a passage to the Northwest. WOrthy Sir; there need no filling a journal or short Discourse with preamble, compliment, or circumstance, and therefore I will only tell you, I am proud of any Remembrance, when I expose your Worth to my Conceit, and glad of any good fortune, when I can avoid the imputation of ingratitude, by acknowledging your many favours: and seeing it is not unknown (to your Worship) in what estate the business concerning the Northwest hath been heretofore, and how the only hope was in searching of Fretum Davis', which if yourself had not been the more forward, the action had well nigh been left off: Now it remaineth for your Worship to know, what hath been performed this year: wherefore I entreat you to admit of my custom, and pardon me if I take the plain highway in relating the particulars, without using any refined phrases and eloquent speeches. Therefore briefly, and as it were in the forefront, I intent to show you the whole proceeding of the voyage in a word: as namely, there is no passage, nor hope of passage in the North of Davis' straits, we having coasted all or near all the Circumference thereof, and find it to be no other than a great Bay, as the Map here placed doth truly show: wherefore I cannot but much admire the work of the Almighty, when I consider how vain the best and chiefest hopes of man are in things uncertain. Howsoever the passage this way was embayed; yet that former discovery of Sir Tho. Button (then by him kept secret for some intent of his) is both more probable and to the most judicious more than probable; and that by that Tide argument from the West, as in Master Brigs his Map and notes appeareth. And to speak of no other matter, then of the hopeful passage to the Northwest; How many of the best sort of men have set their whole endeavours to prove a passage that ways, and not only in Conference, but also in Writing and publishing to the World, yea what great sums of money hath been spent about that action, as your Worship hath costly experience off. Neither would the vainglorious Spaniard have scattered abroad so many false Maps and journals, if they had not been confident of a passage this way, that if it had pleased God, a passage had been found, they might have eclipsed the worthy praise of the Adventurers and true Discoverers; and for my own part, I would hardly have believed the contrary, until mine eyes became witness of that I desired not to have found, still taking occasion of hope on every little likelihood, till such time as we had almost coasted the Circumference of this great Bay. Neither was Master Davis' to be blamed in his report and great hopes, if he had anchored about Hope Sanderson, to have taken notice of the Tides: for to that place which is in 72. degrees 12. minutes the Sea is open, of an unsearchable depth, and of a good colour, only the Tides keep no certain course, nor rise but a small height, as eight or nine foot, and the flood cometh from the Southward, and in all the Bay beyond that place the Tide is so small, and not much to be regarded, yet by reason of snow melting on the Land, the Ebb is stronger than the Flood, by means whereof, and the winds holding Northerly the forepart of the year, the great Isles of Ice are set to the Southward, some into Fretum Hudson, and others towards New found Land, for in all the Channel where the Sea is open are great quantities of them driving up and down, and till this year not well known where they were bred. Now that the worst is known (concerning the passage) it is necessary and requisite, your Worship should understand what probability or hope of profit might here be made hereafter, if the voyage be attempted by fitting men. And first for the kill of Whales, certain it is that in this Bay are great numbers of them, which the Biscainers call the Grand Bay Whales, of the same kind which are killed at Greenland, and as it seemeth to me easy to be struck, because they are not used to be chased or beaten, for we being but one day in Whale Sound (so called for the number of Whales that we saw there) sleeping and lying aloft on the water, not fearing our ship or aught else; Store of Grand Bay Whales. that if we had been fitted with men and things necessary, it had been no hard matter to have struck more than would have made three ships a saving voyage, and that it is of that sort of Whale there is no fear. I being twice at Greenland, Baffin twice at Greenland. took sufficient notice to know them again; beside a dead Whale we found at Sea, having all her fins (or rather all the rough of her mouth) of which with much labour, we got one hundred and sixty the same evening we found her; and if that foul weather, and a storm the next day had not followed, we had no doubt, but to have had all or the most part of them, but the wind and Sea arising she broke from us, and we were forced to leave her. Neither are they only to be looked for in Whale Sound, but also in Sir Tho. smith's Sound, Wostenholme Sound, and diverse other places. For the kill of Sea Morse, I can give no certainty, but only this, that our Boat being but once ashore in all the North part of this Bay, which was in the entrance of Alderman jones Sound, Morses. Sea Vnicorne· The horn is still kept in the Robes at Windsor (where I have seen it) near seven foot long and cressid, &c▪ at the return, our men told us, they saw many Morses along by the shore on the Ice; but our ship being under sail, and the wind coming fair, they presently came aboard without further search, besides the people inhabiting about 74. degrees, told us by diverse signs, that toward the North were many of those beasts, having two long teeth, and showed us diverse pieces of the same. As for the Sea Unicorn, it being a great fish, having a long horn or bone, growing forth of his forehead or nostril (such as Sir Martin Frobisher in his second voyage found one) in diverse places we saw of them, which if the horn be of any good value, no doubt but many of them may be killed. And concerning what the Shore will yield, as Beach fins, Morse teeth, and such like, I can little say, because we came not on shore in any of the places where hope was of finding them. But here some may object and ask, why we sought that Coast no better: to this I answer, that while we were thereabout, the weather was so exceeding foul we could not, for first we anchored in Wostenholme Sound, where presently our ship drove with two anchors a head, than were we forced to stand forth with a low sail. The next day in Whale Sound, we lost an Anchor and Cable, and could fetch the place no more; then we came to anchor near a small Island, lying between Sir Tho. smith's Sound, and Whale Sound, but the wind came more outward, that we were forced to weigh again: nevertheless if we had been in a good harbour, having but our Ships Boat, we durst not send her far from the ship, having so few men (as seventeen in all) and some of them very weak; but the chief cause we spent so little time to seek a Harbour, was our great desire to perform the Discovery, having the Sea open in all that part, and still likelihood of a passage: but when we had coasted the Land so far to the Southward, that hope of passage was none, than the year was too far spent, and many of our men very weak, and withal we having some belief that ships the next year would be sent for the kill of Whales, which might better do it then we. And seeing I have briefly set down, what hope there is of making a profitable voyage, it is not unfit your Worship should know what let or hindrance might be to the same. The chiefest and greatest cause is, that some year it may happen by reason of the Ice, lying between 72. degrees and a half, and 76. degrees no minutes, that the ships cannot come into those places, till toward the midst of july, so that want of time to stay in the Country may be some let: yet they may well tarry till the last of August, in which space much business may be done, and good store of Oil made: nevertheless if store of Whales come in (as no fear to the contrary) what cannot be made in Oil may be brought home in Blubber, and the Fins will arise to good profit. Another hindrance may be, because the bottom of the Sounds will not be so soon clear as would be wished, by means thereof now and then a Whale may be lost (the same case sometime chanceth in Greenland) yet I am persuaded those Sounds before named, will all be clear before the twentieth of july: for we this year were in Whale Sound the fourth day among many Whales, and might have struck them without let of Ice. Furthermore, there is little wood to be expected, either for fire or other necessaries, therefore Coals and other such things must be provided at home, they will be so much the readier there. Thus much I thought good to certify your Worship, wherein I trust you will conceive, that much time hath not been spent in vain, or the business over carelessly neglected, and although we have not performed what we desired (that is, to have found the passage) yet what we promised (as to bring certainty and a true description) truth will make manifest, that I have not much erred. And I dare boldly say (without boasting) that more good discovery hath not in shorter time (to my remembrance) been done, since the action was attempted, considering how much Ice we have passed, and the difficulty of sailing so near the Pole (upon a traverse) and above all, the variation of the Compass, whose wonderful operation is such in this Bay, Variation of the Compass admirable. increasing and decreasing so suddenly and swift, being in some part (as in Wostenholme Sound, and in Sir Tho. smith's Sound) varied above five Points or 56. degrees, a thing almost incredible and matchless in all the world beside, so that without great care, and good observations, a true description could not have been had. In fine, whatsoever my labours are or shall be, I esteem them too little, to express my thankful mind for your many favours, wherein I shall be ever studious, to supply my other wants by my best endeavours, and ever rest at Your Worship's command, WILLIAM BAFFIN. A brief and true Relation or journal, containing such accidents as happened in the fifth voyage, for the discovery of a passage to the Northwest, set forth at the charges of the right Worshipful Sir Tho. Smith Knight, Sir Dudley Digges Knight, Master john Wostenholme Esquire, Master Alderman jones, with others, in the good ship called the Discovery of London; Robert Bileth Master, and myself Pilot, performed in the year of our Lord 1616. IN the Name of God, Amen. The forenamed ship being in full readiness upon the twenty six of March, March 26. we set sail at Gravesend, being in number seventeen persons, having very fair weather, which continued till the second of April: by that time we were off Portland, than the wind coming Westward with foul weather, we kept Sea till the fourth day, then being not able to fetch Plymouth, bore room for Dartmouth, where we stayed eleven days, in which time was much foul weather and westerly winds. The fifteenth day of April, being clear of Dartmouth, we were forced the next day to put into Plymouth. The nineteenth day we set sail from thence, and the twentieth in the morning we passed between the Lands end and Silly with a fair wind. Continuing our course, as in the brief Table or journal is set down, with every particular from noon to noon, that here I need not make a tedious repetition, nothing worthy of note happening, but that we had a good passage, and the first Land we saw was in Fretum Davis', on the coast of Groinland in the latitude of 65. degrees 20. minutes. On the fourteenth of May in the forenoon, Groinland. than six of the people being a fishing came to us, to whom we gave small pieces of Iron, they keeping us company being very joyful, supposing we had intended to come to anchor: but when they saw us stand off from shore they followed us a while, and then went away discontented, to our seeming. We prosecuting our Voyage, were loath to come to anchor as yet, although the wind was contrary, but still plied to the Northward, until we came into 70. degrees 20. minutes: then we came to anchor in a fair Sound (near the place Master Davis' called London Coast.) The twentieth of May at evening, the people espying us fled away in their Boats, getting on Rocks wondering and gazing at us, but after this night we saw them no more, Men and dogs. leaving many Dogs running to and fro on the Island. At this place we stayed two days, in which time we took in fresh water and other necessaries: here we had some dislike of the passage, because the Tides are so small as not arising above eight or nine foot, and keep no certain course, but the nearest time of high water on the change day is at a quarter of an hour past nine, and the Flood cometh from the South. The two and twentieth day at a North Sun, we set sail and plied still Northward, the wind being right against us as we stood off and on. Upon the six and twentieth day in the afternoon, we found a dead Whale, about six and twenty leagues from shore, Dead Whale. having all her fins. Then making our ship fast, we used the best means we could to get them, and with much toil got a hundred and sixty that evening. The next morning the Sea went very high and the wind arising, the Whale broke from us, and we were forced to leave her and set sail, and having not stood past three or four leagues Northwestward, came to the Ice, than we tacked and stood to the shoareward, a sore storm ensued. By the thirtieth day in the afternoon, we came fair by Hope Sanderson, Hope Sanderson. the farthest Land Master Davis' was at, lying between 72. and 73. degrees; and that evening by a North Sun we came to much Ice, which we put into, plying all the next day to get through it. The first of june, we were clear of the Ice before named, and not far from shore, the wind blowing very hard at North North-east, than we put in among diverse Lands, Tents, Men and Women. the people seeing us fled away in all haste leaving their Tents behind, and upon a small Rock they hid two young Maids or Women. Our ship riding not far off, we espied them, to whom our Master with some other of our company went in the Boat, they making signs to be carried to the Island where their Tents were close adjoining. When they came thither, they found two old women more, the one very old, to our esteemation little less than fourscore, the other not so old. The next time we went on shore, there was another Woman with a child at her back, who had hid herself among the Rocks, till the other had told her how well we had used them, in giving them pieces of Iron and such like, which they highly esteem, in change thereof they give us Seals skins, other riches they had none, save dead Seals, and fat of Seals, some of which fat or blubber afterward we carried aboard, the poor women were very diligent to carry it to the water side to put into our cask, making show that the men were over at the Main, and at an other small Island something more Eastward. Then making signs to them that we would show them our ship and set them where the men were: the four youngest came into our Boat; when they were aboard they much wondered to see our ship and furniture: we gave them of our meat, which they tasting would not eat. Then two of them we set on the Island, where they supposed the men to be; the other two were carried to their Tents again. Those that went to seek the men could not find them, but came as near the ship as they could, and at evening we set them over to the other. This place we called women's Lands; it lieth in the latitude of 72. degrees 45. minutes: women's Lands. here the Flood cometh from the Southward, at nep Tides the water ariseth but six or seven foot, and a South Southeast Moon maketh a full Sea. The Inhabitants very poor, living chiefly on the flesh of Seals, dried, which they eat raw, with the skins they clothe themselves, The people described. Women. and also make coverings for their Tents and Boats which they dress very well. The Women in their apparel are different from the men, and are marked in the face with diverse black strokes or lines, the skin being razed with some sharp instrument when they are young, and black colour put therein, that by no means it will be gotten forth. Concerning their Religion, I can little say: Religion. only they have a kind of worship or adoration to the Sun, which continually they will point unto and strike their hand on their breast, crying Ily●nt; their dead they bury on the side of the Hills, where they live (which is commonly on small Lands) making a pile of stones over them, yet not so close but that we might see the dead body, the air being so piercing that it keepeth them from much stinking savour. Burial of Men and Dogs. So likewise I have seen their Dogs buried in the same manner. Upon the fourth day we set sail from thence, having very fair weather, although the wind were contrary, and plied to and fro between the Ice and the Land, being as it were a channel of seven or eight leagues broad: then on the ninth day, being in the latitude of 74. degree 4. minutes, and much pestered with Ice, near unto three small Lands, lying eight miles fromth shore, we came to anchor near one of them. These Lands are used to be frequented with people in the latter part of the year, as it seemed by the houses and places where the tents had stood▪ but this year as yet they were not come: here the tides are very small, especially the flood, which ariseth not above five or six foot, yet the ebb runneth with an indifferent stream, the cause thereof (in mine opinion) is the great abundance of Snow, melting on the Land all this part of the year. The tenth day we set sail from thence, and stood through much Ice to the Westward, to try if that further from the shore, we might proceed; but this attempt was soon quailed, for the more Ice we went through, the thicker it was, till we could see no place to put in the Ships head. Seeing, that as yet we could not proceed, we determined to stand in for the shore, there to abide some few days, till such time as the Ice were more wasted and gone (for we plainly saw that it consumed very fast) with this resolution we stood in, and came to anchor among many Lands, in the latitude of 73. degrees 45. minutes. On the twelfth day at night here we continued two days without show or sign of any people, till on the fifteenth day in the morning, about one a clock, than came two and forty of the Inhabitants in their Boats or Canoas', and gave us Seal skins, 42. Inhabitants and many pieces of the bone or horn of the Sea Unicorn, and showed us diverse pieces of Sea Mors teeth; Unicorn's horns. making signs that to the Northward were many of them: in exchange thereof, we gave them small pieces of Iron, Glass Beads, and such like: at four several times the people came to us, and at each time brought us of the aforesaid commodities, by reason thereof we called this place Horn Sound. Horn Sound. Here we stayed six days, and on the eighteenth day at night, we set sail, having very little wind; and being at Sea, made the best way we could to the Northward, although the wind had been contrary for the most part this month, but it was strange to see the Ice so much consumed in so little space, for now we might come to the three Lands before named, and stand off to the Westward almost twenty leagues, without let of Ice, until we were more North (as to 74. degrees 30. minutes) than we put among much scattered Ice, and plied to and fro all this month, still in the sight of shore, and many times fast in the Ice, yet every day we got something on our way, nothing worthy of note happening, but that at diverse times we saw of the fishes with long horns, They see many Sea Unicorns. many and often, which we call the Sea Unicorn: and here to write particularly of the weather, it would be superfluous or needless, because it was so variable, few days without Snow, and often freezing, in so much, that on Midsummer day, our shrowds ropes and sails were so frozen, Sharp frost on Midsummer day. that we could scarce handle them; yet the cold is not so extreme, but it may well be endured. The first of july we were come into an open Sea, in the latitude of 75. degrees 40. minutes, which a new revived our hope of a passage, and because the wind was contrary, we stood off twenty leagues from the shore, before we met the Ice: then standing in again; when we were near the Land, we let fall an anchor to see what tide went, but in that we found small comfort. Shortly after the wind came to the Southeast, and blew very hard, with foul weather, thick, and foggy: then we set sail, and ran along by the Land: this was on the second day at night. The next morning we passed by a fair Cape, or head land, which we called Sir Dudley Digges Cape, Sir Dudley Digs his Cape. it is in the latitude of 76. degrees 35. minutes, and hath a small Island close adjoining to it, the wind still increasing, we passed by a fair Sound twelve leagues distant from the former Cape, having an Island in the midst, which maketh two entrances. Under this Island we came to anchor; and had not rid past two hours, but our Ship drove, although we had two anchors at the ground, than were we forced to set sail, and stand forth: this Sound we called Wostenholme Sound: it hath many Inlets or smaller Sounds in it, Wostenholme Sound. and is a fit place for the kill of Whales. The fourth day at one a clock in the morning, the storm began again at West and by South, so vehement, that it blew away our forecourse, and being not able to bear any sail, we lay a drift till about eight a clock, than it cleared up a little, and we saw ourselves embayed in a great Sound: then we set sail and stood over to the Southeast side, where in a little Cove or Bay we let fall an anchor, which we lost with cable and all, the wind blowing so extremely from the tops of the hills, that we could get no place to anchor in, but were forced to stand to and fro in the Sound, the bottom being all frozen over; toward two a clock it began to be less wind, than we stood forth. Whale Sound. In this Sound we saw great numbers of Whales, therefore we called it Whale Sound, and doubtless if we had been provided for killing of them, we might have struck very many. It lieth in the latitude of 77. degrees 30. minutes. All the fifth day it was very fair weather, and we kept along by the Land till eight a clock in the evening, by which time we were come to a great bank of Ice, it being backed with Land, which we seeing, determined to stand back some eight leagues, to an Island we called Hackluits Isle, it lieth between two great Sounds, the one Whale Sound, and the other Sir Thomas smith's Sound: this last runneth to the North of seventy eight degrees, and is admirable in one respect, Sir Thomas smith's Sound in 78. deg. because in it is the greatest variation of the Compass of any part of the World known: for by diverse good Observations I found it to be above five points or fifty six degrees varied to the Westward, so that a North-east and by East, is true North, and so of the rest. Also this Sound seemeth to be good for the kill of Whales, Variation of the compass 56. degrees to the West. Which may make questionable D. Gilberts rule. Tom. 1 l. 2. c. 1. that where more earth is, more attraction of the compass happeneth by variation toward it. Now the known continents of Asia, etc. must be unspeakably more than here there can be, and yet here is more variation then about japan or Brasil, Peru, etc. Caries Lands. it being the greatest and largest in all this Bay. The cause wherefore we minded to stand to this Island, was to see if we could find any fins or such like on the shore, and so indeed this night we came to anchor, but with such foul weather, that our Boat could not land. The next day we were forced to set sail, the Sea was grown so high, and the wind came more outward. Two days we spent and could get no good place to anchor in: then on the eight day it cleared up, and we seeing 〈◊〉 company of Lands lie off from the shore twelve or thirteen Leagues, we minded to go to them, to see if there we could Anchor. When we were something near, the wind took us short; and being loath to spend more time, we took opportunity of the wind▪ ●nd left the searching of these Lands, which we called Careyes' Lands, all which Sounds and Lands the Map * This Map of the author for this and the former Voyage with the Tables of his journal and sailing, were somewhat troublesome and too costly to insert. Alderman jones Sound. Sir james Lancaster's Sound. They see Land and find themselves embaied Cumberlands Iles. doth truly describe. So we stood to the Westward in an open Sea, with a stiff gale of wind, all the next day and till the tenth day at one or two a clock in the morning, at which time it fell calm and very foggy, and we near the Land in the entrance of a fair Sound, which we called Alderman jones Sound. This afternoon being fair and clear, we sent our Boat to the shore, the ship being under sail, and as soon as they were on shore, the wind began to blow; then they returned again, declaring that they saw many Sea Morses by the shore among the Ice, and as far as they were, they saw no sign of people, nor any good place to anchor in along the shore. Then having an easy gale of wind at East North-east, we ran along by the shore, which now trendeth much South, and beginneth to show like a Bay. On the twelfth day we were open of another great Sound, lying in the Latitude of 74. degrees 20. minutes, and we called it Sir james Lankasters Sound▪ hear our hope of passage began to be less every day than other, for from this Sound to the Southward, we had a ledge of Ice between the shore and us, but clear to the Sea ward, we kept close by this ledge of Ice till the foureteenth day in the afternoon, by which time we were in the latitude of 71. degrees 16. minutes, and plainly perceived the Land to the Southward of 70. degrees 30. minutes, than we having so much Ice round about us, were forced to stand more Eastward, supposing to have been soon clear, and to have kept on the off side of the Ice, until we had come into 70. degrees, then to have stood in again. But this proved quite contrary to our expectation: for we were forced to run above threescore leagues through very much Ice, and many times so fast, that we could go no ways, although we kept our course due East; and when we had gotten into the open Sea, we kept so near the Ice, that many times we had much ado to get clear, yet could not come near the Land, till we came about 68 degrees, where indeed we saw the shore, but could not come to it by eight or nine leagues, for the great abundance of Ice. This was on the four and twentieth day of july: then spent we three days more to see if conveniently we could come to anchor, to make trial of the tides, but the Ice led us into the latitude of 65. degrees 40. minutes. Then we left off seeking to the West shore, because we were in the indraft of Cumberlands Isles, and should know no certainty, and hope of passage could be none. Now seeing that we had made an end of our discovery, and the year being too far spent to go for the bottom of the Bay, to search for dressed Fins; therefore we determined to go for the Coast of Groineland, to see if we could get some refreshing for our men: Master Hubert and two more, having kept their Cabins above eight days (besides our Cook▪ Richard Waynam, which died the day before, being the twenty six of july) and diverse more of our company so weak, that they could do but little labour. So the wind favouring us, we came to anchor in the latitude of 65. degrees 45. minutes, at six a clock in the evening, the eight and twentieth day, in a place called Caukin Sound. Cockin Sound. The next day going on shore, on a little Island we found great abundance of the herb called Scurvy Grass, which we boiled in Beer, and so drank thereof, using it also in Salads, with Sorrel and Orpen, which here groweth in abundance; by means hereof, Scurvy Grass▪ and the blessing of God all our men within eight or nine days space were in perfect health, and so continued till our arrival in England. We road in this place three days before any of the people came to us; then on the first of August, six of the Inhabitants in their Canoas', brought us Salmon Peale, and such like, which was a great refreshment to our men: the next day following, the same six came again, Six men. but after that we saw them no more until the sixth day, when we had weighed anchor, and were almost clear of the harbour; then the same six and one more, brought us of the like commodities, for which we gave them Glass Beads, Counters and small pieces of Iron, which they do as much esteem, as we Christians do Gold and Silver. In this Sound we saw such great Scales of Salmon swimming to and fro, that it is much to be admired: Plenty of Salmon. here it floweth about eighteen foot water, and is at the highest on the change day at seven a clock: it is a very good harbour, and easy to be known, having three high round hills like Pyramids close adjoining to the mouth of it, and that in the midst is lowest, and along all this coast are many good harbours to be found, by reason that so many Lands lie off from the main. The sixth of August, by three a clock in the afternoon, we were clear of this place, having a North North Northwest wind, and fair weather, and the Lord sent us a speedy and good passage homeward as could be wished: for in nineteen days after, we saw Land on the coast of Ireland, it being on the five and twentieth day: the seven and twentieth at noon we were two leagues from S●lly, and the thirtieth day, in the morning we anchored at Dover in the road, for the which and all other his blessings the Lord make us thankful. CHAP. XX. A brief Discourse of the probability of a passage to the Western or South Sea, illustrated with testimonies: and a brief Treatise and Map by Master BRIGGES. I Thought good to add somewhat to this Relation of Master Baffin, that learned-unlearned Mariner and Mathematician; who wanting art of words, so really employed himself to those industries, whereof here you see so evident fruits. His Maps and Tables would have much illustrated his Voyages, if trouble, and cost, and his own despair of passage that way, had not made us willing to content ourselves with that Map following of that thrice learned (and in this argument three times thrice industrious) Mathematician, Master Brigges, famous for his readings in both Universities, and this honourable City, that I make no further Voyage of Discovery to find and follow the remote Passage and extent of his name. Master Baffin told me, that they supposed the tide from the Northwest, about Digges Island was misreported, by mistaking the hour, eight for eleven: and that he would, if he might get employment, search the passage from japan, by the coast of Asia, or (qua data porta) any way he could. But in the Indies he died, in the late Ormus business, Baffins' death. slain in fight with a shot, as he was trying his Mathematical projects and conclusions. Now for that discovery of Sir Thomas Button, I have solicited him for his Notes, and received of him gentle entertainment and kind promises: but being then forced to stay in the City upon necessary and urgent affairs, he would at his return home, seek and impart them. Since I hear that weighty occasions have detained him out of England, and I cannot communicate that which I could not receive: which if I do receive, I purpose rather to give thee out of due place, than not at all. Once he was very confident in conference with me of a passage that way, and said that he had therein satisfied his Majesty, The King satisfied touching the passage. who from his discourse in private, inferred the necessity thereof. And the main argument was the course of the tide: for wintering in Port Nelson (see the following Map) he found the tide rising every twelve hours fifteen foot (whereas in the bottom of Hudsons' Bay it was but two foot, and in the bottom of Fretum Davis' discovered by Baffin, but one) yea and a West wind equalled the nep tides to the spring tides; plainly arguing the neighbourhood of the Sea, which is on the West side of America. The Summer following he found about the latitude of 60. degrees a strong race of a tide, running sometimes Eastward, sometimes Westward; whereupon josias Hubbard in his plat, called that place Hubbarts Hope, as in the Map appeareth. Now if any make scruple, because this discovery was not pursued by Sir Thomas Button, Hubbarts hope. let him consider, that being Prince Henry's Servant, and partly by him employed (whence I think he named the Country New Wales) the untimely death of that Prince put all out of joint; nor was he so open, that others should have the glory of his discovery. And if any man think that the passage is so far, as the Maps use to express America, running out into the West: it is easily answered, that either of negligence, or overbusy diligence, Maps by Portugals in the East, and Spaniards in the West, have been falsely projected. Hence that fabulous strait of Anian, as before by Francis Gauls testimony and navigation is evident: And hence the Portugals to bring in the Moluccas, to that moiety of the world agreed upon betwixt the Spaniards and them, are thought to have much curtalled Asia, and the longitude of those Lands, giving fewer degrees to them then in just longitude is requisite. So the older Maps of America make the Land from the Magelane Straits to the South Sea, run much West, when as they rather are contracted somewhat Easterly from the North. The like is justly supposed of their false placing, Quivira, and I know not (nor they neither) what Countries they make in America, to run so far Northwestward, which Sir Francis Drakes Voyage in that Sea (his Nova * This easily appeareth in observing his Voyage, & comparing that before of 〈◊〉. Gaul therewith. Albion, being little further Westward than Aquatulco) plainly evince to be otherwise. Yea the late Map of California found to be an Island, the Savages discourses in all the Countries Northwards and Westwards from Virginia: fame whereof filled my friend Master Dermer with so much confidence, that hearing of strange Ships which came thither for a kind of Vre or earth, the men using forks in their diet, with Caldrons to dress their meat, etc. things nothing suitable to any parts of America, he supposed them to come from the East, near to China or japan, and therefore he made a Voyage purposely to discover: but crossed with diverse disasters, he returned to Virginia, frustrate of accomplishment that year, but fuller of confidence, as in a Letter from Virginia he signified to me, where death ended that his design soon after. But how often are the usual Charts rejected by experience in these Navigations, in this work recorded? Painters and Poets are not always the best Oracles. For further proofs of a passage about those parts into the West Sea (or South, as it is called from the first discovery thereof to the South, from the parts of New Spain, whence it was first descried by the Spaniards) there is mention of a Portugal (and taken in a Carrack in Queen Elizabeth's days, of glorious memory) confirming this opinion; Sir Martin Frobisher also from a Portugal in Guinie, received intelligence of such a passage, he saying he had passed it. The Pilots of Lisbon are said generally to acknowledge such a thing; and the Admiral of D. Garcia Geoffrey Loaisa of Cite-Real, in the time of Charles the fifth, is reported by the Coast of Baccalaos and Labrador, to have gone to the Moluccas. Vasco de Coronado writ to the Emperor, that at Cibola he was one hundred and fifty leagues from the South Sea, and a little more from the North. Antonio de Herera, the Kings Coronista Mayor (part of whose work followeth) maketh with us also, in the distances of places by him described. But to produce some authority more full, I have here presented Thomas Cowles a Mariner, and Master Michael Lecke Merchant, and after them, a little Treatise ascribed to Master Brigges, together with his Map. And if any think that the Spaniard or Portugal would soon have discovered such a passage: these will answer, Some of our Merchants are said not to be so willing for like causes with this discovery. that it was not for their profit to expose their East or West Indies to English, Dutch, or others, whom they would not have sharers in those remote treasures by so near a passage. First, Thomas Cowles averreth thus much. I Thomas Cowles of Bedmester, in the County of Somerset, Marriner, do acknowledge, that six years past, at my being at Lisbon, in the Kingdom of Portugal▪ I did hear one Martin Chacke, a Portugal of Lisbon, read a Book of his own making, which he had set out six years before that time, in Print, in the Portugal tongue, declaring that the said Martin Chacke had found, twelve years now past, a way from the Portugal Indies, through a gulf of the New found Land, which he thought to be in 59 degrees of the elevation of the North Pole. By means that he being in the said Indies, with four other Ships of great burden, and he himself in a small Ship of fourscore tons, was driven from the company of the other four Ships, with a Westerly wind: after which, he passed alongst by a great number of Lands which were in the gulf of the said New found Land. And after he overshot the gulf, he set no more sight of any other Land, until he fell with the Northwest part of Ireland; and from thence he took his course homewards, and by that means he came to Lisbon four or five weeks before the other four Ships of his company that he was separated from, as before said. And since the same time, I could never see any of those Books, because the King commanded them to be called in, and no more of them to be printed, lest in time it would be to their hindrance. In witness whereof I set to my hand and mark, the ninth of April. Anno 1579. A Note made by me MICHAEL LOK the elder, touching the Straight of Sea, commonly called Fretum Anian, in the South Sea, through the Northwest passage of Meta incognita. WHen I was at Venice, in April 1596. happily arrived there an old man, about threescore years of age, called commonly juan de Fuca but named properly Apostolos Valerianos, of Nation a Greek, borne in the Hand Cefalonia, of profession a Mariner, and an ancient Pilot of Ships. This man being come lately out of Spain, arrived first at Ligorno, and went thence to Florence in Italy, where he found one john Dowglas, an Englishman, a famous Mariner, ready coming for Venice, to be Pilot of a Venetian Ship, named Ragasona for England, in whose company they came both together to Venice. And john Dowglas being well acquainted with 〈◊〉 before, he gave me knowledge of this Greek Pilot, and brought him to my speech: and in long talk and conference between us, in presence of john Dowglas: this Greek Pilot declared in the Italian and Spanish languages, thus much in effect as followeth. First he said, that he had been in the West Indies of Spain by the space of forty years, and had sailed to and from many places thereof, as Mariner and Pilot, in the service of the Spaniards. Also he said, that he was in the Spanish Ship, which in returning from the Lands, Philippinas and China, towards Nova Spania, was robbed and taken at the Cape California, by Captain Candish Englishman, Captain Candish. whereby he lost sixty thousand Ducats, of his own goods. Also he said, that he was Pilot of three small Ships which the Vizeroy of Mexico sent from Mexico, armed with one hundred men, Soldiers, under a Captain, Spaniards, to discover the Straits of Anian, along the coast of the South-Sea, and to fortify in that Straight, to resist the passage and proceedings of the English Nation, which were feared to pass through those Straits into the South Sea. And that by reason of a mutiny which happened among the Soldiers, for the Sodomy of their Captain, that Voyage was overthrown, and the Ships returned back from California coast to Nova Spania, without any effect of thing done in that Voyage. And that after their return, the Captain was at Mexico punished by justice. Also he said, that shortly after the said Voyage was so ill ended, the said Viceroy of Mexico, sent him out again Anno 1592. with a small Caravela, and a Pinnace, armed with Mariners only, to follow the said Voyage, for discovery of the same Straits of Anian, and the passage thereof, into the Sea which they call the North Sea, which is our Northwest Sea. And that he followed his course in that Voyage West and Northwest in the South Sea, all alongst the coast of Nova Spania, and California, and the Indies, now called North America (all which Voyage he signified to me in a great Map, Land trending in 47. degrees. and a Sea-card of mine own, which I laid before him) until he came to the Latitude of forty seven degrees, and that there finding that the Land trended North and North-east, with a broad Inlet of Sea, between 47. and 48. degrees of Latitude: he entered thereinto, sailing therein more than twenty days, and found that Land trending still sometime Northwest and North-east, and North, and also East and South-eastward, and very much broader Sea than was at the said entrance, and that he passed by diverse Lands in that sailing. And that at the entrance of this said Straight, there is on the Northwest coast thereof, a great Hedland or Island, with an exceeding high Pinnacle, or spired Rock, like a pillar thereupon. Also he said, that he went on Land in diverse places, and that he saw some people on Land, clad in Beasts skins: and that the Land is very fruitful, and rich of gold, Silver, Pearl, and other things, like Nova Spania. And also he said, that he being entered thus far into the said Strait, and being come into the North Sea already, and finding the Sea wide enough every where, and to be about thirty or forty leagues wide in the mouth of the Straits, The mouth of the Strait where he entered 30. or 40. leagues broad. where he entered; he thought he had now well discharged his office, and done the thing which he was sent to do: and that he not being armed to resist the force of the savage people that might happen, he therefore set sail and returned homewards again towards Nova Spania, where he arrived at Acapulco, Anno 1592. hoping to be rewarded greatly of the Viceroy, for this service done in this said Voyage. Also he said, that after his coming to Mexico, he was greatly welcomed by the Viceroy, and had great promises of great reward, but that having sued there two years' time, and obtained nothing to his content, the Viceroy told him, that he should be rewarded in Spain of the King himself very greatly, and willed him therefore to go into Spain, which Voyage he did perform. Also he said, that when he was come into Spain, he was greatly welcomed there at the King's Court, in words after the Spanish manner, but after long time of suit there also, he could not get any reward there neither to his content. And that therefore at the length he stole away out of Spain, and came into Italy, to go home again and live among his own Kindred and Countrymen, he being very old. Also he said, that he thought the cause of his ill reward had of the Spaniards, to be for that they did understand very well, that the English Nation had now given over all their voyages for discovery of the Northwest passage, wherefore they need not fear them any more to come that way into the South Sea, and therefore they needed not his service therein any more. Also he said, that in regard of this ill reward had of the Spaniards, and understanding of the noble mind of the Queen of England, and of her wars maintained so valiantly against the Spaniards, and hoping that her Majesty would do him justice for his goods lost by Captain Candish, he would be content to go into England, and serve her Majesty in that voyage for the discovery perfectly of the Northwest passage into the South Sea, and would put his life into her Majesty's hands to perform▪ the same, if she would furnish him with only one ship of forty 〈◊〉 burden and a Pinnace, The strait to be discovered in 30. days. and that he would perform it in thirty days time, from one end to the other of the straits. And he willed me so to write into England. And upon this conference had twice with the said Greek Pilot, I did write thereof accordingly into England unto the right honourable the old Lord Treasurer Cecil, and to Sir Walter Raleigh, and to Master Richard Hakluyt that famous Cosmographer, certifying them hereof by my Letters. And in the behalf of the said Greek Pilot, I prayed them to disburse one hundred pounds of money, to bring him into England with myself, for that my own purse would not stretch so wide at that time. And I had answer hereof by Letters of friends, that this action was very well liked, and greatly desired in England to be effected; but the money was not ready, and therefore this action died at that time, though the said Greek Pilot perchance liveth still this day at home in his own Country in Cefalonia, towards the which place he went from me within a fortnight after this conference had at Venice. And in the mean time, while I followed my own business in Venice, being in Law suit against the Company of Merchants of Turkey, and Sir john Spencer their Governor in London, to recover my pension due for my office of being their Consul at Aleppo in Turkey, which they held from me wrongfully. And when I was (as I thought) in a readiness to return home into England, for that it pleased the Lords of her Majesty's honourable Privy Counsel in England, to look into this Cause of my Law suit for my relief; I thought that I should be able of my own pu●se to take with me into England the said Greek Pilot. And therefore I wrote unto him from Venice a Letter, dated in july 1596. which is copied here-under. Al Madge co. Sig or. Capitan IVAN DE FUCA Piloto de India's, amigo mio char more. en Zefalonia. MVy honrado Sennor, fiendo yo para bueluerme en Inglatierra dentre de pocas mezes', y accuerdandome de lo trattado entre my y V. M. en Venesia, sober el viagio de las India's, me ha parescido bien de scrivir esta carta à V. M. paraque si tengais animo de andar con migo, puedaiss escribirme presto, en que maniera quereiss consertaros. Y puedais embiarmi vuestra carta, con esta nao Ingles que sta all Zante (sino hallais otra coientura meier) con el sobrescritto que diga, en casa deal Sennor Eleazar Hycman Mercader Ingles, all tragetto de San Thomas en Venisia. Y Dios guard la persona de V. M. Fecha en Venesia all primer dia de julio, 1596. annos. Amigo de V. M. Michael Lok Ingles. And I sent the said Letter from Venice to Zante, in the ship Cherubin. And shortly after I sent a copy thereof in the ship Mynyon. And also a third copy thereof by Manea Orlando Patron de Nave Venetian. And unto my said Letters he wrote me answer to Venice by one Letter which came not to my hands. And also by another Letter which came to my hands, which is copied here-under. All Ill more. Sig or. MICHAL LOCH Ingles, in casa del Sig or. LASARO Merca. der Ingles, all tragetto de San THOMAS en Venesia. MVy Illustre Seg or. la carta de V. M. recevi à 20. dias del Mese di Settembre, por loqual veo Loche V. M. me manda, io tengho animo de complir Loche tengo promettido à V. M. y no solo yo, mas tengo vinte hombres para lievar con migo, porch son hombres vaglientes; y assi estoi esperando, por otra carta che avise à V. M. parache me embiais los dinieros che tengo escritto à V. M. Porche bien save V. M. como io vine pover, porch me glievo Capitan Candis mas de sessanta mille ducadoes, come V. M. bien sane: embiandome lo dicho, ire à seruir à V. M. con todos mis compagneros. I no spero otra cossa mas de la voluntad è carta de V. M. I con tanto nostro Sig or. Dios guarda la Illustre persona de V. M. muchos annos. De Ceffalonia à 24. de Settembre del 1596. Amigo & servitor de V. M. juan Fuca. And the said Letter came to my hands in Venice, the 16. day of November, 1596. but my Law suit with the Company of Turkey was not yet ended, by reason of Sir john Spencer's suit made in England at the Queen's Court to the contrary, seeking only to have his money discharged which I had attached in Venice for my said pension, and thereby my own purse was not yet ready for the Greek Pilot. And nevertheless, hoping that my said suit would have shortly a good end; I wrote another Letter to this Greek Pilot from Venice, dated the 20. of November, 1596. which came not to his hands. And also another Letter, dated the 24. of januarie, 1596. which came to his hands. And thereof he wrote me answer, dated the 28. of May, 1597. which I received the first of August 1597. by Thomas Norden an English Merchant yet living in London, wherein he promised still to go with me into England, to perform the said voyage for discovery of the Northwest passage into the South Sea, if I would send him money for his charges according to his former writing, without the which money, he said he could not go, for that he said he was undone utterly, when he was in the ship Santa Anna, The Ship Santa Anna. which came from China, and was robbed at California. And yet again afterward I wrote him another Letter from Venice, whereunto he wrote me answer, by a Letter written in his Greek language, dated the 20. of October, 1598. the which I have still by me, wherein he promiseth still to go with me into England, and perform the said voyage of discovery of the Northwest passage into the South Sea by the said straits, which he calleth the Straight of Nova Spania, The Straight of Nova Spania thirty days journey in the Straight. which he saith is but thirty day's voyage in the straits, if I will send him the money formerly written for his charges. The which money I could not yet send him, for that I had not yet recovered my pension owing me by the Company of Turkey aforesaid. And so of long time I stayed from any further proceeding with him in this matter. And yet lastly, when I myself was at Zante, in the month of june 1602. minding to pass from thence for England by Sea, for that I had then recovered a little money from the Company of Turkey, by an order of the Lords of the Privy Counsel of England, I wrote another Letter to this Greek Pilot to Cefalonia, and required him to come to me to Zante, and go with me into England, but I had none answer thereof from him, for that as I heard afterward at Zante, he was then dead, or very likely to die of great sickness. Whereupon I returned myself by Sea from Zante to Venice, and from thence I went by land through France into England, where I arrived at Christmas, An. 1602. safely, I thank God, after my absence from thence ten years' time; with great troubles had for the Company of Turkey's business, which hath cost me a great sum of money, for the which I am not yet satisfied of them. A Treatise of the Northwest passage to the South Sea, through the Continent of Virginia, and by Fretum Hudson. THe noble plantation of Virginia hath some very excellent prerogatives above many other famous Kingdoms, namely, the temperature of the air, the fruitfulness of the soil, and the commodiousness of situation. The air is healthful and free both from immoderate heat, and from extreme cold; so that both the Inhabitants and their cattle do prosper exceedingly in stature and strength, and all Plants brought from any other remote climate, do there grow and fructify in as good or better manner, then in the soil from whence they came. Which though it do manifestly prove the fruitfulness of the soil, yielding all kinds of Grain or Plants committed unto it, with a rich and plentiful increase; yet cannot the fatness of the earth alone produce such excellent effects, unless the temperature of the air be likewise so favourable, that those tender sprouts which the earth doth abundantly bring forth, may be cherished with moderate heat and seasonable moisture, and freed both from scorching drought, and nipping frost. The North part of America map of North America Gerardus Mercator, a very industrious and excellent Geographer, was abused by a Map sent unto him, of four Euripi meeting about the North Pole; which now are found to be all turned into a main Icy Sea. One demonstration of the crafty falsehood of these usual Maps is this, that Cape Mendocino is set in them West Northwest, distant from the South Cape of California, about seventeen hundred leagues, whereas Francis Gaul that was employed in those discoveries by the Viceroy of New Spain, doth in Hugo Linschotten his book set down their distance to be only five hundred leagues. Besides this, in the place where Sir Thomas Button did winter in 57 degrees of latitude, the constant great Tides every twelve hours, and the increase of those Tides whensoever any strong Western wind did blow, do strongly persuade us that the main Western Ocean is not far from thence; which was much confirmed unto them the Summer following; when sailing directly North from that place where they wintered, about the latitude of 60. degrees, they were crossed by a strong Current running sometimes Eastward, sometimes Westward: So that if we find either Hudsons' Bay, or any Sea more near unto the West, we may assure ourselves that from thence we may with great ease pass to any part of the East Indies: And that as the World is very much beholding to that famous Columbus for that he first discovered unto us the West Indies; and to the Portugal for the finding out the ordinary and as yet the best way that is known to the East Indies, by Cape Bona Speranza: So may they and all the world be in this beholding to us in opening a new and large passage, both much nearer, safer, and far more wholesome and temperate through the Continent of Virginia, and by Fretum Hudson, to all those rich Countries bordering upon the South Sea, in the East and West Indies. And this hope that the South Sea may easily from Virginia be discovered over Land, is much confirmed by the constant report of the Savages, not only of Virginia, but also of Florida and Canada; which dwelling so remote one from another, and all agreeing in the report of a large Sea to the Westwards, where they describe great ships not unlike to ours, with other circumstances, do give us very great probability (if not full assurance) that our endeavours this way shall by God's blessing have a prosperous and happy success, to the increase of his Kingdom and Glory amongst these poor ignorant Heathen people, the public good of all the Christian world, the neverdying honour of our most gracious Sovereign, the inestimable benefit of our Nation, and the admirable and speedy increase and advancement of that most noble and hopeful Plantation of Virginia; for the good success whereof all good men with me, I doubt not, will pour out their prayers to Almighty God. H. B. VOYAGES, AND TRAVELS TO AND IN THE NEW WORLD, CALLED AMERICA: RELATIONS OF THEIR PAGAN ANTIQVITIES AND OF THE REGIONS AND PLANTATIONS IN THE NORTH AND SOUTH parts thereof, and of the Seas and Lands adjacent. THE FIFTH BOOK. CHAP. I. A Description of the West Indies, by ANTONIO De HERRERA * I found this Work translated in M. Hakluyts Papers; but I can scarcely call it English, it had so much of the Spanish garb, in lieterall and verbal affectation and obscurity. I have examined it with the Spanish Original, and compared it also with the Latin Translation, with great pains for thy greater pleasure & profit, correcting and illustrating the phrase and sense; being before very rude, obscure and in very many places utterly senseless. But having none to write for me but my own hands, I rather chose to amend this as I could, then to translate it anew. I have seen it also in French. The Latin is exceeding false in some numbers, as 2000 for 20000. diverse times, etc. which I note for their sakes which read that and have not the Spanish I have not contracted ●●is (as I have done diverse other Relations) because it is a brief contraction of the Spanish-Indian Contractation, presenting the Spanish Proceedings, Colonies, Towns Officers and Government Spiritual and Temporal in the Indies. This Author hath written eight Decades of the Spanish Acts in the West Indies, which give great light to those parts, but would be too long for this Worke. his Majesty's Chief Chronicler of the Indies, and his Chronicler of Castille. To the Licentiate PAUL of Laguna, Precedent of the Royal and Supreme Council of the Indies. THe Licentiate john of Obando, Predecessor of your Lordship (in whose time the Office of chief Chronicler of the Indies was instituted, for writing with greater authority, foundation, and truth, the Acts of the Castilians in the New World, and to see and examine that which the other Chroniclers should write (for I find that almost to all that is written no credit could be given, for overmuch licence, wherewith until then it was done) he used great diligence in gathering the most certain Relations that were found as well in the Indies, as in Spain, of that which happened in the Discoveries of those Regions, the foundations of those Towns and Customs of the people. And many years being passed after his death, without making any beginning of this History, your Lordship being provided for Precedent of the Royal and Supreme Council of the Indies, knowing how much it behoved, that deeds so worthy of memory should no longer be buried, and that they should be written by a Royal Chronicler (seeing so much fr●● is gotten of History, that it exceedeth so much the Picture, as the soul, the body, against the opinion of a modern Writer.) Providing all the means necessary with liberality and diligence, have been the mere and only Instrument; Ramusio uncharitably taxed: for he doth but blame the folly of Spanish Authors which are more curious to set down the names, etc. of those which have there done any thing though but rebellions, than the description of the beasts, fishes, fowls, plants, Earth, Heaven, etc. in the Indies: for which he there commends Ouiedo. following the opinion of S. Augustine, that this History, and the Description that followeth hath come to the present estate. And because it hath not been of least importance to honour the Author, animating him to go forward with so great a labour, conforming yourself with the universal opinion of the much that is due to the watchings, and labours of the Writers; placing this Office of Chief Chronicler in that point and reputation that so noble an Exercise deserveth, (as the most famous men of the World have judged it, and it is esteemed and talked of among all Nations be they never so barbarous) your Lordship shall be praised eternally, and thanked of all that are interessed in it; by which is procured the making mention of their Fathers, and Predecessors with their Names and Country, all that hath been possible, against the barbarous and most unjust opinion of john Baptista Ramusio, in his Proem in the third Volume of the Navigations, where he saith to be a vain thing, and ridiculous, that the Spanish Authors should take pains in writing the names and Country of those which served in the matters of the Indies. Wherein he showeth the venom of the envy conceived of the glorious deeds of these Catholic Kings, and of the castilian Nation, seeing the Chronicles do serve to honour the good, and to reproach the evil, for an example of those to come; which could not be obtained with the opinion of this Ramusius, whom the saying of Cato against the Grecians doth fit. But the opinion of your Lordship hath been according to your prudence and valour, of the which as it is just, there will be a perpetual memory, and for that which this Nation is indebted unto you for the same, you shall be reknowledged of it eternally. God keep your Lordship, from Vallyadolyeede the fifteenth of October 1601. Chap. 1. Of the bounds and division of the West Indies. THe compass of the Earth is 360. degrees, which being reduced to leagues of Castille are 6300. and by the compass of the Earth is understood the Sea together with it, which two Elements make the Globe; whose upper face in part is Earth, and in part is Sea: The Ancients divided the Earth in three parts, and gave to every one his name. The first they called Europe, more celebrated than any of the other. The second Asia, which is greater than the rest, and containeth the great Kingdom of China. The third. Africa And men being in a supposition that the World contained no more than was rehearsed, not contenting themselves with it, entered in the Art of Navigating, and in the invention of ships of high building, fitting them in such order that they might abide the force of the waves of the Sea, & in this Art l The Spaniards have surpassed all Nations of the World, in Navigation of high built ships. Remember that a Spaniard speaks it.) the Spaniards have surpassed all the Nations of the World. For whiles there reigned Ferdinand in Castille and in Lion, the famous King's Catholic Ferdinando the fifth, and Isabel a most wise, prudent, and most puissant Queen; and Don john the Second, called the Pelican, reigned in Portugal, (he that ever will be worthy of memory) Don Christopher Colo●, first Admiral of the Indies, having lived many years married in Spain; with the counsel of Martin of Bohemia, a Portugal borne in the Island of Fayall, a famous Astrologian; and especially a judiciary, and of others with whom he communicated it, gave a beginning to the Discovery of that which at this day is counted the fourth part of the World, and the greatest of them all, and taking his course toward the Sun setting, going from Pallos a Village of the Earl of Miranda, in the Coast of Andaluzia, he sailed so much by the Ocean, that he found this great Land, which the Equinoctial Line cutteth in the midst, Pallos, is to say staffs, or sticks. and it goeth so far toward the South, that it reacheth to fifty two degrees and an half, and goeth so high to the North, that it hides itself under the Pole Arctic, without m The Spaniards did not, or would not know any Passage. knowing any end. The greatness of this fourth part hath set the people in great admiration, whose description shall here be handled, under the name of Lands, and firm Land of the Ocean Sea, because they are compassed with this Sea, and placed to the West, and are commonly called, the West Indies, and the New World, and comprehended within the limits of the Kings of Castille and of Lyon. Which is an Hemisphere, and half of the World, of 180. degrees, beginning to reckon from a Meridian Circle, which passeth by thirty nine, or by forty degrees of longitude, Occidental from the Meridian of Toledo, through the mouth of the River Marany●●, and to the oriental, through the City of Mallaca, in sort, that at twenty leagues sailing for a degree, these bounds have from the one part to the other 3900. Castillan leagues, every one of 3000. paces, of five foot of a Castillan yard, which men say are sixty Italian miles, from the Orient to the Occident, which the Seamen do call East and West. And this account of twenty leagues to a degree, is according to Ptolemy, and to the opinion of many curious men. It hath seemed to others that the miles of every degree are seventy, and that they make no more than seventeen leagues and an half of Castille, which is held for the truest account. The degrees of longitude, which are those that are reckoned by the n How the degrees of longitude are reckoned. Equinoctial, which goeth from East to West, through the midst of the Orb, and Globe of the Earth, have not been able to be taken well, because there is no fixed sign in the Heaven. Degrees of altitude are those which are taken, and reckoned from the Pole which fall out certain, because it is a fixed point, which is the mark that is taken, by the which it shall be showed in this description. There is discovered, and navigated from the North to the South, What is discovered and navigated. The English have discovered far more: From 81. in Greenland, and from 78. in Groinland to 57 of South latitude. from 60. degrees of Septentrional altitude, unto fifty three Austral, which are 1977. leagues of ground, which hath in breadth, at the broadest 1300. and thence downwards unto eighteen, which is the narrowesst by Nombre de Dios, or Portobelo, unto Panama, whereby Nature divided this Land, leaving almost the half of it to the North, and the rest to the South, which are the two parts of these bounds. The third, is the Lands and firm land, that lie to the East of Mallaca, where through passeth the Line of the partition, between the two Crowns of Castille and Portugal, the which although they are part of the East India, they are named of the West in respect of Castille, as shall be seen in the general Map that followeth. And because the Discovery of all these Regions, from whence so great Riches have been brought to these Kingdoms, is due unto the Loadstone, A marvelous effect of the Loadstone. Don Antony Ossorio, discovereth a great secret of the Loadstone. I will set down here a wonderful effect of his, discovered by Don Antony Ossorio, a Gentleman of Valladolid, and it is, that it doth communicate to the Iron, more attractive virtue then naturally it hath of itself, seeing that applying an Iron to the part of the stone that hath most force, much more weight will be raised with the Iron, then with the stone itself▪ so it be joined with it, in sort that to a Loadstone, that weigheth no more than two pound one quarter, and hath no natural virtue for to lift more than six ounces weight, it made the Iron in my presence to lift fourteen pound of Iron, and this virtue hath not the Loadstone of Spain, a thing that causeth the Philosophers to muse much upon. The Author had here inserted a Table or General Map of America; the defect of which we have supplied with this far more complete of Hondius. HONDIUS his Map of AMERICA. AMERICAE DESCRIP. map of North and South America Chap. 2. Of the Navigation of the Indies. THe Ocean that is toward the East, is called the North Sea, and that which falleth to the West, Mar del Sur, or the South Sea: this washeth Nova Hispania and Peru: that washeth those Regions which are situated on the South coast of Brasile toward the Magellan Streight: and especially the North coast from Brasile toward Castille, and other Septentrional parts. These two vast Seas are divided into other lesser Seas and Gulfs, and are sailed by four principal Navigations. How many Navigations there be to these Indies. The first and most ancient, from Castille to Terra firm, and to Nova Hispania. The second, from Castille to the River of Plate, and the Straight of Magellan. The third, from the coast of Nova Hispania to Guatimala, and Panama, to Peru, Chile, and the Straight. And the last, and newest, from Nova Hispania to the Lands of the West, and traffic of China, as it is seen in the Table preceding. The first Navigation, because it is most used, called Carrera de las India's, The course of the Indies, is divided in two, one to the port of Saint john of Vlua in Nova Hispania, whitherto from Sivil is sailed about one thousand and seven hundred leagues in two months and an half: and another to Nombre de Dios, and now to Porte bello, which is in the Kingdom which they call Terra firm, of one thousand and four hundred leagues, in two months large, and both go by one course, till they come to the Lands of the North Sea, from Saint Lucar of Barrameda, whence ye cannot take Sea without a Pilot skilful in the Channel, Difficulty in going out of the Bar of Saint Lucar. In what times these Navigations are to be made. Monsons'. a fit wind and spring Tides, and light of the day, or lights, for to see the marks of the Bar. The Times for to begin these Navigations, are diverse. For Nova Hispania, the winter being past, from the beginning of April unto the end of May, and not after, that they may not come to the Lands of the North Sea after August, when the North winds begin to reign, and the Vracanes do begin, which are storms and great gusts arising of contrary winds. And to Terra firm, the Navigation is before the entering of the Winter, in all August and September, that they may come to Porte bello from November forward, when by the beginning of the North winds that Coast is already least diseased, and more healthful. The voyage of the Fleets till they come to the place where they go. From Saint Lucar they go to the Canaries, whither there is about two hundred and fifty leagues of Navigation, of eight or ten days, through the Gulf de las Yeguas; which in winter is very dangerous for storms: and in the Port of Canary they cast anchor when they think it good, or else in the Port of Gomera, which is the best of those Lands. From the Canaries they sail to Desseada, which stands in 15. degrees and little more; and to Dominica, whither they make seven hundred leagues, through the great Ocean, and they stay five and twenty days, whereby they cannot return, because the Brise's are ordinary, and contrary at their return. The Brise's are winds which comprehend all the Eastern winds with all their quarters, and are so ordinary and firm, What thing the Brise's are. because the swift motion of the First Mover, doth carry after him the Element of the Air, as the other superior Orbs: and so the Air followeth always the motion of the Day, going from East to West, never varying, and the effectual motion of the Air carrieth after him also the vapours and exhalations that do arise from the Sea, and therefore the Brise winde which runneth from the East, is so continual in those parts. This voyage from the Canaries to Dominica, Peter Arios of Auila, which was called Gentle and the juster, made the first, the year of 1514. when he went with an Army for Governor and Captain general of the Kingdom of Golden Castille, now called Terra firm, since which the Navigation hath been ordered, that until then went out of order. Because it is now ordered that fresh water and wood be not taken in the Island of Desseada, and in Dominica, the Fleet of Nova Espanna go hence to Occoa, a Port of the Island Hispanyola, to take refreshing, and they stay long because the storms from Cuba do overtake it. And they that go for Nova Espanna, They take water already in the I'll of Guadalupe, where the Courses are divided. do water in the Island of Guadalupe, and there they divide the courses. The fleet of Nova Espanna goeth in demand of the Cape of Saint Antony, which is in the furthest part and most Occidental of the Island of Cuba, to which place they sail about five hundred leagues in twenty days ordinarily, in sight of Saint john of Porto Rico and of Espannola, two leagues off the Port of Saint Domingo, running along the coast by the Point of Nizao, and between the Lands of Cuba and jamaica, they go with great heed of the shoals, which are called the jardines, near to the midst of the coast of Cuba where many ships have been lost, passing afterward in sight of the Island of Pinos and Cape Correntes twelve leagues short of the Cape of Saint Antony. From whence there are two courses to the Port of Venacruz, both of ten or twelve days; one which they call Within Land, of two hundred and fifty leagues, for the Summer time from May to September, when there be no North winds which are cross winds on the coast of Yucatan, whereby they pass; and another which they call Without, for the time of Winter, of about two hundred and eighty leagues somewhat higher in altitude: and the best Navigation, Which is the best Navigation from that Cape of S. Antony, to S. john de Vlua. for to go to the Port of Saint john de Vlua, is to lean to the coast of Florida, and the Plains of Almeria, that no contrary wind stay him from seasonable attaining the Port of Saint john de Vlua. The fleets that went from Dominica, and now go from Guadalupe to Terra firm (whither is about four hundred leagues voyage of fifteen days) they go in demand of Cartagena, far off the coast of Terra firm, where the Brise's are almost perpetual, and contrary to the return, and the Southern winds continual in Summer, and the Northern in Winter, which are cross winds. They do reknowledge by the way the Cape de Vella, between Santa Martha and a Of little Venice. Venezuela, and the Cape b Or of the Needle. del Aguja near Cartagena, where they unlade the merchandise that are to go to New Kingdom; and those which are to pass to Peru, are carried to Porte bello, whitherto from Cartagena are ninety leagues, four or six days sailing, reknowledging the Point of Captina, and from the Canaries to Cartagena is five and thirty days sailing. Those that go to Hunduras and Guatemala, go in company with them of Nova Espanna, The voyage of Hunduras and Guatemala. unto Cape Tiburon, the utmost Western part of Espannola, from whence running along by the Island of jamaica on the North side, unto the Point of the c Or little black Moor. Negrillo, the uttermost of it, they put to Sea in demand of the Cape of the Camaron, the beginning of the Gulf and Province of Hunduras, from whence they go to anchor to Truxillo fifteen leagues to the West from the Cape, where the merchandise are unladen that are to remain there, and the rest do pass to the Port of Cavallos, and to Golfo Dulce, along the coast by the Gulf of Hunduras, to transport them to Guatemala. THe return from the Indies to Spain, Chap. 3. Wherein he prosecuteth the Navigations of the Indies. The Fleets do return to Castille by another way. When the fleets ought to depart to come for Castille. Whither the Fleets do go from Cartagena. cannot be made by the course which they take in going thither, and therefore they must come to a greater height, going out of the Tropics to seek fresh winds which do blow from towards the North; all the Fleets do meet in the Port of Havana, about the month of june, to come to Spain before Winter; for the East wind is against them, and is traverse in the Channel, and the South also is traverse in the Coast from the Cape Saint Vincent to Saint Lucar. The fleet of Terra firm, departeth from May forward from Porte bello, when the North winds do already cease; and returneth to Cartagena to take the freight of Silver and Gold from the new Kingdom of Granada: and also for to avoid the Coast of Veragua, and the stream of Nicaragua, whence they can hardly get out if they ingulfe themselves by reason of the Brise's, and contrary and dangerous Currents that are in the way. From Cartagena they go for Cape Saint Antony, the furthest West of Cuba about two hundred leagues, voyage of ten days, with care of the shoals that are in the way of Serrana and Serranilla, and d Or take away sleep. The ships of Hunduras reknowledge the Cape of Saint Antony. When the Fleets of Nova Espanna do depart thence. The voyage of them of Santa Martha and Venezuela. Navigation from the Auana to Castille. Navigation from the Lands of Azores unto Saint Lucar. Quitasueno, and from the Cape of Saint Antony to the Auana, are near fifty leagues: and the ships that come from Hunduras, do come also to reknowledge the Cape of Saint Antony. The fleets of Nova Espanna do depart in the beginning of May, while the North winds do last, which do serve for the return to the Auana, ascending a little in altitude unto the Sound, which they call las Tortugas, unto which place they sail about three hundred leagues in fifteen days. The ships of Santa Martha and Venezuela, to come to Castille, came out between Cuba and Hispaniola, to reknowledge the Cape of Saint Nicholas in the Western part of it, from whence through the midst of the Isles of the Lucayos, they go take the course of the fleets, and when they come in sight of the Cape of Saint Antony, they go to the Auana for fear of Pirates. From the Auana to Castille, having past the Channel of Bahama (which the Pilot Antony of Alaminos sailed first of all, the year 1519.) they do sail through the Gulf which is called of the North, or of the Sagarzo, about nine hundred or a thousand leagues or more (a sailing of five and twenty or thirty days with ordinary winds) by two ways, one for Summer, in a greater height, till they come to thirty eight or thirty nine degrees, in the which stand the Lands of Azores; and another for Winter, by a lesser height, because of the storms and showers which do come always near unto it, whereby they go unto thirty nine degrees no more, wherein standeth the Island of Santa Maria, one of the Isles of Azores, and they ascend one degree more for to touch in the Tercera, where the fleets do always come to take refreshing, without permitting any one to go ashore. And from the Lands of Azores unto Saint Lucar of Barrameda, the Mariners make three hundred leagues of Navigation in fifteen days, others in thirty for the many Brise's that do reign in this Gulf of the Azores, whereby they sail till they come upon the Coast of Portugal, and the doubling of the Cape Saint Vincent; and after in sight of the Coast unto the Port of Saint Lucar. The Navigation from Castille to the River of Plata (whitherto there is one thousand and six hundred leagues, Navigation to the River of Plata. and to the Straight of Magelanes near two thousand) hath been much longer in the time then in the distance of the way, because being necessary to come to those Provinces in their Summer, which is from September forward, they cannot depart from Castille at such time as not to pass the Equinoctial by june or August, when in it the Calms are many and very great, and therefore they stay five months in the Voyage, which might be made in two or three, if from Sivil they did depart by August or before: and touching in the Canaries they go North and South, to eight or nine degrees on the other side of the Equinoctial, from whence some do sail East and West, to reknowledge the Cape of Saint Augustine in Brasile, and afterward in sight of the Land unto the River of Plate and the Straight. Others from the eight degrees have gone strait through the South Sea to the Straight, although few have come to pass it, before the Summer be ended, which is very short and full of storms, because it stands in so great a height, whereby this Navigation is very difficult. Navigation of the South Sea. The Navigation of the South Sea hath always been along the Coast, and because the South winds are very continual, and the Current of the Straight ordinary to the North; The Navigation of Panama to the City of The Kings, Navigation of Panama to the City de los Reyes. is wont to continue two months, and the return less than thirty days, and the same from the Kings to Chile, from whence to Panama are sailed nine hundred leagues in less than two months, eight being needful for the going, which is already shorter than it was: for putting to the Sea they find better winds to perform it. Navigation of th● West Indies. The Navigation to the Western Lands, Malucas and Philippinas, from Castille to the Straight of Magellane passeth four thousand leagues, and so for being so long as for the difficulty of passing the Straight of Magellan●s, it is held for difficult to use it, and from Nova Espanna through the Western Gulf, which is in the South Sea. This Navigation was made from the Port of the Nativity in the Coast of Nova Espanna; at this time it is made from the Port of Acapulco, from whence to the Malucas and Philippinas, they do make a voyage of one thousand six hundred, or a thousand and seven hundred leagues, which is sailed in two months, or two and a half, departing in November which is the time most free from calms. And the return to Nova Espanna is longer, because not being able to return the way they went, it is necessary to ascend to 39 degrees, and depart in May and june, when the Brise's be less, and they stay four months in sailing two thousand leagues that may be in the journey. Chap. 4. Of the Indies of the North. Here was inserted a Map of the North par●s of America. But Master Briggs hath in the former book given you a far far better, to which I refer you. Which be the Indies of the North and which of the South. Wherefore it was called New Spain. Great pastures in New Spain. NAture having divided these western Indies in two parts, by the Isthmos or narrowness from Porte bello to Panama, placed the one to the North, and the other to the South; wherefore we will call them the Indies of the North, and of the South. The Kings of Castille and Lion, with the advice of the supreme Council of the Indies, have ordained, that in each place there be a Viceroy, Courts, and Governments, and Bishoprics, as hereafter shall be showed. And first shall be entreated of the Northern Indies, which commonly they call Nova Hispania, because the first discoverers (which were john Grijalua and his Companions) having not seen in the Land's houses of stone, nor other things as in Spain, which here they found with people apparelled, and more civil; They named it New Spain: which exceedeth the other part of the Indies in pastures, and therefore they have innumerable Cattle of all sorts: and it exceedeth also in husbandry and fruits: it hath no wine, because generally the grapes do not ripen with perfection, the reins of july and August not suffering them to ripen. The * The weathermost or upper Lands. upper Lands have also great Pastures, and a pleasant prospect: for all the year they are green and flourishing, with great pleasantness, and great Arcabucos, which are very thick Groves and Enclosures, and in the Plains are great Lakes and Quagmires. Neither Bread nor Wine grow in them; for the great rankness of the ground doth not suffer it to ripen nor care: the Rivers for the most part have gold. Florida, Nicaragua, and Guatimala are almost in this manner, as of all more particularly we will rehearse in their place, and in the Table following shall the bounds of these Northern Indies be seen. THe Court of the Island Hispaniola, which in time and place is the first, being nearest unto Castille, it hath of bounds East and West five hundred and fifty leagues, and North and South more than three hundred, wherein are included the Lands and Governments of Hispaniola, Cuba, Chap. 5. Of the bounds of the jurisdiction of Saint Dominicke. Saint john, jamaica, Margarita, and the fishing of the Pearl: the Province and Government of Venezuella, and for nearness the Provinces of new Andaluzia, Guayana, and Florida, with all the Lands of the North Sea, which do pass a hundred which are named, and are above six hundred great and small: and those which do lean toward the Coast of Terra firm, the Mariners do call of the Leeward, and the other to the Weatherward. The temperature of them all is commonly moist and exceeding hot, and although they be plentiful in Pastures and Trees, they are not so of the Seeds of Castille, nor of Wheat, Barley, Vines, nor Olives: but there is great store of great cattle and small, as Kine, Mares, Swine, and Sheep, and therefore their principal traffic is Hides and Sugar, for there is great store; and although in the most of them there is gold; it is not sought for. Chap. 6. Of the Island Hispaniola and of Cuba. THe Countrymen called the Island of Hispaniola, Ayti and Quisqueya, which signifieth Roughness, and a great Country. The figure of it is like a Chestnut leaf: it stands in nineteen degrees and a half of elevation of the Pole, it compasseth about four hundred leagues and somewhat more, and hath in length East and West an hundreth and fifty, and North and South from thirty to sixty where it is broadest, it is very plentiful of Sugar, and cattle, and of Yuca, the root whereof maketh the Cazabi, the bread of the Countrymen. They have no Millet nor Wheat, Cazabi bread. Ten Spanish Towns. although they begin to reap some in the inward parts and coldest. It is rich of Copper mines and other metals, and some vein of Gold though but little is gotten, for want of workmen: it hath ten Spanish Towns. HONDIUS his Map of Hispaniola, Cuba, etc. CUBA INSUL● map Cuba HAVANA PORTUS map of Port of Havana JAMAICA map of Jamaica I. S. JOANNIS map of St. John island I. MARGARETAE map of Margaret island CUBAE INSULAE PARS HISPANIOLA map of Hispaniola The City of Saint Dominicke or Domingo near the Coast of the South, The City of Saint Domingo. on the River of Ozama, stands in the said 19 degrees and a half, and 60. of Occidental longitude from the Meridian of Toledo, from whence unto it there may be by direct line one thousand two hundred forty seven leagues, it hath above six hundred households. There is resident in it the Audience or Council, the Officers of the Goods and Royal Treasure; a Mint house, and the Cathedral Church. And the Archbishopric hath for Suffragans the Bishoprics of the Conception de la Vega (which is united with that of Saint Dominicke) those of Saint john, Cuba, Venezuela, and the Abbotship of jamaica; and in the City are Monasteries of Dominicans, Franciscans, Mercenaries, and other two of Nuns, a Grammar School, with four thousand * Peso is four shillings English. Pesos of Rent, and an Hospital with twenty thousand. The Haven which is great, and capable of many ships, is in the mouth of the River Ozama, and hath the City on the West, which the Deputy Don Bartholomew Collon did build the year 1494. on the East side, better and wholesomer in situation, and the chief Knight of Alcantara, Nicholas of Ouando being Governor of Hispaniola, An. 1502. removed it where now it is, from the other side the River to the East, upon occasion that the City had fallen by a great Earthquake. The Village of Salualyon of Yguey, Salualyon of Yguey. eight and twenty leagues from Saint Dominicke to the East, of the Archbishopric; the Captain, john of Esquivel, did people it. The Village of the Zeybo, twenty leagues from Saint Dominicke to the East, toward the Island of Saona: the Captain also planted it in the time of Nicholas of Ouando. The Village of Cotuy, The Village of Zeybo. El Cotuy. sixteen leagues from Saint Dominicke to the North, and very close in his circuit, Roderick Mexia of Trillo, founded it. The Village of Azua in Compostella, in the coast of the South, Azua. four and twenty leagues from Saint Dominicke to the West, in his borders are many sugar Mills; it was peopled by the Precedent james Vellazques, it was called Compostella by a Gallizian Knight, Who carried to the Indies the sugar Canes. La Yaguana. which held an Heritage in that situation, and Azua is the name of the place which the Indians had there. The first that carried sugar Canes to the Indies, and began to make trial of them there, was one Atiença, and the Bachelor Velosa. The Village of Yaguana, which they call Santa Marie of the Port, seated on the Western coast of the Island, is fifty or sixty leagues from Saint Dominicke, as between the North and the West; the chief Knight Nicholas of Ouando did people it. Concetion de la Vega. The City of the Conception of the Valley, is in the Kingdom of Guarin●ex, which the first Admiral Don Christopher Collon built, near to the which he obtained the victory in the great battle of the Valley Royal: it is twenty leagues from Saint Dominicke to the North-east, where is a Cathedral Church (although there is no Prelate, for it is united to the Church of Saint Dominicke) it hath one Monastery of religious Franciscans, The wood of the Cross of the Valley. Saint jago de los Cavalleros. where is the wood of the Cross which the Indians could not burn, cut, nor overthrow, which hath done many miracles. Saint jago de los Cavalleros is ten leagues from the City de la Vega directly to the North-east; it was first a Fortress which the first Admiral made in the Countries of the Cacique Guanaco●el, for the security of the Valley, and the Fort Magdalene which was four leagues off. The chief Knight of Alcantara, Nicholas of Ouando, An. 1502. did people the Port of Plate in the North coasts, Puerto de Plata. five and thirty or about forty leagues from Saint Dominicke, because the ships of Castille might more commodiously traffic, and because it was no more than ten leagues from the great Valley, where in other ten leagues stood the Village of Saint james, and the Conception within sixteen, and within twelve the mines of Cibao, and it was of the Bishopric of the Valley, Monte Christ. the Port of Plate stands in little more than twenty degrees. The Village of Monte-Christe, is in the coast of the North fourteen leagues, to the West of Port of Plate, and forty from Saint Dominicke, is of the Bishopric of the Valley; it hath a good Haven, and certain salt Pits in it; Nicholas of Ouando did build it. La Isabel. There was in old times in this Island the City of Isabel, now disinhabited, which the first Admiral built the year 1493. the Village of Verapaz in Xaragua, La Verapaz. Saluatierra. which james Velazques built in the year 1503. and the same year peopled also Saluatierra of the Zabana, which signifieth Plains and Pastures, in the Indian language: and that Province is plain and fair. He also peopled (between the two mighty Rivers Neyba and Yaqui) the Village of Saint john of the Maguana, The Maguana. Villanueva. in the midst of the Island, where the Church continueth yet; and here reigned Coanabo, who took Alfonso de Oieda. He also planted Villanueva de Yaquime upon the Haven, where Oieda cast himself to swim, being prisoner in a ship, with two pair of fetters; and it stands in the South coast, which the Admiral did call the Coast and Haven of Brasile. The Village of Bonao is near unto Cotuy, El Bonao. which the first Admiral also built, where he made a Fort for the security of the mines, which were the first that were found in this Island. The Village of Bonaventure is eight leagues from Saint Dominicke to the North, La Buenaventura. and Lares de Guahaba, which Nicholas of Ouando peopled, being Comendador Lar. 14000. Spani●rds there were in the Hispaniola at her beginning Ports & Points most notable▪ This Island flourished so much, that there were in it fourteen thousand Castillanes, many of them Noble people, and the Plantations of other parts which happened afterward, caused it to be disinhabited; for from it, and from the Island of Cuba, went all the substance for the new Countries that were found. The Ports, Roads, Capes, and Points most famous, and the Lands pertaining to the Coast of this Island, are in the South Coast, the Point of Nizao, ten leagues from Saint Dominicke to the West. The Port of Ocoa, eighteen, which is a Bay where the Fleets which go for Nova Espania do anchor and take refreshing, when they do not anchor in the nook of Zepezepin, which is near unto it, Puerto Hermoso. or in another which they call the Fair Haven, two leagues before they come to Ocoa. Azua a Port and Town twenty four leagues beyond Ocoa la Calongia, a large Point thirty leagues, right against the Lands of Boata and Altobelo, five leagues from the Coast, and the Beatadoes. Yaquimo about thirty four more to the West, and Abaque, an Island near the Cape of Tiburon, the furthest West of Hispaniola: lafoy Nabaza ten leagues to the Sea East and West from the Cape, and Cape Rojo twelve leagues from it to the North: the Rooks, or Hermanos Trees, Isle Oucillos' near the Coast that turneth to the East: Caymito another little Island between these, and Guanabo another Island of eight leagues in length, in the nook of Yaguana. The Port and Cape of Saint Nicholas, the furthest West on the North side of the Island. A little further the Port of * Or Gnats. Mosquitoes, in the North Coast, and twenty league● forward the Port of Valparayso, or of the Conception, North and South, with the Tortuga an Island near the Coast of five leagues in length: Port Royal twelve leagues to the West from Monte-Christe, which is as much, or a little more before Isabella, and this from the Port of Plate, other twelve leagues: Cabo Frances, and Cabo del Cabron, in the turning, which the Coast maketh to the East, before the Gulf of Samana, which entereth five or six leagues the Land inward, unto the place where the Town of Sancta Cruz stood. And in the River of Samana, was the first time that Arms were taken against the men of the Indies▪ Where they took arms the first time against Indians. because they would have done violence to the first Admiral. The Cape of Deceit, (Cabo deal Enganno) is the furthest West of the Island where the Coast returneth by the South to the West, at the beginning of the which stands the Saona, an Island which the fleets do reknowledge, when they go, and somewhat more towards Saint Dominicke is another little Island, which is called Saint Katherine; and all the names rehearsed were given by the first Admiral. The Island of Cuba which first was called juana, or joan, by the Father Don juan, Cuba. and after it was commanded to be called Fernandina by his Father. The Captain Sebastian of Ocampo, made an end of compassing the year of our Lord 1508. by order of Nicholas of Ouando: for until then it was not wholly believed that it was Land, and the year 1511. the Precedent james Velazques went over with three hundred Spaniards, by order of the second Admiral to pacify it. It hath two hundred and thirty leagues from the Cape of Saint Antony, unto the Point of Mayzi, going by Land, although by the Sun, and by water there are not so many. It hath in breadth from the Cape of Crosses, to the Port of Manati, forty five leagues, and then it beginneth to straighten, and goeth to the last Cape, or Occidental Point, where it is narrow, of twelve leagues, little more or less, from Matamano to the Auana. Her situation is within the Tropic of Cancer, from twenty to twenty one degrees, the Country is almost all plain, with many Forests, and thick Woods: from the Eastern Point of Mayci, for thirty leagues it hath most high Mountains, and likewise in the midst it hath some, and there run from them to the North, and to the South, very pleasant Rivers, with great store of fish. On the South side it hath the little Lands, which the first Admiral called the Queen's Garden, and the other on the North side, which james Velazquez called the King's Garden, the trees are of many differences, and wild Vines as big as a man: they gather no Wheat nor other Seeds of Spain, but great abundance of Cattle: it hath great Copper Mynes, and of Gold, and is it found in the Rivers, though it be base in the touch. james Velazquez peopled first the City of Saint james in the South Coast, S. jago. forty leagues from the Cape of Tiburon, which is in Hispaniola, and two leagues from the Sea, near to a Port, one of the best in the World, for security and greatness. The City came to have two thousand Inhabitants; now it hath few with a Governors' Deputy: the Cathedral Suffragane to Saint Domingo, is resident in it, and a Monastery of Franciscan Friars. The Village of Baracoa, Baracoa. is a Town furthest East of the Island of Cuba, at the beginning of the North Coast 60. leagues from the City of S. james toward the East North-east, which was also an inhabiting of the Precedent james Velazquez. The Village of Bayam●, which james Velazquez also built, Bayam●. is 20. leagues from S. james to the Northwest, it is the soundest Town of the Island, of a more open soil, and of a good disposition. The Village and Port of the Prince, in the Coast of the North, Puerto del Principe. Sancti Spiritus. is about forty leagues from Saint james to the Northwest. The Village of Sancti Spiritus, is a Port on the South side, between the Trinidad, and the Cayo de Basco Porcallo, of Figueroa, about fifty leagues from Saint james, a Colony of james Velazquez. The Village and Port of Saint Christopher of the Abana, is in the North Coast, almost opposite to Florida, in twenty two degrees and an half in height, of more than six hundred Households; where the Governor resides and the Officers Royal. El Albana, or the Havana. The Port is marvelous in greatness and security, especially since that King Philip the Second, the prudent, sent the Campe-master john of Texeda, and Baptista Antonelli, to fortify it: in it all the Fleets of the Indies do meet for to come for Spain in company. It was first called the Port of Carennas: and james Velazquez built this Village, and all the rest of the Island, Puerto de Carennas. with the assistance of the Father Bartolome de las Casas, which afterward became a Dominicke friar, and Bishop of Chiapa. The Ports and Capes, and point of the Coast of Cuba, and the Lands belonging to it besides those which are rehearsed are in the South Coast, the Port of the City of Saint james in twenty degrees, and twenty five leagues to the West: the Port of Sancti Spiritus, Cape of the Cross twelve leagues forward, and the Queen's Gardens, which is a great shelf of Lands and shoals: the Port of Trinity in twenty one degrees, about thirty leagues from the Cape of the Cross, and ten more to the West, the Gulf of Xagua, a great defence with some Lands, in the midst, and forward the Two Sisters, two Lands at the beginning of the great shelf, and Lands, and shoals, which they call Camarco, between the Coast and the Lands, which is of ten leagues in length, and seven in breadth twelve leagues from the Cape of Correntes, which is as many from the Cape of Saint Antony, the furthest West of this Island. Wherefore it was called the Slaughters. In the North Coast standeth the Port of Abana, and thirty leagues to the East is the Port of Slaughters where was a Town, and was called the Matanças, of the Slaughters, because the Indians killed certain Spaniards, which they carried in their Can●ose under security to the other side, only one escaping▪ and two women whom they kept sometime with them. From the * Or Slaughters. Matanças to the Port of Yucanaca, are fifty leagues to the King's Garden, which is a great shelf of little Illets and shoals, and at the end of the Island Obahava, eight leagues before the Port of the Prince, four or six from the Port of Fernando Alanso, and six to the East of this, Cubana which is a point. The Port of Varocoa is about twenty leagues before the point of Maizi, the farthest West of Cuba, and the hidden Port and Gulf near to Cape f Or Red. Roio, in the South-coast, about twenty leagues from the Port of Pigeons, which is about ten leagues from the Port of Saint James. Chap. 7. Of the Lands of jamaica, S. john, the Lucayos, & the Cannibals. THe Island of jamaica was so abundant of victuals, and breed, that it gave great provision of Cotton, Horses, Swine, and Cozabi, for the new Discoveries, and the first Admiral called it Saint james, when he discovered it: and the first that passed to inhabit it, was the Captain john Esquivell, the year 1509. by order of the second Admiral Don Diego Colon. It stands in seventeen degrees and an half of altitude in the midst of it, and twenty leagues from Cuba to the South, and as many from Hispaniola, direct to the West. It hath in compass one hundred and fifty leagues, it hath East and West fifty, and twenty in breadth. There are in it three Villages, Seville, Melilla, & Oriston, inhabiting of jamaica. Seville in which is the Seat of the College, toward the North Coast somewhat Westerly; john Squinell a Gentleman of Seville peopled it: Melilla, which stands in the North Coast, fourteen leagues from Seville to the East: Oristan in the South Coast towards the West fourteen leagues from Seville, and are Plantations of the Precedent Francisco de Garay, which governed in it. But of the Town de la Vega, whence the Admiral's Lords of this Island took the Title of Dukes, nor of other two Plantations painted in some Maps, there is no notice. Cape of Moranta. There is in the Coast of this Island, the Point of Moranta the uttermost West of it, by the North Coast ten leagues to the West, the Port of janta, and ten leagues forward the Port of Melilla, where they say the first Admiral arrived, and called it Santa Gloria, when he returned lost from Veragua; The first civil war among the Spaniards, was in jamaica. and here happened to him the mutiny of the Porras of Seville: and it was the first Civil War of the Indies. Other ten leagues thence standeth the Port of Seville, before the Point Negrillo, from whence the Coast windeth, unto the Cabo de Falcon, near to Oristan, and goeth by the South to the Port of Guayano. And five leagues from this Coast, are the Harmingas, a dangerous shoal, and seven leagues further 'las Vivoras, small Lands compassed with shoals, and to the South of them the Serrana, and a little Island compassed with shoals, with other four or five near unto it, and to the Northwest of it, the Serranilla, and to the West of it the Roncador, another Rock, and to the South-west of it, Saint Andrew's, an Island compassed with shoals North and South, with Nombre de Dios, about forty leagues from it, and near from thence another called Sancta Catilina; the n Or Lizards. Caymanes directly West from jamaica, twenty five leagues from the little o Or Negrillo. Blackmoore, which are two little Lands six leagues the one from the other, and the great Cayman another Island of seven leagues in length, fifteen leagues from the Caymanes to the West, and to the North Coast, between Cuba and Hispaniola, another shoal which is called p Or open the eye. S. juan de puerto Rico. Abre-oio. The Island of Saint john of Port Rico, which the Indians called Barriquen, lieth betwixt twelve and fifteen leagues from Hispaniola, to the East, of forty five leagues in length, East and West; and from North to South, betwixt twenty and thirty, very plentiful of all that Hispaniola hath, and of Millet, Yuca, and of mines of Gold. The temperature is good, and almost one all the year, except in December and january. There is in it three Spanish Towns with a Government, and a Bishopric: the Precedent john Ponce of Lion passed to discover this Island the year 1508. being Governor in the Province of Yguey, for Nicholas of Ouando in Hispaniola, and returned the year 1510. by order of the King to people it. The City of Saint john, S. john. is in the beginning of the North Coast, on the East side in eighteen degrees of height, and they call it of Port Rico, for the excellency of the Haven. The Bishop and the Governor are resident in it, and the Officers of the King's Revenues: and it is Suffragan to Saint Domingo. Arrecibo stands thirty leagues to the West from Port Rico: the Town of Guadianilla, or Saint German the New, The Arrecibo. Guadianilla. S. German. in the Western Coast three and thirty leagues from Port Rico to the South-west. There was in old time in this Island another Town which was called Guanica, in the South Coast, at the end of it where now is the Port of Mosquitoes, which is very good, from whence it was removed to another situation of the Western Coast, which they call Aguada, or the Watering, with name of Soto-Mayor: there is in this Island a row of Mountains, that divide it in the midst East and West unto the Sea, and Borders of Saint German, and here is found the Tree called Tabernaculo, The tree Tabernacle. which yieldeth white resin, like Gum- Anime, and it serveth for Pitch for the ships, and for fire or light, and it is medicinable to take out the cold or numbness, and to cure wounds. There are few Ports in this Island, for all the Coast of the North is very foul with shoals, and Rocks: those that are, are to the East from the Port of Saint john. The River of Luysa, and that which they call Canoba, The havens of this Island. and la Cabeça; the farthest East point of the Island, near to the Hill of the Loquilloes, and in it a Port which they call Saint james; three leagues further is another called Yabucoa, and three leagues from the Coast, on this side of the passage, is a little Illet, and at the beginning of the South passage, another which they call Boyqui, and forward the Island of Saint Anne, Guayama a Port, and afterward the Rivers Neabon, and Xavia, six leagues before the Port of Guadianilla, two leagues to the East of the River of Mosquitoes, in whose mouth is the River called Guanica, and six leagues from it, the Cape Roio, the furthest West of the South Coast: and to the West of it, toward Hispaniola is the Island of Mova, and to the North of it the Manico, and Zecheo, other two little Lands: the Port of Pines, and the Port of Mayaguez, and the Bay of Saint German the old, and the mouth of the River Guanabo, or the Watering, and that of Guabataca more forward, and afterward in the North Coast, that of Camay, and of Cibuco, and T●a, near to Port Rico, and in the midst of the Coast of the South Sea, leaving unto it the Haberianas', four or five little Lands. Who carried the Ginger to the Lands of Barlovento. The Lands of the Lucayos. There is also much Ginger gathered in this Island, which is a Root like unto Madder, or Saffron, which the Portugals brought from the East, to this Island of Barlovento. The Lands which are to the North of Saint john, Hispaniola, and Cuba, of which none is inhabited with Spaniards, are called the Lucayos. One the most Septentrional, is above twenty seven degrees of altitude, which is called Lucayoneque, or Yucayoneque, which hath almost to the West Bahama another Island in twenty six degrees and an half, of thirteen leagues in length, and eight in breadth, Where the Channel of Bahama is. Admirable Current. Baxos de Bimini from whence the Channel of Bahama between Florida and the shoals Delos Mimbres taketh the name, whereby the Currents of the Sea do go so swi●t to the North, that although the wind be prosperous the ships cannot enter it, and although they be contrary they go with the Currents. The shelves of Bimini, are so called of an Island in the midst of them, of five leagues in length, which the first Admiral gave the name the first time he came to Cuba, and it is that which john Paul of Lion did agree to inhabit. Abacoa, is another in the midst of the said shelf of twelve leagues in length: Cigateo of twenty five. Curateo, another small Island in twenty six degrees: and Guamma fifteen leagues of length, and ten in breadth, and near unto it Guanahani, Guanahani the first Land that was discovered in the Indies. the first Land of the Indies, which the first Admiral discovered, which he called Saint Saviour; Yuma of twenty leagues, and eight in breadth, in twenty four degrees and an half, which the Admiral named Isabel, in honour of the famous Queen Donna Isabel his particular Protectress, and that gave him this Discovery. jumeto in twenty three degrees and an half, fifteen leagues in length, to the North of Hispaniola. Samana seven leagues over, between jumeto and Guanima, three square of eight leagues in length, in twenty four degrees, Yabaque of ten leagues, in twenty two degrees and an half. Mira-par-vos, are three little Lands in triangle, compassed with shelves, to the South of jumeto. Mayaguana, twenty leagues in length and ten in breadth, is twenty three degrees. Ynagua of ten leagues, in twenty degrees and an half. The Cayco●, an Island of five leagues, in twenty one degrees, and to the North of it is another, called Hamava, and another Conciva. Maçarey stands in twenty degrees compassed with shelves. Abreoi● is a great shelf of fifteen leagues, the midst of it in twenty degrees, and among these Lands are many little ones without name. The Lands that are from the Island of Saint john of Porte-Rico, to the East of it, toward the coast of Terra firm●, were called the Cannibals, by the many * Or Indian cannibals. What a Cannibal signifieth. Caribes, The Caniba●●. eaters of humane flesh that were in them: and in their language, Cannibal, is to say Valiant man; for they were held for such of the other Indians. All these Lands are dangerous for shelves, and the nearest to Saint john, are Sancta Cruz, to the South-west from it, in 16. degrees, and a half of sixteen leagues, and Saba▪ 'las Virgins, two little illets compassed with shelves, and other eight or ten Lands, the greatest of ten leagues: Virgin gorda, and the Blancos or White Lands, Westward from Virgin gorda, L● Ane gada, of seven leagues in length, in 18. degrees and a half compassed with shelves, as Sambrero is, a little Island near unto it: and these Lands which are called the Weather Lands or Barlovento, the first Admiral discovered: and in particular, the men of Sancta Cruz, and others, Men hunter's. had a custom to go and hunt for men to the Island of Saint john, for to eat, and at this day they of Dominica do it. They did eat no women, but kept them for slaves. Now they say, that within this little while, they of Dominica did eat a Friar, and that all they which did eat his flesh, had such a flux, that some died, and that therefore they have left eating humane flesh: Friar unwholesome food. and it may be, because instead of men, with less danger, they steal Kine and Mares, for the great quantity there is of them, and with this they satisfy their raging appetite. Anguilla hath ten leagues of length, it standeth in 18. degrees. Saint Martin in 17. degrees and a half, it is of sixteen leagues, compassed with little Illets: and near unto it Saint Eustace, Saint Bartholomew, and Saint Christopher, every one of ten leagues. The Barbada in 17. degrees and a half, compassed with shelves, near to the Redo●da and the Snows or Nieves, and of Monserrate, of five leagues every one, in 15. degrees and a half. The Antigua, Guadalupe, and Todos Santos, from 14. to 15. degrees. The Desseada to the East of Guadalupe, about six leagues, the first which the Admiral Don Christopher discovered, in the second Voyage that he made to the Indies, in 14. degrees and a half, for which the fleet go always from the Canaries. Marigalante, the name of the Ship the Admiral had, five leagues to the South-west from the Desired, and from the Dominica, in 13. degrees, twelve leagues in length, where the Fleets take in water and wood, for it hath good roads, although with danger of the Cannibals. near unto Dominica to the South, stands Matinino, Sancta Lucy, and the Barbudos, the which because they fall on the left hand of the Fleets, when they go, they call them already of the Lands of the Leeward (de Sotavento) which appertain to the coast of Terra firm: and of them the greatest, the first, and the most oriental is the Trinidad, near two hundred leagues from Hispaniola, North and South with the Dominica, about sixty leagues from it. It hath fifty leagues in leangth East and West, The discovery of the Island of the Trinity, the year 1498 and almost thirty in breadth. The Admiral discovered it the year 1498. the third Voyage that he made to the Indies, and called it the Trinity, because having great trouble in the Voyage, he had promised to God to give such a name to the first Land that he should find, and presently the Mariner that was in the top, saw three points of Land, whereby the name fitted every way to his vow: then he discovered also the mouths of the Dragon, and of the Serpent, the gulf of Paria, and all the firm Land unto Cumana, which injustly Americus Vesputio claims to himself, whose name unworthily is given to the port which they call Peninsula Australis or Indies of the South. Arrogancy of Americus Vespucius. This Island of Trinidad is known that it is no good Country, though it hath many Indians; it hath thirty five leagues of longitude, and others say more, and twenty five of latitude, it stands in 8. degrees: the most oriental part of it, is a point on the North side, which is called de la Galera: and to the North of it a small Island, compassed with little Isles, which they call Tabago: and in the South coast a Cape which they call the Round Point: at the East, the point of Anguilla, at the West in the gulf of Paria, which is that that is from the Island to Terra firm, which may be eight leagues of distance, because the firm Land maketh an oblique semicircle, as a Diadem; and in the entrance of the East is the distance recited; in the entrance of the West, the straightness is much, and with great depth, and two little Lands at the end of the North coast; by the West, which is called the Dragon's mouth: and to the North S. Vincent, and Granada, other two little Lands. The Island of Margarita, so named by Christopher Colon, the first Admiral (as also all the rest, a most sufficient proof of the Finder, to the confusion of those which deprived him of the glory of the discovery of the firm Land, attributing it to themselves, although changing the times) it is twenty leagues from Trinidad Westward, and one hundred and seventy from Hispaniola: it hath sixteen leagues in length East and West, and yet some say twenty, and the half in breadth; it hath no store of water, although it is very plentiful of Pastures for Cattle. There is in it two Towns, one near the Sea, which reacheth to a fortress where the Governor is resident, and another two leagues within the Land, which is called the Valley of Sancta Lucy: there is in his coast a good port, and a nook, and many beds of Pearls, whither the fishing of them is removed, which before was in Cubagua, and they say it went away from thence, for the rumour of the ordnance of the many Ships that resorted to this Island, to the traffic of the Pearls, which was very great. Wherefore men do say that the fishing of the Pearls passed from the Island of Cubagua to the Margarita. Island of Cubagua. Cubagua stands one league from Margarita to the East, there is no water in it, and yet the new Cadiz was built there, and they carried their water seven leagues, from the River of Cumana. To the East of Cubagua are four little Illets, close by the shore, which the first Admiral called Los * Or the Friars frails: and to the East between them and Granada, other four or five, which he called (Los Testigos) the Witnesses, and to the West after Cubagua, another little Island which he named (Tortuga) the Tortoise, near to the point of Araya: and from hence the discovery being made from below Paria, he went to Hispaniola, with a purpose to finish the discovery of Terra firm: and as here after shall be seen, he went after to discover, and found the Lands of the Guanaios, and from before Veragua, until he passed Nombre de Dios. The Officers and Royal treasure are in Margarita: and it, and the Island of Cubagua, are in eleven degrees, a little more. Chap. 8. Of Venezuela, river of Hacha, new Florida, and Gulf of Nova Hispania, which is the rest that remaineth of the limits of this Counsel. THe Government of Venezuela parteth the bounds in the coast of Terra firm, to the East, with the new Andaluzia, from whence to the River of Hacha, and Government of Sancta Martha, with which it joineth by the West, is an hundred and thirty leagues, and within the Land about eighty, unto the bounds of the new Kingdom of Granada. In this Country are veins of Gold of more than two and twenty carracts and a half: it is plentiful of Wheat, because there is two harvests in the year, and most abundance of all kind of Cattle, great and small. There goeth from this Province great store of Meal, Biscuit, Cheese, Bacon, and much Cotten-linnen: and in the port of Guayra, in the Province of Caracas, are laden many Cowhides, and Sarsaparilla. There is in it eight Spanish Towns: and the name Venezuela was given it, because when the Belzares, Almains, went to govern in this Province the year 1528. by a covenant which they made with the Emperor, Wherefore it was called Venezuela, or little Venice. they thought to inhabit in a Rock and hills that are in the mouth of the Lake of Maracaybo, where it falleth in the Sea, a Town which they named Venezuela. It stands in 8. degrees, a little more, and from hence the Covernment took the name. His first Town is the City of Coro, which the Indians call Coriana, which commonly they call now Venezuela, The City of Coro. it stands in 11. degrees of altitude, and 79. degrees one third part from the Meridian of Toledo, one thousand and five hundred leagues from it: here the Governor is wont to be resident, and there is the Cathedral Church suffragan to the Archbishop of S. Dominicke. john of Ampues built first this City, and then those that went for the Belzares made their abode in it, the first was Ambrose Alfinger: it is so healthful, and of so good an air, that there is no need of Physicians. The second place is our Lady of Carualleda, in the Province of Caracas, near to the Sea, East from Coro eighty leagues, Our Lady of Carualleda. and with a bad Haven: Don Francisco Faiardo built it the year 1560. which went for that purpose from the Margarita. S. james of Lion in the same Province, seven leagues within the Land, and three from Carualleda to the South, and sixty from Coro, S. jago de Leon. where at this time the Governor is most resident. The new Valencia sixty leagues from Coro, and twenty five from S. james of Lion, seven from the port of Burburata▪ The Captain Villacinda peopled it. The new Xerez about fifteen leagues, almost South from the new Valencia, Xerez. and twenty from the new Segovia, and sixty from Coro to the Southeast, a new Town. The new Segovias', in the Province of Bariquizimito, twenty leagues from Xerez to the South, Segovia. Tucuyo. and ten from Tucuyo, and eighty from Coro to the Southeast, where the Officers royal, the Governor, and the Lieutenant are resident at times: john of Villegas peopled it in the year 1552. The City of Tucuyo is famous, because in it they slew the tyrant Lope of Aguirre, it stands ten leagues from Segovia, to the South-west, eighty five from Coro; it is the habitation of the Captain Caruajal. Truxillo, or our Lady of Peace, in the Province of Cuycas, Trucillo. about eighty leagues almost to the South, direct from Coro, somewhat to the East, and twenty five from Tucuyo, directly to the West. The Auditor Vallejo discovered this the year 1549, the Bacheller Tollosa being Governor in it: and the year 1559. the Captain james Gar●ia of Paredes inhabited Truxillo: and there may be in this Government more than 100000. Indies tributaries, and in them are not comprehended from eighteen under, nor above fifty years, because the supreme Counsel of the Indies hath provided, that in no place of this Orb, these do pay tribute: and because daily they increase and diminish in number, it cannot be said precisely and perfectly how many there are. The Lake of Maracaybo, which the Castilanes call of our Lady, is of fresh water, The Lake Maracaybo. it entereth forty leagues within the Land, from the Sea, and hath more than ten in breadth, and eighty in compass, with many Towns upon his Borders: in the end of it entereth a River that descendeth from the new Kingdom of Granada, by the which, and the Lake, Merchandise are transported which came to the new Kingdom of Castille, and to other places; some of the men of this Lake do live in Boats, their houses being made in the Trees within the water, and at the Border, whence it took also at the first, the name of Venezuela; sailing by some parts of this Lake, ye can see no Land: there enter into it other great Rivers, it runneth to the Sea, it hath about half a league of mouth, and in it the shoal and rocks abovesaid. The Ports, Capes, and Points of the coast of this Government, and those annexed unto it, The ports and points of the Government of Venezuela. are to the West, Marcapa●a, the Vrchila, an Island against the River Oynare, near to another called Rock of the Ilets, and afterward the Cape of the Codera, and Puerto Flechardo, and the haven of Sardinas or Pilchers: and opposite the I'll of Aves or Birds, before Burburata, a marvelous haven, which the Bachelor Tolosa peopled, and is a Scale or Port for the new Kingdom (Nuevo Reyno) & Provinces of Peru, and after that is Gulfo triste, and to the North of the Bonayre, an Island of ten leagues in length, and eight in breadth, and afterward Punta seca, and right against it Curacao, and a little forward Curacaute, fourteen leagues in length, right against the Cape of S. Roman to the South of the Island of Aruba. S. Roman entereth twenty leagues into the Sea, it standeth twelve from Coro, the Indians do call it Paraguana, it lacketh a little to be an Island: it may have in compass twenty five leagues and more of plain ground, with a Mountain almost in the midst: it is discovered a great way into the Sea. There is at the beginning of the Gulf of Venezuela, the entrance and channel of the Lake of Maracaybo, and at the entrance of it the River Mitare, and to the West the Monks, three little Ilets close by the Point and Cape of Coquibocoa, where only in all the Indies was found weight and touch for the Gold, and afterwards the deep Bay (Balua Honda) and the Portete, the Cape de Vela, which the Captain Alfonsus of Ojeda named, when Americo Vespucio went with him the first time, much after that the Admiral discovered this coast, which stands in 12. degrees, somewhat more. And there is from the Cape de Vela, to the River of Hache eighteen leagues, without any stone in them, nor water, but rain water. This Government remained destroyed, since the time of the Almains, because they would not inhabit, only seek to make slaves, and to waste the Country. They called first the River of Hache, our Lady of the Snows, and after of the Remedies, near unto the Sea, between Venezuela, and Sancta Marta, to the East, thirty leagues from it, and sixty from Coro to the West, North and South with the Cape de Vela, with eight leagues of bounds between Venezuela and Sancta Marta, without shows of Gold. It is governed by Alcaldes immediate to the Counsel of Hispaniola, and the Spiritualty is of the Bishopric of Sancta Marta. The Town is 1000 paces from the Sea, on a little hill: the Haven hath the North for travers, it is a most fertile Country, and yieldeth whatsoever is in Castille: there are many Tigers, Bears, Ants, and Lizards in the Rivers, much Gold, and Stones of diverse virtues, for the Spleen, the Kidneys, for the Milt, and Flix, and they have good Salt-pits. Nicolas Federman for the Belzares, was he that began to inhabit this Town. The government of Serpa●, which they call the new Andaluzia, and in the Indian Language Guayana, extends the limits. From the Island of Margarita unto the river Ma●auyon, three hundred leagues to the East, and as many North and South within the Land, wherein the Indians Omagues are included, and the Omygas, with the Provinces of Dorodo, to the south of this Government, wherein falleth by the Coast the Province of Maracapana, in the bounds of Veneculela, where the mouths of Sancta Fe were inhabited, in whose Borders is the knob of Vnare, and near unto it a great Lake with great store of fish and salt, and the Indians which are called of Perito, twenty leagues within the Land, and the Indians Palenques, so called for the Poles wherewith they fortified themselves, and the Province of Cumana, North and south with the Margarita, where is a Town of Spaniards, which is called new Cordova, which the Captain Gonçalo of Ocampo built, when he went to chastise the Indians of Cumana, for the destruction of the Monastery of the Religious Franciscans. And to the East or the Island of Trinidad, and the River of Saint john of the Amazons, is the Province of the Indians Arnacas, part of the Cannibals, and all Warlike, that never are quiet or peaceable. After the point of Paria, which stands in seven degrees, and the Dragon's Mouth near unto Trinidad stands the point Del Gallo, or Anegada, to the South of the Trinity, and the River of Paria, or Orivico, which some call Yuyapari; and others will have that these two, and the River of Saint john, and of Orellana be all one thing, and also the Maravyon; but in this they are deceived. There be other Rivers in the Province of the Arnacas that are well known, the River of Saint john, or of Orellana springeth in the Andes of Peru, right against Cuzco, from whence it runneth fifteen hundred leagues, or more, winding under the Equinoctial, by Countries well inhabited, though not well discovered, till it came to run into the North Sea, whose mouth hath in breadth fifty leagues; and in the first five hundred from the mouth upward, many Lands inhabited; and eighty or a hundred leagues more to the West, stands the River of Moravyon, almost in the bounds whereby passeth the Line of the Division between Castille and Portugal, River Moravion and is great and terrible, having fifteen leagues of mouth, and the stream cometh from the parts of the South, and the Provinces of Brasill, and they say that the spring is under Popayau, and the bounds of the new Kingdom of Granada. The Island of Cubagua. Seven leagues from Cumana stands the Island of Cubagua, where stood as was said, the new Cadiz, which was disinhabited because the fishing for Pearls failed: this Island had no water that could be drunk, nor trees, nor beasts; for all is brackish, except those Hogs that have the Navel in their backe-bone, Strange Hogs. and some small Coneys, and having so great inhabiting, they went seven leagues to the river of Cumana for water, although there was an opinion that it bred webs in the eyes. An earthquake in the coast of Terra firm, the year 1530. very admirable. In this River and coast, happened in the year 1530. the first of September, the haven being clear, the Sea did rise four fathoms from his ordinary course, and entering into the earth it began to shake, and the fortress which the Captain jacome of Castellon had built by order of the Counsel of Hispaniola, fell, and the earth did open in many places, whereout sprang much salt water as black as ink, and did stink of brimstone, and the mountain of the gulf of Cariaco remained open with a great rift: many houses fell, many people died drowned, and with fear, and taken with the earth quake. Margarita one league from Cubagua a more pleasant Island, Margarit. the Bachiller Marcelo of Villalobos did people it. Florida. The Province and Government of Florida, bordering on the Counsel of Hispaniola, according to the Government of Peter Melendez, is all that which lieth from the River of Palms, which doth confine with the Government of Panuco in new Spain, limits of the Counsel of Mexico, which is near the tropic in 22. degrees, unto the point of bacalaos, which falleth in 48. degrees, and a half, in the which are 1258. leagues of Coast, and from thence to 73. degrees of altitude to the North by the Coast, and within the Land all that which he discovereth. Of this hath been coasted and discovered, from the River of Palms unto the Point of Sancta Helena, and the River jordan, which are about 600. leagues, it is a firm Land of a good climate, plentiful, and well inhabited in many places, as those that went through it with Hernando of Soto did know it, the year 1536. and 1537. john Pardo borne in Cuenca, went by Land from Florida to new Spain, in less than two years, and it is the nearest Europe of any part of the Indies, & from the Bay of S. joseph, which is eighty leagues from Panuco. There is also discovered unto New found Land, but that which is particularly taken for Florida, is the point that goeth into the Sea North and South, with the Island of Cuba, of a hundred leagues in length, and twenty five in breadth East and West, and (when it is most) thirty. john Ponce of Lion discovered it Anno 1512. on Easter day, The spring which john Ponce did seek that renewed the old men. and for this cause he called it Florida: and afterward returned the year 1521. and retired wounded to Cuba, where he died, leaving a report that he sought the Fountain or River which the Indians said that old men washing themselves therein, became young. This Province is according to the temperature of Castille, and many fruits were found there like the fruits of Spain, and it seemeth fit for Cattle and Corne. There is no Gold, neither seemeth that the Indians did know it, nor Silver; They of Florida knew neither Gold, Silver, nor Money. for it hath been seen that they have found the Chests with bars of it and money in their coasts, and made no account of it: yet Hernando de Soto, within the inward parts of the great River, found great abundance of Pearls. HONDIUS his Map of Florida. VIRGINIA et FLORIDA map of Virginia and Florida In all the rest of the Coast that is between the point of Sancta Helena, by New found Land and the bacalaos, unto the Land of Labrador, which reacheth and passeth the height of England, The Coast of the North unto the baccalaos. there is no Town nor Government of Spaniards, although by diverse times and Nations, it hath been discovered and Navigated, and it is known there is above one thousand leagues journey of Land without gold, and the more in height the worse, and less habitable. There be many Rivers, and Ports, that because they are not well known nor frequented, there is no mention made but of the River of the * Or Los Gamos. The great River of S. Marry. Stags, by another name of Sancta Marie, which is a very great and main River, almost in the midst of the Coast between the baccalaos, from whence the great River Ochelago entereth within the Land toward the West, which diverse times the strangers have navigated, believing to have found that way passage to new Spain. And in the Coast of Florida, which looketh to the West, are the * La● Tortugas. Tortoises, seven or eight Lands together: and to the North of the point of los Marty●e●, the Muspa in terra firm. And thirteen leagues to the North, Ba●ia de Carlos. the Bay of Charles, by another name of john Ponce of Lion, and as much more forward, the Bay of Tampa, thirty three leagues from the Bay of Tocobaga, by another name, of the Holy Ghost, or de Meruelo, in twenty nine degrees and an half of height, where beginneth that which properly is called Florida. Many have thought, that by this side of Florida, toward the land of Labrador, there might a strait be found to communicate the North & the South Seas together, saying that as it had been found to the South, there should be one to the North but experience doth show, that the South passage is no straight, at the least it is already in doubt, and by the North until now, though it hath been much sought for it hath not been found, and he that went nearest to it was the Precedent Peter Melendez, by some conjectures. The Gulf of nova Espania. All the Coast on the West side, unto the Government of Panuco, which is above 300. leagues, is called The Gulf of New Spain, wherein is no Town of Spaniards, though it was given for a government to Pamphilo of Naruaez, and to Hernando of Soto, and first to Francisco de Garay, and of his people in particular. The Country is very poor of victuals, and the people miserable, and although in it are many Rivers and Ports, no mention is made of them, because they are not well known. This Gulf hath two entrances: by the one the currents do enter furiously, between Yucatan and Cuba, The Channel of Bahama. and go out with a greater force between the same Island of Cuba, and the point of Florida, and running do make the channel of Bahama, which taketh his name of the Island rehearsed. THe second Audience which was settled in the Indies, is that of New Spain, and Nunyo de Guzonau Cavallero de Guadalaiara was the first Precedent, Chap. 9 Of the limits of the Council of Mexico. Don Sebastian Ramirez judge of Granada goeth for Precedent of S Dominicke. Great conformity between Don Sebastian Ramirez and Don Hernando Cortes. till a Governor were provided, and because he gave no satisfaction, there was another new Council quickly sent, and for Precedent of it Don Sebastian Ramirez of Fuenleal, which of a judge of the Chancery of Granada, went for Precedent of the Council of Saint Dominicke, and Bishop of the City of the Conception of the Valley, a person of great Learning, Virtue, and Valour. He had the charge of the Government, justice, and disposition of the goods Royal, the War remaining at the charge of the marquis of the Valley, with order to communicate with the Precedent, that which appertained thereto; and between them was always great conformity. The bounds of this Council, on the one side doth not comprehend that which commonly is called New Spain, and on the other it comprehendeth more, because the new Gallicia, which is a Council by itself, is part of New Spain. The Province of Yucatan, falleth within the bounds of it, which as now it is, may have in length about four hundred leagues, from the furthest East of Yucatan, unto where it parteth bounds with the Council of new Gallozia, and North and South, about two hundred from the end of the Government of Panuco unto the South Sea, his bounds remaining open on the North side, whose principal Provinces are the archbishopric of Mexico, the Bishoprickes of Mechoacan, and that of los Angelos, or Tlascala, and of Guaxaca, and of Chiapa, and the Governments of Panuco and Yucatan, with that of Tobosco, and for circuit or commerce, the Island Phillipinas, and the dispatch of the Navigation of China. New Spain. New Spain is one of the best Provinces of the new World, and the most habitable in a good temper, having abundance and plenty of Corn, Millet, and Cattle, and all other necessaries for humane life, except Oil and Wine, and although in many places of it there is Gold, Silver is most general, whereof there are many good mines. HONDIUS his Map of New Spain. HISPANIA NOVA map of New Spain There are in Mexico Monasteries of Dominican, Franciscan, and Austin Friars, the company of jesus, El Carmen, la Merced, the Barefoot, and Trinitarie Friars; ten Monasteries of Nuns, one College of Indian children, and another of Arrepentidas, the Repentantes m Sc. of the life they led in the S●ewes. and n From the World. Recogidas, or Retired, and the University, where curious and learnedly the Sciences are read with other Colleges and Hospitals. And the Spaniards which inhabit the bordering Towns of the Indians, and Granges, are about three thousand, and there are reckoned about two hundred and fifty Towns of Indians, in which the chief places of Doctrine are one hundred and five: and in them and thereabouts are six thousand Granges, more than five hundred thousand tributary Indians, and more than one hundred and fifty Monasteries of Franciscan, Dominican, and Austin Friars. And the Doctrines (or Schools) of Priests and Friars, to teach the Faith Catholic to the Indians▪ are without number, besides the Fathers of the Company, and Mercenary Friars: there is also Resident in Mexico, the holy Office of the Inquisition, whereof we will entreat hereafter. In the Coast bounding on this archbishopric towards the South Sea, and the Province of Acapulco, is the good Port of Acapulco, in seventeen degrees height, six leagues from the River Yopes, whereby the archbishopric is joined with the Bishopric of Tlascala. And other eight more to the West, the River of Cita●a, and other four, the River of Mitla. In the Coast of the North, it hath that which falleth in the Government of Tanuco. In the limits of this Council are the mines of Puchuca, fourteen leagues from Mexico, and the mines of Tasco twenty two, those of Ysmiquilpo, which are of Lead, twenty two, the mines of 〈◊〉 twenty four, the mines o● T●●azcaltepeque eighteen, those of Cultep●qu● 22. those of Zacualpa twenty▪ 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 40. those of Guanaxato sixty, those of Commaia▪ seven. From Guanaxuator those of Ac●●chica, eighteen from the City of los Angelos, and those of Ga●la, or Zumatlan, and Saint Lewes of the Peace, and in them all there may be above four thousand Spaniards, which with industry and labour do attend these mines, all of Silver except one, which as hath been said, is of Lead, and procuring that the Indians taking example of them, may live politicly: and the first that with marvelous cunning and wisdom, brought in the breed of cattle and tillages, which have been the mightiest means for the preservation of the mines, was the above said Precedent Don Sebastian Ramirez of Fuenleal, Don Sebastian Ramirez brought in the breeding and ploughing. Government of Panuco. original and the foundation of all the good of those Realms. The Province of Panuco to the North of Mexico, Nunno of Guzman had in government: it hath fifty leagues in breadth, and in length, and after it was incorporate with the limits of the Council or Audience of Mexico. The Country that looketh toward New Spain is the best, plentiful of victuals, and hath some Gold. That which runneth toward Florida is miserable, from whence till ye come to his bounds, are more than five hundred leagues. This government hath three Spanish Towns, Panuco, in somewhat more than twenty three degrees, and by another name the Village of Saint Stephen of the Haven, which Gonçalo of Sandovall built, by order of the marquis Don Fernando Cortes, when they went to resist Francisco Garay, and to pacify the Indians of Chila, the year 1520. and it standeth sixty five leagues from Mexico to the North North-east, eight leagues from the Sea, near to a River whose entry is a Haven: it is a chief Alcaldia, or justiceship, provided by the Viceroy of New Spain. The Village of Saint james of the Valleys, S. jago de los Valles. twenty five leagues from Panuco to the West. The Village of Saint Lewis de Tampico, eight leagues from Panuco to the North-east, near to the Sea: and although in the Coast of this government are many Rivers, & some road unto the River of Palmas, they are not known in the Gulf of New Spain, but the River of Panuco, & his haven, which is not very good. Los Angelos. The Bishopric of Tlascala, which by another name is called de los Angelos, between the archbishopric of Mexico, and the Bishopric of Guaxaca, is of 100 leagues, and more in length, from the Coast of the South to that of the North, and betwixt the confines of the archbishopric, and of Guaxaca 80. and as many in breadth, by the Coast of the North Sea, and no more than 18. or 20. by that of the South. There is not in it all more than three Spanish Towns, which is the City or Town of the Angels 22. leagues from Mexico to the East, somewhat inclining to the South, of 1500. households in four streets: it is a Chief justiceship where the Cathedral Suffragane to the Archbishopric of Mexico is Resident, with Monasteries of Dominicks, Franciscan, and Austin Friars, one of Nuns, & one College of more than 100L. Indian children, to be instructed, with 10000 Pezos' rent, which the Bishop Don Sebastian Ramirez built, which sent the Bachelor Salmeron Auditor of the Council to build this City, The Bishop Don Sebastian Ramirez built the City of the Angels. and although he had determined to have made it in Tlascala, he left it because he would not endamage the Indians, not touch their Lands; for he had a great regard in general to the good of the Indians, and in particular for those of Tlascala, being so well deserving of the Crown Royal. The City was built in the bounds of Cholula, from whence went 25000. men to war, and it was seated in a Plain called Cuetlaxcoapa, near to a Valley called Atlisco, on the border of a small River that cometh out of the d Vulcan or Bolcan, is a place whence fire issueth, as Aetna, Hecla, &c Vulcan, where they gather Wheat, Wine, and all the Fruits of Castille, Sugar and Flax, and all manner of Herbs. For it is a temperate Country, more hot than cold, although the Corn of the grounds nearest the City, are somewhat blasted: and a little space from Tlascala, spring Fountains whence groweth a River that when it cometh between the City of the Angels and Cholula, it goeth very great and without fish, it passeth through the Provinces of Mechoacan, and entereth into the South Sea by Zacatula, and there be in it so many Caymanes, or Crocodiles, that they have dispeopled some places. In Tlascala to the North of the Angels, which stands in more than twenty degrees in height, where the Cathedral Church was till the year 1550. when it was removed to the City: Tlascala. the first Bishop was Friar julian Garces, the Valley of Atlisco, which may have in breadth about one league and an half, The Valley of Atlisco famous. where the Corn is never blasted, and there is gathered in it above 100000. Haveges, and there are more than 1000 Spaniards that do traffic in it, and 7. leagues from the City to the East, is the Valley of Ocumba: and in the Province of Tepeaca, the marquis of the Valley built a Spanish Town, which he called Segura: and in the Valley of S. Paul, may be other 1300. households of Spaniards, in Farms and Grangeries of cattle, that multiply so much, that there were men that with two shag-haird sheep came to have above 40000. La Veracruz. San juan de Vlua. The City of Veracruz, one way stands sixty leagues from Mexico, and by another sixty five, it stands one quarter of a league from the Sea, it is of more than two hundred Spanish houshholds. There is in it Treasury Royal, and House of Contractation. The Port is called Saint john of Vlua, a name which the Captain john Grijalua, which discovered it the year 1518. and the frame of the Key that it hath, the Viceroy Don Antony of Mendoça began. It is five leagues from the mouth of the River of Veracruz, between the Coast and the little Island, which is about one league in compass, compassed with shelves, and so low that the tides do cover it right against the mouth of the River of Saint john of Vlua. They go into this Haven by two Channels: the most frequented is that of the Flat, the other is called the Gallisian Channel, which is very deep, and there the ships do fasten themselves to a great wall of more than four hundred foot with Rings of Iron and Brass, and when the North winds are very strong, they are not very sure. The Veracruz stands in eighteen degrees, somewhat more, and there was wont to be the unloading of the Fleets, and they stayed four or five months in unloading, because it stands five leagues from Saint juan of Vlua, therefore it is now made in the Port of Buytron, which is from the Port of Saint john of Vlua about eight hunded paces, and it is finished in one month and an half, and it is called Buytron, by a House that was there of one called Buytron, and they begin to make a Town there in that situation. There are in this Bishopric two hundred chief Towns of the Indians, and one thousand subject, although there may be two hundred fifty five thousand Tributary Indians, in thirty six charges of * A kind of Parish or School division. Spa. partidos de doctrina▪ Doctrine of Priests, and thirty Monasteries of Dominicke, Franciscan, and Austin Friars: and in the Coast of this Bishopric on the North Sea, is the River of Aluarado, where the bounds of the Bishopric of Guaxaca, and the River of Almeria do join near to the River of Saint john of Vlua, where the Town of Medellin was built by Andrew of Tapia, the year 1522. when the marquis Don Fernando Cortes sent the said Andrew of Tapia, and Gonçalo of Sandevall, to confer with Christopher of Tapia, which had Warrants to take away the Government of New Spain from the marquis, and the Factor Salazar, and the Overseer Peralmindez dispeopled. The River of Almeria springeth in the long Row, in the Provinces of Totonaques, and Micantle, and between Mountains it goeth into the North Sea, and against this River is the Island of Sacrifices, which the Captain Grijalua gave the name unto, and the River of Zempoala to the North from Veracruz, and upward the River of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, which springeth in the same Row, and the River of the Cazones, Tuspa, and Tamiagua, near the Government of Panuco. THe Bishopric of Guaxaca (so called by the Province wherein it is, Chap. 10. Of the Bishoprickes of Guaxaca Mechoacan and Yucatan: & of the Province of Tabasco, which is the rest of the bounds described. and Antequera by the City where the Cathedral is resident between the Bishopric of the Angels, and the Bishoprickes of the Council of Guatemala) is of one hundred and twenty leagues, from the one Sea to the other, by the Confines of the Bishopric of Tlascala, and sixty by the Confines of Chiapa, and one hundred in breadth by the Coast of the South Sea, and fifty by the North Sea, wherein are included the Provinces of la Misteca, high and low; the high forty leagues from Antequera to the West, & the low more to the South Sea. john Nunnez Sedenno, and Fernand● of Badaioz inhabited first the City of Antequera: and after the first Council of Mexico inhabited it again; the only judges therein were Bachelor john Ortiz of Matienzo, and Delgadillo, which was the first, that as a man of Granada, began to breed Silk in Mexico. The Precedent and Governor, the Bishop Don Sebastian Ramirez, began the Cathedral Church, the beginning of the good of those Kingdoms: the Church hath all the Pillars of Marble of one piece, very great and big, and the City hath about four hundred Spanish Households. This Valley of Guaxaca, from whence the marquis of the Valley taketh his Title, Guaxaca Title of the marquis of the Valley. beginneth from the Mountain of Cocola, in the bound of Guaxoloticlan. In it is gathered much Silk, Corn, and Millet; it hath the Zapoteca Tongue. There hath been in it good mines of Gold. The situation of the City of Antequera (which as hath been said) they call Guaxaca, was inhabited with people of Mexico, which lay in Garrison by order of the second Motezuma, and the many Garrisons that the Kings of Mexico had through their Empire made general in it the Mexican Tongue. The River of this City doth sink under the ground, against Cimatlan, and riseth two leagues off, at the Mountains of Coatlan, other two from Guaxaca; and at a half a league from the City right against a Hill that stands to the North, is a point of a little Hill, and there goeth a glade of a Valley all plain, for the space of eight leagues, which is the abovesaid fair Valley of Guaxaca, pleasant, and temperate, and of a most healthful Air, Stinking River where plentifully are gathered all kind of things, and especially fruits of Castille, most pleasant. To the South-west stands the Province of Tutepeque, which hath many Towns by the Sea-coast, Tutepeque. and is of more than sixty leagues: and that of the River of Aluarado, between the North and North-east: and that of the Zapotecas to the North-east from Antequera, and Guazacoaloco in the Confines of Tabasco, all rough Country, & notwithstanding the rich mines of Gold, little is gotten because of the roughness. There are four Spanish Towns. The said City of Antequera is eighty leagues from Mexico, to the Southeast in the high way of Chiapa, and Guatemala: and the first that entered to pacify this Province, was john Nunnez of Mercado, the year 1522. by Commission of Don Fernando Cortes, and from thence were men of War sent to serve the King Quantimoc, in the defence of Mexico, when Don Fernando Cortes subdued it. The Treasurer Alfonso of Estrada, when he did govern in Mexico, inhabited the Village of Saint Alifonso de los Sapotecas, S. Alifonso of the Zapotecas. twenty leagues from Antequera, toward the North-east. They live in it by Gold, cotton-wool, and Millet, there are above thirty thousand Indians tributaries. It stands between most high Hills. Saint jago de Nexapa is in the Valley of Nexapa, twenty leagues from Antequera to the East, S. james of Nexapa. El Espirito Santo. in the way of Chiapa, and Guatemala. The Village of the Holy Ghost in the Province of Guazacoalco, at the Coast of the North Sea, in the Confines of Tabasco, is ninety leagues from Antequera. Gonçalo of Sandovall inhabited it in the year 1522. It hath about fifty Towns of Indians, it stands on the border of the River, on the side of Chiapa: this River springeth in the Mountains of the Mixes, and Choutales, near to Tecoa●tepeque, and with the waters of the Neighbour Provinces of Chiapa, and the Choutales, it goeth into the North Sea, there enter into it ships of one hundred tun. Golden Rivers In all this Bishopric there is no River that doth not yield Gold, and the Indians do live without want if they will work, for they lack nothing for back nor belly: and they have the Cacao, Cacao money and Wine. a Fruit like Almonds, which serveth for Money, and they make Wine of it, and it is eaten toasted, and is held for a great sustenance. They are wholesome Countries, and pleasant. The Silk was before nourished by the Castilians, with the Mulberry Trees of the Country, wherewith the Indians served themselves, for to make Paper of the second bark: and the Spaniards have planted so many of Castille, that they grow infinitely: and if the Indians did pay tithe of it, The Indians should pay no Tithes. and of other things, five Bishoprickes might be made; but none do pay tithe but the Castilians only. This Bishopric hath three hundred and fifty Head-townes of Indians, and in them, and in three hundred Granges of more than an hundred & fifty thousand tributary Indians, & one hundred and twenty Monasteries of Dominicke Friars, and the rest Schools of Priests for Doctrine. The Coast of the North Sea of this B●shopricke, River of Aluarado. beginneth in the River of Aluarado, that cometh from the Mountains of the Zapotecas, and between many other it goeth to the Province of Chinautla, and crossing overthwart the Mountains whence it sprung, goeth out into the North Sea, between the River of Guazacoalco, and Saint john of Vlua, and there is also the River called Agualulco, whose mouth may serve for a Haven; and the divided Rock, a point of the Land that cometh from the Mountains of Saint Martin, named by ships that have been lost upon a shoal full of Rocks under water, which lie along the Coast right against them in the Coast of the South Sea. This Bishopric hath the Haven of Guatulco in fifteen degrees and an half, Guatulco. great, good, and frequented. The Precedent Don Peter of Aluarado set this Province of Guatulco in obedience, and the Port of Tecoantepeque is near, which also is reasonable; and the Town is great, and there is in it a great fishing for Shrimps, and other fish which they carry to Guaxaca, and in the high way of Cuyztata is a Mine of Christall-borill. Tecoantepeque is forty five leagues from Antequera, they pass by the Mountains of the Choutales, Nixapa, and Mexalpeque, whitherto this Bishopric extendeth, and hath many Town's subject by the Coast of the Sea. The Bishopric of Mechoacan (which is a Province between the archbishopric of Mexico, The Bishopric of Mechoacan. and the new Galicia) hath in breadth by the Coast of the South Sea, about eighty leagues, and sixty within the Land, with open bounds, by the Septentrional parts: in it are included the Provinces of Zacatula, and of Colima, both in the Coast of the South Sea. The City of Mechoacan, Pazcuaro. or Pazcuaro, in little more than nineteen degrees, and forty seven leagues from Mexico, of plain way. In Guayangar●o called Vallodolid, is Resident the Cathedral Suffragane to Mexico, with two Monasteries of Franciscans, and Austin Friars. The Master of the field Christopher of Olid built Mechoacan, the Cathedral was first Resident in Zinzonza, unto the year 1544. that he removed it to Pazcuaro. Zinzonza. The Bishop was Don Basco de Quiroga; and it hath one Monastery of Franciscan, another of Austin Friars, and it stands seven leagues from Mechoacan, to the East. The mines of Guauax●ato, are twenty eight leagues from Mechoacan, to the North, toward the Zacateca●, Guanax●ato. wherein there are about six hundred Castilians, in two Camps * Re●les. Village of S. Michael. The Conception of Salaya. which they have with their chief Alcade or Commissioner, and the seat and dwelling of those that follow the mines is a Real or Campe. The Village of Saint Michael, in the Province of Mechoacan, is thirty five leagues from Pazcuaro, to the North-east, in a rough Country. And the Village of the Conception of Salaya, which was built by commandment of the Viceroy, Don Martin Enriquez, the year 1570. for ●o assure the way of the Chichimecas. The Village of Saint Philip fifty leagues off Mechoacan, toward the North, and sixty two from Mexico to the Northwest, The Village of S. Philip. with one Monastery of Austin Friars, in a barren soil and cold; it was built for the security of the way of the Zacatecas. Zacatula. The Province and Village of Zacatula, in the Coast of the South Sea, stands in more than 18. degrees, and forty leagues from Mechoacan, to the South-west, near the Sea; john Rodriguez of Villavorte, and Sino● of Cuenca, built it the year 1523. it stands ninety leagues from Mexico, and ●he Province and Village of Colima, Colima. in little more than 18. degrees, in the Coast of the South Sea, and in the confines of new Galicia, fifty leagues from Mechoacan, to the South-west, with a chief Commissioner, in a hot soil, and plentiful of Cacao, and Cassia Fistola, with Gould, and well conditioned people. Gonçalo of Sandoval built it in the year 1522. All the Country of Mechoacan is most plentiful of Wheat, Millet, and all kind of Spanish Fruits, and Cattle, stored of Fish: it hath Graine, Cochinilla, and Cotten wool, and the people is industrious, and given to labour. There are in this Bishopric one hundred and thirty Towns, the ninety four head Towns with Schools of Doctrine: this Bishopric reacheth no Coast of the Sea of the North, in the South Sea are many Rivers, and in the furthest West of the Province, almost in the border of the new Galicia, is the port of Navidad, in the height of 19 degrees, good and frequented, from whence the Navigation is made to the Phillipinas; and more to the East, near the Port of Saint james: there are very good Copper Mines in these bounds, of the which the Indians make very curious Vessels, for it is pleasant, and other so hard that they dig the ground with it instead of Iron, which they could never do till the Spaniards taught it. The Province and Government of Yucatan (which took this name when the Captain Franciscus Fernandez discovered it, and our Lady of the Remedies, Yucatan. when john of Grijalua discovered Cozumel) was at the first held for an Island, because it was almost compassed with Sea, in sort that it may be called Peninsula, and it compasseth more than two hundred and fifty leagues: it is in length where it extends itself East and West, about one hundred leagues, and as many North and South, from the Coast that looketh to the North, unto the part that doth confine with the Provinces of Guatemala, whereby it hath overthwart about five and twenty leagues. It was a device of those which said the Crosses were found of Latin in Yucatan, whereas there never was Cross in the Indies before the Spaniards. A Man of 300. years old. The temperature is hot, and very moist, and though there be no River, nor running water in it all, the water is so near for Wells, and they find so many shells of Sea-fish under the stones, that this, and the Coast being so low, hath given occasion to suspect that it hath been Sea in other times: it is much compassed with Wood: they gather no Corn, nor seeds of Castille, there is no Gold, nor any other kind of Mettle, whence is known the invention (or deceit) of those which said that there were found in this Province, when the Spaniard entered in it, Crosses of Latin, which was never found in any Province of the Indies: it is very plentiful of game, especially wild Boars and Dear, they breed up in it great store of Poultry: they gather much Cotten wool, and Azure, the people multiplieth and liveth long; a man there was which attained to three hundred years: it hath all the kind of Cattle of Spain, and good Horses. There are in this Government without that of Tabasco, which goeth jointly with it, four Spanish Towns, and one Bishopric: and the Towns are buildings of the first Governor, the Precedent Don Francisco of Monteio. The City of Merida is in twenty degrees height, Merida. almost in the midst of the Province, nearer to the coast of the North Sea, twelve leagues within the Land. In it are resident the Governor, the Officers of Revenues, and treasure Royal, and the Cathedral suffragan to Mexico, with a Monastery of Franciscane Friars, they called it Merida, for the great and ancient buildings that it hath like Merida in Castille▪ and it causeth admiration, that having no kind of Mettle in this Province, so great Stones could be wrought, in the which were found engraven naked men, with earrings, whereof is inferred that they were Temples, and that it was a very famous Country. Valladolid. The Village of Valladolid is thirty one leagues from Merida, toward the Southeast with a most sumptuous Monastery of Franciscan Friars, and 15000. tributary Indians in the limits. The Village and port of Saint Franciscus of Campeche, Campeche. in 20. degrees, in the Coast that looketh to new Spain, about fifty leagues from Merida to the West, declining to the South, it hath a reasonable Haven, though little depth for being a Bay. Don Franciscu● of Monteio gave it the name. Salamanca. The Village of Salamanca the Precedent called so by his own Country. In the Provinces of Bacalar, and Chetemal, seventy leagues from Merida, North and South, leaving to the West, and other seventy from Valladolid, near to the Coast of the gulf of Honduras: there are in this Province Monasteries of Franciscanes, and six Schools of Priests for Doctrine. The Coast of all this Province is so shallow, Shallow Coasting. Tides. The Ports and points of this Government. that in few parts ye can ride at anchor at less than four or five leagues from the Land, and so there is no Port but for small Ships, and it floweth and ebbeth more in this Coast then in any other place of these Provinces of new Spain. The Ports that are, be these: Ciclo, and Telichaque, Cical and Cauquil: the River with two mouths, Campeche in the Coast that looketh to new Spain, and in it the small Cape from whence the Coast beginneth to wind to the East, and near to the Point a little Island which is called lafoy Desconocida or the Unthankful, compassed with shelves: and to the West from this, about eighteen leagues, another which they call the Zarza, and the Triangle, which are three small Lands, close by another little Island compassed with shelves, other sixteen leagues from a Or Sharp. Cabo Delgado, Lands de Arenas (of Sands) and the Red (lafoy Bermeia) and another Island thirty leagues from the said Cape to the North, and los Negrillos, three little Ilets compassed with shelves, to the East from the b Or Bermeia. Red, about thirty five leagues, and the c Or Alacranes. Scorpiones twenty leagues of the coast North and South, with Merida, and the Cape of Coutoche, the Point most to the East of Yucatan, from whence go four little Lands, which are called the Mugeres of Women, leaning to the Coast in the which is the Island of Cozumel, named by the famous Idol Place in it, whither all the people of the Province went in Pilgrimage; it stands four leagues to the Sea, at the beginning of the Gulf of Honduras, A famous worshipping place of the Gentiles in Cozumel. almost North and South with Valladolid, more inward to the Gulf, other three little Ilets with shelves, almost over against the Lake of Bacalal, which is within the Land thirty leagues from the Lake of Chetemall, in the Coast that goeth painted with Lands unto Salamanca, which is the first Pantoia, near one shelf called * Or take away sleep. Quitasuenno, and another Zaratan, and another Lamanay, and the last Ylbob. Tabasco. The Province of Tabasco, which goeth with the Government of Yucatan, and falleth upon the Coast of the North Sea in the gulf of new Spain, hath in length East and West, about forty leagues, from the confines of Yucatan, unto the confines of Goazacoalco, wherewith it joineth on the East, and as much North and South from the North Sea, unto the confines of Chiapa. It is all plain ground of Marshes, Lakes and Quagmires, and so they go over it in Boats, and Canoes; it is very moist, and hot, and therefore very plentiful of Pastures for Kine, and of Millet and Cacao, which is the greatest stock or substance of this Province, wherein is only one Town, which is Tabasco, and by another name, the Village of our Lady of the Victory, so called for the Victory that Don Hernando Cortes had there of the Indians, when he went to new Spain, the year 1519. The tribute which the Indians do pay in this Province, is two thousand Xiquipiles of Cacao, and every Xiquipill are eight thousand Almonds, and one load maketh three Xiquipiles or Terces. In the Coast of this Province besides other Rivers and Marshes, is found the Lake of Xicalango, Rivers of this Province. Lake of Xicalango. or Port Royal, great and capable, with two little Lands at the mouth, and it was the Captain Lewis Martin, that by order of Don Fernando Cortes, made an end of pacifying this Province. THe bounds of the Counsel of new Gallicia or of Xalisco (which Nunno of Guzman said he had discovered, Chap. 11. Of the bounds of the Counsel of Guadalaiara. and Don Fernando Cortes, that the Captain Goncalo of Sandovall, did it in his name, when he sent him to pacify the Colimas') it parteth, bounds with the Counsel of new Spain, near by the Port of the Nativity, and the Lake of Chiapala, going toward the North-east, whereby (and by the North, and somewhat of the West, for it is not all discovered) it hath the bounds open, for the rest to the West is all Sea: that which is inhabited on the one side, and the other, may come to one hundred leagues, wherein are comprehended the Provinces of Guadalaiara, Xalisco, the Zacatecas, Chiametla, Culiacan, the new Bizkey, and Cinoloa; and for Circuit the discovery of the Provinces of Cibola, and of Quibira. The temperature of the Province, and borders of Guadalaiara, is good, and the Country plentiful of Corn, Guadalaiara. and Millet, and other Seeds of Spain, and many Veins of Silver: there are in it Spanish Towns. Nunno of Guzman peopled the City of Guadalaiara, the head of this Kingdom, the year 1531. and gave it the name of his Country: it stands in 106. degrees and a half of longitude from the Meridian of Toledo, 1780. leagues by a direct Voyage, & in 20. degrees one third part in height, eighty seven leagues from Mexico, between the North and the West, more toward the West: in it is resident the Counsel, the Officers of the revenues, & Royal treasury, and the Cathedral suffragan to Mexico, since the year 1570. for before it was commanded to be built in Compostella: it hath one Monastery of Franciscan, another of Austin Frier. Nunno of Guzman built also the Village of the Holy Ghost in Tepique: The Holy Ghost. Sancta Marie of the Lakes. and the Village of Sancta Marie of the Lakes, stands thirty leagues from Guadalaiara to the Southeast, with the chief Commissioner. It was built for to be sure of the Chichimecan Indies, that are in Countries between the North and the East, The Chichimecas Savages. a barbarous people, which live scattered in the field, without any taste of humanity or policy, living in Canes, & in the Groves like savage beasts; they live upon wild chase and fruits, they know no riches, nor pleasure; they go naked, and some covered with Beasts skins: their weapons are Bows and Arrows, they are well bodied, great eaters, they make wine of certain roots wherewith they drink themselves drunk. In the Province of Xalisco, which is plentiful of Millet, more than of Sheep, or Horses, there is only the City of Compostella near the Sea, Xalisco. three and thirty leagues from Guadalaxara, to the West, where the Counsel was at the first, and commanded to build the Cathedral, until the year 1560. that they removed to Guadalaiara to be more in the borders: there is in it a Monastery of Franciscan Friars; and it was also inhabited by Nunno Guzman, the year 1531. which traveled two years in these Countries, which they called the greater Spain, in emulation of Don Fernando Cartes, in all that time nothing being known of him in Mexico. The Village of the Purification, to the South-west, from Guadalaiara, and thirty leagues from it, near the port of the Nativity, in the confines of the bounds of this Counsel, and of that of Mexico, in a very hot and sickly Country: and unto the end of the year 1531. Nunno of Guzman discovered one hundred and fifty leagues of Land by the Coast of Xalisco, which stand in somewhat more than 22. degrees. The Zacatecas. In the Province of the Zacatecas, are rich mines of Silver, and want of Water, Corn and Millet: there are three Towns of Spaniards, and four Camps appointed of mines: those which they call of the Zacatecas are the principal, forty leagues from Guadalaxara to the North, and eighty from Mexico, wherein are ordinary more than five hundred Spaniards, five hundred Slaves, one thousand Horses and Mules, and one Monastery of Franciscane Friars; and there is resident always one of the Officers Royal of Guadalaiara. In this Province also are the Mines of Auinyo, in the confines of the Zacatecas, and those of Saint Martin seven and twenty leagues from the Zacatecas, to the Northwest, wherein are wont to be about four hundred Spaniards, and Xerez of the Frontier, thirty leagues from Guadalaxara, to the North, and ten from the mines of the Zacatecas, in the way to them. There are besides these other Reales or Camps, whereof no mention is made▪ because they are so famous. The Village of the Erena, The Erena. & the Mines called of the little * Or Sombrerece Hat, are five and twenty leagues from Zacatecas to the Northwest, near to those of Saint Martin, and others that are in the limits. The Village of * The Name of God. Nombre de Dios, is sixty eight leagues from the City of Guadalaiara, and ten from the Mines of Saint Martin to the North, with a Monastery of Franciscan Friars, abundant in Corn, and Millet, and good Mines in his Borders. The Village of Durango, in the Borders of the Mines of Saint Martin, and the Valley of Saint Saluador, eight leagues from Nombre de Dios, a wholesome Country, & many Rivers, with whose watering they gathered great store of Corn, and Millet, and of other Provisions, and in the Borders are the Mines of Saint Luke, and a very good Salt-pit. And the Indians of this Kingdom in many places were in arms, and the Chichimecas, and Guachachiles did great hurt in the way of Guadalaiara to the Zacatecas, and this war was very costly, and tedious, and was ended, the marquis of Villamanrique being Viceroy. The Indians are divided in this precinct in one hundred and four partitions or tribes. The Province of new Bizkie, is Northwestward from the Zacatecas fifty leagues from them; Nueva Vizcaya. a Country of Provisions, and much cattle, and of good Silver Mines, the Mines of Hindehe are in it, of Sancta Barbola, and of Saint john, and in it is the Province of Topia; and in this discovery, and inhabiting, Franciscus Ybarra did many services. The Province of Chiametla, Chiametla. twenty leagues broad and long, in the Coast of the South Sea, about forty leagues from Xalisco, hath Mines of Silver, and in it stands Saint Sebastian, a Village of Spaniards, which was first of the Counsel of Mexico, and it stands in more than 22. degrees. Culiacan is a government in the South Sea, more to the East, and West from Chiametla; it is a plentiful Country of Victuals, and shows of Silver Mines, whereof there is a Camp peopled, which they call of the Virgins. S. Michael. The Village of Saint Michael, eighty leagues from Compostella, and one hundred and three from Guadalaiara, Nunno of Guzman inhabited it the year 1531. The Province of Civaloa, the last, and most Septentrional of the new Kingdom of Galicia, Civaloa. two and forty leagues from Culiacan, one hundred and fifty from Guadalaiara, to the North, was a Town built in it that was called Saint john of Cinaloa, of Spaniards, and could not be kept. This Province was discovered, Don Antony of Mendoca being Viceroy in new Spain, and they said there was a City seen wrought with stone, which they called Granada, and that those Indians were warriors, and that in the Country was great store of Victuals. Quibira, Quibira. Cibola. stands in forty degrees, of a temperate and fruitful soil. Cibola, stands thirty leagues from Culiacan, toward the North, and Quibira two hundred from Cibola to the East; it is all of poor people; for that they have no Cotten, they wear Dear skins, and of the Country Kine, which have a lump on the ridge of the back, and long hair in the fore parts, the horns lesser than ours; and in them consisteth the greatest part of the sustenance of the people, for of the skin they clothe, and make Shoes, and Cords; they eat the flesh, and make tools of the bones: they have sundry languages in this Province, because they communicate little the one with the other. California is a great point of the Land that putteth out to the Sea in the uttermost West of new Spain in two and twenty degrees height, from whence it extendeth to the Northwest, California. near about two hundred leagues, although of it there is no certain notice, nor of the Ports, and Lands of the Gulf California, which is made between the said point, and Gulf of new Spain, which goeth along that way, as to the Northwest; in the which although there be many Rivers, Capes, and Points, and landing-places, there is no particular notice had of them, because they are not much frequented. At the beginning, and entrance of this Gulf are very long and narrow Lands along the Coast, and very close with it, which is called the Guayavall, that reacheth from the River of our Lady, or of Sebastian of Bora, unto the River of Christmas in Culiacan. The River of the Village of Saint Michael is called Ciguatlan; and nearer to new Spain is the River of Pastla, and against it the Desert Island, and afterward the River of the Holy Ghost, and the port of Xalisco, and to the South of the point of California, is Annublada or the Cloudy Island, and the Island of Saint Thomas, and the Island of Flores, and another which is called Las Monias. IT was first called the Counsel of Guatemala of the confines, Chap. 12. Of the Bounds of the Counsel of S. james of Guatemala. because it was commanded first to be built in the confines of the Provinces of Nicaragua, and Guatemala, without assigning any certain Town. It hath in length East and West two hundred and forty leagues, and from the Meridian from 84. to 98. of longitude, and North and South, in breadth one hundred and eighty, from 9 to 10. degrees of height, unto eighteen or nineteen, in the which are comprehelded the Provinces of Guatemala, Soconusco, Chiapa, Suchitepeque, the a Or true Peace. Verapaz, Honduras and Cacos, Saint Saviour, and Saint Michael, Nicaragua, Chuluteca, Taguzgalpa, and b Or Rich coast. Costarica▪ and in every one of these Provinces they alter in speech: and according to the opinion of Religious men, it was the work of the Devil, for to plant dissensions and discord between these Nations which were bloody and revengeful. The Government and Province of Guatemala on the South Sea coast, Guatemala. in length of it may be about seventy leagues, and in breadth North and South thirty: it is a Country of a good temperature, plentiful of Millet, Cotten wool, Corn and other fruits, though they preserve not the Seed of one year for the other: the waters are few, but when it raineth they are very violent from April to October, the winds are North and South, and the North lasteth but fifteen or twenty days, and it is very cold, and furious. There are in it five Spanish Towns, buildings of the Precedent Don Pedro of Aluarado, in the year 1524. and 25. Saint James. The City of Saint james of Guatemala, whose situation was called Cachequill, which signifieth an Eagle, because the General of this Nation, when he went to war, did bear an Eagle for his Plume: it is the head of the Government, where the Counsel is resident, in 24. degrees and a half of height, and 93. degr. from the Meridian of Toledo, from whence it may be distant by a greater circle of one thousand six hundred and sixty leagues, and it is twelve from the Sea, and a town of six hundred Spanish households: the Officers of the goods and Royal Treasure, are resident there, the melting house, and the Cathedral Suffragane to Mexico, with one Monastery of Dominicans, and another of Mercenary Friars, and one Hospital, and in the bounds five and twenty thousand tributary Indians. This City is seated in a very pleasant Valley, with fruits of diverse sorts, and all kind of provision and dainties. Saint Saluador. The City of Saint Saviour, which in the Indian language is called Cuzcatlan, is forty leagues from Saint james to the Southeast, with one Monastery of Dominicans. The Village of the Trinity, The Trinity. which in the Indian tongue was called Conzonate, six and twenty leagues from Saint james to the South-west, four leagues from the Port of Axacutla. It is a chief Commissionership with title of his Majesty, with one Monastery of Dominicans, in a plentiful soil of Cacao, and the Indians of it are of the jurisdiction of Saint james, it is a place of great traffic, and the Port a touch for the ships of Peru, Saint Michael. and of New Spain. The Village of Saint Michael sixty two leagues from Saint james, and two and twenty from Saint Saviour to the South-west, two leagues from the Sea and Bay of Fonseca, which serveth it for Haven, and in the bounds are eighty Towns of Indians. Xerez. The Village of Xerez of the frontier, in the Indian speech called Chuluteca, in the confines of Guatemala and Nicaragua, eighty leagues from Saint james, and twenty from Saint Michael to the Southeast, both plentiful of Cotton wool and Millet. near the City of Saint james is that * Or fiery mouths like Aetna. Volcan so famous of Guatemala, and in all the Indies are many of these Volcanes' (but the most famous are those of Guatemala, which hath burst out diverse times, casting fire, stones, and ashes, with great hurt of the Country.) That of Arequipa, of Tlascala, Quito, and others. In this Country are many springs of water, hot, and of sundry properties and colours; there is much and good Balm, which the Spaniards knew without learning it of the Indians, against the which some Author speaketh, and also liquid Amber, Gum- anime, copal, and Suchicopall, and other Gums, and Liquoris most perfect, and beasts that breed the Bezoar stone, they gather great store of Cacao, which is great riches: it is a mean Tree, the leaves like a Chestnut though bigger, Cacao described. it giveth flower and fruit every Moon, and the same do in that Country the Orange trees. The Cacao is a tree that loveth moisture better than the Sun, and therefore they plant near him another tree to shadow him. The Ports of this Government in the South Sea, beside the rehearsed, are the Bay of Fonseca near to Saint Michael, Ports of this Government. in twelve degrees and a half of height, Gil Gonçales of Auila gave it the name in the year 1522. for the Bishop john Rodrigues of Fonseca, Precedent of the Council of the Indies. And within the Bay is an Island which he named Petronilla, by a Niece of the Bishop. The Port of Acaxutla, near to the Trinity, in twelve degrees height, is the best of this Government for New Spain and Peru, and the Bay of Guatemala twelve leagues from it, and the River of Xicalapa seven leagues from the Bay to the West. On the North side this Province hath no coast, for it cometh not to the Sea by forty leagues, unto a landing place which they call the Port of the fresh Gulf, from whence the merchandise that go from Spain, are conveyed by the Gulf of Honduras, into the Land with carriages unto Guatemala, Saint Saviour, and the Trinity, and twelve leagues before Guatemala, in the high way of Mexico, is the great Lake of Atulau, Bottomless Lake. Soconusco. of ten leagues in compass, and four in breadth, without bottom. The Province and Government of Soconusco is the furthest West from Guatemala upon the coast of the South Sea, of length and breadth about four and thirty leagues, plentiful of Cacao (the greatest traffic of it, and of all that in it is sown except Wheat) there is no more than one Spanish town, which is called Guencolan, founded by Don Pedro de Aluarado, where the Governor is resident; her coast which is in the South Sea, beginneth seven leagues from the River of Ayutla to the West, and presently the Rivers Coatlan, Capanercalte, Colatl, Haztatlan, Amituc, and Quizatatlan. The Province and Bishopric of Chiapa is Mediterranean, between Soconusco by the South, Chiapa. and the uttermost of New Spain by the West, and by the North and the East, between Tabasco an● * Or true peace. Verapaz, in length East and West about forty leagues, and some less in breadth, some less fertile of Wheat and Millet, and other Seeds, and of cattle, except Sheep that are not many. It hath one Town of Castilians, which is called City Royal, seventy leagues from Saint james of Guatemala toward the North-east, which by a particular privilege is governed by ordinary justices. The Cathedral is resident here with one Monastery of Dominicke Friars, and many Indian Towns in her limits: Chiapa is the principallest Town of them, from whence the Province took the name. The Countrymen have skill in breeding of Horses, that those of this Country become the best that are in New Spain: they are Musicians and Painters, and learn any Trade that doth consist in art: they were in old time of Nicaragua, and the Captain james of Mazariegos, the year 1531. built this City in a Valley where now it stands, round, of a marvelous situation in 18. degrees and a half, sixty leagues from the North Sea, and as many from the South. The Province of Verapaz (a name which the Dominicke Friars gave it, Verapaz. because they pacified it with preaching) is also Mediterranean between the bounds of Soconusco, Chiapa, Yacatan, Honduras, and Guatemala, of thirty leagues over, and as many from Saint james of Guatemala; a moist Country, and therefore the better for the Millet that in it is gathered twice a year, and for Wheat. There is Cotton wool, and some Cacao, and much Fowl of those that give the coloured feathers for the pictures which the Indians do make, Picture feathers. which is a merchandise of this Province, and the Kings of Mexico carried them from this Province, which was the most esteemed thing they had, and it was judged for a great sin to kill these Fowls, but to pluck them and to let them fly. There is in this Country but one Monastery of Dominicke Friars, with one Indian Town of seventeen Indian children that are there, by order of the religious men for to instruct them the better; for before they lived scattered and like savages, and now they live like Christians, and in temporal things politicly. In this Province there is no Governor, but a chief justice, provided by the Council. The River of Zacatula divideth this Province from the Province of Guatemala, from the which it extendeth unto the fresh Gulf, whither all the Rivers of it do run, whereby and by the many falls of waters that descend from most high Hills, the Country was so moist, that the Millet rotten; but it is bettered in the temperature, since the cutting down of the Woods: it hath many Lions, Tigers, and Buffs, whose flesh the Indians do eat although it be luscious and soft; it is called the Fresh Gulf, for the multitude of the Rivers which on that side do enter into the Sea. Golves dulce. The water is fresh, and there are exceeding great Fishes, and specially the Manati, which is the Sea calf, which swimmeth so delicately, that being very great he maketh no noise; Manatis a fish described. when he fleeth he goeth to the Deep, and waxeth angry and fierce against them that seek him, and giveth great strokes; his flesh is very fat like unto fat beef. THe Province and Government of Honduras hath in length East and West, Chap. 13. Of Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, or the Rich Coast. Honduras. by the coast of the North Sea, more than one hundred and fifty leagues, and in breadth from the Sea unto the bounds of Costa Rica and Guatemala, in parts eighty: it hath many Hills, and is plentiful of Millet, Wheat, and all sorts of cattle, and some mines of gold and silver: there is in it six Spanish Towns in one Bishopric, and the first Bishop was Friar john of Talavera, Prior of Prado, of the Order of Saint Jerome of Spain. The City of Valladolid, in the Indian language, is called Comayagua, in more than sixteen degrees, stands sixty leagues from Saint james of Guatemala to the East, and about forty from the North Sea: in it is the Governor resident, and the Cathedral, since the year 1558. when it went from Truxillo, whereat first it was; and one Monastery de la Merced. The Captain Alonso of Cacere● pacified this Country, by order of Don Peter of Aluarado: * Or of our Lady of the Favour. Visitation of the Engineer Baptista Antoneli of the way of the Port of Cavallos or Horses, to the Bay of Fonseca. it stands in the midst of the two Seas, and from the one to the other are three and fifty leagues, from the Port de Cavallos or of Horses in the North Sea, unto the Bay of Fonseca in the South Sea, and the Engineer Baptista Antoneli visited this way, by order from the King; because many thought that by it the traffic of the North Sea was more easy to the South Sea, and he found that it had many inconveniences. The City of * Thanks be to God. Gracias à Dios, is thirty leagues from Valladolid almost to the West; the Captain Gabriel of Rojas peopled it 1530. for the benefit of the mines of gold that were thereabouts, and had great encounters with the Indians, which assaulted him many times in a Fort that he had. But the Governors of Honduras and Nicaragua, not succouring him by reason of grudges between them, he was forced to forsake it. And in the year 1536. Captain Gonçalo of Aluarado, inhabited this City again. The Village of Saint Petro is thirty leagues from Comayagua to the North, somewhat aside to the West, and eleven from the Port of Cavallos, Saint Peter. where the Officers Royal are resident, because the Port of Cavallos is sickly, whither the dispatches of the ships do come. The Precedent Don Peter Aluarado built it 1536. The Village of Saint john of the Port de Cavallos is in 15. degrees of altitude, Saint john. eleven leagues from Saint Peter, four from Comayagua, it is inhabited with Factors of the Merchants, and with Blackmoors, because it is an unwholesome Port; for although it be a Bay, it is a good one, it was called the Port of The Horses, because some were cast in the Sea by a storm. The City of Truxillo is sixty leagues from Comayagua to the North-east, Truxillo. and forty from the Port of Horses to the East, and one from the North Sea: the Cathedral was here, the Haven is called Saint Gil, it is good, though it be a Bay dead and sheltered, where the ships that go for Guatemala do touch first. Francisco de las Casas, began to inhabit this City 1524. and because they were all people of Estremadura, he called it Truxillo, and Don Hernando Cortes ended the inhabiting of it when he went to the Ybueras. Saint George. The Village of Saint George of Olancho, is forty leagues from Comayagua to the East, of forty households, and in her borders sixteen thousand tributary Indians, and much gold, Valley of Olancho. chiefly in the River of Guayape, ten leagues from this Town. This Valley of Olancho is very pleasant and profitable, and in it was much gold gotten, and the Governors of Honduras and Nicaragua, had in other times great differences: for every one would have it in his jurisdiction, and therefore here it was where Gil Gonçales Davila took one hundred and twenty thousand Pesos of gold of Hernando of Soto, and dismissed the people which Pedrarias Davila had for his defence; and here Gabriel of Rojas defended the entrance of Gonçalo of Sandoval, for Don Hernando Cortes did send him from Truxillo, and here the Indians killed john Grijalua, a very famous Captain, and others. Points and Ports of this Government. The coast of this Province is all in the North Sea, in the Gulf which they call de Honduras, which is all the Sea coast between this Province and Yucatun, to the place where it joineth with it by Verapaz, where it was called the Gulf of Guanajos, the first Point is of the Ybueras, so called, because they first found many pompions on the Sea, which they call Ybueras in the language of Hispaniola; it stands in sixteen degrees of height. near to the Fresh Gulf a Port for Guatemala, where Saint Gil of Bonavista was built, near to the Cape of Three Points to the East from the Fresh Gulf, and Gil Gonçales Davila peopled it 1524. And more to the East is the River Piche, and Rio Baxo, and the River of Vlua, by another name Balahama before the Port of Horses, which stands in fifteen degrees. And afterward the River and Point de la Sal, and Triumpho de la Cruz, a Cape of three points, where the year 1524. the Master of the field Christopher of Olid planted; and the River Hulma or of Xagua, and to the North of his mouth the Island of Vtila; and to the North-east, Guayana, Helen, and Guanaja, and Saint Francise North and South with the Point of Truxillo, which are the Lands of the Guanajos. The said Point is called by another name, Cabo Delgado, the Small Cape, or of Honduras, from whence to the Cape of * Or Shrimp. Camaron, in search whereof they go from jamaica, are thirteen Rivers, and at the Point of the Cape a plazell or great shelf of more than twenty leagues into the Sea, and in the midst of it near to the Coast a great Island, which is called the Island de los Baxos (of the shelves) and another to the North, near the shelf called Saint Milan, and having passed the shelf, the Bay of Cartago, Babia honda. Cabo de Gracias a Dios. and the Deep Bay, before the Cape of thanks be to God, which stands in fourteen degrees one third part, and to the North of it three Lands, which they call the Viciosas, and Quita suenno or Take away sleep, and Roncador, the Suorter, two dangerous shelves, and having passed the Cape, the Gulf of Nicuesa, where he was lost in the year 1510. and the River of You're in thirteen degrees, where the Governments of Honduras and Nicaragua are joined. The Lands of the Guanajos, which are the rehearsed, the first Admiral Don Christopher Colon discovered 1502. in the last voyage he made to the Indios, when he discovered Terra firm in the coast of Veragua, where his ill luck appeared; for if as he went to Veragua, he had gone to the other side, he had discovered New Spain. Nicaragua. The Province and Government of Nicaragua, which the Governor james Lopez of Salzedo, called the New Kingdom of Lion, on the West joineth with Guatemala, and on the North with Honduras, and on the South with * Or rich Coast. Costa Rica. It is of one hundred and fifty leagues East and West, and eighty North and South, a plentiful Country of Millet, Cacao, Cotton wool, store of cattle, without Corn or Sheep, it hath five Spanish Towns. Lion of Nicaragua is one hundred and four leagues from Saint james of Guatemala about the Southeast, and twelve from the South Sea, near to the great Lake of Nicaragua, where the Governor is resident, the Royal Officers, and the Cathedral, and james Aluarez Ossorio was the first Bishop. It hath five Monasteries of Mercenaries, and in her bounds one hundred and twenty thousand tributary Indians. The City of Granada is sixteen leagues from Lion, Granada▪ which and Lion were built by the Captain Franciscus Hernandez▪ 1523. and Granada stands by the border of the great Lake, and four and twenty leagues from the Port of Realeio, besides the great Lake, stands the Lake of Lindiri, and the famous Vulcan or Fiery mouth of Massayatan. Lake of Nicaragua. Volcan of Massayatan and Mombacho. The great Lake ebbeth and floweth, it hath many Lands, it runneth into the North Sea, by the River which is called El Desaguadero, or The Voiding, it hath great store of Fish and many Lizards. At two leagues from it, and seven from Granada is the great fiery mouth of Mombacho, very high with many Groves of diverse fruits, of which much refresh the Country. A Friar persuading himself▪ that that mass of fire that in so many years burned without consuming within the mouth of Massaya was gold, having made by a certain art certain Cauldrons with their chains to draw it, they scarcely came at the fire, when the Cauldron and the Chain were melted like Lead. The new Segovia which was the beginning of Peter Arias his plantation▪ Segovia. 〈◊〉 thirty leagues from Lion to the North, and as many from Granada, some what Northward also, in which limits much gold is gotten. And jaen a City is thirty leagues from the North Sea, jaen. in the end of the great Lake, whereby the River which they call the Voiding, and the merchandise which are carried from Nombre de Dios, and now from Porte bello, are conveyed in it. The Village of Realejo one league from the Port of the Possession, which commonly is called of the Realejo, Realeio. stands in eleven degrees and a half, and is one of the best Ports and surest in all that Coast, wherein are made good ships by reason of the good provision of Timber there. There are in this Government many Towns of Indians, and in them store of tributaries, and in the Confines of this Government, and of Costa Rica, and of Nicoya eight and forty leagues from Granada, in the South coast, is a Corregidorship; in which, and in the Island of Chyra, which is of the jurisdiction thereof eight leagues to the Sea, are many tributary Indians of the Crown Royal, subject in other times to the Council of Panama, unto the year 1573. at which time it was incorporated in Costa Rica; whose Governor placeth a Deputy, and the Bishop of Nicaragua a Vicar. There is in it a reasonable Port, in the coast of this Province on the North Sea. After this is the River youare that divideth it from that of Honduras, the River of Yairepa, before the River and Port of Saint john, which is called the Voiding or Desaguadero, Ports and Rivers of this coast. with a great Island at the mouth, and after, some other Rivers common to Costa Rica. In the South Sea, it hath besides the Realeio, the Port of Saint james, before the Chira, and the Port of Paro●ight ●ight against Nicoya, in the Gulf called of the Salt-pits, before the Point of Saint Lazarus, * De Salinas. and the Cape of Borrica, at the East side whereof are the Lands of Saint Marie, Saint Martha, Cobaya, and Sebaco, near to the bounds of Veragua, common to Costa Rica. In the Coast of Nicaragua, on the South side, Bruxelles. the Village of Bruxelles was peopled 1529. and james Lopes of Salcedo disinhabited it, because they had received in it Pedro de los Rios, Governor of Castilia del Oro, which went to take the Government of Nicaragua, where Salcedo had thrust himself, and had gone from Honduras his own Government unto it. Captain Franciscus Hernandez planted it 1524. in the doubtful Streight, in the seat of Vritina, and on the one side it had the Sea, on the other the Plains, and on the third side the Mountain of the mines, and in all this Orb there are no Indians more expert in the Castillan tongue then those of Nicaragua. The Province and Government of Costa Rica, the furthest East of the Northern Indies, Costa Rica▪ and Council of Guatemala, hath in length East and West ninety leagues from the Confines of Veragua unto those of Nicaragua, with which it joineth by the North, and by the West. In it are two Towns, it is a good Country, with many shows of Gold, and some of Silver. The one Town is the Village of Aranjues five leagues from Chomes Indianes, Aranjuez. Cartago. a Town of the jurisdiction of Nicoya. The City of Cartago, forty leagues from Nicoya, and twenty from the Sea almost in the midst of the Province, hath a Port and landing place in the Coast of the South Sea, and the North Sea, wherein there is some Rivers between Nicaragua and Veragua, common to this Government, and the Bays of Saint Jerome and of Caribaco, near the limits of Veragua. THe part of the Indies of the South is unjustly called America, it is all that is discovered from Nombre de Dios and Panama to the South, wherein is included Terra firm, Chap. 14. O● the indies of the South. the Kingdoms of Piru, the Piru Chile, which the Indians call Chille; The Provinces of the Straight, the River of Plate and Brasile, where are five Counsels of Panama, new Kingdom of Granada, Saint Francise of Quito, Lima, the Charcas, and the eleven Governments: part of their Coast toucheth in the North Sea, and part in the South: in the which for the most part reigneth the South and the South-west, which contrary to his nature is there pleasant, and doth mitigate the great heat, whereby that Country may be inhabited, although it never raineth nor haileth in it, but in a very little distance. A great difference of temperature in the two rows of Piru. And the two rows of Mountains that run equally through all these Indies, have a great difference, though they are in one altitude of the Pole: for the one is well replenished with Trees and it always raineth in it, and it is hot: the other is all bare, and cold in Summer and Winter. These rows are called Andes, and Sierra or the Mountain; they have most high Hills, and go in sight the one of the other one thousand leagues, almost equally. In the Hill are bred sundry beasts, and in the parts where they open they make Valleys, which is excellent dwelling, as that of Xanxa, and Guaylas, The two rows do run almost 1000 leagues equal. and Yucay. In the Andes also are bred sundry beasts, and past the City of Cuzco, these rows do divide themselves, leaving in the midst a great champain Country, which is the Province of Collao, where are infinite Rivers, Lakes, and Pastures, without Trees or Wood, for the distemperature of the Country, though wholesome and much inhabited. Qualities of the Province of Collao. There followeth after it the Province of the Charcas, hot and of great plenty, with very rough Hills of great riches of mines: and the figure of these Indies is seen in the Table before going. HONDIUS his Map of America Meridionalis. AMERICA MERIDIONALIS map of South America THe limits of the Counsel of Panama, which was first called Castilia del Oro, and afterwards Terra Firm, are very small, for the Counsel is principally resident there, for the dispatch of the Fleets, and Merchants, which go and come to Piru: it hath in length East and West, about ninety leagues, from the confines of the government of Cartagena, and Popayan, unto the Castle of Veragua, Quantities of the Country of Panama, and her bounds. and in breadth from the South Sea to the North sixty leagues, and thence downward unto eighteen by Nombre de Dios, or Porto bello to Panama: it is a ground generally very rough with Mountains, full of quagmires, the air close with vapours, moist, hot, and for this cause very sickly from May unto November, a barren soil, and destitute of many things: for there groweth nothing but Millet, and very little, though there be good Pastures for Kine, and breeding of Cattle. The government of Veragua stands in the bounds of this Counsel, and in it, and in that of Panama these Towns following. Panama. The City of Panama is in the coast of the South Sea, near unto it, in 9 degrees of latitude, and 82. of longitude from the Meridian of Toledo, from whence it is distant by direct way one thousand five hundred and sixty leagues. It is a Town of six hundred households, the most are Merchants and dealers. And with the Counsel are resident the King's Officers, and Royal treasury, which do go already to portobelo, when there is any Fleet to the dispatching of it, and likewise the Cathedral suffragan to the archbishopric of the Kings (delos res) is here resident with three Monasteries, of Dominicke, Franciscane and Merced Friars. The Port of this City is reasonable, although at low water the Ships remain dry, and therefore in Summer they ride in the strand, and in winter in the haven of Perico, two leagues from the city. Pedrarias Davila peopled it, being Governor of Castillo, del Oro, or of the Gold, against the will of the dwellers of Sancta Marie, the ancient of Darien, the year 1519. and a little after the Cathedral Church was removed thither; and it might have had a better seat, and more wholesome, and to the purpose for the traffic of the South Sea, not going very far from whence the City now stands. The City of Nombre de Dios, was by james of Nicuesa first planted 1510. and afterward by james of Albitez, by order of Pedrarias, and he was the first Admiral that discovered her port. It is removed to Portobelo, for the first Admiral discovered it, and gave the name, because it was more wholesomer, and fitter for the loading and unloading of the Fleets, and for their security, Portebello. and of the new City of Saint Philip, which is built there: the Engineer Baptista Antonelli, hath made a Castle, and appointed another on the other side the haven, for to keep the entry. The Merchandise are carried from Portobelo to Panama by two ways, one by Land with carriage, which is eighteen leagues of less difficulty then by the way of Nombre de Dios: the other by Sea, and the River of Chagre, whose mouth is eighteen leagues from Portobelo, to the West, whereby the Merchandise go up when the water reacheth to the vent of the Crosses, and from thence they go in carriages five leagues to Panama. The Village of Nata stands thirty leagues from Panama to the West, Saint james of Nata. in the Coast of the South Sea, Captain Franciscus Companion peopled it, by order of Peter Arias, for the war with the Casique Vrraca. The inhabiting of Acla, and Captain Gabriel of Roias' finished by commandment of Peter Arias, in the Coast of the North Sea, and entrance of the Gulf of Vraba, Acla. right against the Island of Pinos, whereof at this present there is no more memory then that there was the death of that famous Captain, whose memory will last eternally, the Precedent Bas●● Nunnez of Balnoa, and of his company. In the breach of Almagro, and in the head of the River Chiepo, there is Gold, and in times past was much gotten. In all these Rivers are many Lizards or Crockadiles, and very great, which put the first discoverers and pacifiers to great trouble, and did devour some men. A strange case of a Lizard. It happened that a man being in a Boat near to the King's House in Panama, a Lizard came and snatched him from the Stern of the Boat, and carried him away to eat him on certain Rocks, and having begun to tear him in pieces, they shot at him with a Caliver and killed the Lizard, so that he before his death received the Sacraments of the Church. The Province of Veragua, which stands in somewhat more than ten degrees, Veragua. doth confine with Costarica, on the West side: it hath in length East and West fifty leagues, and in breadth five and twenty: a Mountainous Country, full of bushes, without Pastures or Cattle, Wheat, Barley, little Millet or little Pulse; but full of Gold with many veins of it, and rich Mines in the Rivers, and breaches, and those Indians that are, are in war: it hath the City of the Conception forty leagues from Nombre de Dios, to the West, where the Governor and the Officers (which they of Panama at this present do provide) are resident. The Conception. The Trinity. The Village of Trinity stands six leagues to the East of the Conception by Sea (for ye cannot go by Land) near to the River of Bethleem, at three leagues from the Sea. The City of Sancta Fe stands twelve leagues from the Conception to the South, * Holy Faith. Charles. with melting houses, and Deputy Officers. The City of Charles, in the coast of the South Sea, near to the Sea, fifty leagues from the City of Sancta Fe, to the East: all the Indians of this government are in war. There is no Port of name in the two Coasts South, and North, of this government, The Ports. and in all the bounds of the Counsel, are the Rivers, Ports, and points following. The Bay of Carabaco, or of Saint Hierome, in the coast of the North Sea, and the confines of Veragua, and to the East of it, and of the River of the Trinity, of the Conception, and of Bethlehem (where was the first inhabiting that the first Admiral made in Terra firm, of all that Orb, in the year 1503. which continued not: and right against the Shield, an Island, and the River of Chagre, El Escudo. and more to the East a league the Portete, to the place where the Admiral came discovering the same year, and the Ports of a Or Locusts. Langostas' twelve leagues from Nombre de Dios, to the West, and the Port de Gallinas or of Hens nine degrees, and the Port of Bonaventure six, Portobelo five, and right against it the Lands of the b Las Miras. Looking, and those of the Provisions or Bastimentoes: and having Nombre de Dios two leagues, the River of c Or Little Pilcherd. Sardinilla, and the Island of d Or Pilchard. Sardina, four; and the River of Millet or Mayz, and the River of Snakes, or Culebras, eight; and at the entry of the Gulf of Vraba, where in the year 1509. the Bachiller Enciso built the City of Sancta Marie of Darien. This Bachiller Enciso was he that published that in the Province which was called Castilia del Oro, there were places where the gold was fished with nets, which encouraged many people to go to the Indies, which passed in the year 1514. with Peter Arias Danila: and the Precedent Basco Nunnez of Balboa, went 1513. from the Darien in demand of the South Sea, and discovered it. The Point of the Island of Captiva, stands right against the Mountains of Saint Blas, and the Island of Comagre, and the Island of Pinos, more within the Gulf of Vraba, and in the inward Port of it, the Port of Nilcos', near to the mouth of the River of Darien, which divideth the bounds of this Counsel, and those of the Government of Cartagena, and there is Culata de Vraba, where in the year 1510. Alonso of Oieda inhabited Saint Sebastian of Vraba. This Gulf stands in 8. degrees, it hath fourteen leagues of longitude into the Lands, and in the entry it hath six in breadth, and a little forward fifty, and at the end four, and five leagues within was the City of Sancta Marie, the ancient of Darien. In the South Sea stands the Cape of Sancta Marie, and point (the Guerra) of War, and toward Panama, the Gulf of Parita, or Paris where stands Nata, the point of Chiame, the Country of that Cazique Chiapes, the friend of Basco Nunnez of Balboa, which holp him in his discovery: and passed the Port of Panama, the River of Chepo, and the Balsa, or of Congos in the inner part of the Gulf of Saint Michael, North and South from the Island of Pearls, and the Point or Port of Pinyas, at the entry of the Gulf on the South side, which is fifty leagues from Panama, and twenty overthwart to the Gulf of Vraba, and Puerto Quemado, or Burnt Haven, near to the Cape of Corrientes, in 5. degrees of altitude Septentrional. Chap. 16. The limits of the Counsel of Sancta Fe of Bogota: which is the new Kingdom of Granada. THe bounds of the Counsel of the New Kingdom hath in length East and West, three hundred leagues, and as many North and South, wherein are comprehended the Provinces of the New Kingdom, the governments of Sancta Martha, and Cartagena, and part of that of Popayan; & for borders the Provinces of the Dorado, or new Stremadura: the Province of New Kingdom, which is that which the Counsel governeth: it hath in length from East to West fourteen leagues, and eighty in breadth North and South of plain ground, for the most part with Valleys and hills, and good Pastures for all sort of Cattle, which are in abundance, and in many places, Wheat, Miller, and the fruits of Castille, and generally much Gold and very fine, and Mines of Copper & Steel: and the Country men for the most part are able men, great traffickers, and do wear Cotten cloth. And the Towns that be in the Kingdom of Spaniards, are the City of * Holy Faith. Sancta Fe of Bogota, which was built at the foot of Bogota, so called by the Cazique which was called Bogota, which the Precedent Gonçalo Ximenez of Quesada built, and gave the name to the City and to the Kingdom, because he was of Granada, though in the discovery the Precedent Belalcazar, and Nicholas Federman had part: it stands 72. degrees and a half of longitude from the Meridian of Toledo, which by a greater circle may be one thousand four hundred and forty leagues, and 4. degrees on this side of the Equinoctial, it hath more than six hundred households, in it is resident the Counsel, the King's Officers and Royal treasury, and Melting house, the Cathedral Metropolitan, whose suffragans are, Popayan, Cartagena and Sancta Marta, with a Monastery of Dominicke and another of Franciscane Friars, and in her borders more than fifty thousand tributary Indians and the Lake of Guatavita, Lake of Guatavita. which was a worshipping place of the Indians, where it is reported that they did cast great sums of Gold in offering to the Idols. The Village of Saint Michael in the bounds of Sancta Fe, twelve leagues from it to the North, was built for traffic with the Pauche Indians, Saint Michael. because being of a hot Country it did them hurt to go to Sancta Fe, which is cold. The City of Tocayma fifteen leagues from Sancta Fe, to the West, Tocayma. somewhat inclined to the North, with a Monastery of Dominicke Friars, was inhabited the year 1545. by the Captain Hernando Vanegas, in the border of the main River Pati, which runneth into the River Magdalene. It hath no gold, and is most hot, and by night there falleth no Dew in it. In all the Kingdom there is no general tongue, that which is most understood, is that of the Pauches. In the Province of the Musoes, and Colimas', which by another name are called Canupeis, five and twenty leagues in length, to the Northwest of Bogota, a rough Country, sound, plentiful of Pastures, Gold, and Emeralds: there are two Towns; the City of the Trinity twenty leagues from Sancta Fe, The Trinity. to the Northwest, which the Captain Lanchero inhabited the year 1582. when he went to war with the Indians * Or Flies. Moscas, a quick and fearful Nation: and in these bounds stands the rich Mine of the Emeralds, with many Indians which yet are peaceable, and in the Province of Chiagnachi, which signifieth Snails, for there be many. The Village of Palma in the Colimas', of a temper hotter than cold, fifteen leagues from Sancta Fe to the Northwest, The Palma. the Captain Don Gutierre of Oualle built it 1572. in the Province of Tunia, which took the name of the Cazique, almost to the North, direct to that of Bogota, and in all like unto it: Tunia. The City of Tunia stands two and twenty leagues from Sancta Fe, to the North-east, on a high hill, a strong situation, for the war with the Indians. There go out of this City above two hundred Horsemen, and it is the most abundant of Victuals of all the Borders, and there is the greatest Market in all the Realm: it hath one Monastery of Dominicke, another of Franciscane Friars. The Captain Gonçalo Xuarez Rondon built it, for the Precedent Gonzalo Ximenez of Pulsada. Pamplona. The City of Pamplona seventy leagues from Sancta Fe to the North-east, hath one Monastery of Dominick Friars; much Gold is gotten in it, it hath abundance of Cattle: the Bachiller Michael Diaz of Armendariz peopled it. The Village of Saint Christopher is thirteen leagues from Pamplona to the North, the Captain Franciscus of Caceres built it near the Province of * Or Crying. Grita, so called because the Indians came out of the high ways to shout and cry after the Spaniards, and to kill them: little Gold is gotten in it, and it hath commodity, for to breed Cattle. Merida. The City of Merida, in the bounds of the government of Veneçuela, and the New Kingdom, forty leagues from Pamplona to the North-east: it is a plentiful Country of Mines of Gould, and of Wheat. The City of Belez thirty leagues from Sancta Fe to the North, and fifteen from Tunia, hath one Monastery of Franciscane Friars: Belez. the Captain Goncalo Ximenez Roudou inhabited it. It is a Country where many thunderboults fell, and there fall not so many since the holy Sacrament of the Altar is there abiding: Thunderbolts. it hath one fiery mouth that casteth many stones. The City of Mariquita of Ybague, by another name Saint Sebastian of the Gould, Mariquita. is forty leagues from Sancta Fe to the Northwest, the Captain Pedroso peopled it 1551. in certain Meadows, leaning to the hill, the temper is very hot. Ybague. The City of Ybague is three hundred leagues from Sancta Fe, almost to the West: it is the first Town of the New Realm, that doth confine with Popayan, the Captain Andrew Lopez of Galarza peopled it 1551. by commission of the Counsel, for to eschew the harms these Indians did with those of Tocayma, and Cartago, and for to open the way to the government of Popayan, it hath a Monastery of Dominicke Frier. The City of the Victory of the Remedies, fifty leagues from Sancta Fe, to the Northwest, Victory de los Remedios. Saint john of the Plains. is very rich of Mines. The City of Saint john of the Plains, fifty leagues from Sancta Fe to the South, is a Country of much Gould. The City of Tudela which the Captain Peter of Vrsua built, by order of the Bachiller Don Michael Diuz of Armendariz was disinhabited, because the Indians * Or Flies. Moxcas received hurt by it. And there are of the limits of the Counsel of the new Realm, seven Towns of the government of Popayan, Sancta Fe of Antiochia, Caramanta, Arma, Anzerma, Cartago, Saint Sebastian of the Silver, and Saint Vincent de las Pazes. The Merchandise enters this Kingdom, by the great River of Magdalene, from the * Or Watercourse. Rio Grande or Magd●len River. Baranca of Malamba, of the jurisdiction of Cartagena, and the first that sent to discover this River, was Garcia of Lerma, Governor of Sancta Martha 1531. It entereth into the Sea so broad and strong, that at the passing, the Ships are wont to be in danger, if they go not somewhat distant, for the combat of the current, and working of the Sea. It hath an Island in the mouth, it is navigated more than one hundred and fifty leagues, and in more than three hundred it is not waded: it cometh from above Popayan from two Fountains that are forty leagues distant, by which joining the River is made: it was called of Magdalene, because on that day was the mouth discovered, in 12. degrees of height, and six and twenty leagues from Cartagena. The Province and Government of Sancta Martha in the coast of Terra firm is seventy leagues in breadth and length, between Carthagena and the River of Hache: Sancta Martha. it is a plentiful Country of Millet, and Potatoes, much Gould, and Copper, and some Emeralds, and other Stones: in it are five Spanish Towns; and though there be many of the Countrymen, the most are in war. The Precedent Bastidas peopled the City of Sancta Martha 1525. near to the Sea, in 10. degrees of latitude, and 74. of longitude, one thousand four hundred and twenty leagues from Toledo, where is resident the Governor, and Officers Royal, and the Cathedral suffragan to the New Kingdom. The Port is reasonable. This Government hath four Provinces, Pozignay, Betona, Chimica, and Tayrona, which signifieth a Forge, and with great reason, because in that Country are an infinite quantity of diversity of Metals, and Stones of great esteem and value. Tenerife stands by the border of Rio Grande or the great River (which is that of Magdalene) forty leagues from Sancta Martha to the South-west, part by the Sea, and part by Land: Tenerife. Franciscus Euriques did people it, by order of Gonçalo Perez which governed in Sancta Martha, Tamalameque. by Commission of the Precedent Lugo. Tamalameque, or Village of the Palms is sixty five leagues from Sancta Martha to the South, and twenty from Tenerife, two leagues from the Great River: the Captain Bartholomew Dalva peopled it 1561. The City of los Reyes in the Valley of Vpari, The Kings. is plentiful of Millet, Provision, and Cattle, and of much Copper, to the Southeast of Sancta Martha, fifty leagues from it, and thirty from the River of Hache: the Captain Sanct Anne peopled it, by commandment of the Bachelor Michael Diuz, a Sancta Ramada La Ramada was built before, called first new Salamanca, forty leagues from Sancta Martha to the East, and eight from the River of Plate, at the overflowings of the Snowy Mountain. It stands in the Valley of Vpani, where there is as much Copper as Stone. The Merchandise of this Government goeth up to the New Kingdom by the marsh of this City, which is eight leagues from it by the Sea, and afterward twelve unto the Barranca of Malambo, in the great River. Ocanna is also in this Government, Ocan●a. which the Captain Franciscus Hernandez inhabited 1572. and was first called Sancte Anne. There is in the Coast of this Government the River of Buhia, near Ramada, and the River of Piras, and that of b Or Young Pigeon. Palomino, where a Captain of this name was drowned, and the River of Don james, the c Or Nooks. Ancones of Buritaca, and the Cape of d Or the Needle. Cartagena. Aguia near Sancta Martha, right against the hill of Bonda, and the River of Gayra, to the West. The Province and Government of Cartagena, in the Coast of Terra firm, and the North Sea, hath in length East and West, from the River of the Magdalene, unto the River of Darien, eighty leagues North and South, and as many unto the confines of the New Kingdom, though men say it is more in Voyage. The Country is Mountainous of Hills and Valleys, of high Trees, rainy and moist: the seeds of Castille bear no seed, there is no Wheat, nor Gould, but in some places. There is much resin made in some Mountains of this Government, and Gums arromaticke, and other liquors which they get out of the Trees, and great quantity of Sanguis Draconis, and a very fragrant balm of great virtues. City of Cartagena. The City of Carthagena Lands near the Sea, two leagues from the Point of Canoa, to the West, in ten degrees of latitude, and seventy six of longitude, one thousand four hundred and sixty leagues from Toledo, of more than five hundred households, among them above two thousand women. In it is resident the Governor, the King's Officers, & treasury Royal, and the Cathedral suffragan to the New Realm, with Monasteries of Dominick and Franciscan Friars. The situation is plain, and almost like an Island, the Sea compasseth it on the North side, & it is a rough coast, and very shallow; and on the land side it hath an arm of the Sea which reacheth to a Marish, which is the Lake of Canapote, which ebbeth & floweth after the order of the Sea, & at the same hour, and they pass from the City to Terra firm, by a Bridge and a manner of a Causey, which hath about two hundred and fifty paces. The City is built on Sand, & within two fathoms they find fresh water, though sometimes it is unwholesome, not so much as the coast of Nombre de Dios; for the airs in respect of the Marish are wont to cause diseases, but for the most part it is wholesome. The Haven is one of the least of the Indies, though the great Ships do ride far from the City. It hath at the entry an Island like that of Escombrera in Cartagena of Castille, whereby they called it Cartagena, and the Island was called Codego, now they call it Caxes, it hath two leagues in length, & little more than half a league in breadth: it was wont to be inhabited with Indian Fishers, & it hath no water. The first that saw Carthagena, in the year 1502. was Roderick Bastidas, & the year 1504 juan de la Cosa or john of the Thing went a shore, and found Lewes Guerra, and they were the first that began the war with the Indians, which were proud and bold, and both men and women fought, Amazonian women. with venomed arrows. Afterward returned Alonso of Oieda▪ with john of the Thing for Pilot Maior, & Americo Vespucio for Mariner, & some years after Gregory of Obiedo took upon him to inhabit Cartagena, & performed it not. The year 1532. went Don Pedro of Eredia born in Madrid, and inhabited it, and pacified a great part of the Country, though with labour and cunning, because the people were very warlike, and there was a woman that before they could take her, being about eighteen years old, Valiant Virago. slew with her Bow eight Spaniards. The Village of Saint james of Tolu, is six leagues from the Sea to the South-west of Cartagena two leagues from it, Saint james of Tolu. part by Sea (for by Land it cannot be gone) and part by the Marshes and Mountains. It is a sound Country, of great breed, and tillage, and fruits of Castille: the Precedent Don Peter of Heredia peopled it. The Village of Marie. The Village of Marie thirty two leagues from Cartagena, to the South, is also the inhabiting of Don Peter of Heredia, in the year 1534. The Village of * Holy Crosse. Sancta Cruz of Mopox is seventy leagues from Cartagena by the Sea and River of Magdalene, near whose border it stands, & whereby they go about more then half the way, it is not sound being among Quagmires. A Captain of Don Peter of Heredia peopled it 1535. The year of 1509. the Bachiller Eusico (as hath been said) inhabited Sancta Marie, the ancient of the Darien, which is in this Government, Saint Sebastian. forsaking the Village of Saint Sebastian of Bona vista, which the same Captain Alonso de Oieda had inhabited, in the furthest place of Vraba: & afterward the Captain Alonso of Heredia inhabited Saint Sebastian again, for the Precedent his Brother, in certain little hills, almost half a league from the Sea. And in the year 1537. the Bachiller john of Vadillo went out of Saint Sebastian with a good number of Soldiers, and passing many troubles, & most rough Mountains, & thick woods, came to the City of Antioquia, of the government of Popayan, & there was a Soldier that from thence came to the City of the Plate, in the Charcas, which is 1200. leag. The * Or Watercourse. Barranca of Malambo, which is a Custom house of the jurisdiction of Cartagena, thirty leagues from it, The Barranca. on the border of the great River, and twenty from Sancta Martha, & six from the Sea, where the Merchandise that are carried by Land to the New Realm are unloaden, & from the Barranca are carried up by the River in Canoes. Lower then Nopox entereth the River of Cauca into the River of Magdalene, which also springeth about Popayan: & more toward Cartagena and to the West, standeth the Knobbe, and the point of Zamba, and Butrio del gato or Arbolera, and the seven Cottages, and the point of the Canowe, two leagues from Cartagena, and the point of Ycacoes at the entry of the port, right against the Island of Carex, and the point of the Ship in Terra firm; at the other lesser entry of the port, and almost to the North, is a little Island which is called Sardina, and in the coast of Tolu the Lands of Baru, which are six, and at the entry of the Gulf of Vraba the six, which are called of Saint Bernard, right against the River Zenu: and more within the Gulf, the strong Island, and the Tortoise. The port of Zenu stands five and twenty leagues from Cartagena, it is a great Bay that hath his entrance by the East, it is secure: here they make store of Salt, and it took the name of the Town Zenu, which standeth on the River. El Darad●. Guiana. In the Provinces of the Darade, or new Estremadura (which circuit pertains to the bounds of the Counsel of the New Realm) many Captains have entered by Sea, and by sundry parts of the Land, and have never found the riches, which the same promiseth. They fall on the other side of the River of Saint john of Amazons, by another name Orellana (which some erroneously will have to be the Meranyon) and here is the Orinico, and other great Rivers, and the Gulf of Paria which maketh the firm land, with the Land of the Trinity, & the mouths of the Serpent, & the Dragon, which the first Admiral named, where he saw himself in great danger, for the conflict which the fresh waters make there with the salt, whereof he had yet no notice, Great Tides. and here beginneth the flowing of the Sea to be very great, unto the straight of Magellan, and goeth continuing through all the coast of Piru, and New Spain. The Provinces of Piru (whose name hath extended itself more than it was at the beginning) include all the Empire of the Ingas, or more; Piru, or Peru. for when it was won it was divided in two governments, that of Don Franciscus Piçarro, called the New Castille, from the Quito unto the Cuzco, sixty leagues below the Chincha: and that of Don james of Almagro, called the New Toledo, two hundred leagues toward the Straight from Chincha; which governments were distinct until the Council de los Reyes was established, and a Viceroy provided for the Kingdoms of Piru, in whose government are included, the Council of Saint Francis of the Quito, that of Luna (or de los Reyes of the Kings) that of the Charcas, the government of Chile, & countries of the straits, the Lands of Solomon to the West, and for borders the Provinces of the River of Plate, and that which determinately is comprehended under the government of the Viceroy. It hath in length North and South from two thousand leagues upward, and East and West, that which is discovered from the South Sea to the North Sea. The two Rows that have been spoken of, The two Rows of the Indies of the South. do pass through all the Provinces of Piru North and South, that of the Andes from Popayan, and yet many will have, that from Terra firm and New Spain, till it ends in the * Of Magellan. Straight, and the other less, from the Quito unto Chile, along the coast, twelve leagues distant, little more or less. The two ways passed between these two Mountains, The two great ways of Piru. the one which they called of the Ingas, by the Andes from Pasto unto Chile, which hath nine hundred leagues in length, and five and twenty foot of Cawsie, and every four leagues very sumptuous houses, which they call Tambos, where was provision of victuals and apparel, and every half league men that were in posts for to carry messages, and orders from hand to hand. The other way went through the midst of the Plains, along the coast of five and twenty foot broad, Posts. between two walls of a man's height, from Piura unto Chile, where both the ways met. And it is to be noted, that all the Indies of the South are not to be understood by Piru, for as hath been said, Piru is not all the Indies of the South. it is not but that which beginneth from Saint Francis of Quito, which is under the Equinoctial Line, and runneth along unto Chile, going out of the Tropics, which may be six hundred leagues, and fifty in breadth, though toward the Chachapoyas there is more, and it is divided in three parts: The Plains, which have about ten leagues in breadth, and in parts less, Los Llanos. Las Sierras. they are the coast of the Sea: The Hills, which have about twenty, and is all Hills and some Valleys: and the Andes other twenty, which are most thick Groves and Woods, and in so little space as fifty leagues equally distant from the Line and Pole: there is so great diversity, Diversity of nature. that in the one place almost it raineth always, and in the other almost never, which is the Coast, and in the third which is the Mountains that fall in the midst of these extremes, sometime it raineth, and sometime not, for it hath his Summer and Winter as in Castille: and the causes of not raining in the Coast, and rain in the Andes, are spoken of in the beginning of the History. THe bounds of the Council resident in Quito, Chap. 17. Of the Council of Saint Francis of the Quito. and confining Northward with that of Panama, in the Port of Bonaventura, and on the North-east with the New Realm, and on the South with that of Lama; hath in length by the South coast, which is the place where it lengthens most, about two hundred leagues from the Port of Bonaventure, which is in the Gulf of Panama, or of Saint Michael, the Port of Payta in the coast of Piru, and from thence cross to the uttermost of Popayan, more than other two hundred and fifty, the limits remaining open on the East side: in it is included three Governments, besides those of the Council, which are Popayan, Quixos, la Canela, and that of juan de Salinas, of the Pacamoros, and Gualsango, * Or Cinnamon. divided in two Bishoprics. The Province and Government of Quito, which the Council governeth, hath in length eighty leagues, from near the Equinoctial to the other side, El Quito. and in it these Towns of Spaniards following. The heaven and earth thereof, although it stands under the Equinoctial, is like to that of Castille, clear and fair, rather cold then hot, and in parts where the snow continueth all the year, it raineth from October to March, which they call the winter; and in the other months they cut their Grass, which though it be not long it is fit for the cattle of Castille, Aire and seasons. whereof there is great store; and of Wheat and Barley, and gold in some places: and in this Region they live pleasantly, for there is nothing more pleasant for humane life, then to enjoy a wholesome and clear sky, for they have no Winter to trouble them with cold, nor Summer to molest with heat. The Towns are, the City of Saint Franciscus of Quito, where Athavalpa Emperor of Piru was borne, it stands in half a degree of height from the Equinoctial, Athanalpa or 〈◊〉▪ and eighty two from the Meridian of Toledo, by a greater circled one thousand six hundred eighty six leagues from it, and sixty from the South Sea; it is of five hundred households: In it is resident the Council for matters of justice, for those of the Government are at the Viceroy his charge. There are also in this City the Officers of the King's Rents and treasury Royal, and the Cathedral of this Bishopric, Suffragan to the Archbishop of The Kings (los Reyes) there are three Monasteries of Dominicke, Franciscan, and Mercenary * Friars de lafoy M●r●ed, or our Lady of Grace. Friars: and in her jurisdiction eighty seven Towns, or partialities of Indians. In the situation where this City was built, were certain great lodgings which the King Topayuga built, and his son Guayvacapa beautified, and were called Quito, from whence the City took the name; the Precedent Sebastian of Belalcaçar, a soldier of Don Franciscus Piçarro built it, a loyal man to the King, by order of the Precedent Don james of Almagro, which left him for Governor of the Province when he went unto it, having ended the agreement with the Precedent Don Peter of Aluarado. River Bamba▪ The River Bamba in the Province of the P●r●aes, is a Country to Castille in the temperature, of herbs, flowers, and other things: it is a town of shepherds, it stands five and twenty leagues to the South-west of Saint Francisce of Quito, the way to the Kings, wherein are forty thousand head of cattle, the greatest part sheep. Here the Yugas had certain Royal houses, and here the Precedent Belalcazar had a tedious battle with the Indians, and overcame them, and in this place was the agreement rehearsed of Don james of Almagro and Don Peter of Aluarado, and in it was the City of Quito first built. The city of Cuenca (which the Marquis of Cavyete commanded to be built, being Viceroy of Piru, Cuenca. which by another name is called Bamba, one and fifty leagues from Quito to the South) is a Corregidorship provided of the Viceroy, with one Monastery of Dominicke, another of Franciscan Friars. In her jurisdiction are rich mines of gold, some of silver, and rich mines of quicksilver, Loxa. copper, Iron, and Brimstone. The city of Loxa, otherwise called lafoy Zarça, eighty leagues from the city of Quito toward the South, * Or Briar. and thirty from Cuenca, is a Governourship provided by the Viceroy; it hath Monasteries of Saint Dominicke and of Saint Francis, it stands in the way from Cuzco to Quito, from whence it is eighty leagues, in the fair Valley of Cuxibamba, between two Rivers. Captain Antony of Mercadillo built it in the year 1546. for to pacify the countrymen which were somewhat disordered. Zamora. The city of Zamora, which is called of the Alcaydes, is ninety leagues from Quito South-eastward, having passed the Row of the Andez: it is a Government provided by the Viceroy: it hath a Monastery of Franciscans; they reap no Wheat because the country is very rainy: it hath rich mines of gold, wherein they find grains of four pound weight and more: the Captain Mercadillo peopled it the year 1549. by a covenant with Captain Benavente: It stands twenty leagues from Loxa, having past the Row which divideth the banks of the South Sea from the North, the Indians did call it Zamora: that part of the country is called Poroauca, which signifieth Indians of war: much gold is gotten there, and there hath been grains brought to his Majesty of twelve pound weight, and there are Salt-pits of salt-water. jaen. The city of jaen is five and fifty leagues from Loxa, and thirty from the Chachapoyas; Captain james Palomino built it 1549. in the Provinces of Chuquimayo, in that of Chacaynga. The city of Saint Michael of Piura is in the Province of Chila, Saint Michael of Piura. one hundred and twenty leagues from Quito South-eastward, and five and twenty from the Port of Payta, where the bounds of this Council doth end. It is a Government at the providing of the Viceroy: it hath one Monastery of Mercenaries. Rain a wonder. Though in this country rain is holden for a wonder, there are good watered grounds, that bear good Wheat and Miller, and the seeds and fruits of Castille. The port of Payta stands in the jurisdiction of this City, in five Southern degrees, which is good, great, Payta. and secure, where the ships that go from Guatemala to Piru do touch. The Marquis Don Franciscu● Piçarro built it in the year 1531. the first of these Kingdoms, and where the first Temple was erected in the honour of God, and the holy Mother Church of Rome. All the Province and borders of the Valleys of Tumbez are dry, and the highway of the Ingas passeth through these Valleys of Piura, between trees and pleasant shadows, and between the principal Valley are joined two or three Rivers: Highway admirable. the City was built at the first in Tangazala, from whence it was removed because it was a sickly situation, and now it stands between two Valleys, and yet is somewhat sickly, especially for the eyes, for the great winds and dusts of the Summer, and great moistures of the Winter. The City of Saint james of Guayaquil, by another name las Culata, sixty leagues from Quito, and fifteen from the Sea to the South-west, San jago de Guayaquil. it is a Government provided by the Viceroy: the Precedent Belalcazar peopled it, and many of the Indians having rebelled, and slain many Spaniards, the Captain Franciscus of Orellana peopled it again 1537. it is a most plentiful and pleasant Country, and hath great store of honey in the hollow places of trees: The waters of this River which run almost under the Equinoctial, The Rivers that g●e to the North Sea are greater than those ●hat go to the South S●a. H●w the rivers are passed in Piru. are thought healthful for the French disease, and other s●ch like. Many people went to the River to recover health, for the multitude of the roots of Zarçaparrilla that are in the River: it is not very great, nor those that run to the South Sea are so big as those that run into the North Sea, because they run but a little way; but notwithstanding they are strong and with sudden floods, because they fall from the Mountain. The Indians do use many shi●ts for to pass them; they have in some places a rope over it, and a basket on it, and the passenger being put into it, they pull him from the other side. In other Rivers the Indian goeth riding on a truss or straw, and earneth the passenger behind him: in other places they have a great Net of gourds, upon the which they lay the clothes and the persons, and the Indians fastened with certain cords go swimming and pulling as coach-horses; and a thousand other arts they use for to pass the Rivers. The Port of this City stands near unto it, for the River is very broad, whereby they bring up the merchandise from the Sea, and they go by land to Quito. The year 1568. Captain Contero planted the city of Castro, Castro. in the Valley of Vili, the Licentiate Lope Garcia of Castro being Governor. Vili. Vili is in the Provinces of Bunigando, Imdivono, and Gualapa, which they call the Province of the Emeralds, and he went about it from Guayaquil, and discovered all these Provinces from Passao unto the River of Saint john, which entereth into the South Sea. The City of Puerto Viejo is about eighty leagues from Saint Francis of Quito to the West, * Or old Por●. though not of open way, and other fifty from Saint james of Guayaquil, whereby ye go from Quito: in her borders stands the Passao, which is the first Port of the country of Piru, and from it, and from the River of Saint james, began the government of the Marquis Don Franciscus Piçarro: and because this country is so neighbour to the Equinoctial line, that it stands in one degree; some believe it is unwholesome; but in other parts as near the Line men live with much health, plenty and abundance of all things for the sustenance of man, against the opinion of the ancient: and so it is that the Indians of this country do not live long, and in many of them there breed certain red warts in the foreheads and noses, and other parts, which beside the disease being grievous, it disfigureth them very much, and it is believed that it proceedeth of eating some fish. In these bounds stands the town of Manta, Manta. whither great riches have been brought from within the Land; and it is held for certain, that here is a Mine of Emeralds, which are the best of the Indies, and they grow in a stone like Crystal, and they making like a vein, How the Emeralds do grow. and by little and little congealing and refining themselves, and of half white and half green, they go ripening and recovering their perfection. The Captain Franciscus Pacheco peopled this city 1535. by order of Don james de Almagro: it hath many Indians in war: there is in it a Monastery of Mercenary Friars, they gather no Wheat, for it raineth the eight months in the year from October forward, and there are many good shows of gold. In the coast of this Government are the Ports, Lands, and Points following. Ports & Points of the co●st of this government. The c Or Nook. Aucon of d Or Puc●e. A town 〈◊〉 black Moors. Sardinas, before the Bay of Saint james, which is fifteen leagues from the Point of Manglares to the South, and then the Bay of Saint Matthew, and after the Cape of Saint Francis; and past it Quiximies, four Rivers before Portete, where the black Mo●res that saved themselves of a ship that was cast away, joined with the Indians, and have made a town; the Passao, a Point or Port of Indians, where they say the Equinoctial line passeth, near the Mountain of Queaque, and the Bay of Carta which is before old Port, one degree from the Equinoctial to the South, and five leagues from thence the Cape of Saint Laurence, and near from thence the Island of Plate, and forward the Ports of calo, and Calango, before the Point of Saint Helen, in two degrees hight; the River of Tumbez in four degrees, and the Island of the Puna near unto it, and the Island of Sancta Clara somewhat more to the Sea, and Cabo blanco fifteen leagues from Tumbez to the South, and then the Point of Parina, and to the South the Island of e Or white Cape. Lobos, four leagues from the Port of Payta abovesaid, and la Silla, before the Point del Aguia, and the Port of Tangora. f Or wolves. The men of this country say, The Giant● of the Point of Santa Helena. that in old time there came by Sea in Balsas (which are many pieces of timber fastened one upon another) men so big that had as much from the knee downward, as an ordinary man in all his body, and that they made certain Wells most deep in a quick Rock, which at this day are seen very fresh and cold in the Point of Saint Helen, and that because that they used most abominable sins, fire fell from heaven and consumed them all, and now are found in that situation exceeding great bones of men, and pieces of teeth of fourteen ounces weight, and in New Spain in the bounds of Tlascala, are bones found of the like bigness. There are in this Point of Saint Helen, eyes and vein of Tar, so perfect that they might calk with it, and it cometh out very hot. THe government of Popayan one hundred and twenty leagues North and South, Chap. 18▪ Of Popayan▪ Quixos, Canela, Pacamor●s, and Gualsongo, which are 〈◊〉 rest of the bounds of the Council of Quito. The City of Popayan. from the confines of the Province of Quito, under the Equinoctial unto the confines of Cartagena by the North, and another one hundred from the confines of new Realm by the East unto the South Sea, wherein are some Spanish towns, part of the Council of Quito, and part of the new Realm. The country is commonly rough and very rainy, and therefore they have little Millet, and less Wheat, and no store of cattle, but it is rich of mines of gold, and the Towns are these following. The city of Popayan stands in two degrees and a half to the Septentrional part of the Equinoctial, and 78. and a half of longitude, one thousand five hundred and eighty leagues from Toledo: in it is resident a Lieutenant Governor, the Cathedral, and one Monastery of Mercenary Friars. The Precedent Sebastian of Belalcazar peopled this city 1537. the people of these Provinces are far different from that of Piru, for these are of greater understanding▪ and lived in more policy: the men of this government lived as in liberties. It was called Popayan, of the name of the Cazaque Lord of it: it hath part in the coast of the South Sea, and high Mountains that go Eastward: and on another side the Row of the Andes, and on both sides spring many Rivers, and the River of the Magdalene is one, which runneth into the North Sea: in this government are many cool and wholesome towns, and others hot and sickly. Cali. The City of Cali stands in four degrees, and two and twenty leagues from Popayan, and eight and twenty from the South Sea, it was inhabited 1537. by the Captain Michael Munioz; and Sebastian of Belalcazar made it first in the towns which are called the * Or great Caps. Gorroves; it hath the seat in a plain Valley, leaning to the foot of a Hill, the temper is hot, the Governor, the Officers, and the King's treasure are resident in it; a melting house, a Monastery of Mercenaries, another of Augustine Friars. The Port of Bonaventure falleth in his jurisdiction in three degrees and a half of altitude: in it are some households resident for to receive the merchandise. The Indians of Cali are of a good condition, and good Christians, their old Lord was called Lasup●te▪ The village of Saint Fe of Antiochia, Antiochia. is more than an hundred leagues from Popayan to the north-east, in the borders of the River Cauca, of the bounds of the Council of the New Realm, and Bishopric of Popayan, rich in mines of gold, near to the Hill of Buritaca famous for the much gold that was in it; it is seated in certain Plains. The country people are good folks, well made and white, and the temperature is such that they go to sleep on the houses, without any offence of the dew: they breed much cattle, many fruits, and fish in the Rivers and Plashes: the Captain Gaspar of Rhodes inhabited it by commission of the Precedent Belalcazar, the year 1541. Caramanta. The Village of Caramanta is sixty or seventy leagues from Popayan to the North-east, near to the great River Cauca, of the bounds of the New Realm, government and B●shopricke of Popayan, plentiful of Millet and other seeds, without Wheat, and with little cattle, though they have many Swine, they go by the River in five or six hours to Antiochia, though it be fifty leagues; for it runneth very swift: it is the plantation of the Precedent Belalcazar. The village of Saint james of Arma, Arma. which hath many mines of gold, is fifty leagues from Popayan to the North-east, declining to the East, it is of the Council of the new-Realme, the government and Diocese of Popayan; without Wheat or seeds of Castille, but plentiful of the country seeds. The Precedent Belalcazar inhabited this village, and here he beheaded the Marshal George Robledo. Cannibals. Inhumanity of the Indians of the borders of Arma. It stands sixteen leagues from Ancerma: the people of the country are so butcherly that the quick are the sepulchre of the dead, for it hath been seen the husband to eat the wife, the brother the brother or sister, the son the father, and having fattened any captive, the day that they are to eat him, they bring him forth with many songs, and the Lord commandeth that an Indian do go cutting off every member, and so alive they go eating him, and after the inhabiting of Arma they have eaten more than eight thousand Indians, and some Spaniards have also suffered this martyrdom. Ancerma. The village of Saint Anne of Ancerma is fifty leagues from Popayan to the North-east, in the border of Cauca, of the Council of the new Kingdom, government and Bishopric of Popayan▪ without cattle or Wheat, very much annoyed with thunderbolts: the Captain George Robledo built it by order of Laurence of Aldana. Likewise the men of this country are eaters of humane flesh; they go naked, they have no Idols, nor any thing to worship: there are in this jurisdiction good mines of gold; the climate is hot, and many thunderbolts do fall. The city of Cartago, Cartago. five and twenty leagues from Popayan about the North-east, is of the Council of the New Realm, Government and Bishopric of Popayan, without Wheat or any seeds of Castille: it is a temperate and wholesome country, of little gold, it raineth much, they breed no other cattle but Kine, and Mares: they have many Mountains, in the which breed many Lions, Tigers, Bears, and * Or Buffs. Dantas, and wild Boars: they have a Monastery of Franciscan Friars: the Captain George Robledo inhabited it, and it was called Cartaga, because all the inhabiters were of Cartagena. Timana. The village of Timana is forty leagues from Popayan to the Southeast, and sixty from Santa Fe of Bogota, and thirty from the Provinces of Dorado; here is a Lieutenant of the Governor, which also hath at his charge Saint Sebastian de la Plata: the Indians of their borders do decay, for they are so inhuman that in many places they have public shambles of men which they take captive. Inhumanity of these Indians. Where the Loadstone is found. They have their seat in the beginning of the Valley of Neyva, the temper is most hot: in their bounds is a Mountain where they dig the Loadstone, and the Indian Paezes are near, and the Pixaos, which also are * Or eaters of humane flesh. Buga. Saint Sebastian of the Plate. Caribes. The City of Guadalaiara of Buga, is fifteen leagues from Popayan to the North-east, is of the bounds of the Council of Quito, and Diocese of Popayan. The City of Saint Sebastian of the Plate, in the confines of this Government is thirty five leagues from Popayan, and thirty to the South-west from Santa Fe, Diocese of Popayan, where are many mines of silver, and in her borders twenty four repartitions: it is three leagues from the Port of Onda, in the great River of Magdalen, where those that come up from Cartagena do land: it is built in a Plain, near to the River Guala: there are many Earthquakes, and in Winter it is more hot than cold. The Countrymen go to decay▪ because the c Or Cannibals. Caribes which they call del Rincon do eat them and have public shambles of them, without any remedy for it: and the Precedent Belalcazar built this City. The City of Almaguer is twenty leagues from Popayan to the Southeast; Almaguer. it is plentiful of Wheat and Millet, and other seeds, and cattle, and it hath Gold: the Captain Alonso of Fuenmayor, by order of the Licentiate Brizenyo Governor, and d Hisp. judge of Residencia. judge of Accounts, of Popazan peopled it, being seated in a Hill of Zabana, and the climate is fresh, and the people do wear Cotton-cloth. S. john of Truxillo, Truxillo. and by another name Yscauce is thirty leagues from Popayan to the Southeast. The City of Madrigal, or Chap●nchica, thirty five from Popayan about the South, a rough Country, where they neither reap Wheat, nor breed cattle, though they gather Millet twice a year in their jurisdiction: and for the roughness of the Country, the men are evil to pacify, and in this City, and in the City of Agreda, and Almaguer, are mines of Gold. Agreda, Agreda. and by another name Malga, stands forty five leagues from Popayan to the South-west. The City of Saint john of the Pasture, so called because it is a Country of many Pastures, Saint john de Pastor. it stands fifty leagues from Popayan, about the South-west, and as many from Quito about the North-east, and in one degree from the Equinoctial Diocese of Quito, in a good soil, of a good climate, and plentiful of Millet, and other provisions, with mines of Gold; In her borders are 24000. Indians of fee, which are not Cannibals, but of evil visages, filthy, and simple: Religion. they had no Idols in the time of their Paganism, they believed that after death they should go to live in more joyful places. The River which they call Whoate, is between Pasta, and Popayan, it is of a very delicate water, and passed this River is the Mountain whither Gonçalo Piçarro did follow the Viceroy Blasco Nunyez Vela, and unto the River Augasmayo, which is in this Province came the King Guaynacapa. Beyond the River Caliente or ho● River in a Mountain, is a fiery mouth, that casteth store of smoke, and it broke forth in ancient times, as the Countrymen do say. The Philosophers being willing to declare what these fiery mouths or Aetna's are, do say, What the Aetna's are, and whereof they proceed. that as in the Earth are places that have virtue to attract a vaporie substance, and to convert it into water, whereof the continual springs are made: there are also places that do attract to themselves dry and hot exhalations, which are converted into fire and smoke, and with the force of them they cast also another gross substance which is dissolved into ashes, or into stones, and these are the fiery mouths. Saint john de Pasto hath Monasteries of Dominicke, Franciscan, and Mercenary Friars: it is a cold Country, with abundance of victuals, it hath Sugar Mils, and many Fruits of the Country and of Castille: when the Captain Laurence of Aldona built it, he called it e Or the rank Village of Pasture. Villa viciosa de Pasto, it stands forty leagues from the South Sea, towards the Island Gorgova. There hath been disinhabited, or diminished in this Province, the City of Antiochia, the Village of Neyva in the Valley of Neyva, twenty leagues from Tumana, Neyva. and it was through the rigour of the Indian Paezes, and Pixaos, and for the Manipos, in the Valley of Saldavya, and the City of Saint Vincent of the Paezes, sixty leagues from Saint john of the Plains, Saint Vincent. in the confines of Popayan, which Domingos Lozano built, and the City of los Angeles, The Angels. twenty two leagues from Tocayma, and nine from Neyva. There is in the Coast which this government extendeth on the South Sea, from the Cape of Corrientes, Rivers, Capes, and Points of the Coast of this government. that stands in five degrees Septentrional from the Line, the River of Solinas, between the Cape of Corrientes and the Island of the Palms in four degrees one third part, and in the Coast that lieth unto Gorgova, the River of Saint john among many other which make the Country boggy, and right against the mouth, the Island of Gorgova, two leagues compass, where Don Franciscus Piçarro was forsaken of all his men, with his thirteen companions. The River of Saint Lucar, and the River of Nicardo, before the River of f Or Cedars. Zedros', in two degrees from the Line, in which stands the I'll deal Gallo, and after the Port of the Cross, and the point of Manglares, where beginneth the Coast of Quito. Of the government of the Quixos, and Canela, there is no more notice, but that it falls to the East of the Province of Quito, and part of the South, toward the government of john of Salinas; there are in it three Spanish Towns, with a Governor which the Viceroy of Piru provideth, and in spiritual respect it is of the Bishopric of Quito: the Country is rough and Mountainous, without Wheat, and little M●ller, with certain Trees which seem of Cinnamon. The first Town is Baeça, eighteen leagues from Saint Francis of juito, toward the Southeast, where the Governor is Resident: the City of Archidona is twenty leagues beyond Baeça: the City of Auila stands to the North of Archidona. The government and Province of Pacamoros and Gualsango, 〈◊〉 Gualsongo▪ or of john of Salinas whose bounds and limits are one hundred leagues, which were assigned him to the East, from twenty leagues before the City of Zamora, in the Row of the Andes, and as many more North and South. It is a good Country in temper and disposition for Wheat, seeds, and cattle, of rich mines of Gold where they have pieces of great bigness: there are in it four Towns of the Bishopric of Quito, for the Captain john of Salinas did build them. The City of Valladolid is in seven degrees height, twenty leagues from Loxa to the Southeast, having past the Row of Piru, the City of Loyola, or Cumbruania is sixteen leagues to the East from Valladolid: the City of Saint james of the Mountains, fifty leagues from Loyola, toward the East, and in her borders much gold, and very high in touch, and as touching the gold we need not entreat of his excellencies, being holden for the Supreme power in the World. In how many sorts the gold is gotten out in Piru, and other places. It is gotten in these mines in three manners: The first is in Pippens, which are whole pieces without mixture of any other Metal, that need not to be purified by fire, and these grains commonly are like a Pompion Seed, and sometimes bigger: of this gold is found but little, in respect of the rest. The second sort is in stone, which is a vain that groweth in the stone itself, and these stones are found in the government of john of Salinas very great, all passed through with gold, and some which are half Gold, the which is found in Pits and mines, and it is hard to work. The third, is gotten in powder, and is the greatest quantity, and this is found in Rivers, or in places where some stream of water hath passed, and the Rivers of these Indies have many, especially in the Kingdoms of Chile, Quito, New Realm of Granada, and in the beginning of the Discoveries, there were many in the Barlevento. Weather Lands. The highest in touch is that of Carabaya in the Piru, and that of Valdivia in Chile, for it reacheth to twenty three Charracts and an half, and yet it passeth. THat which is called Piru, is proper and particularly the bounds of the Council of los Reyes, and is comprehended North and South, Chap. 19 Of the bounds of the Council or Audience of The Kings, or los Reyes. from six unto seven Southern degrees of altitude, which are two hundred and twenty leagues, though in Voyage they put three hundred from the point del Aguia, beyond Payta, whereby it joineth with the Council of Quito, till passing the City and Port of Arequipa, where beginneth the Council of the Charcas, East and West. The inhabited part of this Council hath about one hundred leagues from the Coast of the South Sea toward the East, whereby her bounds remain open unto the Provinces of the River of Plate, and of Brasill, Mountain's cause that it raineth not in the Plains of Piru. that which is from the Row, where, as hath been said, it raineth continually, unto the Sea, they call the Plains of Piru, in the which it neither raineth nor thundereth, because the great height of the Mountain doth shelter the Plains in such sort, that it permitteth no wind from the Earth to blow, whereby the Sea wind reigneth, which having no contrary doth not repress the vapours that do arise to make rain, in sort that the shelter of the Hill hindereth the thickening of the vapours: and this want of matter causeth that in that Coast the vapours are so thin, that they make no more than a moist or dankish mist, which is profitable for their sowings, which have not without the h Some are of opinion that all plants and trees are nourished by vapours: yea that the vapours of the blood nourish living Creatures. So Gen. 2. a mist in Paradise, etc. The Sun as Head of the World, the Hart as Sun in the Body, causeth nourishment by vapours. mist so much virtue, be they never so much watered. The Country is all sandy grounds, except the Valleys which are made by courses of the Rivers, that descend from the Mountain, where much Corn is gathered by the waterings, Wine, Oil, Sugar, and the other Seeds, and Fruits, of Castille, and of the Country. In the skirts and hills sides of the Mountain, are great Pastures and breed of cattle, and the temper variable, and as would be desired; for the height is cold, and the low hot, and the middlemost partakers of the extremes, as they are more or less near them. The government of this Council, and of Quito, and of the Charcas, is in the charge of the Viceroy, and there are the Towns following in the circuit of this Council. The City of the Kings (or of Lima, because the Valley is so called, which was the name of the Cazique, and it is the greatest and broadest Valley, of all those that are from Tumbez unto it) stands near the South Sea, in twelve degrees of Southern altitude, and eighty two from the Meridian of Toledo, distant from it about one thousand eight hundred and twenty leagues by a greater circle: it hath above three thousand households: the Marquis Don Franciscus Piçarro built it, in the beginning of the year 1533. because suspecting that the Precedent Don Peter of Aluarado would come down to the Sea coast, when he went with an Host from Guatemala meanwhile that Don james of Aluarado went to resist him to the Provinces of Quito, he went to intercept him the passages of the Sea. Near this city, on the East side, passeth a River from whence all the houses do take water, and their gardens, wherein are excellent fruits of Castille and of the Country, and it is one of the best Climates of the World, seeing there is neither famine nor pestilence; nor doth it rain or thunder, nor fall there any thunderbolts or lightnings, but the Heaven is always clear and very fair. In this City is resident the Viceroy, the Royal Council, an assembly of chief justices, the Officers of the King's Rents, The City of The Kings, or los Reyes. and treasury Royal, the Tribunal of the holy and general Inquisition, which was founded when the Inquisition of New Spain was. The Inquisitor general in these Kingdoms was then the Cardinal Don james of Espinosa Bishop of Siguença, it having proceeded with mature deliberation, for the augmenting of our holy Catholic Faith, and Christian Religion. There is also in this City an University, where very learnedly the Sciences are read, Such holiness of faith, such means to establish it, force gluing lips and Lettuce together, as Acosta complaineth. University and Jesuits. Sea cooleth. and Schools of diverse languages of the Indians, in the which the Fathers of the Company of jesus are very diligent, to reap fruit in the preaching of the Gospel. In this City is the Archepiscopall resident, whose Suffragans are the Bishops of Chile, Charcas, Cuzco, Quito, Panama, Nicaragua, and the River of Plate. There are three Parishes, and five Monasteries of the four Orders, and of the Company of jesus, and two of Nuns. Callao which is her Port, is two leagues from it, great, capable, and very good, where are store of houses, one of justice, a custom House, one Church, and one Monastery of Dominicke Friars: here hath been seen the Wine and the Water set to cool in the Sea in flagons, whence it is inferred that the Ocean hath the virtue to temper and refresh the overmuch heat. Many do affirm that in this City are twelve thousand Women of all Nations, and twenty thousand black- Moors. Women and Negroes. Arnedo. The Village of Arnedo in the Valley of Chancai, is ten leagues from The Kings, and half a league from the Sea, with a Monastery of Dominicke Friars, rich of Vines: the Earl of Nieva built it. The Village of the * Or Gridir●ni Parrilla, or Santa, is by the Valley where it stands, fifty five leagues from The Kings, and fifteen from Truxillo near the Sea, near to a great and fair River, with a good Haven, in nine degrees, where the ships that sail by the coast of Piru do touch. The City of Truxillo is in the Valley of Chimo, which Don james of Almagro plotted first, Truxillo. and afterward the Marks Don Franciscus Piçarro built it in the year 1533. It hath many Vines and fruits of Castille, and Wheat: it is all watered ground, and a wholesome Country, and there be great Orchards of Oranges, and breeding of Poultry. It stands in seven degrees and a half, eighty leagues from Lima near the Sea, with Monasteries of Saint Dominicke, Saint Francis, and Saint Augustine, and another of the Mercenaries, and Officers Royal, provided by the Viceroy: and in her bounds about fifty thousand tributary Indians, in two and forty repartitions. The Port is two leagues off in an open Bay, evil, and of little security. The Village of Miraflores is in the Valley of Zana, ninety five leagues from the City of The Kings to the North side, Miraflores. and near to the Sea. The City of Chachapoyas, or Saint john of the Frontier, is about one hundred and twenty leagues from the City of The Kings to the North-east, Chachapoyas. it hath one Monastery of the Mercenaries, and another of the Franciscans: in her bounds are Wheat, Millet, and Flax, many mines of gold, and more than twenty thousand tributary Indians, which held out valorously a long time against the Ingas, but in the end they were overcome, and for greater quietness of the Country they carried many of them unto Cuzco, and they inhabited in a Hill which is called Carmenga. These are the whitest and best favoured Indians of all the Indies, Fair Indians. and the Women very fair. The Marshal Alfonsus of Aluarado, entered in this Province the year 1536. by order of the Marquis Don Francisco Piçarro, and pacified it, and built the said City in a strong situation called Levanto, and afterward he passed to the Province of the Guancas. The City of Saint james of the Valleys, or Moyobamba, Saint james of the Valleys. more than one hundred leagues from The King's Northeastward, and five and twenty from Saint john of the Frontier, stands in a very rainy soil, and plentiful of cattle. The City of Lion of the Guanuco, Lion of Guanuco. fifty leagues from the City of The Kings to the North, near the highway of the Ingas, somewhat distant towards the East, hath Monasteries of Dominicans, Franciscans, and Mercenaries, and in her bounds thirty thousand tributary Indians, Anno 1539. for the war that the Tyrant Yllotopa made to this Province, the Marquis Don Franciscus Piçarro sent Captain Gomez of Aluarado which built it, and afterward it was disinhabited, and Peter Barroso re-edified it, and after the battle of Chupas the Licentiate Vaca de Castro, sent Captain Pedro de Puelles to make an end of the plantation. It stands in a good and wholesome situation, abundant of victuals and cattle: it hath mines of silver, and the people is of good capacity. They reap much Wheat, for the Indians have learned to be good husbandmen: for as before in these Indies there was no Wheat, nor Barley, nor Millet, nor Panic, nor any seed of the bread of Castille of Europe, and they knew other kinds of Grain and Rootes, only of the which Mayz or Millet was the principal, being found in all the Indies; the Countrymen have since delighted much in it, Qualities of the Millet. and have received it well in those places where it is gathered, because the Mayz is not so strong nor of so much substance as the Wheat: it is fatter, and hot, and engendereth blood, it groweth in Canes, and beareth one or two bunches, and some Spaniards do eat it where they have no other shift. The City of Guamanga, or Saint juan of the Victory, Guamanga. sixty leagues from Lima to the Southeast, in the way of the Ingas, Bishopric of Cuzco, hath Monasteries of Dominicans, Franciscans, and Mercenaries, and one of Nuns, and in her bounds more than thirty thousand tributary Indians: it is plentiful of Wheat and Wine, and rich of silver Mynes. The Marquis Don Franciscus Piçarro built this City 1539. and placed it the first time in a town of Indians called Guamanga, near to the great Row of the Andes, and left for his Lieutenant the Captain Francisco de Cardenyas. Afterward it was removed to the Plain where now it is, near to certain small Hills on the South side, and nigh to a Brook of good water. In this City are the best houses in Piru, of stone and brick; the seat is healthful, without offence of the Sun, the Air, the Dew, or the Moisture, or the Heat. There are found in her borders certain great buildings (which the Indians say certain white men with beards, which came thither before the Ingas, Great buildings. did build) much differing from the building of the Ingas: the most of the Countrymen of this Country are Mitimaes, which is to say, Transplanted, for the Ingas did use for the greater security of the Empire, to take from one Province the people they did not trust, Transplanting as of Egyptians Gen. 42.21. the Israelites, 2. Reg. 17. Jews to Bab. etc. and send them to live in another. Guamanga is sixty leagues from Cuzco, and in the way are the Hills and Plain of Chupas, where Vaca de Castro, and Don james de Almagro the younger did fight; and forward are the buildings of Vilcaf, in the high way in Andabaylas, eleven leagues from Guamanga, which was the centre of the Ingas; and here was the great Temple of the Sun. The Province of the Andabaylas is long and hath much tame cattle, and victuals; Temple of the Sun. from thence they come to the River of Abancay, nine leagues nearer Cuzco, where the Precedent Don james of Almagro the elder overthrew and apprehended Alfonso of Aluarado, General of the Marquis Don Francisco Piçarro. There followeth the River of Apurima, eight leagues from Passado, or the Passage, which is very great; and then the Hill of Vilcaconga, where the said Precedent Almagro over-came a great battle of the Indians, before he won Cuzco, and the Valley of Xaquixaguana is near between two rows of Hills, not broad nor long, where the Precedent Pedro la Gasca, by the virtue of those valiant and faithful Captains Ynojosa, Peter of Va●dibia, Gabriel of Rojas, Alfonsus of Aluarado, and others (of the which in their place shall be made mention particularly) did overthrow Gonçalo Piçarro, and took him: and from this Valley to the City of Cuzco are five leagues: and in this Valley they gather great store of Wheat, and have great store of cattle. Chap. 20. Of that which remaineth of the Council of the Kings. EIght or ten leagues from the City of Guamanga, somewhat Northwestward, are the mines of Guancabelica, which they call El Assiento de Oropesa, where ordinarily are resident more than three hundred Spaniards. The Indians did work in them to take out the red Oaker, to paint themselves when in the time of their Paganism they went to war, which is the Vermilion: and the Licenciate Lope Garciae of Castro, governing in Piru in the year 1566. a Portugal called Henry Garces, considering that of the Vermilion the quicksilver is gotten, went to make a trial, and found it to be so. This metal the Romans carried from Castille in stone, and out of it they got quicksilver, and held it for great riches. The Indians knew it not, nor minded any more than the vermilion. The greatest profit it yieldeth, is to purify the silver from the earth, Led, Profit of quick silver. and Copper, wherewith it groweth: it eateth all the other metals, and pierceth them as the Tin, Iron, and Led, and therefore they carry it in leather, or vessels of earth. Quicksilver serveth also for other effects, and medicinal matters. Spring turning into stone, and k●lling. In this seat of Guania Velica is a spring, that as it springeth it congealeth in a soft stone; of the which they make their houses, and the Men or Beasts that do drink it, die: for within the body it converteth into a stone. In the Baths that are called of Inga near the Cuzco, are two spouts of water the one near the other, Hot and cold Baths. the first is hot, and the second cold, that it seemeth God did place them there for to temper themselves. In the same bounds is a Spring, that as it springeth it becomes good and white salt: Salt spring. Cordilleras or rows divided. Collao. in this place the two great Rows do begin to separate themselves, and make in the midst a great Champain ground, which is called the Province of Collao, where are very many Rivers, and there is the great Lake of Titicaca, and great pasture grounds. Though it be a plain Country, it hath the same height and distemperature of the Hills; it hath no Trees, nor Wood; the bread that is eaten are roots that are called Papas, which grow also in all Piru; it is a healthful Country, and much inhabited, and multiplieth every day; it hath store of cattle of all sorts. The Lake Titicaca. The Lake of Titicaca compasseth eighty leagues, and in some places it hath eighty fathom deep, and in this, and in the waves are raised when there is any wind, so that it seemeth as a Bay of the Sea, from which it stands about sixty leagues, twelve or thirteen Rivers enter into it, and many Brooks, and from it goeth a River into another Lake, which they call the Aulagas, which hath no voiding place, though because some Eyes of water have been seen that under ground go into the Sea, it is judged that it might be the water of these Lakes did go, opening a way through the entrailes of the Earth unto the Sea. Round about the great Lake are many Towns, and in it great Lands, with great Tillage in them, and there were the Indians wont to keep their most precious things for greater security. Cuzco. The great City of Cuzco, Seat Royal of the Ingas, and Head of their Empire (and now of the Kingdoms of Piru, by a Title which it hath of it from the Kings of Castille and Lion) stands in thirteen degrees and a half height, seventy eight of longitude, one hundred and five and twenty leagues from the City of The Kings to the Southeast, of more than one thousand Spanish households; the Marquis Don Franciscu● Piçarro founded it. It hath eight Parishes, and four Monasteries of the four Orders, of Saint Dominicke, Saint Francis, Saint Augustine, the Mercenaries, and the Company of jesus, and one of Nuns. here is resident the Cathedral, Suffragan to the archbishopric of The Kings. There go from this City since the time of the Ingas from the Market place four high ways towards the four parts of the world; Four high ways most admired. one called Chinchasuyo to the North, toward the Plains and Province of Quito: another Condes●yo, to the West toward the Sea: the third called Collaosuyo, to the South and Chile: and the fourth to the East, which they call Andesuyo, which goeth to the Andes and skirts of the Mountain. It stands in a soil of a good temper, moderately fresh and healthful, free from all venomous worms, and plentiful of all things, with a thousand kinds of fruits of Castille, No venomous worms. and smelling herbs and flowers at all times which are of great delight. In her jurisdiction is the Valley of Toyma: there is great traffic of Coca, and shows of Gold, Silver, and Quicksilver; and there may be in her borders about an hundred thousand tributary Indians. In all the parts of these Indies the Indians have a great delight in carrying ordinarily in the mouth Rootes, Boughs, or Herbs, and that which they most use in all Piru, is the Coca, Coca a tree. for as they say, they feel little hunger, and find themselves with great vigour chewing it always, though it rather seemeth a custom inherited, or a vice. This is planted, and groweth to small trees, which are cultivated and cherished, and yield a leaf like myrtle, and dried they carry it in baskets to sell, and much money is gotten by it. In the Valley of Vilcabam●a, stands Saint Francis of the victory in Andesuyo, Saint Francis of the victory. between the Row of the Andes, about twenty leagues from Cuzco to the East side, with a Governor provided by the Viceroy: it is of the Bishopric of Cuzco, in a rough ground, and of great Mountains. The village of Saint john del Oro, Saint john of the Gold. is in the Province of Carabaya eighty leagues from Cuzco to the East Southeast, and thirty to the East from the Lake of Collao, and it is called deal Oro, of the Gold, for the great store that is in her borders. The City of Arequipa is in sixteen degrees somewhat more, one hundred and thirty leagues from the City of The Kings, Arequipa. almost to the Southeast as the Coast runneth, and sixty from the City of Cuzco, of the Bishopric of Cuzco: it hath Monasteries of Dominick●, Franciscans, and Mercenaries; it hath fifty thousand tributary Indians, and is of most pleasant temperature to live in of all places in Piru. They gather in her borders great store of Wine, and Wheat. The Port is at the entry of the River Chile, which passeth near the City where the merchandise is unladen. Arequipa stands in the Valley of Quilca, fourteen leagues from the Sea. In her jurisdiction is the Province of Condesuyo, the Towns of the Hubinas, Gollagu●●, Chiquiguanita, and Quimistaca; the Marquis Don Francisco Piçarro built it 1534. it is very subject to earthquakes as all these Indies, especially the Sea coasts. In the year 1582. there was an earthquake that almost ruinated this City, and since there hath been another, and a breaking out of a fiery mouth, Earthquakes in the Indies very terrible and strange. whereof they tell strange things, in the year 1586. There was another in the City of the Kings the ninth of july, which ran one hundred and seventy leagues in length by the Sea side, and fifty within the Land; it spoiled the City, endangered few people, because they went out into the fields, and a little after the earthquake was past, the Sea went out of her bounds, and entered a great way within the Land fourteen fathom deep. Such another earthquake was in Quito the next year, in the City of la Paz in the year 1581. a great high Rock fell which took under it a great many Indian witch trees, and the earth which fell did run one league and a half. In Chile was another great earthquake that overthrew Mountains and Valleys, stopped the Current of the Rivers, brought the Sea out of her limits the space of some leagues, cast down whole Towns, and slew many men. The Philosophers say that the earthquake proceedeth from the heat of the Sun, and of other celestial Bodies, From whence the earthquakes do proceed. which not only do draw the exhalation to themselves, and the vapour of the superficies of the earth, but that also which is in the bowels of it, which coming out engendereth winds and raynes; and if it happen that the earth is so close that the exhalation cannot come out any way, than it moveth from one part to another through the pores of the earth, with great violence breaking forth, as the powder in a Mine, tearing with such a furious rage, that it ●en●eth the earth where it is, and openeth itself a way with great fury, and so much more furious it is, how much more the exhalation enclosed is greater. The Village of Saint Michael de la Ribera is six leagues from the Sea, Saint Michael of the Riber. in the Valley of Camena, one hundred and thirteen leagues from The Kings, two and twenty from Arequ●pa to the part of the Equinoctial, of the Bishopric of Cuzco. The Village of Valverde in the Valley of Yca, five and thirty leagues from the City of The Kings, ten from the Port of Sangalla, Valverde. is of the jurisdiction of The Kings, and of the archbishopric; her borders are plentiful of Wheat, Millet, and Fruits, and of much Wine. The Village of Cavyete, or of Guarco, by the Valley where it stands▪ is distant from The Kings five and twenty leagues to the South, one league and a half from the Sea: Guarco. her bounds are plentiful of bread the best of this Kingdom, whence is carried great quantity of meal to Terra firm. Before the coming to this Valley, are the Valleys of Chilca▪ and Mala; in the first it never raineth, neither passeth any Fountain nor Brook through it; and they think of the Wells, and it is full of arable grounds, and fruits, which grow only by the dew of the Heaven. Fertility without rain. Pilchards. They catch many Pilchards in the Sea, and with every grain of Millet they put into the hole where it is sown one or two of the heads, and with that moisture i● groweth well. In the Valley of Mala, Don james of Almagro, and Don Franciscu● Piçarro being in quarrel, the father Bovadilla of the Merced or Mercenary Order, as an Arbitrator resolved their differences; through this Valley passeth a great River, which doth them great pleasure. Five leagues forward is the River of Guarco in a Valley most plentiful in all things, where the Countrymen maintained the war four years against the Ingas, and to preserve it they caused to build a City, and called it Cuzco, and erected for the triumph of the victory a great Fortress on a Hill▪ that the waves of the Sea do beat upon the stairs. Six leagues from Guarco is the Valley of Chincha, famous, pleasant, and very plentiful, where a Monastery of Dominicke Friars was built in stead of the Temple of the Sun which the Indians had, with the Monastery of the Virgins. Then followeth the Valley of Yca, which is no less, no● less plentiful, going out of the Valleys, and Rivers of the Nasca, and the principal is called Ca●amalca, where excellent Wines are made. They go from these Valleys to that of Hacari, where stands Ocanna, Camena, Ocanna. and Quilca, which is the Port of the City of Arequipa, and forward are the Valleys o● 〈◊〉▪ and Tambopalla, and the Deylo, and them of Tarapaca, Rivers and plentiful, with good mines of silver, and near the Sea: the Indians of the Lands of The Seals do carry great store of Fowls dung for their grounds, wherewith of a barren, they make a plentiful ground. Ports, Capes, and Points of these Bounds of the Counsel of The Kings. There are in the coast of this Council from the Point del Aguia, of the Needle, where it joineth with that of Quito, in six degrees of Southern altitude, the Lands and Ports following▪ two Lands which they call de Lobos in seven degrees, the one four leagues from the Coast, and the other more to the Sea; and forward another called of Saint Rook to the Southeast, near to Pazcamayo, and forward Puerto de Mal Abrigo, ten leagues before the Port of Truxillo, in seven degrees and a half, and seven leagues from the Port of Guanape▪ and of Sanct● in nine degrees, and five leagues from this to the South, Porte F●rr●l; and six from it that of Ca●ma; and afterward eight leagues the Port of Guarmey at the mouth of a River; and the 〈◊〉 twenty leagues to the South; and the Port of Gaura where is a very great Salt pit; and after this the Island of Lima, at the entry of the Port of Colla●; and twenty leagues to the South the Point of Guarco, and one Island de Lobos Marinos, or Seal fishe● near to it, and the Point of Chica i● fifteen degrees, and near to the Nasca; and forward the Point of Saint Laurence, in the Valley of Quilca, and near the River of Arequipa, and the Creek of Chulien; and afterward the River of Nombre de Dios, where the limits do join by the Coast of the Counsels of The Kings, and of Charcas. Chap. 21. Of the Bounds of the Counsel or Audience of the Plate, or of Charcas. THe bounds of the Counsel of Charcas (which parteth limits with that of The Kings, stands in twenty degrees and a half of Southern altitude, by the River of Nombre d● Dios, and the beginning of the Lake of Collao) hath in length three hundred leagues unto the Valley of Copiapo, beginning of the Province of Chile in eight and twenty degrees of height, though in voyage they are reckoned near four hundred leagues East and West, that which is between of the South Sea unto the North Sea, or South which answereth to the Provinces of the River of Plate, which though it is not altogether discovered, it is understood that by placing all the Country of this Counsel in much altitude, it is more cold than hot. The Government of this Counsel, is at the charge of the Viceroy of Piru, as that of the Counsel of Quito, and of The Kings: there are two Governors, and two Bishoprics, that of Charcas and Tucuman. The Province of the Charcas (which commonly is named that which is from the bounds of the Counsel of The Kings, till they pass Potosi) hath in length North and South about one hundred and fifty leagues, and as many East and West; a Country not very plentiful, though abundant of cattle, especially in C●llao, that is from the Lake of Titicaca unto Charcas, where the Winter and Summer are contrary to Europe: it is a plentiful Country of all cattle, especially of sheep, which are many, and of a very fine wool. In this Province are four Towns of Spaniards of one Bishopric, which are the City of the Plate, which the Captain Peranzures inhabited, in the year 1583. by order of the Marquis Don Franciscus Piçarro. It stands in seventy two degrees of longitude from the Meridian of Toledo, from whence it may be distant by a greater circled one thousand seven hundred and eighty leagues, and in nineteen degrees of latitude, one hundred seventy five leagues from Cuzco to the South, or Antarctic Pole within the Tropics, in the uttermost of the Torrid Zone. There are in the borders of this City in Chacaras (which are manured grounds) eight hundred Spanish households. Heredades de grangerias. It is a Country extreme cold, whereas it should be temperate or hot, according to the height of the Pole it stands in: the Counsel and the Cathedral is resident in this City, and there are Monasteries of Dominicke, Franciscan, Augustine's, and Mercenary Friars, and in her jurisdiction sixty thousand tributary Indians, divided in nine and twenty repartitions, and the seeds of Castille do grow well, and there are many rich mines of silver. Our Lady of the Peace. The City of our Lady of the Peace, by another name the New Town, and Chuquiab●, in the midst of the Collao, one hundred leagues from Cuzco, and eighty from the Plate, hath Monasteries of Franciscans, Augustine's, and Mercenaries, with store of Wines and cattle. Captain Alfonsus of Mendoça built it 1549. when was Precedent the Governor of Piru, the Licenciate Pedro de la Gasca, Chicuito. afterward Bishop of Sig●●●ça. The Province of Chicuito in Collao, somewhat North-east from the Province of Plata, more than an hundred leagues from it, inhabited by Indians, with a Spanish Governor, of the Bishopric of Charcas, and one Monastery of Dominicks, hath much cattle, Oropesa. and it stands at the border of Titicaca. Oropesa, is a plantation of the Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo, in the Valley of Cocha●●mba, twenty leagues from the City of la Plata; their husbandry is crops of Wheat, Millet, and cattle. Potosi. The Imperial Town of Potosi is in nineteen degrees of altitude, eighteen leagues from the City of the Plate, and about eight from the Lake of the A●laga● to the East, in the skirt of the Hill of Potosi, that looketh to the North-east▪ it hath five hundred households of Spaniards which do attend the mines, and of Merchants, and about 50000. Indians of ordinary goers and comme●● to the traffic of the silver. And though it be a Town of itself, it hath no Ruler, but that of the city de la Plata. There reside the Officers, and Royal treasury of this Province, for the mines of the Hill of Potosi, which a Castillane discovered 1545. called Villaroel, by means of certain Indians; and it is called Potosi, because the Indians do so call Hills and high places; and the silver was so much that they got at the beginning in the year 1549. every Saturday, that when they cast it, there came to the King's fists from five and twenty to thirty thousand Pesos. The Hill is flat and bare, their habitation dry and cold, unpleasant, and altogether barren. It bringeth forth no fruit, grain or herb, and because of the silver it is the greatest inhabiting of the Indies, which hath about two leagues in circuit, and where all kind of dainties are found, and plenty, though brought thither by carriages. The colour of the ground of the Hill draweth towards red, dark. The form is like a Sugar loaf, that overpeareth all the other Hills that are near it: the going up is rough, and yet they go up on horseback; it extendeth a league, and from his top to the foot is about a quarter of a league. It hath on all sides rich veins of silver, from the top to the foot, Arica. and the Port of Arica whereby the merchandise come, and the silver of this Hill is carried, is from it about ninety leagues, almost West. Six leagues from the aforesaid Hill in the way of the Port of Arica, is the Hill of Porco, Porco. an ancient seat of mines of silver: whence it is affirmed the Ingas got the greatest part of the silver that was in the Temple of the Sun of Curianche, whence yet is and will much silver be gotten. Santa Cruz de la Sierra stands one hundred leagues from the Charcas to the East, in the way whereby they go from the Charcas to the Assumption, in the Provinces of the River of Plate, The holy cross of the Hill. whitherto they make three hundred leagues journey, with a Governor provided by the Viceroy, of the Diocese of the Charcus, and one Monastery of Mercenaries, in a Country scarce of water, though plentiful of Wheat, Wine, and Millet. This Province hath neighbourhood with many Nations of Infidel Indians, and many of them are already baptised, and the first that struck a devotion in the Countrymen, was a Spanish Soldier, * This Apostle after his miracles, many was for wickedness hanged at Potozi. See Ac. l. 7. c. 27. that was among them, fled for faults; which for a great anguish they were in for water made them a great Cross, and persuaded them to worship with great devotion that same Cross, and to ask water; and God for his mercy heard them, and sent them much rain in the year 1560. The Captain Nuflo of Chaves went out of the City of the Ascension in the River of Plate, to discover, and coming to Sancta Cruz of the Hill, having made great discoveries, the people came unto him, and seeming to him that he was near to Piru, went to the City of The Kings, where the Marquis of Cavyete was Viceroy, and with his order, and for Lieutenant of his son Don Garcia of Mendoça, the Captain Nuflo of Chaves went again to inhabit this City, though he came out of the River of Plate, with purpose to discover the Provinces of the Dorado. In the Coast of this Council, Ports & Points of this Counsel. which beginneth in seventeen degrees and a half in the River of Nombre de Dios, or Tambopalla: is the Port of Hilo near to a River, in eighteen degrees and a half, and more to the South, El Morro de los Diablos, and the Port of Arica in nineteen degrees one third part, and that of Tacama in one and twenty, and the Point of Tarapaca to the South, and more forward the River of Pica, and that de la Hoia, or of the Leaf, and of Montelo, the Port of Mex 〈…〉 s; and more to the South the Point of the Beacones, Los Farallones. or Morto Moreno, before the Bay and River of Sancta Clara, and more to the South the Breach, and the White point, and the Deep breach, and the River of Sancta Clara▪ Punta Blanca. Quebrada Honda. Province of Tucaman. about thirty leagues from the River of Copiapo, where the Coast of Chile beginneth, and the Coast of the Charcas endeth. The Province and Government of Tucaman, is all Mediterrane; her bound begins from the Country of the Chichas, which are of the jurisdiction of the Imperial village of Potosi: it stands in the same Line of the City of the Assumption of the River of Plate, about an hundred leagues from the South Sea coast; it doth confine with the Province of Chile, it is a Country of a good temper, reasonably plentiful, and until now without mines of silver, or gold. There is in it some Spanish Towns in one Bishopric, which are of the City of Saint jago del Estero, which at the beginning they named del Varco, or of the Boat, Saint james of the Marsh. in eight and twenty degrees of altitude, one hundred eighty five leagues from Potosi to the South, declining somewhat to the East: the Governor and the Officers of the goods, and treasury Royal, and the Bishop, and the Cathedral are resident here. The City of Saint Marie of Talavera, is five and forty leagues from Saint james to the North, Talavera. Saint Michael. New London. and forty from Potosi in six and twenty degrees. The City of Saint Michael of Tucuman eight and twenty leagues from Saint james to the West, in the way of the Charcas in seven and twenty degrees. There were inhabited in this Government in the time of Don Garcia of Mendoça, his father the Marquis of Cavyete being Viceroy, the New London, and Calchaque, which they called h Hisp. Nueva Cordura. New wisdom, in the Province of the jurias, and Draguita, which afterward were dishabited within a few years. The people of this Country goeth clothed in woollen, and in wrought leather, made by art like the guilt or wrought leather of Spain: they breed much cattle of the Country, by reason of the profit of their wool: they have the Towns very near the one to the other, and the Towns are small, because there is but one kindred in every one, they are compassed round about with l A kind of Thistle that groweth every stem four inches square; and as high as a man on horse back, and taketh much ground, for there grow many out o● one root. Cardones, and thorny trees for the wars that they had among themselves. They are great husbandmen, and it is a people that is not drunk, for they are not given to drink, as other Nations of the Indies. There are in the Province seven main Rivers, and more than eighty Brooks of good waters, and great pastures▪ the Winter and the Summer are at such times as in Spain: it is a healthful Country and of a good temper, and the first that entered in it, were the Captains Diego de Rojas, Philip Gutierres, and Nicolas de Heredia; they discovered on this side the River of Plate unto the Fortress of Gabota. Chap. 22. Of the bounds of the Kingdom of Chile. Done Diego de Almagro was provided the year 1534. in Toledo for Governor of two hundred leagues of ground beyond the Government of the Marquis Don Francisco Piçarro, toward the Straight of Magellan, intituling this part, The new government of Toledo. He went to pacify this Country, and because he forsook it, it was given in charge to the Marquis Don Francisco Piçarro 1537. and he commended it 1540 to the Captain Peter of Valdinia; who went thither with one hundred and fifty Spaniards. All the Countries of this Kingdom lie to the South of the Equinoctial, in a more Southern altitude than the Kingdom of Piru, and her Provinces within the Torride, from the Equinoctial unto the Tropic of Capricorn, which passeth a Desert, which they call of Atacama, which is from twenty three to twenty six degrees, and then beginneth the Kingdom of Chile, which the Indians call Chille, and before the inhabited Country is the River of The Salt, Rio de la Sal. in three and twenty degrees and three quarters, which from the East side of the Row of Mountains, runneth to the West into the Sea, through a very deep Valley, and though it hath the water very clear; all that the Horses are wet with it when they drink, is congealed with the heat of the Sun; and it is so mere salt that it cannot be drunk, and in the borders it is congealed: the River is before the entering in the first Province of Chile two and twenty leagues where the Xagueyes are, which are Wells of water, for there is no other in the two and twenty leagues, and all the Kingdom stands within the Zone, which the ancient men called Desert, which is inhabited with white Indians, and it is situated on the borders of the South Sea, which is Mare Magnum, which is included between her Coast and the Coast of China. This Government taken largely unto the Straight, hath in length North and South, from the Valley of Copiapo where it beginneth in seven and twenty degrees, five hundred leagues, and in breadth East and West, from the South Sea to the North Sea, from four hundred to five hundred of ground to be pacified, which doth straighten itself, till it remaineth by the Straight in ninety or in an hundred leagues. That which is inhabited of this Government, may be three hundred along the North Sea coast, and the breadth of it twenty leagues and less, unto the Row of the Andes, which do end near the Straight, and it passeth through this Kingdom very high, and almost covered at all times with snow. All the Country is plain, at the least there is no great roughness, except where the Row of Piru doth reach, and doth end within two or three leagues of the Coast. The temper and quality of it (though it be not without some difference for the varieties of the heights it standeth in altogether) is of the best, and most inhabitable that is in the Indies, in temperature like unto Castille, in whose opposite altitude i●●●lleth almost all, and in abundance and goodness of victuals, and plenty of all things, riches of mines and Metals, and force and vigour of the Countrymen, which for being so great warriors have always been evil to pacify, and there be many out in the Mountains, and Breaches of the end of the Row, the Provinces of Arauco, Tucapel, and the Valley of Pur●n, the bounds and borders between the City of the Conception, and los Confines, and la Imperial. In this Government are eleven Spanish Towns, with a Governor placed in the matters of the Government to the Viceroy, and Council of Piru, after the Council that was in the Country was taken away; and there is in it two Bishoprics Suffragans to the Archbishopric of the Kings. Saint James. In the Bishopric of Saint james are four Towns. The City of Saint james in the time of the first inhabiting of Chile, founded by Captain Peter of Valdinia, it stands in thirty four degrees and a quarter of altitude, seventy seven of longitude, one thousand nine hundred and eighty leagues from Toledo by a direct Line, fifteen from the Sea, and ten beyond the Valley of Chile, which they named at the first New Extreme. In it is the Cathedral resident with Monasteries of Dominicke, Franciscan, and Mercenary Friars, in a plentiful soil of wheat, Wine, and other things, and of very rich mines of gold, and in her jurisdiction more than eighty thousand Indians in six and twenty repartitions. This City is served of the Port of Valparayso at the mouth of the River Topocalma, which passeth near unto it. The Serena. Captain Valdinia peopled also lafoy Serena in the year 1544. near to a good Haven; it is the first Town of Spaniards, at the en●●ie of Chile sixty leagues from the City of Saint james, somewhat Northwest near to the Sea in the Valley of Coquimbo, with Monasteries of Franciscan, and Mercenary Friars. Reins seldom and ●euer. Coquimbo. It raineth in it but three or four times a year, and in the Countries before it, it never raineth. The Port which they call of Coquimbo, stands in two and thirty degrees, it is a good Nook where the ships of Piru do make a stay. In the Province of Chucuito, which is on the other side of the Rome of the Andes, in a cold and barren Country, do stand the City of Mendoça, and of Saint john of the Frontier; for Don Garcia of Mendoça peopled them both. Mendoza. Saint john of the Frontier. The City of Mendoça is of the same height with Saint james, about forty leagues from it, of a difficult way, for the snow that is in the Andes. The City of Saint john of the Frontier stands to the South of the City of Mendoça. In the Bishopric of the Imperial are seven Spanish Towns, which are the City of the Conception in seven and thirty degrees of height, seventy leagues to the South of the City of Saint james, near to the Sea, Peter Valdinia inhabited it in the year 1550. The Governors are resident in it, since the Council (that was there from the year 1567. unto 1574.) was taken away. There are Monasteries of Dominicans, Franciscans, and Mercenary Friar●. The Port of this City stands in a nook at the shelter of an Island. The City of the new village of los Infants, or los Confines; Don Garcia of Mendoça peopled it▪ Now village of the Infants. and the Governor Villagran commanded it to be called d● los Confines. It stands sixteen leagues from the Conception to the side of the Straight, eight leagues from the Row of the Andes, and four from that which goeth along the Coast. It hath one Monastery of Dominicans, another of Franciscan Friars. The warlike Indian come to the bounds of this City, and the main River Biobio by them, and others which do enter into it, and the River Ninequeten. Peter of Valdinia peopled the City of the Imperial 1●51. which is in nine and thirty degrees of height, nine and thirty leagues from the Conception toward the straits side, The Imperial. three leagues from the Sea, where the Cathedral is resident with one Monastery of Franciscans, another of Mercenary Friars; and in her bounds are more than eighty thousand Indians, with many other that in her bounds are in arms. The River Cauten passeth near it, which is navigable to the Sea, though the Haven be not good nor secure. Captain Valdinia peopled also the * Hisp. Villarica. Rich Village, sixteen leagues from Imperial, about the South-eastward, and about four and forty from the Conception, near to the Snowy Row d Cordillera Nevada. , with one Monastery of Franciscans, another of Mercenaries, in a Country cold and barren of Bread and Wine. The City of Valdinia in two leagues off the Sea, Valdinia. and fifty from the Conception to the Straight ward: peopled also by Captain Valdinia, with Monasteries of Dominicans, Franciscans, and Mercenaries, in a plentiful Country of Wheat, and Seeds, and in places of good pastures for cattle, and without Vines. The merchandise comes up by the River of Valdinia, which passeth near it, Os●rno. and the Port stands in the mouth of it in forty degrees of height. The City of Os●rno, Don Garcia of Mendoça peopled, sixty leagues or more from the Conception to the port of the Straight, seven leagues from the Sea. It hath one Monastery of Dominicans, another of Franciscans, with another of Nuns, in a cold Country, scarce of victuals, but of much gold, and in her bounds two hundred thousand Indians of repartition. The City of Castro, which was inhabited by the Licenciate Lope Garcia de Castro, Castro. being Governor of the Kingdoms of Piru, the which is called in the Indian tongue Chilue, which is the last of the inhabited in Chile, in an Island of those that are in the Lake of Aucud, or Chilue, and the Archipelagus stands in three and forty degrees of altitude, one and forty leagues to the South of Osorno, with a Monastery of Franciscans, with twelve thousand Indians of repartition in her bounds, for it is an Island of fifty leagues in length, and from two until nine in breadth, which the Sea made with other great ones, tearing the Land unto the Row of the Andes. It is a mountainous Country, and close, plentiful of Wheat, and of Millet, and mines of flying g Oro volador. Gold, on the Strand a thing few times, or seldom seen. The Governor Villagran took away the name of the City which was Cavyete, Ports and Rivers of this government. that Don Garcia of Mendoça inhabited, and commanded to call it Tucapel, and afterward disinhabited it. There are in this Government which beginneth in two and twenty degrees, the Port and River of Copeapo, and to the South of it, the Port of Guascoin another River, and the River of Coquimbo in two and thirty degrees: and past this the Port of the Cigua in the River, and the Port of Quintero at the mouth of the River of Concagua, before the Port of Saint james, or Valparayso, and the Port of Topocalma in the River of Maypa: and past the River of Maule the Port of the e Or Horse-shoe. Herradura, at the mouth of the River Itata, before the Port of the Conception in the great River of Biobio to the North, the Island of Saint Marie right against the State of Aranco, and the Port of Cavyete, and the Island of Mocha more to the South, and the Port of Cauten, which is that of the Imperial, and to the South the landing place and the River of Tolten before the Port of Valdinia, and past this the Point of the Galley, and more to the South the great Bay or Port of Osorno in the River de las Canoas', and to the South of it about thirty leagues to the Lake de los Coronadoes the broadest River of this Realm, and at the end of this Realm the Lake of Aucud. HONDIUS his Map of the MAGELLAN Straight. FRETUM Magellani. map of Strait of Magellan Ports, Capes, and Points of these two Coasts. The Ports, Capes, and Points of the Coast of the one and the other Sea unto the Streighr, although they be many, and some are not pointed in the Cards of Navigation, it appeareth not wholly, neither is there any certain relation of all. And the most known of the Coast from Chile unto the Straight, which runneth from Valdinia about an hundred leagues to the West South-west are, the Cape of Saint Andrew in seven and forty degrees, from whence the Coast turneth directly to the South unto the Straight, by the Cape of Saint Roman in eight and forty degrees, and near unto it the Island of Saint Catalina, near to the great Bay which they call g Hisp. Alcarch●fado, of the colour of an Artichoke. Or Ferdinando of Gallicia. Hartichoked, and within it the Bay of our Lady, and the Island of Santa Barbara, and more forward the Ports of Hernan Gallego in eight and forty degrees two third parts, and the Bay of The Kings eighteen leagues from the Port of Hernan Gallego, and the Bay of Saint john in fifty degrees one third part, the Cape of Saint Francisco in one and fifty, whereby some Channels do enter into the Land, and the Island de la Campana, or of the Bell, eleven leagues from Saint Francis: also with some Channels which have not been navigated within the Land, and the Bay of Saint Lazarus in two and fifty degrees, with Channels on the sides, which enter very broad and long to the one and the other parts, which have not been navigated, and a great Sea of Lands which always was said to be at the South side near to the mouth of the Straight, the which Sir Richard Hawkins denyeth; Sir Richard Hawkins. for he saith, That at this mouth of the Straight on the South side, he found no more than four small Lands, and one in the midst like a Sugar loof, and that at the least they are distant from the mouth of the Straight six leagues, and the great Sea is on the one side, and he holdeth for certain it is that which they say is the firm Land of the South side of the Straight, and that there is no firm land. The Straight though they have passed it from the South to the North side, Straight of Magellan. by order of the Viceroy Don Franciscus of Toledo, Peter Sarmiento, and Antony Pablo Corso, and it is known it stands from 52. to 53. degrees of altitude, where it draweth most to the South, and that in length it hath one hundred and ten ●eagues, or one hundred and fifteen, little more or less, and in breadth from one to ten: it hath never been navigated to an end from the South Sea to the North Sea, This is not true: for Captain Winter & others have done it; which howsoever he calls Pi●ats, yet they have better descovered these straits than the Spaniards. nor the Pirates that have past it from the North to the South, are understood to have returned by it. The above said Sir Richard Hawkins saith, that he sailed many days by the Strait, and affirmeth that all the Country on the South side is no firm Land, but many Lands which reach to 56. degrees; the which he might know, because he sailed to the same 56. degrees through the midst of those Lands, and seeing he found nothing but Sea, he followed his course again through by the Strait, and that this cannot be so far, the differences of Seas, which the many enterings do cause that are among those Lands, and that the habiting of them is of people on the North side, which do pass to those Lands to sustain themselves of fishings, and in their seasons return to their Countries; and that he comprehended this of many things especially of not having seen any seated inhabitating, but some Cabins which the Indians do make for a time. The same said Sir Francis Drake, that it happened him when he passed the Strait, the year 1579. who after his coming out into the South Sea, he ran along with tempests compassing this Sea, unto the mouth of the North Sea, and by the same way he had run, he made sure his navigation to the South Sea. The parts most famous of the Strait at the entering of the South are the Cape Desseado, or Desired, in 53. degrees, and the Channel of all Saints, two and twenty leagues from the mouth, very broad, and large, and past it the port of the Treason, and afterward another great large Channel which runneth to the Northwest, and Roland's Bell, a great Rock in the midst at the beginning of a Channel. They gave it this name of one of Magellanes fellows called Rowland, who went to reacknowledge it, which was a Gunner: the point of possession which is four leagues from the Cape of Virgenes, at the entering of the North Sea in 52. degrees and a half of altitude, when Peter * Or Vine Twig. Sarmiento, and Antony Pablo Corso by order which they had to reknowledge the Strait, for it had been commanded long before for to see if it were a more easy navigation to the South Sea, then that of Panama: they viewed the two narrow places, that at the entry of the North, and it seemed to Peter Sarmiento that the one was so narrow, that with Artillery it might be kept, and so much he persuaded it, Or Ordinance. that although the Duke of Alva affirmed it was impossible, the Army which james Flower carried unfruitfully was sent about it, and in the end was known that that navigation is dangerous, and the flowing of two Seas which come to meet in the midst of the Strait, do withdraw themselves with such fury, ebbing in some places more than sixty fathoms, that when the Ships did carry nothing but Cables to preserve themselves from losing that which they had sailed, they would go full froaghted. In four hundred leagues, there is of Coast from the mouth of the Strait, unto the River of Plate, which runneth altogether North-east and South-west, there is the River of Saint Ilefonsus twelve leagues from the Cape of the Virgenes, the a Gallizian Rivor, and the Bay of Saint james, * Hisp. rio Gallego. fourteen leagues from the River of Sancta Cruz, in 50. degrees, and at the mouth an Island called of the Lions, and the Port of Saint julian in 49. degrees, and the River of john Serrana to the South of the Lands of Ducks, in 47, degrees, the River of Cananor in 45. degrees, the Cape of Saint Dominicke, before the Cape of three Points, and the Land de los Humos or of the Smokes, in 38. degrees, the Point of Sancta Helen, and of Saint Apollonia, in 37. degrees before the White Cape, at the entry of the River of Plate on the South side. IOhn Dias de Solis discovered the River of Plate 1515. and Sebastian Gaboe an Englishman, Chap. 24. Of the Provinces of the River of Plate, & of Brasile. Sebastian Gabote remaineth in the River of Solis, which is called of the Plate. He was an Englishman by breeding, borne a Venetian, but spending most part of his life in England and English employments. See the former Book. Plentifulness of the Provinces of the River of Plate. going with an Army by order of the Emperor, in pursuit of the Fleet which Friar Garcia de Loaysa Commander, had carried to the Lands of the Malucos, and conceiving he could not overtake them, he thought good to busy himself in something that might be profitable; and entered the year 29. discovering the River of Plate, where he was almost three years; and being not seconded, with relation of that which he had found, returned to Castille, having gone many leagues up the River, he found Plate or Silver among the Indians of those Countries, for in the wars which these Indians had with those of the Kingdoms of Piru they took it, and from hence it is called the River of Plate, for before it was called the River of Solis. These Provinces are joined with those of Brasil: by the line of the marks they have no determined bounds, but by the Coast of the Sea that falleth to the North, and entrance of the River of Plate, of the which the Country hath taken the name, and the mouth of this River may stand sixteen hundred leagues from the Bay of Saint Lucar of Barrameda. All these Provinces are very plentiful of Wheat, Wine, and Sugar, and all other seeds and fruits of Castille do grow well: they have great Pastures for all sorts of Cattle, which have multiplied infinitely, especially the Horses, and though they have been many years without thinking there were any Mines of Gold, or of Silver, they have already found a show of them, and of Copper, and Iron, and one of very perfect Amathists. All these Provinces are of one Government, with title Royal, subordained for nearness to the Viceroy of Piru, with one Bishopric wherein are three Spanish Towns, and a great multitude of the Country men, of big bodies, and well conditioned. And the Towns are; the City of our Lady of the Assumption, the first inhabiting, The Assumption. and the head of this Province, it stands in 25. degrees and a half of altitude: the Captain john of Salazar built it by order of the Governor Don Peter Mendoça. The territory thereof was first called Gurambare: it hath Brasil at the right hand two hundred and eighty leagues, and in this compass it hath the City Royal at eighty leagues, which the Indians call Guayra. And on the side of Piru, which is East and West, it hath at four hundred and eighty leagues, the City of la Plata, and at two hundred and eighty, the City of Sancta Cruz de la Sierra or of the Hill, which Nuflo of Chanes built. To the South side which is toward the Strait of Magelane, it hath very great and rich Countries, and this City stands three hundred leagues from the mouth of the River of Plate, built near to the River Paraguaye, on the East side, with four hundred Spanish Households, and more than three thousand children of those that were borne to them in the Country (which they call Mestizos') in it are resident the Governor, Note. and Officers Royal, and the Cathedral which is called the Bishopric of the Plate, suffragan to the Archbishopric of the Kings, and in her jurisdiction more than 400000. Indians, which do increase daily. Cirdad real. City Royal was called by another name Ontiveros, built by Ruidias de Melgareio; it stands eighty leagues from the Assumption North-east, toward the Land of Brasil, near to the River Parana; it stands in a good soil of Victuals, and Vines, and much good Copper, and great number of Indians, which also do much increase. In this River Parana, near the City Royal, Fall or Cataract very terrible. there is a great fall, that no man dare come near it by Land within two hundred paces, for the great noise, and missed of the water, and by the River no Canoe, nor Boat dare come near by a league; for the fury of the water doth carry it to the fall, which is above two hundred fathoms off a steep Rock, and it is so narrow, and the water goeth so close, that it seems ye may throw over it with a dart. * Or Good airs Buenos airs is a Town which in old time was disinhabited near the place where now it is built again, in the Province of the Morocotes, in the borders of the River of Plate, in a plentiful soil, where all things of Castille do grow very well; the Governor Don Peter of Mendoça built it 1535. which caused all that which Gabote forsook to be discovered. All this Country is commonly plain: for except the Cordilleras or Rows (which are on the Sea coast, and may be twenty leagues toward Brasil, afterwards compassing all the Country toward the River Maranyon) and the Rows of the Kingdoms of Piru, all is plain, except some small hills. There are known in the Coast of these Provinces from the Land of Brasil, unto the River of Plate five or six reasonable Ports, Ports and Points of this Coast. the Port of Saint Vincent, in 33. degrees height, right against Buenabrigo, an Island where the line of the repartition passeth; and six leagues to the South the River Vbay, and the Port, and the Island de la Cananea in 35. degrees; and forward the River de la Barca, before the Port of Babia or River of Saint Francis, and the Island of Sancta Catalina, by another name the Port of Vera, or Port of the Ducks (de Peros) and the Port of Don Roderigo, twenty leagues to the South from Sancta Catalina, an Island 29. degrees and more to the South, five leagues▪ Close Haven, and fifteen the b Hisp. Puerto cerrado. Riopoblado. Babia onda. Inhabited River, and as much the Deepe-Bay from this, and the River Tiraqueri, in 32. degrees and a half, before the Cape of Saint Marie, which is in 35. degrees at the entry of the River of Plate. This River is called in the Indian language Paranaguazu, and commonly Parana, hath his entry and mouth in the South Sea, River of Plate. from thirty five unto thirty six degrees of altitude, between the Capes of Saint Marie, and Cape Blank, which is from the one to the other about thirty leagues of mouth, and from thence inward other ten leagues in breadth, with many Lands in the midst, and many very great main Rivers, which enter into it by the East and West side, unto the Port of the Kings, which is a great Lake called of the Xarayes, little less than three hundred leagues from the River of Plate, where enter many Rivers that come from the skirts of the Andes and they may be of those Rivers that proceed in the Provinces of the Charcas and Cuzco, which run toward the North, whereby entereth another main arm into the said Lake, which hath given occasion to think that this River doth communicate with the River of Saint john of the Amazons; others say that it cometh from the Lake of the Dorado, which is fifteen journeys from the Lake of the Xarayes, though there be opinions that there is no Darado. The chance of the Captain Salazar with a Tiger. The Captain Salazar governing in these Provinces by the death of Don Peter Mendoça, in the year 1545. a Spaniard being in his bed and his wife by him on the out side, in the night there came a Tiger and gave the man a blow that he killed him, and carried him away, and between certain Caves he did devour him: in the morning the Captain Salazar went forth with fifty Soldiers to seek the Tiger, and going through a wood, he went alone by a path, and as soon as he discovered the Tiger, he being flesh set upon him, and at the time he lifted up the paw for to strike him, Tiger killeth and is killed. the Captain let flee the Shaft out of his crossbow, and struck him to the heart, and it fell down dead: an exploit of great courage, heed and dexterity. THe Provinces and Country of Brasil in the Coast of the North Sea, and Terra firm, is called all that which falleth to the East from the line of the repartition, Chap. 25. Of the Provinces and Country of Brasil. from twenty nine degrees of longitude from the Meridian of Toledo, unto thirty nine, which are two hundred leagues from East to West, and four hundred and fifty North and South, from two degrees of Southern altitude, by the Cape de Humos or of Smokes, unto five and twenty, by the Island of Buenabrigo or Good-harbour. And from the first inhabiting, unto the last of Brasil, Vincent Yanes Pinzon, borne in the Village of Palos discovered the Brasil, and then Diego de Lepe. there are three hundred and fifty leagues. Vincent Yanes Pinzon discovered first this Country by commandment of the King's Catholic, and presently after him james of Lepe, in the year 1500. and six months after Poraluarez Cabral, going with a Portugal army to India, which to avoid the Coast of Guinea did put so much to the Sea that he found this Country, and called it Sancta Cruz, because on that day he discovered it. All of it is very hot in Winter and Summer, and very rainy, and compassed with Woods and Mists, unhealthful, and full of venomous Worms, plentiful in Pastures for Cattle, and not for Wheat, nor Millet; there are in it great shows of Silver and Gold, but as the Portugals, have no stock to make any profit of the Mines, they leave them as they are. The principal food of this Country is the Cazabi which they make of the Yuca, and the greatest traffic is Sugar, and Cotten Bombast, and Brasil Wood, which was it that gave it the name. There are in all the Province nine Governments, which are called Captainships, and in them seventeen Portugal Towns: in it may be about three and thirty hundred households, and great multitude of warlike Indians, which have not suffered the Portugals to build but on the Coast, in which are many Rivers, Landings, and many Ports, and very safe, where any Ships may come in, be they never so big. The Colony of the first Captainship, and the most ancient is Tamaraca, Inhabiting of the Coast of Brasil. the second Pernambuco, five leagues from Tamaraca to the South, in eight degrees of altitude, and there is a house of the Fathers of the Company of jesus: the other is, that of all Saints, one hundred leagues from Pernambuco in thirteen degrees, and there the Governor, the Bishop, and the Auditor general of all the Coasts are resident, and it hath a College of the Company: the fourth Captainship of the Lands is thirty leagues from the Bay of All Saints, Many Jesuits Colleges. in fourteen degrees & two third parts, it hath a House of the Fathers of the Company. In this Captainship is found a Tree where out they take a precious Balm. Puerto seguro. The Captainship of the Sure-haven is thirty leagues from the Lands in sixteen degrees and a half: it hath three Inhabiting, and a House of the Fathers of the Company. The Captainship of the Holy-Ghost fifty leagues from Puerto seguro, in twenty degrees, where they gather much Brasil, and there is one house of the Company. The Captainship of the River of Genero is sixty leagues from the Holy-Ghost, in twenty three degrees and one third part, with a house of the Fathers of the Company, and they cut in their jurisdiction much Brasil Wood; the River is very fair, with fine and profitable borders. The last Captainship is Saint Vincent, sixty leagues from the River of Genero, in four and twenty degrees, it hath a fortress in an Island for a defence against the Indians and Pirates, and a house of the said Fathers, which have done great profit in the inhabiting of thi● Country, and conversion of the Indians, and their liberty. The Cattle that are in these Provinces are many and great breeding of Swine, and Hens, they gather much Amber which the Sea casteth up with storms at the spring tides, Ambar. and many persons have enriched themselves with it. Then Summer is from September to February, and the Winter from March unto August; the days are almost as long as the nights, they increase and diminish only an hour, in the winter the wind is always at South and Southeast, in Summer North-east and East North-east. There are in this Coast eight or ten Ports more principal than the rest, The principallest Ports of this Coast. which are the River of Saint Dominicke and de las Virtudes to the North-east of Pernambuco, and Tamaraca, which is an Island, and as it is said, the first Plantation, and before the Cape of Saint Austin, which stands in nine degrees, the River of Saint Francis in ten degrees and a half, which is great and mighty: the Bay of All Saints three leagues broad, and thirteen into the Land unto Saint Saviour, the River and Port Trenado, where the Ships do touch that go this Voyage, and the River of Canamum in thirteen degrees and a half, the River of the Beasts or of Saint Austin is fourteen degrees and a half; and the River of the Virgenes in sixteen. Portesecure in seventeen degrees: the River of P●rayua in twenty degrees, near to Sancti spiritus: the River of Genero near to Saint Sebastian, Cabo Frio. and Cold Cape in three and twenty degrees beyond Saint Vincent. INdies of the West, Chap. 26. Of those which men call the Indies of the West, which are the Lands Philippinas, coast of China, Ia●an, and the Lequias'. are all the Lands and firm Land comprehended within the marks of the Crown of Castille and of Lion, at the Occidental end of the said bounds; whose line as is said passeth on the other side the world, through the City of Malaca from whence toward the East, and New Spain, is a great Gulf of infinite Lands great and small, and many pieces of Coasts, and firm Land, which are divided into the Lands of the Spicery, or of the Malucos, Island Philipinas, the Coast of China, Lands of the Lequios and japones, Coast of the new Guinea, Lands of Solomon, and of Ladrones or the thieves: the temper of all these Lands and Lands in general is moist, and temperately hot, plentiful of Victuals, and Beasts, with some Gold, but base, no Silver, store of Wax, and the people of sundry colours, and the ordinary colour like Indians, and some white among them, and some coal-black. The Lands of the Spicery (which properly are called so, because all the Pepper, Cloves, Cinnamon, Ginger, Nutmegs, and Mastic that is spent in Europe, is brought from them) are many, though the most famous of that Gulf are five small Lands under the Equinoctial in one hundred ninety four degrees from the Meridian of Toledo, included in the mortgage which the Emperor Charles the fifth made of them to the King of Portugal for three hundred and fifty thousand Ducats, which are Terrenate of eight or nine leagues compass, with a Port called Talangame, Of these ●ee l. 4 c. 1. and other English voyages in the first Tome. See Magelanes Voyage. ●om. 1. l. 2. Certain Tree bearing a kind of Date. and in it reigned Corala, which yielded himself for subject to the King of Castille, when the Ships that remained of Magelanes fleet found these Lands. The Island of Tidore stands one league from Terrenate to the South, it hath ten leagues compass. The Island of Matil, or Mutier is of four leagues compass, and is under the Equinoctial, and Maquin three leagues to the South, of seven in compass, and ten leagues to the South. Batan or Baquian is twenty leagues in compass. In the Island of Tidore reigned Almanzor, which also gave himself for subject of the King of Castille, the which, and Carala did write and john Sebastian of the Canon, borne in the Village of Guitarca, in the Province of Guipuzcoa brought their Letters; the which departing from Tidore in the year 1522. touched in the Island of Zamatia, and going up to almost forty two degrees toward the Antarctic Pole, he arrived at the Island of Saint james of the Green Cape or Cabo Verde, and from thence to Seville with the Ship called the Victory, having spent seven months time little less in coming from the Island of Tidore. Patian is the fifth Island like the other; Moor's inhabited in it, and Gentiles also, which knew not the immortality of the soul. And when the Ship of the fleet of Friar Garcia of Loaysa came, Roiami reigned in Tidore of thirteen years of age, and again acknowledged the King of Castille, and also the King of Gilolo called Sultan Abderta meniani, and confirmed it with an oath. Gilolo is an Island under the line four leagues distant from those rehearsed; it is of two hundred leagues compass, without Spicery: the Island of Ambon in three degrees and a half to the South, from the Island of Gilolo without Spicery. The Lands of Bandan are in four degrees of Southern altitude, where the Nutmeg is gathered, and Mace; and the Burro, which is to the West of Ambon, and Timor, another Island to the South-west from Bandan, almost one hundred leagues, without Spicery, but rich of Sandalo, Zeinda, fifty leagues from Timor, to the Northwest of forty leagues compass, plentiful of Pepper, and the Island of Celebes, which is very great, & Borney greater, near the strait of Malaca, which is made in the firm Land; & Zamatia, which in old time they called Taprobana. There be other many great Lands, and small, which remain to the South side, near java Maior & Minor, and to the North toward the coast of China: the Portugals have a fortress in Terrenate, and other in the City of Malaca at the entry of the Archipelagus. The Lands Philippinas are a Sea of thirty or forty great Lands, besides many other small ones which are together in less than two hundred leagues in length North and South, and one hundred in breadth between New Spain, and the Gulf of Bengala, and they are about seventeen hundred leagues from the Port of the Nativity in New Spain, from six to fifteen or sixteen degrees of Septentrional altitude, of a reasonable temperature, and plentiful of victuals, specially of Rice, and some base Gold in some places, and in some Lands are Cinnamon trees, and long Pepper. Cinnamon and long Pepper. The Countrymen are of a good shape, and in some Lands they are black, and those which live in the centre of the Country are whiter than those that live in the Sea coasts. There are good Ports, and Timber for Shipping, the names of the principallest Lands are Mindano, which is the greatest, and most Southward, of a hundred leagues in length, and three hundred in compass, a rough Country, but plentiful of Millet, Wax, Rice, Ginger, and some Cinnamon, and Mines of Gold, with good Havens, and Rhodes: the Island of Good-tokens, and Saint john leaning to Mindanao, on the East side, of twenty leagues in length North and South; Behol, ten leagues more to Mindanao on the North side, nineteen leagues in length. The Island of Buglas or of Negroes, by reason of those that are in it, is in the midst of that Sea to the West, of forty leagues in length North and South, and fourteen in breadth, and in her coast are some Pearls: the Island of Zubu in the midst of all, of thirty leagues in length North and South, and in it a Spanish Town, called the Village of jesus, on the East side, with one good Haven, besides other that are in the Island, the Captain Ferdinando Magellanes discovered this Island, in the year 1520. the King yielded then himself for subject to the Crown of Castille, and before he discovered the Lands, which he called de las Velas Latinas, because they sailed in their Ships with sails of Mats made of Palm tree leaves after the Latin fashion; In Màtan it was where Ferdinando Magelanes was slain. and from Zubu Magellanes went with the King, to war against the King of Màtan, in a little Island close to that of Zubu on the South side, where being too valiant and confident he was slain; and the Spaniards following their Voyage in demand of the Lands of the Spicery, they discovered Quepindo, Pul●an, and Burney, which is a great, rich, and plentiful Island of Rice, Sugar, Goats, Swine, Camels: it wa●●s Wheat, Asses, and Sheep; it hath Ginger, Camphire, Mirabolans, and other Drugs. Alvaro of Saavedra discovered also the Phillippines, and took possession of them in the year 1527. for the Crown of Castille, Alvaro of Saaue●ra took possession of the Philippine for the Crown of Castille, in the year 1527. which by order of the marquis of the Valley went from the Port of Civitlaneio in New Spain, in demand of the Lands of the Spicery, and particularly he was in Mindanao: and this digression hath not been out of purpose. Returning to the order of the Phillippines, there followeth the above said Abuyo, or Babay thirty leagues in length North and South, and ten in breadth, in which are good Mines, and Pearls, in her coast: Tandayala most famous of all, which for being first discovered, is called Phillipine, of which all take the name, in memory of the invincible King Don Philip the second, the Prudent. It hath forty leagues on the North side, and of the East North North-east, and South South-west, and twelve leagues in breadth where most, with good Havens and Roads: Masbat a mean Island to the West of Tandaya, of seventeen leagues in length, and fifteen in breadth, with one Haven: Mindoro of five and twenty leagues in length North and South, and half in breadth; there is Pepper in it, and Mines of Gold: the Island of Luzan, called the New Castille, as great or greater than Mindanao, the most Septentrional of the Phillipines', in the which is built Manila, The City of Manilla. a City of Spaniards, with title of Famous, where the Governor, Officers of the goods, and cheft Royal, and the Cathedral are resident; it is a plentiful soil of Victuals, with many Mines of Gold: the Haven of this City is bad, and for all that there is great traffic with the Chynas, which bring Porcelain Vessel, Tinsels, coloured silks, and other Merchandise: Luçon hath in length two hundred leagues, and it is very narrow. In all these Lands are many mahometans, whither they came by the East India, and could easily plant their falsehood amongst those blind Gentiles. Captain Magellanes as above said discovered these Lands, the year 1520. going with an Army of the Crown of Castille, in search of the Lands of the Malucoes, and took possession of them, and afterward Michael Lopez of Legazpi made an end of discovering them, His voyage you have before. 11000. Lands. the year 1564. with an Army which he took from New Spain, by order of the Viceroy, Don Lewis of Velasco: it is judged that those Lands do amount to eleven thousand great and small. There are pacified about forty of them, and converted more than a Million of men unto the Catholic Faith, with so many expenses of the Crown Royal, not having had until now any profit from those Countries; for every Religious man of those that are sent thither, doth cost to set there one thousand Ducats. Those which hitherto have laboured in that Vineyard, with most great fruit of the souls, are the Religious Dominicans, Franciscans, Barefooted, and Austin Friars, and the Company of jesus; and from these Lands hath been begun to bridle the Mahometans, which from the Coast of Asia went by little and little extending through these, and other Lands, Since, the Hollanders have expelled the Portugals. and also to the Chinas' and japones, and the Portugals had already lost the Lands of the Malucos, if the Spaniards of the Provinces of the Phillippines had not holpen and succoured them diverse times and many ways. There is already a plainer notice had of the Chynas, by the commerce of the Phillippines, China: see our former Relation. and their riches and plenty is known: it is of the richest and mightiest Kingdoms of the World, and from Manila may be to the coast of China three hundred leagues, of eight days sailing, and the coast of that Country goeth running as to the North-east, more than seven hundred leagues, from twenty one to twenty two degrees of Septentrional latitude, and upward, and it is known that cross over the Country inward is a Voyage of five or six months, to the confines of Tartary; being a Country of great Cities, with many Towns, and the people politic, and prepared for their defence, but not warlike, and the Coast much inhabited with main Rivers, and good Havens: it extends from seventeen unto fifty degrees North and South, and East and West it occupieth two and twenty: the City of Paquin, where the King hath his Court, stands in forty eight degrees of our Pole, it is divided in fifteen Provinces, six Maritime, and nine Mediterrane, and the one are divided from the other with certain Mountains like the Pirineis, and there are but two passages whereby they do communicate. Thomas Perez Ambassador of the King of Portugal, was from Cantan to Nanqui four Months, travelling always to the North: The Provinces and Kingdoms of China. and to the largeness of this Kingdom is joined the plenty of the Country, which is great, for the which the multitude of the navigable Rivers that do water it, are a help, wherewith it seems a pleasant Forest or Garden, and the abundance is doubled by many ways, for the Kings spare no cost to make the Country watered in every place, c●tting great hills, and making great Valleys plain; and the heat not wanting in any place, for all the Country almost is contained in the bounds of the temperate Zone, nor the moisture by the clemency of nature, and by the industry of men it is incredibly all multiplied, and all being compelled to busy themselves in something, there is not one foot of ground left unprofitable. In Canton among other notable things they say there are a great number of blind men that do labour in something, every one as he is able, and being forbidden the going out of the Kingdom without licence, the which is never granted, but for a limited time it is necessary that the propagation increasing continually, the number of the people be without end, especially that they hold for a certain, that for five persons that do dye, there are seven borne, and the pureness of the air is so much, that they do not remember, there hath been any universal plague, and with all these good things they have their troubles also, for there are earthquakes that destroy whole Cities, disinhabit the Country, and suppress the ancient Rivers, and raise others, and do make great Mountains plain, with a miserable misfortune of that people. The year 1555. there burst out of the entrails of the earth such abundance of water, that it over-flowed the space of sixty leagues, and destroyed seven Cities with their jurisdictions. And this as touching the continent of China. There is through all the Coast a multitude of Lands, the greater part are unto us unknown. Not far from Nanqui, is the Cape of Lampo, the Island of Aueniga, Abarda, Sumbar, Lanqui, and the Island of Horses, of the which no particular notice is had. Passing the City of Chincheo, stands Lamao, and a great number of Lands are seen about Cantan, and these are the most celebrated, Lantao, Macao, Veniaga, where is the Port of Tamo, Lampacao, Sancoan, in all the which the King of China hath Garrisons on Sea and Land, except in Lampacao which is not inhabited. In Macao, by another name Macan, the Portugals have a Town, and the Chinas' knowing the valour of the Portugals, Macao▪ and the favour they have of the Castillans of the Phillipines', suffer it with an evil will, but the Portugals seek to preserve themselves, for their profitable commerce in China. Sancon is thirty leagues from Cantan, where sometimes the Portugals have touched, and no Island of China is of greater importance than Anian in the mouth of the Gulf of Cauchinchina, five leagues from the * Or Terra firm Firm Land, and one hundred and eighty from the Phillipines', Ainan. and it is so big, that they affirm it to have thirty Fortresses; in it is a fishing for small Pearls. It is abundant of Victuals, and of many Fruits: under the Government of Cantan, the principal Port of China, and the Country men are gross and rude people. japan. japan is many Lands divided with small arms of the Sea, in three and thirty Kingdoms, whose head is the City of Meaco, distant variable from China, and they count from the Island of Goto in japon to Liampo in China sixty leagues, which is the nearest. The japones do greatly molest the Chinas', more with piracies, and thefts, then with just war, because japan being divided in sundry Lands, and diverse Princes, they can make no war against the Chinas', but with weak forces. They are more warlike and valiant than the Chinas': it is a temperate Country, plentiful of Seeds, Cattle and Fowl of Europe, it hath Mines of Iron and Steel: the Country men are strong, valiant, and for much labour: those Lands stand in thirty five degrees of the Pole, little more or less, according to the distance of every Island. The japones do not understand the Chinas' but by writing, because of the Characters, or Letters being one for them all, and though they signify the same, they have not the same name, for they are to declare things, and not words, a● the figures of Arithmetic, Characters as cyphers. that if a 9 be set, the French, the Castillan, and the English man do understand it, that it signifieth 9 but every one do name it after their own fashion. By another side the japones do confine with the Phillipines', from whence there is commerce with them, and a great encouragement is given to the Fathers of the Company, for to labour in the conversion of the people of those Kingdoms, where notable fruit hath been gotten, for the which these Lands are much celebrated in the world, and by the coming of the Ambassadors of the new Christendom to the Pope, and to the King Philip the second, the Prudent: and so as nature placed them in a situation separated from the rest of the Land, the men of that Region are differing in customs from other people. In the year 1592. Nobunanga which caused himself to be called Emperor of japan, interprised with eighty Vessels, and 20000. men, certain Provinces tributary unto China, and won it. From the Island of Simo, which is among them of japan the greatest, is extended a row of small Lands, called the Lequios, and do prolong themselves toward the Coast of China; the two greater, Lequios. which is every one of fifteen or twenty leagues, near the Coast of japan, are called the greater Lequio, and other two also great, though not so much, which are at the end of the Row, they call Lequio the lesser: some are inhabited of well shapen people, white, politic, well apparelled, warlike, and of good reason, they abound in Gold more than others of that Sea, and not less in Victuals, Fruits, and good Waters. near unto the lesser Lequio stands Hermosa, or the beautiful Island, which hath the same quality, and say it is as big as Sicily. Chap. 27. Of the new Guinea, Lands of Solomon, and the thieves, wherewith endeth that which they call West Indies. The Lequ●os▪ Sir R. Hawkins. THe Coast of new Guiena beginneth one hundred leagues to the East of the Island of Gilolo, in little more than one degree altitude, on the other side of the Equinoctial, from whence it is prolonged toward the East three hundred leagues, till it come to five or six degrees. It hath been doubted until now, whether it be an Island or firm Land, because it doth enlarge itself in so great a Voyage from being able to join with the Countries of the Lands of Solomon, or Provinces of the Strait of M●gellanes by the South side; but this doubt is resolved with that which those do affirm that sailed on the South side of the Strait of Magelanes, that that is not a continent, but Lands, and that presently followeth a spacious Sea, and among those that do affirm i● is Sir Richard Hawkins, an English Knight, which was five and forty days among the same Lands. From the Sea the Land of this coast of Guinea seemeth good, and the men that have been seen are coal black, and in the coast are many Lands with good roads, Lands and Ports of the coast of Guin●●▪ and ports whereof is no particular notice; for having sailed it few times, those which are found in some cards are Aguada or the watering to the East thirty five leagues from the first Land, is in one degree of Southern altitude; and eighteen forward the port of Saint james, and the Island of the Crespos of sixteen leagues long near the coast, right against the Port of Saint Andrew, and near to it the River of Saint Peter, and Saint Paul, before the Port of Saint jerom, and a small Island near the a Or Curled. thrust out Point, 40. leagues from S. Austin, which they call of Good-pences, and more forward from it, the b Hisp. Puntasalida. Buena p●z. Shelter, and Evil people, two little Lands, and the Bay of Saint Nicholas, fifty leagues from Puntasalida, and among other Lands one of white men, and the Mother of God before Good Bay, and of the Nativity of our Lady, the last of that which is discovered, c Abrigo. and as to the North from it the Caymana, an Island without in the Sea among others which have no name. The Meridional coast is not yet known, the first that discovered the new Guine was Alvaro of Saavedra, being lost with many storms from his course, returning to new Spain, when in the year 1527. the Marquis of the Valley sent him that on that side he should seek the Lands of the Spicery. The Lands of Solomon are eight hundred leagues from Piru, Lands of Sal●mon. & the opinion that is held of their riches, gave them this name, the which properly are called of the West, because they fall to the West from the Provinces of Piru, from the place that Alvaro of Mendoça made discovery of them by order of the Licentiate Lope Garcia de Castro his Uncle, Governor of the Kingdoms of Piru, in the year 1567. the first that saw the Land of these Lands was a young man, called Treio, in the top of a Ship: they are from seven degrees of altitude on the other side of the Equinoctial about 1500. leagues from the City of the Kings, they are many in quantity & greatness, and eighteen the most famous, some of 300. leagues in compass, and two of 200. and of 100 and of 50. and thence downward, besides many which are not yet made an end of coasting, and they say that they might bea-continent with the coast of the new Guiney, and the Countries to be discovered toward the West of the strait: the Country of these Lands seemeth of a good temper, and habitable, plentiful of victuals, and cattle: there were found in them some fruits like those of Castille, Swine & Hens in great number: the Country men some of a brown colour like Indians, others white & ruddy, and some coal black, which is an argument of continuance with the Countries of the new- Guinie, whereby there may so many differences of people be mingled of those which resort to the Lands of the Spicery. The greatest and most renowned are Sancta Ysabel, from eight to nine degrees of altitude, of more than 150. leagues in length, and eighteen in breadth▪ and one good port called of the Star: Saint George or Borbi to the South of S. Isabel one league and a half, of thirty leagues compass▪ Saint Marcos, or Saint Nicholas of one hundred leagues compass to the Southeast of Saint Isabel; the Island of the I. de Arrazi●●s. Shelves as great as the former to the South of Saint Isabel, and Saint Jerome to the West of 100 leagues compass; and Guadalcavall to the South-west greater than all: and to the East of Saint Isabel, the Island of d Or Good ●ight. Buenavista, and Saint Dimas, and the Island of Florida of twenty leagues circuit every one; and to the East of it, the Island of e Or Boughs. Ramos of 200. leagues compass, and near to it Malayta, and f Or Frantic. Atreguada of thirty, and the three Maries, certain little Lands, & the Island of Saint john of twelve leagues compass between the Atreguada and the Island of S. james to the South. Malata of 100 leagues circuit, and to the Southeast of it, the Island of Saint Christopher as big as it: and Saint Anne, and Saint Catherine, two small Lands fast by it: the Name of God, a small Island distant from the other fifty leagues, in seven degrees of altitude, Hisp. Nombre de Dios. and in the same Rumbe to the North of Saint Isabel, the Shelves, which they call of g Or Candlemas. Candelaria. There is in the voyage that is made from Piru to the Lands of Solomon, an Island called of S. Paul, in fifteen degrees of altitude, 700. leagues from Piru, nineteen degrees, 300. leagues of Land, others which may be those that they called of Solomon, and they say also that they might be others which this little while have been discovered in the same Rombe of Chile. The Lands of the thieves are a row of 16. small Lands together which run North and South, with the midst of the coast of Guiney, from twelve degrees of altitude unto seventeen Septentrional or more, not far from the Phillippinas' to the East. They are all barren ground, and miserable, without Cattle, or Metals, scarce of Victuals, inhabited with poor people, well shapen, naked, and much inclined to steal, even to the nails of the Ships that came there, whereby Magelane named them of the The●ues, La Ingles● Lands of the Ladrones. La Ingle●a. The Kings. Land's o● Cerral The Gardens. in the year 1520. when he came to them going in demand of the Spicery. Their names are, the English, the most North, and after it Ota Mao, Chemechoa Gregua, Agan, or Pagan, Oramagan, Gugn●●, Chareguan, Natan, Saepan, Bota, Volia. There are among these Island Phillipines', other eighteen or twenty, called of the Kings, Archipelagus, or Lands of the Coral, and the Gardens, another quantity of little Lands, and Pialogo, Saint Vilan, another little Island, the Gardens, and the Island of the Matalores', and that of the Shelves, and of Saint john, or of Palms, near the Malucos, g Or Aethnaes'. and on the North side of the thieves, five or six little Lands together, called the h Or Evil hair Volcanes', where is store of Cochinilla; and ⁱ Malpelo another small Island, where are * A Tree so called. Two sisters. S. Bartholomew. Ci●aloes very fine, and on the East side of the thieves, the two Sisters, two little Lands in ten degrees, and Saint Bartholomew in fourteen and more toward new Spain, the Shelves, Look how thou goest, Take away sleep, or See thou sleep not; & near to them the Island of Martin, Martin. Saint Peter, and Saint Paul. and Saint Paul, another small Island with shelves, and the inhabited the most Eastward toward new Spain, Alvaro of Saavedra was also in the Island of the thieves, in the year 1527. returning from the Island of Spicery to new Spain. THe Catholic King of Castille, and of Lion continuing in their ancient, and Christian piety, presently after these new Countries were discovered, Chap. 28. Of the ●uprem Counsel of the Indies, and of the spiritual government, and Ecclesiastical Royal Patronage. Counsel of the Indies. and joined with this fair Monarchy, procured to plant, and settle the Catholic Religion in them, and temporal policy, with so much care and advice of the wisest men of these Kingdoms. For as the discoveries did increase the businesses, they form a particular Counsel with Precedent and Counsellors, that busying themselves in no other thing, with more diligence they might resort to that which so much pertained to the service of our Lord God, and government of that Orb. And because hereafter mention shall be made of the persons which from the beginning have laboured, and served in the supreme Counsel of the Indies, which hath carried so great a weight unto this present hour, first shall be spoken of the spiritual and temporal government, and the rest worth the knowing, that the order of that Monarchy may be understood, with all brevity. The first thing that these godly Kings did charge and command the first Discoverer, and from man to man commanded the other Discoverers and Governors of that new World with very strait orders, was, that they should procure that the people which they carried, with the Christian life, and with their good customs, should give such example to the Indians, that they might be glad to imitate them, and should bind them unto it▪ entering first according to the evangelical Law, the religious men preaching it, that so rather with the sweetness of it, then with the force and noise of Arms it should be admitted, and that justice should be administered with such equality to all men, that it might be much respected & esteemed. All went forward, the towns went augmenting in such manner, that with the zeal of the service of God, and good of the men it hath come to such a point, that at this day there are found built and established in all that Orb of this Crown possessed, as before hath been seen, five Archbishoprics, twenty seven Bishoprics, two famous Universities, How many Archbishoprics, Bishoprics, Monasteries, and Schools of Doctrine are in the Indies. So Humillade●os is said to signify the translator had, Shrines: the latin hath P●●nitentiarij. where with great learning and doctrine all the Sciences are read, more than four hundred Monasteries of religious Dominicks, Franciscani, Augustine's, Mercenaries, and the Company of jesus, with some Monasteries of Nuns, and Colleges, infinite Hospitals, and Fraternities, innumerable store of beneficed Cures, which are called Doctrines, for to teach those new Converts, and Heremites, and Chapels in the highway erected on pillars, having Crucifixes in them, without number. All the which was begun at the charge of the Crown, and at this day it goeth forward where there is no maintenance for it. In effect, this Catholic piety by the clemency of God goeth from good to better, augmenting with so much reverence and honour of God, that in no place of Christendom it is done with more order or care, by the care of the supreme Council of the Indies. Of the which is inferred, that the Concession of the apostolic Roman Sea made to the Crown of Castille, and of Lion, of the Patronage Ecclesiastical of that new World was a very great remedy, in the which our Lord God (as He which only is He that seeth, and preventeth all things to come) did a thing worthy of His greatness, seeing He hath showed the experience that if this had been governed otherwise, it had been impossible to have proceeded with the harmony, and even consent as it hath, of Religion, justice, and Government, with so much obedience and quietness. The Ecclesiastical Patronage is governed in the same manner that in the Kingdom of Granada, How the Ecclesiastical Patronage is governed. the King's Catholic presenting to the chief Bishop only the Archbishops, and Bishops, that from his holy hand they may receive these Prelacies, and may dispatch their Bulls, procuring always that they be persons of a religious life, and great learning. All the other Dignities and Benefices are provided by the King, and consultation of the supreme Council of the Indies, and they go not to Rome for Bulls: and their rents consist in tithes and first fruits which arise of the Spanish inhabiters. For in the most places of these Indies the Country men pay not, and where the tithes are wanting, it is supplied out of the goods royal: and touching the tithes and first fruits that are to be paid, many ordinances and rates are made according to the stile of these Kingdoms, that the men of each Colony, it is just it should follow her customs. And though the Kings of Castille, and of Lion, are Lords of the tithes by apostolic concession, & might take them to himself, supplying where it wanteth with that which in other places doth exceed, he leaveth them to the Prelates & Churches, providing of his own goods Royal with the liberality of so Catholic Princes, to all the necessities of the poor Churches, giving to every one that is built anew the greatest part of that which is spent in the building, with a Chaliz, a Bell, and a painted * Of Images or Pictures. Table. That the distribution of that which proceedeth of the tithes, and of that which is bestowed out of the goods Royal in maintenance of the Prelates, Dignities, and Canons of the Cathedral Churches, and Benefices, Cures, and persons that are occupied in the divine Service, and instructing of the Indians, may be fruitfully employed according to the holy intention of the Kings; the supreme Counsel hath made good ordinances. First, that all the said persons be of an approved life and customs, 'Las 〈◊〉. & especially those that do meddle in the Doctrines, being first examined touching learning, and after in the language of the Indians; for it would little avail, that the Disciples should not understand the Master: and that these do continually reside: and that no Curate, or Teacher may have two Benefices; and that those which shall from these parts pass to the Indies be more approved, it is commanded that no Priest do pass without licence of his Prelate and of the King, and that if any be there found without it, presently they should send him to Spain. And that the manner how the Royal Patronage is governed may better be understood, He continueth the government o● the Ecclesiastical Patronage. seeing it appertaineth to this Crown, because that it hath discovered and acquired that New World; and hath also built and endowed, out of the goods Royal, so many Churches, & Monasteries, as by the apostolic concession, that for no cause the said patronage, nor any part of it, either by custom, or prescription, or other title may be separated from it: it is ordained what care the Viceroys, Counsels, Governors, & Rulers, are to have in it, and what penalties the transgressors should incur. First, that no Cathedral or Parish Church, Monastery, Hospital, nor votive Church, should be founded without consent of the King. That when in the Cathedral Churches there are not four * Or Pensioners. Beneficed men resident, provided by royal presentation, & canonical provision of the Prelate, because the other prebend's be void, or absent for more than eight months (though for a lawful cause.) The said Prelate, till such time as the King doth present, may choose to the accomplishing of the four Clarks (besides those that are provided and resident) of the most sufficient of those that shall offer themselves, without that the said provision be in Titulo (to be removable at pleasure) & that they have no seat in the Choir, nor voice in Counsel. That no Prelate may make canonical institution, nor give possession of any Prebend, or Benefice, without presentation Royal, & in such a case that without delay they make the provision, and command to resort with the fruits. That in all the dignities, & prebend's, the learned be preferred before the unlearned, and those which have served in the Cathedral Churches of Castille, and have more exercise of the service of the Choir, before them that have not served in them. That at the least there be presented for every Cathedral Church a graduate Lawyer, & a Divine for the Pulpit, with the obligation that in these Kingdoms the doctoral Canons, & Magistrates have; & another learned Divine to read the sacred Scripture: and another Lawyer or Divine for the Cannonship of Penance, according to the sacred Counsel of Trent. That all the other Benefices, Cures, and simples, secular, and regulars, and the Ecclesiastical Offices that shall be void, or provided anew. That they may be made with less delay, and the Royal patronage may be preserved, it is commanded that they be made in the form following. That any of the abovesaid Benefices, or Offices being void, the Prelate shall command to make edicts with a competent term, and of those that shall offer themselves having examined them, and being informed of their behaviour, shall name of the best; and the Viceroy or Governor of the Province, shall choose one and remit the election to the Prelate, that he make the provision, Collation, and Cannonicall institution by way of recommendation, and not in a perpetual title, so that when the King doth make the presentation, and in it shall be expressed that the collation be made in a perpetual title, the Canonical institution shall be in title, and not in recommendation: and the presented by the King be always preferred before the presented by his Ministers. That in the repartitions, and Towns of the Indians, Provision of the prebend's, and Benefices▪ and other places where they have no benefice to elect, or means to place one to administer the Sacraments, the Prelates shall procure there be one to teach the Doctrine, making an edict, and having informed himself of his sufficiency and goodness, he shall send the nomination to the Ministers Royal, that they do present him one of the two nominated, and if there be but one, that, and in the virtue of such a presentation the Prelate shall make the provision, giving him the instruction how he is to teach, and commanding him to give notice of the fruits. That in the presentations of all the dignities, offices, and benefices, the best deserving, and that most exercised in the conversion of the Indians, and the administration of the Sacraments shall be provided; which, & those that best speak the language of the Indians, shall be preferred before the other. That he which shall come or send to request his Majesty to present him to some dignity, office, or benefice, shall appear before the Ministers of the Province, and declaring his petition, he shall give information of his kindred, learning, customs & sufficiency, and the Minister shall make another of his office, and with his opinion to send it, and that the pretendant do bring also an approbation from his Prelate; for without these diligences those that come shall not be admitted. That none may obtain two Benefices, or dignities in one, or in sundry Churches. Chap. 29. Of the Sp●●ituall Government, Goods of Men deceased: of the married: and of the holy office of the holy and general Inquisition. Building of an Hospital. That the presented not appearing before the time contained in the presentation before the Prelate, it shall be void, and they may not make him a Cannonicall institution. BEsides that which is rehearsed, it is provided that they do not permit any Prebendary in the Cathedral Churches, to enjoy the rents of it, except it be serving & being resident; and that the Benefices of the Indians be Cures, and not simples▪ and that in the new discoveries, and plantations that shall be made, there be presently an Hospital built for the poor, and sick persons, of sicknesses that are not contagious, which shall be placed near the Temple, and for a Cloister of the same; that for the sick of contagious diseases, the Hospital shall be set that no hurtful wind passing by it do strike in the other inhabiting, and if it be built on a high place it will be better. And because the King being informed that goods of the deceased in those parts do not come so wholly as they might, nor so soon to the hands of the heirs, by will of the said deceased, for many causes, whereby the heirs received great damage, and the testaments were not performed: Orders for the goods o●●he deceased. for a remedy, it was provided, that whatsoever Spaniard shall come to any Village, or Town of those parts, he shall present himself before the Clerk of the Counsel, where he shall Register the name, and surname of such a one, with the place of his abode or birth, that his death happening, it may be known where those that are to be his heirs may be found. That the ordinary justice, with the most ancient Ruler, and the Clerk of the Counsel shall take charge of the goods of the persons that shall dye, and shall set them in an Inventory, before a Scrivener and Witnesses: and the debts that he did owe, and were owing him, and that which is in Gold & Silver, small Pearl, and other things shall be sold, and put in a Chest of three Locks, whose Keys the three persons abovesaid shall keep. That the goods be sold in a public outcry, with the Testimony of a Scrivener: that if need be▪ an Attorney shall be constituted. That the said justices do take occompt of all those that have charge of dead men's goods, and recover all that they are behind hand without any appeal, and do put it in the Chest of the three Keys. That having any Will of the deceased where he dyeth, and the Heirs or Executors, the justice shall not meddle in any thing, neither take the goods, taking only notice who be the Heirs of the said deceased. That the said justices, Rulers, and Scriveners do send also to the Contrataction-house of seville, all that which they shall recover of the goods of the deceased, declaring the name, surname, and abode of of every one deceased, with the Copy of the Inventory of his goods, that they may be given to his Heirs, by the order that touching the same is given. That when they take account of those that have had goods of men deceased, it shall be sent to the supreme Counsel of the Indies, with a very particular relation, and reason of all. That the justices do with care inform themselves carefully of those which have in possession the goods of men deceased, whether they have done any fraud, and prejudice to the goods they have had in possession, & send to the Counsel notice thereof, that they may give account with payment to the justices above said▪ That account be given every year, and the memorial of the dead that have been that year shall be showed to the Governor of the Country, & of the goods they had, that they may be sent to seville, & be given to his heirs, and the Testaments be fulfilled, with good account and reason that is behooveful. For in every Counsel, one of the justices is judge of the goods of the deceased, the one succeeding another, from the youngest to the eldest, by their turn, which doth send his Commissaries through the bounds to take account of the houlders, and there be any carelessness, the justices are charged therewith in the visitations which are made of them, and before when there are any Plaintiffs. Those Catholic Kings being informed that in the Indies were many married Spaniards, which lived separated from their wives, Touching married men. of the which, besides the offence that was done to our Lord God, there followed a great inconvenience to the Plantation of those Countries, for that such not living seated in them, were not continued, neither did they attend to build, plant, breed, nor sowing, nor doing other things, which the good inhabiters are wont to do, whereby the Towns do not increase, as is behooveful, and as they would do if there came inhabitors with their wives & children, as true Townsmen; being willing to remedy the abovesaid, commanded that all and every person or persons that should be found to be married, or betrothed in these Kingdoms, should come unto them for their wives, and not return to the Indies without them, or with sufficient proof that they are dead. And the same order was given for all the Kingdoms, of that new world, and sundry times hath been reiterated, and commanded to be executed upon grievous penalties. Proceeding from the year 1492. when the discovery of this Orb was begun, in directing and settling the spiritual government, The holy Office of the Inquisition. as hath been seen, for greater perfection, and enduring of it: The Catholic King Don Philip the second, called the Prudent, considering that among the great benefits that the Indians have received, their illumination to receive the evangelical Doctrine was the greatest, which hath ex●ended itself, and considering also the singular grace which God for his mercy hath used with them, in giving them knowledge of our holy Catholic Faith; that it was necessary to have a special vigilancy in the conserving of the devotion, and reputation of the inhabitors, and Castillane pacifiers, which with so many labours procured the augmenting of the Religion, and exalting of the Catholic Faith (as in those parts like faithful & Catholic Christians, and good natural and true Castillans they have done) & seeing that those which are out of the holy Catholic & apostolic Roman Church, obstinate, and stubborn in their errors, and heresies, do always procure to pervert the faithful Christians▪ labouring to draw them to their false opinions, scattering certain damned Books, whereof hath followed great hurt to our sacred Religion; and having so certain experience that the best means to prevent these evils, consisteth in the separating the communication of heretical persons, punishing their errors, according to the disposition of the sacred Canons & laws of these Kingdoms (which by this holy means, by the divine clemency have been preserved from this wicked contagion, and is hoped they will be preserved hereafter) to the end that the Orb do not receive so much hurt, where the inhabiters of these Kingdoms have given so good example of Christianity, & the Country-born have not perverted themselves with erroneous doctrines of the heretics: It seemed good to his Majesty, with the advice of the Cardinal D. james of Espinosa, Bishop of Siguença, Inquisitor general in these Kingdoms, a man of great prudence, and of many rare parts and virtues, for the which he made election of his person, to help him to bear the burden of so many Kingdoms, and Lordships, and of the Counsels of the holy, and general Inquisition, and of the supreme Counsel of the Indies (for it behoved to place one Counsel of the holy Office in Mexico; for the Kingdoms of New Spain, and the rest of the Indies of the North, and another in the City of the Kings, for the Kingdoms of Piru, and the adherents, which are called the Indies of the South) which the authority that the Counsels of these Kingdoms have, so that as yet they should not meddle with the cases of the Indians, but only of the Castillanes, & other Nations that should be found in the Indies, and so that the appeals should come to the supreme Counsel that is resident in this Court, as it is done in Spain, and in the accomplishing thereof, in the year 1570. the King Don Philip the second, called the Prudent, gave a general power to the Town of Madrid, the 16. of August, that the apostolic Inquisitours that should be named for the present, and for hereafter against the heretical perverseness, & Apostasy; and the Officers and Ministers necessary for this holy Office, which was commanded to be seated in the Cities of Mexico, and of the Kings, should exercise & use their Offices, and royal warrants, that Don Martin Euriques, and Don Franciscus of Toledo, Viceroys, and Captains general in the Kingdoms of New Spain, and Piru, and the Counsels, and justices, Governors, and other persons should give all aid, and favour to the holy Officio, and the Inquisitors, and Officers were nominated, as in their own place shall be spoken more at large. THese Catholic Kings, most wisely constituted the Supreme Counsel of the Indies, that they might help them to bear so great a burden, as is already the government of that Orb, Chap. 30. Of the form of the government of the supreme Counsel of the Indies, and of the Institution of the Counsels, and Chanceries royal of those parts. and the Counsel consisteth in one Precedent, and eight or more Counsellors, as necessity requireth, with one Attorney, Secretaries, Clerks of the Chamber, Relators, and other Officers, and an Office of Accounts, where a notice is had of all the goods Royal of those parts. And that proceeding might be according to rule and order, they declared first that the Counsel should meet three hours every day in the morning, and two in the afternoon, three days in the week that be no holy days, and that they should firm the Warrants that should be delivered for these Kingdoms; but that those that were for the Indies, should have the seal Royal: and that in those parts it should have supreme jurisdiction, and might make Laws, and Decrees, to see and examine whatsoever Statutes, Constitutions of Prelates, Senates, Chapters, and Conuents of the Religious, and of the Viceroys, Courts, and Counsels; and that in the Indies, and in these Kingdoms, in matter dependant of them it should be obeyed: that the government of the Indies should be like this of these Kingdoms, and that more in particular the Counsel do occupy itself in the matters of government. Appeals. That in Suits remitted those of the Council Royal shall come to give their voices to that of the Indies, and that two voices shall make a Sentence in suits of 500 d Which is 100 pound English, taking two Rials for one shilling. Pesos, or under. That there be a second Supplication in a case of 10000 Pesos: that they deal not in the repartitions of the Indians in those parts, but the Processes well perused in the Courts according to a Law, called of Malinas (for there it was made) they shall come to the Supreme Counsel: touching order to be held in matters of services, that the Counsel do see them all; and in matters of rewards, that which the greatest part doth determine, shall be done, and that in these there be a Supplication, and that no expedient suit be seen the third time: and that in the matters they do resolve with brevity, that the charges be given to the best deserving, and that they be not given to the allied and kinsmen of them of the Counsel; neither may such be Solicitors, nor Attorneys; in the providings of the Offices no price shall be admitted: nor that they of the Counsel have any Indians of repartition, and they shall assist in their houses, that the Suitors may find them there, when they go not to Counsel: and that due secrecy be kept in all things, and above all that the Counsel have a particular care of the Conversion and good Instruction of the Indians, and of the spiritual government; and that of e Which as we account 441. pound 3 shillings and one third part of a penny. 600000. Marmediz upward the appeal shall come to the Counsel; that they may appeal from the Sentences in the five Cases of natural death, or maiming of a member, or other bodily punishment, public shame, or racking, and the appeals shall come to the Counsel, with many other laudable orders, which are omitted for brevity's sake. That the Precedent being a learned man, shall have a voice in matters of Government, gratuities, He continueth the order● of the supreme Counsel. and favours, visitations, and accounts, and not in suits, because he may be the more free for the government of the Counsel; and being unlearned he shall have no voice, but in matters of grace, government, and favour, and that he may assemble the Counsel in his own house, and have a note of the businesses, and that the Counselors do not accompany with the Suitors. And because it seemed a necessary thing that one Fiscad or Attorney should assist in Counsel, it was commanded he should have the same stipend that the Counselors, and that they deliver him the dispatches of the Office, that he have a care to know how that is accomplished which is provided for the Indies▪ that necessary Papers be given him for his Office, that he do see the visitations before Counsel: that he have a book to register all the capitulations that are taken with the King, another wherein he may set down the Attorney's Pleas: that he delay not the suits: that his demands, or those that are against him be admitted, if the Counsel think it good: that he keep a book of that which is concluded for the cases; that he have a care to know the Officers that do omit to send a relation every year to the Counsel. Having ordained all that which appertaineth to the Counsel, which is the head of this Government, Institution of the Courts royal of the Indies. with many other orders which are not rehearsed for brevity; they proceeded in ordering all the Provinces of the Indies, in the matters of justice, as need required: and these Catholic Kings desiring the common good of that new world, that their subjects that should possess it, having a zeal to the service of our Lord God, good, profit, & ease of the said Subjects, & to the Peace, and quietness of the Towns, as the King is bound unto God, and to them, for to accomplish with the Office that he hath in earth, he thought good to command to place the Courts and Royal Chanceries, that (as hath been said) are in the Indies, with the Statutes, and orders that hath been given them, that the Ministers may do their office, and justice be well administered, and the Towns obtained the benefit pretended. The first Court that was established, was in the City of Saint Dominicke in the Island Hispaniola, The Court of the Hispanyo●a. with one Precedent a learned man, though now because of the war he is a Soldier, with title of Captain General, and four justices that bear rods, like an * Or Ordinary justice, etc. Alcalde, and deal in civil and criminal matters, in a degree of appeal, and in the instance in matter of Court, and the Government is only commended to the Precedent (which now is in Don Antonio Ossorio) and the limits thereof. The Court of Mexico. The second Court was established in the City of Mexico, in New Spain: the first Precedent which was Nunyo of Guzman, had no authority, for he was placed but for a season: with the second Court, the Bishop. D. Sebastian Ramirez (for he was so in the Court of Hispanyola) he had the Government of the Kingdoms, and the supreme authority, and he left that, established that which belonged unto it, and unto justice, as at this present it is. The Precedent of this Court is the Viceroy (which now is the Earl of Monterrey) there are eight justices, which do judge in civil matters, and in the appeal of the cases of government which the Viceroy establisheth. There are three justices of criminal cases, which bear rods, and deal in criminal cases, and two Attorneys, one of civil, another of criminal causes, and he provideth the Ruler's charges that are not reserved to the King, and the other Officers, an● helps of cost in releaseth, and vacations in the limits of this Court of Mexico, The Court of Panama. and in that Counsel of new Galicia. The third Court was that of Panama in Terra firm (for this name was given to it, because it was the first place where from the Lands the Castillanes went to inhabit, and as their common speech was to say that they went and came from the Firm Land, Wherefore it was called Terra firm. though other Provinces were found in the firm land of that Orb) this Province continued this name, losing that of Castilia del Oro, wherewith the Kings commanded it should be called: and when the affairs of Peru grew greater, in the year 1542. It was thought good that this Court should be removed to the City of The Kings, where the Viceroy (which now is Do● Lewis of Velasco) hath at his charge the government of these limits, Court of the City of the Kings. and that of the Courts of the Charcas and Quito. There is in this Court of the Kings eight justices, three justices of Court, and two Attorneys, in the same order as in Mexico: and the Viceroy is resident in the City of the Kings, and is the Precedent of this Court, and shall be in the other two, when he is present in them, and doth divide all the repartitions of Indians that are void in the bounds of them. The fourth Court was established in the Province of the Confines, and seeming it was needless it was dissolved, The Court of Guatemala. and the year 1570. it was established again in the City of Saint james, of the Kingdom of Guatemala: in it is one Precedent which is the Doctor Cria●● of Castille: four justices with rods, and one Attorney. They sit on civil and criminal cases, in appeals, and in the first instance: in matters of Court the Precedent only hath the Government, and assigneth the Indians, provideth the Rulerships, and other Offices temporal. The fifth Court was established in the City of Sancta Fe de Bogata▪ in the new Kingdom of Granada, with one Precedent (which now is the Doctor Francisco de Sande) four justices with rods, The Court of the new Kingdom. The Court of the new Kingdom of Galicia and one Attorney, with the same authority that the former. The sixth was established in the City of Guadalaiara, of the new Kingdom of Gall●cia, with one Regent, three chief justices, which dispatched a great while without Seal, and the matters increasing, the Seal was given, and a Register, and a Precedent was placed, which now is Doctor Sanctiago de Vera: and three justices with rods, one Attorney, and the Viceroy of New Spain hath the Government. The seventh Court, was placed in the City of Saint Francis of Quito, The Court of Quito. of the Province of Piru, where there was also a Regent, chief justices without Seal, and afterward the Court was established with a Precedent (which now is the Licentiat Miguel de Vuarar) with three justices with rods, The Court of the Charcas. & one Attorney with the same faculty of Guadalaiara, the government, & the rest remaining to the Viceroy of Piru, as abovesaid. The eight Court was in the City of the Plate, in the Province of the Charcas, with a Regent and chief justices: after there was placed a Precedent, four justices with rods, Attorney, Seal, and Register, and now is Precedent the Licentiat Cepeda, Counsel of Panama. with reservation of the providing the charges, and the rest to the Viceroy of Piru. * Sc. a Soldier. The Court of the Phillipines'. The ninth Court, is that which was established again in the City of Panama, with a Precedent of Sword and Cloak, because of the matters of war, which is now Don Alonso de Sotomayor, with the title of Captain General of Terra firm: there are three justices with rods, which do deal in Appeals of civil and criminal cases, and at first instance in matters of Court, and it hath only the Government. In the City of Saint james, of the Province of Chile, was placed the tenth Court, and because it seemed needless, it was dissolved, and a Governor was provided, which dependeth on the Viceroy of Piru. In the City of the Philippinas, called Manila, was a Court, and it was dissolved, because it seemed needless: a few years since it was established again, with a Captain General which is Don Peter of Acunya which is Precedent, and four justices, and one Attorney, with the same authority that the other Courts. For the Catholic Kings of Castille, with the advice of the supreme Council of the Indies, do always provide with a sincere and just mind, that which is convenient for the preservation, and augmenting of the spiritual and temporal things of those parts, without any spare of expenses, or labour: and every Court hath according to the use of these Kingdoms, Secretaries, Relators, Sergeants, Porters, and the Officers which are necessary. THe harmony and agreement of this great Monarchy▪ is such, Chap. 31. Of the things that are provided in the supreme Council of the Indies with consultation of the Kings. that to every Minister hath been given the authority that as well by reason of estate, as for the reputation of justice hath seemed to be convenient, reserving to the supreme Majesty that which hath been judged to be necessary to his authority. For to the Viceroys and Precedents, that they may have to reward the well-deserving, and they be more respected, there are Offices assigned which they may provide, and matters wherein they may gratify, and to the providing of the Person Royal have remained, with consultation of the supreme Council of the Indies the offices following. For the Kingdom of Chile a Governor and a learned justice, with faculty to incommend or authorize the Indians: another for Tucuman, with the same faculty: The governments which the King provideth in the Indies. another for the Provinces of the River of Plate, for Popayan, Sancta Martha, Cartagena, and Veragua, with their Governor in every one with the same power. In the Provinces of Nicaragua, and the Rich Coast, one: in the Island of Cuba one Governor, and Captain which is resident in the City of Saint Christopher of the Auana: there are besides the Governors of the Island of Saint john of Porterico, Venezuela, Soconusco, Yucatan, Cozu●el, and Tabasco, which is all one government with authority to commend the Indians. His Majesty provideth also the governments of Honduras, the Margarite, Florida, new Bisquie, Dorado, those of the new Realm of Lion, and that of Pacanoras', Ygualsango, which are for term of life, and the same in the Provinces of Choco, Quixos, the cinnamon, Lands of Solomon, Sancta Cruz of the Hill, and the last is that of the new Andalusia. Likewise there are provided by his Majesty the Rulerships following. The Cuzco, the City of the Plate, and the seat of the mines of Potosi, and the province of Chicuito, The Rulerships that his Majesty doth provide, the Andes of Cuzco, the city of Truxillo, Arrequipa, Saint james of Guayaquil, Guamanga, the city of the Peace, Chiquiabo, Saint john of the Frontier, Lion of Guanuco, Old Haven, Zamora, the inhabiting of the mines of the Zacatecas in new Galicia, Cuenca, Loxa, Tunja, the city of Mexico, the city of the Kings, the province of Nicoya. Chief justiceships, are those of the village of Saint Saviour of the province of Guatemala, the inward part of Hispaniola, * Or the name of God. Nombre de Dios, the village of Chuluteca, province of the Chiapa, Zapotlitan, the village of Nata, Sancta Marie of the victory in Tabasco. And the chief Bayliwickes' are, in the city of Saint Dominicke in Mexico, in Guadalajara, Saint james of Guatemala, Panama, holy Faith of Bogota, Saint Francis of Quito, the city of the Kings, the Plata. In the Cities recited in every one is a chief Bailiff, which hath a voice in Council as a Ruler, and Deputies named, for the use of his Office, and in every Court is another chief Bailiff with faculty to name other two Deputies. For the government of the goods Royal are provided by his Majesty, with the opinion of the supreme Council of the Indies, many Officers, Factors, Treasurers, Tellers, and Overseers, which all do give assurance in Castille and in the Indies, of good and faithful administration: and because this new Commonwealth doth augment so much, it seemed behooveful to the service of God, and of the King, to ennoble and authorise it more, with placing two Viceroys, one in New Spain, another in the Kingdoms of Piru, that in the King's name they should govern and provide the things belonging to the service of God, and of the King, and to the conversion and instruction of the Indians, sustaining, continuing, inhabiting, and ennobling of the said Kingdoms, which experience hath showed, that it hath been convenient: to the which Viceroys instructions are given very particular of that which is recited, and that they may have in protection the holy office of the Inquisition, and with their strong arm to defend and protect it, that this conformity as a fast knot, may be the pure and true preservation of the spiritual and temporal Estate, which is the best and truest estate, and most according to the evangelical estate. The Viceroys are commanded also, and likewise the judges, not to have houses proper, That which is forbidden the Viceroys, and judges. nor to traffic, nor contract, nor be served of the Indians, neither have any * Where herd● of cattle are bred. Grangeries, nor meddle in Armies, nor Discoveries; that they receive no gifts nor presents of any person; nor borrow money, nor any thing to eat; nor plead, nor receive arbitrements. That no Lawyer may plead where his father, father in law, brother in law, cousin, or son is judge. That no Viceroy, Precedent, justice, judge of the criminal Cases, Solicitor, nor their children may marry in the Indies. That no Governors, Rulers, nor their Deputies, may buy Lands, nor build Houses, nor traffic in their jurisdiction. That they may not farm the Bayliwickes', nor jaylorships, nor other offices. That no Governor, Ruler, nor chief Bailiff, during the time of his office, may marry in the bounds of his jurisdiction. That no judge be provided for a Ruler, neither shall the said judges, or Bayliefs, have any charge in which they are to make any absence from their offices: neither shall any office of justice be given to the sons, son in law, brothers in law, nor fathers in law of Precedents, justices, nor Solicitors, nor to the Officers of the Courts, and of the goods Royal, neither to servants nor allied of theirs: and the same is commanded the Viceroys. And that none of the abovesaid Ministers, do accept warrant for recoveries nor other things, nor serve themselves of the Indians without paying them. That no Advocate, Scriuene●, nor Relator, do dwell in the house of judge, nor Bailiff, nor the Suitors serve the judges. That the judges of Panama, do not accompany themselves with the Dealers, nor give leave to their wives to accompany them. And that no justices of all the Courts, shall have much communication with the Suitors, Advocates, nor Attorneys: neither in body of a Court to go to Marriages, Funerals, nor Spousals, except it be a very weighty matter: neither visit any Neighbour for any cause. That they do not meddle in matters of the Commonwealth, nor any justice, nor other minister of the Court, may have two offices in it. And besides these many other Ordinances, and good Laws, which are all concerning administration of justice. Chap. 32. Wherein he continueth the matter of the good government of the Indies. ANd because these Catholic Kings have left nothing which most wisely they have not provided for according to their duty, the first thing they command the Viceroys, and all the Ministers in general and particular is, the good usage of the Indians, and their preservation, and the accomplishing of the Orders which are made as touching this, for to punish the Offenders with great rigour: and as the Indians do learn the Castillan policy, and can complain, and know in what things they receive wrong, for their greater ease it is provided, that they give no place that the ordinary writings be made in the suits between, or with the Indians, neither make any delays, as it is wont to happen, by the malice of some Advocates, and Attorneys, but that summarily they be determined, keeping their uses and customs, not being manifestly injust, Interpreters. and that by all means possible, they do provide the good and short dispatch of them. And having notice that in the interpretation of the Indians languages, there were some frauds; for to prevent all, it was ordained, that every interpretation be made by two Interpreters, which shall not confer both together about that which is controverted by the Indian: and that before they be received to the use of the office, they shall take their oath to administer it faithfully, and that they receive no gifts of the Indians suitors, nor of others. That they do assist at the Agreements, Courts, and visitations of the Prisons. That in their houses they hear not the Indians, but to carry them to the Court. That the Interpreters be not Solicitors, not Attorneys of the Indians. That they ask them nothing. And for their greater good, it is provided, that the Attorney of the supreme Council of the Indies, be Protector of the Indians, and defend them in their suits, and ask in the Council all the necessary things for his instruction, preservation, and politic life: and now there are appointed Protectors in the Kingdoms of Piru, and New Spain, with new orders for their better usage. It is also commanded, to set up Schools of the Castillane tongue, that the Indians may learn it, Schools for Indians to learn the Spanish tongue. and may do it from their childhood; and that no vagabond Spaniard do dwell or remain in the Towns of the Indians, nor among them, but that the Viceroys and the Courts, do put all diligence in driving such out of the Land, shipping them for Castille: and the * Sc. of the Castillanes, and the Countriwomen. Country borne be compelled to serve and to learn Trades. And as well to the Prelates, as to the Viceroys, Courts, Governors, and Rulers, and other whatsoever justices, is ordained, and particular care is had they do accomplish it, that they do provide how the offences that were done to God may cease, in the Indians marrying whiles they are children, without having respect of age: the Caziques marrying with more than one woman, though he be an Infidel: in hindering that when some Cazique did die they should kill another to be buried with him, and other like abominable uses. That it be permitted to the Indians that they may dispose of themselves what they list, as free men, and exempted from all manner labour, though it shall be procured that they do labour and not be idle, and may have liberty to dispose of their goods, the Lands being set to sale by outcry thirty days, and the movable nine, the justice being present. That the Lands remaining of any Indian deceasing without a Will, shall remain in the Towns where they dwelled. That they make the Markets freely, and sell in them their merchandise. That their good uses and ancient customs be approved. That they may send to these Kingdom's Indian Attorneys for three years. That the * Or accounts of the judges, or justices. Residencies be published in the Indian Towns, to see if any will demand justice. That in every Town of the Indians there be an Hospital with the things necessary. In this matter of the Indian slaves, there were in the beginning of the Discoveries diverse opinions, That they be no slaves. and orders, governing themselves as the time required and the state of the things: but after the Bishop Don Sebastian Ramirez came for Precedent of New Spain, this use was absolutely abolished, notwithstanding the ancient one which the Indians had to make themselves slaves one to another: neither might they buy of them, nor receive them, neither that any person may bring to these Kingdoms any Indian in title of a slave, though he be taken in lawful war: and for this are so strait order given that they are effectually kept, and so in no place of the Indies are Indian slaves, though they be out of the bounds of Castille and Lion. And to eschew this inconvenience the more, the bringing Indians to these parts for whatsoever title it be, is forbidden. And the quietness for the Commonwealth being above all very necessary, faculty is given to the Viceroys, Precedents, Governors, and other justices, that they may drive away, About unquiet persons. and banish from the Indies all unquiet persons, and send them to these Kingdoms, judging it so to be convenient for the quietness of those, but that it be not for hatred or passion, nor for an● such reason. And that it may be some bridle to the Superiors, they are commanded, that they hinder no man the writing to the King, to his Council, and to other persons, what they will: neither open, nor take any papers, or letters, under great penalties, and that they permit to pass and repass through the Country them that will, providing ways and bridges in the places where they are wanting. As touching the matters of War, it is also provided with great deliberation, for the Viceroys greater authority, faculty is given them to have a Guard on foot, Matters of war. and on Horseback: to make a casting place for Ordnance and Bullets, and a building for munitions, to levy men, arm ships, and make fortifications, and provide all the rest convenient for the defence of those Kingdoms, and how the excesses of the Soldiers may be eschewed, as well by Land as by Sea, and to them that go in the fleets, committing the punishing of them to whom it belongeth, for to excuse competencies of jurisdiction. It hath already been said how all the Government of this Orb, The house of contrataction of Sivil. depends of the supreme and Royal Council of the Indies, that are near the Person Royal. But as it is necessary that the executions of those parts have correspondence in these; and here also there be they that may provide in effecting that is behooveful for the matters there: it was necessary to place in Sivil, where all the traffic of the Indies doth come, a house Royal of contrataction of it, that meddleth not but in the dispatching of those businesses, and dependants of them, without any person nor justice do intermeddle in any thing belonging to the Indian affairs: and it is in substance, a Tribunal of great authority, in the which is a Precedent, which now is Don Bernardino Delgadi●●o of Auellaneda, a Teller, a Treasurer, one Factor, three learned judges, one Solicitor, one Relator, one Sergeant, Scriveners, Porter, jailor, and other Officers. In the Lands of Tenerife and Palma, are placed two learned judges, called Officers Royal, or judges of the Registers, to cause Orders to be kept that are given for the lading and Registers of those Lands, and Navigation of that voyage. The house of the Contrataction hath her instruction and ordinances, how her jurisdiction is to be governed and exercised, and the learned judges have it also for their use and exercise, keeping in the seeing of the plea, between parties, the order that is held in the Courts of Valladolid, and Granada: and because the particular care of the officers of this house, is the dispatch of the Fleets and Armies, that they may depart in due times, they employ themselves in it with great diligence, and in receiving them that come, and setting in safeguard the Gold, Silver, jewels, and other things that do come, with a distinction of the weight and carracts, charging themselves with all, that there may be more account and reason, and for to make the provisions of the Fleets and Armies. There are so good orders given, that neither the Ministers do exceed, nor the Subjects receive wrong, for all passeth very conformable to the intention of these Godly and Catholic Kings, by means of the great diligence of the supreme Council of the Indies. And because the businesses of the Indies have increased so much, Instruction of the Council of Camara, or of Household. that the supreme Council could not dispatch them with the brevity convenient to the good government of that Orb, and the benefit of the Suitors, with the advice of the Precedent and supreme Council; the King Don Philip the third our Lord, in imitation of his Catholic and Godly Predecessors, for the greater good of his subjects, hath instituted a Privy Council, where all the businesses of spiritual and temporal warrants, favours and rewards may be conferred and dispatched: and besides this, there are two Halls instituted, where on days appointed they may entreat of matters of war, with the Precedent and three Counsellors of the Indies, and two or three of the Counsel of war, and other days, of the matters of the goods, by the Precedent and Counsellors of Indies, and two of the Counsel of the goods, Attorney, and Secretary of the Counsel of the Indies, the Precedent naming those that he shall think best for it. And as these Catholic Kings do always look to the benefit of the people of that Orb, considering that the propagation of the holy Gospel in no part of it could go more prosperously by any other hands than his, nor be attended for his preservation, That the Indies shall not be alienated. and to have the Conquerors and Inhabiters of those parts more satisfied, seeing all were his Subjects, and borne in these Kingdoms, declared by their Royal warrants, dated the year 1520. in Valladolid, and in the year 1523. in Pamplona, that their Majesties, nor any of their Heirs, in no time shall alienate from the Crown Royal of Castille and Lion, the Lands and Provinces of the Indies, Town, or any part of them, and so they promised it and gave their Royal word. The Precedents, Counsellors, Secretaries, and Attorneys, which unto this present day have served, and do serve in the Supreme Council of the Indies, from their first Discovery. PRECEDENTS. IOhn Rodriguez of Fonseca, brother to the Lord of Coca and Alaejos, Archbishop of Rosano, and Bishop of Burgos, being Deane of Sivil, governed that which appertained to the dispatching of the Fleets and Armies of the Indies, till the Catholic King Don Fernando V. called him, to the end that in his Court he might take charge of the Indian affairs, and he did it till the Emperor came to reign, which commanded that the Doctor Mercurino Gatinara his great Chancellor, should be Superintendent of all the Counsels, and all the dispatches passed through his hands, and intermeddled in all the Assemblies that were made. Friar Garcia of Loaysa General of the Order of Saint Dominicke, the Emperor's Confessor, Bishop of Osma, which was Archbishop of Sivil, and Cardinal. Don Garcia Manrique, Earl of Os●rno, which being Assistant of Sivil, did govern till the Cardinal came from Rome. Don Lewis Hurtado of Mendoça, Marks of Mondejar, which after was Precedent of the Royal and supreme Council of Castille. The Licenciate Don Franciscus Tello of Sandoval, which having been of the Council of the Indies, went for Precedent of the Royal Chancery of Granada, and from thence came to govern in the Council of Indies. The Licenciate Don john Sarmiento was also of the Council of the Indies, and after went to govern in the Royal Chancery of Granada, from whence he returned to be Precedent of the Royal and supreme Council of the Indies. Lewis Quixada, Lord of Villagarcia, and of the Council of War. The Licenciate john of Obando, of the supreme Council of the holy Inquisition, did preside in the Council of the Indies, and of the goods Royal. The Licenciate Don Antonio de Padilla, of the Royal and supreme Counsel of Castille, passed to be Precedent of the Council of the Orders, and after to the supreme Council of the Indies. The Licenciate Hernando of Vega and Fonseca, of the supreme Council of the holy and general Inquisition, passed to the Council of the goods Royal, and from it to the Royal and supreme Council of the Indies. The Licenciate Don Pedro de Moya of Contreras, the first Inquisitor that went to Mexico for to seat the holy Office in that City. He was Archbishop of that City, and Precedent of the supreme Council of the Indies. The Licenciate Paul of Laguna, of the Royal and supreme Council of Castille, and of the holy and general Inquisition, passed to govern in the Council of the goods Royal and Tribunals of it, and was after Precedent of the supreme Council of the Indies: and in his time began the Royal Council of the household. COUNSELLORS. HErnando of Vega, Lord of Grajal, which was chief Knight of Lion, and Precedent of the Council of Orders. Licenciate Lewis Zapata. Licenciate Moxica. Doctor S. James. Doctor Palacios Penbios. Doctor Gonçalo Maldonado, which was Bishop of the city Rodrigo. Master Lewis Vaca, Bishop of Canary. Doctor Aguirre. Doctor Mota, Bishop of Badajoz. Doctor Sosa. Doctor Peter Martyr of Angleria, Abbot of jamaica. Mosiur of Lassao, of the Emperor's Chamber, and of the Council of Estate. Licenciate Garcia of Padilla, of the habit of Calatrana. Doctor Beltran. Doctor Galindez of Caruajal. Doctor Bernal. Licenciate Peter Manuel, Licenciate Rodrick of the Court. Licenciate Montoya. Licenciate Mercado. Licenciate Antony of Aguilera. Licenciate Don Hernando of Salas. Licenciate john Thomas. Doctor Villafanye. Licenciate Bottelb● Maldonado. Licenciate Otalora. Licenciate james Gas●a of Salazar. Licenciate Gamboa. Doctor Gomez of Santillana. Licenciate Espadero. Licenciate Don james of Zunnigo. Licenciate Lopez of Sarria. Licenciate Enao. Doctor Lope of Bayllo. Licenciate Gedeon of Ynojosa, of the habit of Saint James. Licenciate Villafanne. Doctor Antony Gonçalez. Licenciate Franciscus Balcazar. Licenciate Medina of Sarauz. Licenciate Don Lewis of Mercado. Doctor Peter Gutierrez Flores. Licenciate Peter Days of Tudança. Licenciate Benitte Rodriguez Valtodano. Licenciate Austin Aluarez of Toledo, and of the Chamber. Doctor Don Roderick Zapata. Licenciate P●●er Brano of Sotomayor. Licenciate Molina of Medrano, of the habit of Saint james, & of the Chamber, Commissioner of this History. Licenciate james of Armenteros. Licenciate Alonso Perez of Salazar. Licenciate Gonçalo of Aponte, and of the Chamber. Licenciate Don john of Ocon, of the habit of Calatrana. Licenciate Hernando of Saanedra. Licenciate Don Thomas Ximenez Ortiz. Licenciate Eugenius of Salazar. Licenciate Don Franciscus Arias Maldonado. Licenciate Andrew of Ayala. Licenciate Benavente of Benavides. Licenciate Roocke of Villagutierre Chumazero. SECRETARIES. IOhan Colona. Michael Perez of Almazan. Gaspar of Gricio. The Knight Lope of Conchillos'. Franciscus of the Cobos, chief Commander of Leon. john of Samano. The Commander Franciscus of Eraso. Antony of Eraso. The Commander john of Ybarra. ATTORNEYS or SOLICITORS. THe Licenciate Franciscus of Vargas. Licenciate Prado. Licenciate Martin Ruyz of Agreda. Doctor Franciscus Hernandez of Liebana. Licenciate Jerome of Vlloa. Licenciate Gamboa. Licenciate Lopez of Sarria. Licenciate Seipion Antol●●ez. Licenciate Negro●. Doctor Valençuela. Doctor Marcus Caro. Licenciate Bennet Rodriguez of Valtodano. Licenciate Alonso Perez of Salazar. Licenciate Ro●cke of Villagutierre Chumazero. The Governors, and Viceroys, which have governed until this time, the Kingdoms of New Spain, and of Piru. In New Spain. Done Fernando Cortes Marquis of the Valley. Governor, chief justice, and Captain general. The Licenciate Lewis Pance, of the House of the Duke of Arcos, judge of * Or of the examination of a judge or justice, or other Officer after their time is expired, to see if any will complain of any wrong done to him in that time, and to pay the damage so sustained by his default. Residency, with faculty to take the government, and by his death the Licenciate Marcus of Aguilar, natural of the City of Ezija, was subrogated his Deputy, and because of his death succeeded within two months; he substituted his authorities in the Treasurer Alonso of Estrada, borne in City Royal: and the death of Lewis Pance being known in Castille, it was provided that Marcus of Aguilar should govern, and in defect of him, Alonso of Estrada, till the first Court came, with order that Nun of Guzman, Knight of Guadalajara, Governor of Panuco, a Precedent did come: and because it was convenient to take away those judges, others were sent in their places, and for Precedent in the government universal of New Spain, Don Sebastian Ramirez of Fuenleal, Bishop of Saint Dominicke, and of the Conception, late Precedent of the Court of Saint Dominicke, a man of great learning, and that after many dignities died in Castille Bishop of Cuenca, and then the charge of Captain general was given anew to the Marquis Don Hernando Cortes, that he might govern the matters of war, with the advice of Don Sebastian Ramirez. The first that had title of Viceroy and Captain general of New Spain, was Don Antony of Mendoça, brother of the Marquis of Mondejar. Don Lewis of Velasco, a Gentleman of the House of the high Constable of Castille. Don Gaston of Peralta, Marquis of Falces. Don Martin Enriquez of Almansa, brother of the Marquis of Alcannizes', the King's Steward. Don Laurence Xuarez of Mendoça, Earl of Corunya, which deceased being provided for Piru, and by his death Don Peter Moya of Contreras, Archbishop of Mexico, governed in the mean while. Don Alvaro Manrique of Zunniga, Marquis of Villamamuque, brother of the Duke of Bojar. Don Lewis of Velasco, son to the abovesaid Don Lewis of Velasco, which passed to govern the Kingdoms of Piru, where at this present he is. Don Gaspar of Zunniga and Fonseca, Earl of Monterrey, which governeth at this day. In the Kingdoms of Piru. Done Franciscus Piçarro, Marquis of the Charcas, Governor, chief justice, and Captain general. The Licenciate Vaca of Castro, of the habit of Saint james, of the supreme Council of Castille, carried Title of Governor general. Blasco Nunnez Vela, a Gentleman of Auila, was the first that carried the Title of Viceroy and Captain general of the Kingdoms of Piru. The Licenciate james de la Gasca, of the Council of the holy and general Inquisition, carried the Title of Precedent of the new Court that was sent to the City of The Kings, and of Governor general, with faculty to give the government of Arms to whom he thought best. He died Bishop of Siguença, and his Funeral and Trophies are seen in Magdalene Church in Valladolid, and in his absence the government remained to the Court of the City of The Kings. The second that carried Title of Viceroy and Captain general, was Don Antony of Mendoça, that governed the Kingdoms of New Spain. Don Andrew H●rtado of Mendoça, Marks of Ca●yete. Don james of Zunyga and Velasco, Earl of Nieva. The Licenciate Lope Garcia of Castro, of the Royal and supreme Council of the Indies, carried title of Precedent and Governor general. Don Franciscus of Toledo, brother to the Earl of Oropesa, Steward to the King. Don Martin Enriquez, from the charge of New Spain, passed to govern the Kingdoms of Piru. Don Garcia of Mendoça, Marks of Cavyete. Don Lewis of Velasco, from the charge of New Spain, passed to the Kingdoms of Piru, where now he is, and at the instant of the impression of this Work, is provided for Viceroy and Captain general of those Kingdoms, Don john Pacheco, Duke of Escalona. Printed at Madrid by juan Flamenco. A●. 1601. CHAP. II. Observations gathered out of the First, Second, Third, and Fourth books of JOSEPHUS ACOSTA a learned jesuit, touching the natural history of the Heavens, Air, Water, and Earth at the west Indies. Also of their Beasts, Fishes, Fowls, Plants, and other remarkable rarities of Nature. §. I. Of the fashion and form of Heaven, at the newfound World, and of the Air and Windes. Lib. 1. cap. 5. MAny in Europe demand, of what form and fashion. Heaven is in the Southern parts▪ for that there is no certainty found in ancient Books, who although they grant there is a Heaven on this other part of the World, yet come they not to any knowledge of the form thereof, although in truth they make mention of a goodly great Star seen in those parts, which they call Canopus. Those which of late days have sailed into these parts, Plin. lib. ●. c. 22. have accustomed to write strange things of this Heaven; that it is very bright, having many goodly Stars: and in effect, things which come far, are commonly described with increase. But it seems contrary unto me, holding it for certain, that in our Region of the North, there is a greater number and bigger stars; finding▪ no stars in these parts, which exceed the Fisher or the Chariot in bigness. It is true, that the Cross in these parts is very fair and pleasing to behold: See 〈◊〉 Voyage. we call the Cross, four notable and apparent stars, which make the form of a cross, set equally and with proportion. The ignorant suppose this cross to be the Southern Pole, for that they see the Navigators take their height thereby, as we are accustomed to do by the North star. But they are deceived, and the reason, why Sailors do it in this sort, is for that in the South parts there is no fixed star that marks the Pole, as the North star doth to our Pole. And therefore they take their height by the star at the foot of the Cross, distant from the true and fixed Pole Antarctic thirty degrees, as the North star is distant from the Pole Arctic three degrees or little more. And so it is more difficult to take the height in those parts, for that the said star at the foot of the Cross must be right, the which chanceth but in one hour of the night; which is in diverse seasons of the year in diverse hours, and oftentimes it appeareth not in the whole night, so as it is very difficult to take the height. And therefore the most expert Pilots regard not the Cross, taking the height of the Sun by the Astrolabe, Height taken by the Sun. by which they know in what height they are: wherein commonly the Portugal's are more expert as a Nation that hath more discourse in the Art of Navigation than any other. There are also other stars in these Southern parts, which in some sort resemble those of the North. Via lactea. That which they call the Milken way, is larger and more resplendent in the South parts, appearing therein those admirable black spots, whereof we have made mention. Considering with myself oftentimes, what should cause the Equinoctial to be so moist, as I have said; Showing the reason why the Sun without the Tropics, causeth greatest quantity of waters when it is farthest off; and chose, within them it breedeth most, when it is nearest. l. 2. chap. 7. to refute the opinion of the Ancients, I find no other reason, but the great force of the Sun in those parts, whereby it draws unto it a great abundance of vapours from out of the Ocean, which in those parts is very great and spacious: and having drawn unto it this great abundance of vapours, doth suddenly dissolve them into rain, and it is approved by many tried experiences, that the rain and great storms from Heaven proceed from the violent heat of the Sun: first (as we have said before) it raines in those Countries, when as the Sun casts his beams directly upon the earth, at which time he hath most force: but when the Sun retires, the heat is moderate, and then there falls no rain: whereby we may conclude, that the force and heat of the Sun is the cause of rain in those Countries. Moreover we observe, both in Peru, new Spain, and in all the burning Zone, that the rain doth usually fall in the afternoon, when as the Sun beams are in their greatest force, being strange to see it rain in the morning. And therefore Travellers foreseeing it, begin their journey's early, that they may end and rest before noon, for they hold that commonly it raines after noon. Such as have frequented and traveled those Countries, can sufficiently speak thereof. And there are, that (having made some abode there) say, that the greatest abundance of rain is, when the Moon is at the full; but to say the truth, I could never make sufficient proof thereof, although I have observed it. Moreover, the days, the year, and the months, show the truth hereof, that the violent hea●e of the Sun causeth the rain in the burning Zone: experience teacheth us the like in artificial things, as in a Limbeck, wherein they draw waters from herbs and flowers; for the vehemency of the fire forceth and driveth up an abundance of vapours, which being pressed, and finding no issue, are converted into liquor and water. The like we see in gold and silver, which we refine with quicksilver, the fire being small and slow, we draw out almost nothing of the quicksilver, but if it be quick and violent, it doth greatly evaporate the quicksilver, which encountering the head above, doth presently turn into liquor, and begins to drop down: Even so the violent heat of the Sun produceth these two effects, when it finds matter disposed, that is, to draw up the vapours on high, and to dissolve them presently, and turn them into rain, when there is any obstacle to consume them. And although these things seem contrary, that one Sun within the burning Zone, being near, should cause rain, and without the Zone afar off should breed the like effect; so it is, that all well considered, there is no contrariety. A thousand effects in natural causes proceed of contrary things by diverse means: we dry linen by the fire, and in the air, and yet the one heats and the other cools; Pastures are dried and hardened by the Sun and with the Frost; moderate exercise provokes sleep, being too violent, it hindereth: if you lay no wood on the fire, it dyeth; if you lay on too much, it likewise quencheth: for the only proportion entertains and makes it to continue. To well discern a thing, it must not be too near the eye, nor too far off, but in a reasonable distance proportionable; being too far off from any thing we lose the sight, and too near likewise we cannot see it. If the Sun beams be weak, they draw up no fog from the Rivers, if they be violent, having drawn up the vapours, they presently dissolve and consume them; but if the heat be moderate, it draws up and preserves it: for this reason the vapours rise not commonly in the night, nor at noon, but in the morning, when as the Sun begins to enter into his force. There are a thousand examples of natural causes upon this subject, which we see do often grow from contrary things: whereby we must not wonder, if the Sun being near, engenders rain, and being far off, works the like effect: but being of a moderate and proportionable distance, causeth none at all. Yet there remains one doubt, why the nearness of the Sun causeth the rain under the burning Zone, and without when it is farthest off. In my opinion the reason is, that in Winter without the Tropics, the Sun hath not force sufficient to consume the vapours which rise from the Land and Sea; for these vapours grow in great abundance in the cold Region of the air, where they are congealed and thickened by the extremity of the cold; and after being pressed, they dissolve and turn into water. Therefore in Winter when the Sun is farthest off, the days short, and the nights long, his heat hath small force: but when the Sun approacheth, which is in the Summer time, his force is such as it draws up the vapours, and suddenly consumes and disperseth them; for the heat and the length of the days grow through the nearness of the Sun. But within the Tropics under the burning Zone, the far distance of the Sun works the same effects that the nearness doth without the Tropics; by reason whereof, it raines no more under the burning Zone when the Sun is far off, then without the Tropics when it is nearest, for that in this approaching and retiring, the Sun remains always in one distance whence proceeds this effect of clearness. But when the Sun is in the period of his force in the burning Zone, and that he cast his beams directly upon the Inhabitants heads, there is neither clearness nor dryness, as it seems there should be, but rather great and strange showers: for that by this violent heat, he draws up suddenly a great abundance of vapours from the Earth and Ocean, which are so thick, as the wind, not able easily to disperse them, they melt into water, which breedeth the cold rain in so great abundance: for the excessive heat may soon draw up many vapours, the which are not so soon dissolved: and being gathered together through their great abundance, they melt and dissolve into water. The which we may easily discern by this familiar example: roast a piece of Pork, Mutton, or Veal, if the fire be violent, and the meat near, we see the fat melts suddenly and drops away, the reason is, that the violent heat draws forth the humour and fat from the meat, and being in great abundance cannot dissolve it, and so it distils more away: But when the fire is moderate, and the meat in an equal distance, we see that it roasts handsomely, and the fat drops not too suddenly, for that the moderate heat draws out the moistness which it consumes suddenly. And therefore Cooks make a moderate fire, and lay not their meat too near nor too far off, lest it melt away. The like may be seen in anoother experience in candles of tallow or wax, if the wike be great, it melts the tallow or the wax, for that the heat cannot consume the moistness which riseth, but if the flame be proportionable, the wax melts nor drops not, for that the flame doth waste it by little and little as it riseth. But this is not to hinder the exceptions which Nature hath given to this Rule, Exceptions to general rules▪ making some Regions of the burning Zone extremely dry. The which is reported of Ethiopia, and we have seen it in a great part of Peru, where all that Land or Coast, which they call Plains, wants rain, yea, land waters, except some Valleys where Rivers fall from the Mountains; the rest is a sandy and barren soil, where you shall hardly find any Springs, but some deep Wells. But with the help of God, we will show the reason why it raineth not in these Plains (the which many demand;) for now I only pretend to show, that there are many exceptions to natural Rules, whereby it may happen, that in some part of the burning Zone it raines not when the Sun is nearest, but being farthest off, although unto this day I have neither seen nor heard of it: but if it be so, we must attribute it to the particular quality of the Earth: and also, if sometimes the contrary doth chance, we must have regard that in natural things there happens many contrarieties and lets, whereby they change and dissolve one another. For example, it may be the Sun will cause rain, and that the winds will hinder it, or else cause more abundance than hath been usual. When I passed to the Indies, I will tell what chanced unto me: having read what Poets and Philosophers write of the burning Zone, The Author's experience. I persuaded myself, that coming to the Equinoctial, I should not endure the violent heat, but it fell out otherwise; for when I passed, which was when the Sun was there for Zenith, being entered into Aries, in the month of March, I felt so great cold, as I was forced to go into the Sun to warm me: what could I else do then, but laugh at Aristotle's Meteors and his philosophy, seeing that in that place, and at that season, when as all should be scorched with heat, according to his rules, I, and all my companions were a cold? In truth there is no Region in the world more pleasant and temperate then under the Equinoctial, although it be not in all parts of an equal temperature, but have great diversities. The burning Zone in some parts is very temperate, Various and diversified tempers of the Torrid Zone. as in Quitto, and on the plains of Peru; in some parts very cold, as at Potozi, and in some very hot, as in Ethiopia, Bresil, and the Molucques. This diversity being known and certain unto us, we must of force seek out another cause of cold and heat then the Sun beams, seeing that in one season of the year, and in places of one height and distance from the Pole and Equinoctial we find so great diversity, that some are environed with heat, some with cold, and others tempered with a moderate heat. Considering this matter generally, I find two general causes, which maketh this Region temperate: Causes of temperateness under the Line and within the Tropics. the one is that before mentioned, for that this Region is very moist and subject to rain, and there is no doubt but the rain doth refresh it, for that the water is by nature cold; and although by the force of the fire it be made hot, yet doth it temper this heat proceeding only from the Sun beams. The which we see by experience in the inner Arabia, the which is burnt with the Sun, having no showers to temper the violence thereof. The clouds and mists are the cause that the Sun offends not so much, and the showers that fall from them, refresh both the Air and the Earth, and moisten likewise how hot soever it be. They drink rain water, and it quencheth the thirst, as our men have well tried, having no other to drink. So as reason and experience doth teach us, that rain of itself doth temper the heat; and having by this means showed, that the burning Zone is much subject unto rain, it appears that there is matter in it, Second cause. to temper the violence of the heat: To this I will add an other reason, which deserves to be known, not only for this matter, but for many others; for although the Sun be very hot and burning under the Equinoctial, yet is it not long, so as the heat of the day being there shorter and of less continuance; it causeth not so violent a heat; the which it behoves to specify more particularly. Such as are practised in the knowledge of the Sphere teach very well, that the more the Zodiac is oblique and traversing our Hemisphere, the more unequal are the days and nights; and chose, where the Sphere is strait, and the signs mount directly, there the days and nights are equal. And therefore in all that Region which is between the two Tropics, there is less inequality then without them, and the more we approach the Line the less inequality we find, the which we have tried in those parts. Those of Quitto, for that they are under the Line, have not throughout the whole year the days and nights more short at one season then at an other, but are continually equal. Those of Lima being distant almost twelve degrees, find some difference betwixt the days and the nights, but very little, for that in December and januarie the days increase an hour or little less. Those of Potozi find much more difference both in Winter and in Summer, being almost under the Tropic. But those that live without the Tropics find the days in Winter shorter and in Summer longer: the more remote they are from the Equinoctial and come near the Pole, as we see in Germany and in England, the days are longer in Summer then in Italy and in Spain. It is a thing which the Sphere doth teach, and experience doth plainly show us. We must add an other Proposition, which is likewise true and very considerable for all the effects of Nature to understand the perseverance and continuation of the efficient cause to work and move. This presupposed, if any one demand of me, why under the Equinoctial Line the heat is not so violent in Summer, as in some other Regions (as in Andelousia in the months of july and August) I will answer, That there be other reasons besides the former mentioned, which show, that the burning Zone is temperate, especially alongst the Ocean. Chap. 11. that in Andelousia the days are longer and the night's shorter; and as the day being hot, inflames and causeth heat; so the nights being cold and moist, give a refreshing. According to the which, at Peru, there is no such great heat, for that the days in Summer are not long, nor the night's short; so as the heat of the day is much tempered by the freshness of the night. Being a thing concluded, that the two forenamed properties are common and universal to all the Region of the burning Zone: and yet in the same there are found some places very hot, and other exceeding cold: Also, that the temperature is not there equal in all places, but under one climate, one part is hot, another cold, and the third temperate, all at one season; we are forced to seek out other reasons, whence this great diversity should proceed in the burning Zone. Discoursing therefore upon this question, I do find three apparent and certain causes, and a fourth more obscure and dark. The apparent and certain causes be: The first, is the Ocean: the second, the situation of the Land: and the third, the nature and property of many and sundry winds. Besides these three which I hold for manifest, I believe there is a fourth hidden and less apparent, which is the property of the same Land inhabited, and the particular influence of the Heavens. Among the special causes and reasons, I have first placed the Sea, for without doubt, the nearness thereof doth help to temper and cool the heat: for although the Water be salt, yet is it always water, whose nature is cold. But if we shall yet search more particularly, we shall not find in all this Land an equal temperature of heat, although it be in equal distance from the Sea, and in the same degree, seeing that in some part● there is great heat, and in some very little. Doubtless, the cause thereof i●, that the one is lower, and the other higher▪ which causeth that the one is hot, and the other cold. It is most certain, that the tops of the Mountains are colder than in the bottom of the Valleys, the which proceeds, not only for that the Sun beams have greater repercussions upon lower places, although it be a great reason; yet there is another, which is, that the Region of the ai●e is colder when it is farthest from the ground. The cause why the middle Region of the air is more cold, hath been showed before: for that the Region of the air next to the fiery exhalation, the which (according to Aristotle) is upon the Sphere of the air, repels and thrusts back all the cold, the which retires itself into the middle Region of the air, by Antiparistasis, as the Philosophers speak. Now, if any one should question with me in this manner; If it be so that the air is hot and moist, as Aristotle holds, and as we commonly say; whence then proceeds the cold which is congealed in the middle Region of the air, seeing it cannot come from the fiery Sphere? For if it come from the Water, or the Earth, Arist. 〈◊〉. by this reason the lower Region of the air should be colder than the middle. To answer truly what I think, I will confess, that this Argument and Objection is so difficult, as I am almost ready to follow the opinion of such as reprove the qualities, agreements and disagreements which Ar●stotle gives unto the Elements, ●aying▪ they are but imaginations, who for this occasion hold the air to be cold by nature. And to this end they use many arguments and reasons, whereof we will propound one very familiar and well known, leaving the rest apart. In the Canicular days we are accustomed to beat the air with a fan, and we find that it doth refresh us; so as these Authors, affirm, that heat is no private property of any other Element, but of fire only, Dionys. c. 15. 〈◊〉 c●●l. ●ierar. which is dispersed and mingled with all things (as the great Denis doth teach us.) But whether it be so, or otherwise (for I will not contradict Aristotle, but in that which is most certain) in the end they agree all, that the middle Region of the air is colder than the lowest next to the Earth, as experience doth show us; seeing that in this middle Region are congealed, Snow, Hail, Frosts, and other signs of extreme cold. The middle Region then which they call the burning Zone, having on the one side the Sea, and on the other the Mountains, we must hold them for sufficient causes to temper and cool the heat. The temperature of this Region ought chiefly to be attributed to the property of the wind that blows in that Country, the which is pleasant and fresh. That the cold winds be the principal cause to make the burning Zone temperate. Chap. 13. It is noted by travellers that there is a hot wind sometimes near to Balsara and Ormus which swalloweth men's breath and suddenly kills them. Linschoten observe at Goa the wind to blow twelve hours from the Sea, and other twelve constantly from the land. The providence of the great God Creator of all things hath been such, as he hath ordained fresh and cool winds in that Region where the Sun makes his course (which seems should be burnt up) that by their coolness the excessive heat of the Sun might be qualified. We see in one climate, some Regions and Cities hotter than others, only for that they feel less wind to refresh them. The like is in other Countries where no wind blows, the which are all on fire like unto a furnace. If we shall nearly look into the consideration of the wind, whereof we have spoken; we may resolve many doubts which some object, and which seem strange and wonderful: wherefore the Sun casting his beams upon the burning Zone, and particularly at Peru, and that more violently then in Spain in the Canicular days, yet they defend the heat with a light covering, so as with a slender covering of mats or straw, they are better preserved from the heat, then in Spain under a root of wood, or a vault of stone. Moreover, why are not the nights in Summer at Peru as hot and troublesome as in Spain? Wherefore on the highest tops of Mountains, even amongst the heaps of snow, you shall sometimes feel great and insupportable heat? Wherefore in all the Province of Colao, when ye come into the shade, how little soever, you feel cold: But coming into the Sun beams, you presently find the heat excessive? Every morning the wind from the Sea doth cease, and the Sun begins to cast his beams; and for this reason they feel the greatest heat in the morning, until the return of the same winds, which otherwise they call the tide or wind of the Sea, which makes them first to feel cold. We have tried all this, whilst we were at the Lands of Barlovante, where in the mornings we did sweat for heat, and at noon we felt a fresh air; for that then, a North Easterly wind which is fresh and cool, doth commonly blow. Considering with myself, the pleasing temperature of many Countries at the Indies, where they know not what Winter is, which by his cold doth freeze them, Temper of the Indies. nor Summer which doth trouble them with heat, but that with a Mat they preserve themselves from the injuries of all weather, and where they scarce have any need to change their garments throughout the year. I say, that often considering of this, I find that if men at this day would vanquish their passions, and free themselves from the snares of covetousness, leaving many fruitless and pernicious designs, without doubt they might live at the Indies very pleasant and happily: for that which other Poets sing of the Elisean fields & of the famous T●●p●, or that which Plato reports or feigns of his Atlantike Island; men should find in these Lands, if with a generous spirit they would choose rather to command their silver and their desires, then to remain to it slaves as they are. Of the winds, their differences, properties, and causes in general lib. 3. cap. 2. Having discoursed in the two former Books of that which concerns the Heavens, and the habitation of the Indies * We have abbreviated and to prevent tediousness cut off a great part of Acostas' observations in the two former books, as having handled the same in our Pilgrimage l. 8. where we have showed whence men and beasts might come thither, and that the opinion of the world's unhabitablenesse betwixt the Tropics is false: for the daily reins when the Sun is nearest, the long nights & therein great dews, the breezes and constant course of the winds, the great Lakes & Rivers, height of Hills, etc. make those parts not only habitable, but more temperate than others and fitter for man's life: there being more heat at, and on this side the Tropics then under the Line. We here do but cull ou● choice things for better understanding the natural history of those parts; for other things referring the Reader to the Author himself. Occasionally our notes shall elucidate those things also, which are in the Text omitted. in general, it behoves us now to treat of the three elements, Air, Water, and Land, and their compounds, which be metals, plants and beasts; for, as for the fire, I see no special matter at the Indies which is not in other Regions; unless some will say, that the manner to strike fire in rubbing two stones one against another, as some Indians use, or to boil any thing in gourds, casting a burning stone into it, & other such like things, are remarkable, whereof I have written what might be spoken. But of those which are in the Vulcan's * Vulcan's, as Aet●●, Hecla, etc. sulphurous earth whence ●●re issueth. General winds▪ Monso●●▪ Windes receive their qualities from the places by which they pass. and Mouths of fire at the Indies, worthy doubtless to be observed, I will speak in their order, treating of the diversity of grounds, whereas they find these fires or Vulcan's. Therefore to begin with the winds, I say, that with good reason, Solomon in the great judgement which God had given him, esteems much the knowledge of the winds; and their properties being very admirable; for that some are moist, others dry; some unwholesome, others sound; some hot, others cold; some calm and pleasant, others rough and tempestuous; some barren, and others fertile, with infinite other differences. There are some winds which blow in certain Regions, and are, as it were, Lords thereof, not admitting any entry or communication of their contraries. In some parts they blow in that sort, as sometimes they are Conquerors, sometimes conquered; often there are diverse and contrary winds, which do run together at one instant, dividing the way betwixt them, sometimes one blowing above of one sort, and another below of an other sort; sometimes they encounter violently one with another, which puts them at Sea in great danger: there are some winds which help to the generation of Creatures, and others that hinder and are opposite. There is a certain wind, of such a quality, as when it blows in some Country, it causeth it to rain Fleas, and in so great abundance, as they trouble and darken the air, and cover all the Sea-shoare: and in other places it raines Frogs. These diversities and others which are sufficiently known, are commonly attributed to the place by the which these winds pass. For they say, that from these places they take their qualities to be cold, hot, dry, or moist, sickly or sound, and so of the rest, the which is partly true, and cannot be denied; for that in a small distance you shall see in one wind many diversities. For example, the Sola●●● or Eastern wind is commonly hot and troublesome in Spain; and in Murria it is the coolest and healthfullest that is, for that it passeth by the Orchards, and that large champain which we see very fresh. In Carthage●e which is not far from thence, the same wind is troublesome and unwholesome. The Meridional (which they of the Ocean call South, and those of the Mediterranean Sea, Mezo giorno) commonly is rainy and boisterous, and in the same City whereof I speak, it is wholesome and pleasant. Pliny reports that in Africa it raines with a Northern wind, and that the Southern wind is clear. He than that shall well consider what I have spoken of these winds, he may conceive, that in a small distance of Land or Sea, one wind hath many and diverse qualities, yea sometimes quite contrary; whereby we may infer, that he draweth his property from the place where it passeth, the which is in such sort true (although we may not say infallibly) as it is the only and principal cause of the diversity of the winds. It is a thing we easily find, that in a River containing fifty leagues in circuit (I put it thus for an example) that the wind which blows of the one part, is hot and moist; and that which blows on the other, is cold and dry. Notwithstanding this diversity is not found in places by which it passeth, the which makes me rather to say, that the winds bring these qualities with them, whereby they give unto them the names of these qualities. For example, we attribute to the Northern wind, otherwise called Cierco, the property to be cold and dry, and to dissolve mists; to the Southern wind his contrary, called Levasche, we attribute the contrary quality, which is moist and hot, and engenders mists. But it is needful to seek further, to know the true and original cause of these so strange differences which we see in the winds. I cannot conceive any other, but that the same efficient cause which bringeth forth and maketh the winds to grow, doth withal give them this original quality: for in truth, the matter whereon the winds are made, which is no other thing (according to Aristotle) but the exhalation of the interior Elements, may well cause in effect a great part of this diversity, being more gross, more subtle, more dry, and more moist. But yet this is no pertinent reason, seeing that we see in one Region, where the vapours and exhalations are of one sort and quality, that there rise winds and effects quite contrary. We must therefore refer the cause to the higher and celestial Efficient, which must be the Sun, and to the motion and influence of the Heavens, the which by their contrary motions, give and cause diverse influences. But the beginnings of these motions and influences are so obscure and hidden from men, and on the other part, so mighty and of so great force, as the holy Prophet David in his prophetical Spirit, and the Prophet jeremy admiring the greatness of the Lord, speak thus, Qui profert ventos de thesauris suis. He that draws the winds out of his Treasures. Psalm 134. jeremy 10. In truth these principles and beginnings are rich and hidden treasures: for the Author of all things holds them in his hand, and in his power; and when it pleaseth him, sendeth them forth for the good or chastisement of men, and sends forth such winds as he pleaseth: not as that Aeolus whom the Poets do foolishly feign to have charge of the winds, keeping them in a Cave like unto wild beasts. We see not the beginning of these winds, neither do we know how long they shall continue, or whither they shall go. But we see and know well the divers effects and operations they have, even as the supreme Truth, the Author of all things hath taught us, saying, Spiritus ubi vult spirat, & vocem eius audis, & neseis unde venit, aut quò vadit. It is true, that the Northern wind is not usually cold and clear there as here. In some parts of Peru, as at Lima, and on the Plains, they find the Northern winds troublesome and unwholesome, and all along the Coast which runs above five hundred leagues, they hold the Southern winds for healthful and cool, and (which is more) most clear and pleasant; yea it never raines, contrary to that we see in Europe, and of this side the Line. Herera hath showed the height of the Hills to be the cause of the winds constancy and reins rarity. Yet that which chanceth upon the coast of Peru is no general rule, but rather an exception, and a wonder of Nature, never to rain upon that coast, and ever to have one wind, without giving place to his contrary, whereof we will hereafter speak our mind. It is no general rule there, that the Northern wind is neither hot nor rainy there, as the South wind is on this side; but chose, it raines when as the South wind blows there, as we see in all the Sierre or mountain of Peru, in Chile, and in the Country of Congo, which is on the other side of the Line, and far advanced into the Sea. And in Potozi likewise, the wind which they call Tomahani (which is our North) if my memory fail me not, is extremely cold, dry, and unpleasant, as it is here with us. Yet doth not the Northern wind disperse the clouds usually there, as it doth here: but chose, if I be not deceived, it doth often cause rain. There is no doubt, but the winds do borrow this great diversity of contrary effects, from the places by which they pass, and the near Regions where they are bred, as we see by daily experience in a thousand places. But speaking in general of the quality of the winds, we must rather look to the coasts or parts of the World from whence they proceed, then to observe, whether they be on this side or beyond the Line, as it seems the Philosopher held opinion. These capital winds, which be the East and West, have no such universal qualities, nor so common in this Continent, nor in the other, as the two former. The Solanus or Eastern wind, is commonly here troublesome and unwholesome, and the Western or Zephyrus, is more mild and healthful. At the Indies, and in all the burning Zone, the Eastern wind which they call Brise, is chose very healthful and pleasant. Of the West, I cannot speak any thing certain or general, for that it blows not at all, or very seldom in the burning Zone, for in all the navigation betwixt the two Tropics, Eastern wind raineth betwixt the Tropics. That the burning Zone, the Brise's, or Easterly winds, do continually blow, and without the Zone the Western, and that the Easterly are ordinary always there. Chap. 4. juan de Gacoes in Decade 1. lib. 4. cap. 6. They go one way to the Indies and return another, why. the Eastern wind is ordinary. And for that it is one of the admirable works of Nature, it shall be good to understand the cause and the beginning thereof. The ways at Sea are not as at Land, to return the same way they pass. It is all one way (saith the Philosopher) from Athens to Thebes, and from Thebes to Athens; but it is not so at Sea, for we go one way and return by another. The first which discovered the East and West Indies, laboured much with great difficulty to find out their course, until that Experience (the Mistress of these secrets) had taught them, that to sail through the Ocean, is not like the passage in Italy, through the Mediterranean Sea, where in their return, they observe the same Ports and Capes they had sight of in their passage, attending still the benefit of the wind, which changeth instantly, and when that fails, they have recourse to their Oars; and so the Galleys go and come daily, coasting along the shore. In some parts of the Ocean, they may not look for any other wind then that which blows, for that commonly it continues long. To conclude, that which is good to go by, is not fit to return with: for in the Sea beyond the Tropic, and within the burning Zone, the Easterly winds rain continually, not suffering their contraries. In the which Region there are two strange things, the one is, that in that Zone (being the greatest of the five, into the which the World is divided) the Easterly winds (which they call Brise's) do reign, not suffering the Western or Southern (which they call lower winds) to have their course at any season of the year: The other wonder is, that these Easterly winds never cease to blow, and most commonly in places nearest to the Line (where it seems that Calms should be more frequent, being a part of the World, most subject to the heat of the Sun, but it is contrary, for you shall hardly find any Calms there, and the wind is cold and continues longer, which hath been found true in all the Navigations of the Indies. This is the reason, why the voyage they make from Spain to the West Indies is shorter, more easy, and more assured, than the return to Spain. The Fleets parting from Sivil, have more difficulty to pass the Canaries, for that the guife of Yegues or of Mares, is variable, being beaten with diverse winds, but having passed the Canaries, they sail with a Western wind until they come to the burning Zone, where presently they find an Easterly wind, and so they sail on with full winds, so as they have scant any need to touch their sails in the whole voyage: for this reason they called this great gulf, the gulf of Dames, for the calmness and pleasantness thereof. Then following their course, they come to the Lands of Guadelupe Dominique, Desired, Marigualante, and the rest, which in that place, be as it were, the Suburbs of the Indies. There the Fleets separate and divide themselves, whereof some (which go to new Spain) take to the right hand towards Hispaniola; and having discovered Cape Saint Anthony, they pass unto Saint john Delua, always using the same Easterly winds. Those for the main Land, take the left hand, discovering the high mountain of Tayrone, then having touched at Carthagene, they pass unto Nombre de Dios, from whence they go by Land to Panama, and from thence, by the South Sea to Peru. But when the fleets return to Spain, they make their voyage in this sort: The fleet of Peru discovers Cape Saint Anthony, than they enter into the Havana, which is a goodly Port in the Island of Cuba. The fleet of new Spain doth likewise touch at the Havana, being parted from Vera Cruz, or from the Island of Saint john Delua, the which is not without difficulty, for that commonly Easterly winds blow there, which is a contrary wind to go to the Havana. These fleets being joined together for Spain, they seek their height without the Tropics, where presently they find Westerly winds, which serve them until they come in view of the Acores, or Terceres, and from thence to Sivil. So as their voyage in going, is of a small height, not above twenty degrees from the Line, which is within the Tropics. But the return is without the Tropics, in eight and twenty or thirty degrees of height at the least, for that within the Tropics, the Eastern winds continually blow, the which are fittest to go from Spain to the West Indies, for that their course is from East to West; and without the Tropics (which is in three and twenty degrees of height) they find Westerly winds, the which are the more certain and ordinary, the farther you are from the Line, and more fit to return from the Indies; for that they are winds blowing from the South and West, which serve to run into the East and North. The like discourse is of the Navigation made into the South Sea, going from new Spain or Peru, to the Philippines or China, and returning from the Philippines or China to new Spain, the which is easy, for that they sail always from East to West, near the Line, where they find the Easterly winds to blow in their Poop. In the year 1584. there went a ship from Calloa in Lima to the Philippines, Sailing 2700. leagues without sight of Land in two months. See Candishes voyage. which sailed two thousand and seven hundred leagues without sight of Land, and the first it discovered, was the Island of Lusson, where they took Port, having performed their voyage in two months, without want of wind or any torment, and their course was almost continually under the Line; for that from Lima (which is twelve degrees to the South) he came to Manilla, which is as much to the North. The like good fortune had Alvaro de Mandana, when as he went to discover the Lands of Solomon, for that he had always a full gale, until he came within view of these Lands, the which must be distant from that place of Peru, from whence he parted, about a thousand leagues, having run their course always in one height to the South. The return is like unto the voyage from the Indies unto Spain: for those which return from the Philippines or China to Mexico, to the end they may recover the western winds, they mount a great height, until they come right against the Lands of japon, and discovering the Caliphornes, they return by the coast of new Spain to the Port of Acapulco, from whence they parted. So as it is proved likewise by this Navigation, that they sail easily from East to West, within the Tropics, for that their Easterly winds do rain: but returning from West to East, they must seek the Western winds without the Tropics, in the height of seven and twenty degrees. The Portugals prove the like in their Navigations to the East Indies, although it be in a contrary course. Cause of the Brise's. Let us now speak of that which toucheth the Question propounded, what should be the reason why under the burning Zone we sail easily from East to West, and not contrary: wherein we must presuppose two certain grounds. The one is, that the motion of the first Mover, which they call Diurnal, Motion of the Primum Mobile carrieth the inferior air with it. not only draws and moves with him the celestial Spheres, which are inferior unto him, as we see daily in the Sun, the Moon, and the Stars; but also the Elements do participate of this motion, insomuch as they are not hindered. The Earth is not moved, by reason of her heaviness, which makes it immoveable, being far from this first motor. The Element of water moves not likewise with this Diurnal motion, for that it is united to the Earth and make one sphere, so as the Earth keeps it from all circular motion. But the other two Elements of Fire and Aire, are more subtle and nearer the heavenly Regions, so as they participate of their motion, and are driven about circularly, as the same celestial bodies. As for the Fire, without doubt it hath his sphere (as Aristotle and other Philosophers have held) but for the Air (which is no point of our subject) it is most certain that it moves with a motion Diurnal, which is from East to West, which we see plainly in Comets that move from the East unto the West, mounting, descending, and finally turning in the hemisphere in the same sort as the Stars move in the firmament; for otherwise these Comets being in the region and sphere of the air, whereas they engender, appears consumed. It should be impossible for them to move circularly, as they do, if the element of the air doth not move with the same motion that the first motor doth. For these elements being of a burning substance, by reason they should be fixed, without moving circularly, if the sphere where they are did not move; if it be not as we feign, that some Angel or intellectual Spirit doth walk with the Comet, guiding it circularly. In the year 1577. appeared that wonderful Comet (in form like unto a feather) from the horizon almost to the midst of heaven, and continued from the first of November, The Comet 1577. seen eight days sooner in Peru then in Spain. until the eight of December: I say from the first of November, for although in Spain it was noted but the ninth of November (according to the testimony of Writers of that time) yet at Peru, where I was then, I remember well, we did see it, and observe it eight days before, and all the time after. Touching the cause of this diversity, some may delate upon it particularly: I will only show, that during those forty days which it continued, we all observed (both such as were in Spain, and we that lived then at the Indies) that it moved daily with an universal motion, from East to West, as the Moon and other Planets, whereby it appears that the sphere of the air, being its Region, the element itself must of necessity move after the same sort. We noted also, that besides this universal motion, it had another particular, by which it moved with the planets from West to East, for every night it turned more Eastward, like unto the Moon, Sun, and Planets of Venus. We did also observe a third particular motion, whereby it moved from the Zodiac towards the North; for after some nights it was found nearer unto the Septentrional signs. And it may be this was the reason why the great Comet was sooner seen by those that were Southerly, as at Peru, and later discovered by them of Europe: for by this third motion (as I have said) it approached nearer the Northern Regions. Yet every one may well observe the differences of this motion, so as we may well perceive, that many and sundry celestial bodies, give their impressions to the sphere of the air. In like sort it is most certain, that the air moves with the circular motion of the heaven, from East to West, which is the first ground before mentioned. The second is no less certain, which is, that the motion of the air in those parts that are under the Line, or near unto it, is very swift and light, the more it approacheth to the Equinoctial; but the farther off it is from the Line, approaching near the Poles, the more slow and heavy this motion is. The reason hereof is manifest, for that the moving of the celestial bodies, being the efficient cause of the moving of the air, it must of necessity be more quick and light, where the celestial bodies have their swiftest motion. Alonso Sanches was of opinion that this motion of the air was not a wind, but the air moved by the Sun. This is learnedly spoken, yet can we not deny it to be a wind, seeing there are vapours and exhalations of the Sea; and that we sometimes see the Brise, The Breeze (or motion of the air with the heavens) is a wind. or Easterly winds stronger, sometimes more weak, and placed in that sort, as sometimes they can hardly carry all their sails. We must then know (and it is true) that the air moved, draweth unto it the vapours it finds, for that the force is great, and finds no resistance, by reason whereof the Eastern and Western winds are continual, and in a manner always alike, in those parts which are near the Line, and almost under all the burning Zone, which is the course the Sun follows betwixt the two circles of Cancer and Capricorn. Who so would nearly look into what hath been spoken, may likewise understand, Why without the Zone, in a greater altitude, we find always Westerly winds. Chap. 7. 〈◊〉 winds. that going from the West to the East, in altitude beyond the Tropikes, we shall find Western winds, for that the motion of the Equinoctial being so swift, it is a cause that the air moveth under it according to this motion, which is from the East to West, drawing after it the vapours and exhalations that rise of either side the Equinoctial or burning Zone, in countering the course and motion of the Zone, are forced by the repercussion to return almost to the contrary, whence grow the South-west winds so ordinary in those parts. Even as we see in the course of waters, the which (if they be encountered by others of more force) return in a manner back: So it seems to be like in vapours and exhalations, whereby it grows that the winds do turn and separate themselves from one part to another. These Westerly winds do commonly rain in a mean altitude, which is from twenty and seven to thirty and seven degrees, though they be not so certain nor so regular as the Brise's that are in a less altitude. The reason is, for that the South-west winds are no causes of this proper and equal motion of the heaven, as the Brise's are, being near to the Line. But (as I have said) they are more ordinary, and often more furious and tempestuous. But passing into a greater altitude, as of forty degrees, there is as small assurance of winds at Sea as at Land; for sometimes the East or North wind blows, Of the exceptions to the foresaid Rules, & of the winds and calms both at Land and at Sea. Chap. 8. Cause of the variety of winds. and sometimes the South, or West: whereby it happeneth their navigations are more uncertain, and more dangerous. That which we have spoken of winds, which blow ordinarily within and without the Zone, must be understood of the main Sea, and in the great gulfs; for at land it is otherwise, where we find all sorts of winds, by reason of the inequality which is betwixt the Mountains and the valleys; the great number of Rivers and Lakes, and the diverse situations of Countries, whence the gross and thick vapours arise, which are moved from the one part or the other, according to the diversity of their beginnings, which cause these diverse winds the motion of the air, caused by the heaven, having not power enough to draw and move them with it. And this variety of winds is not only found at land, but also upon the Sea coast, which is under the burning Zone, for that there be foreign or land winds which come from the land, and many which blow from the Sea; the which winds from the Sea, are commonly more wholesome and more pleasant than those of the land, which are chose troublesome and unwholesome, although it be the difference of the coast that causeth this diversity: commonly the land winds blow from midnight to the Sun rising, and the Sea winds until Sun setting. The reason perhaps may be, Simile. that the earth, as a gross substance, fumes more when as the Sun shines not upon it, even as green wood, or scarce dry, smokes most when the flame is quenched. But the Sea, which is compounded of more subtle parts, engenders no fumes, but when it is hot, even as straw or ha●e, being moist and in small quantity, breeds smoke when it is burnt, and when the flame fails, the fume suddenly ceaseth. Whatsoever it be, it is certain that the Land winde blows by night, and that of the Sea by day. So that even as there are often contrary, violent, and tempestuous winds upon the Sea coast, so do we see very great calms. Some men of great experience report, Note. that having sailed many great passages at Sea under the Line, yet did they never see any calms, but that they always make way little or much, the air being moved by the celestial motion, which is sufficient to guide a Ship, blowing in poop, as it doth. I have already said, that a Ship of Lima going to Manilla, sailed two thousand seven hundred leagues, always under the Line, or not above twelve degrees from it, and that in the months of February and March, when as the Sun is there for Zenith, and in all this space they found no calms, but always a fresh gale, so as in two months they performed this great voyage. But in the burning Zone and without it, you shall usually see great calms upon the coasts, where the vapours come from the Lands, or main land. And therefore storms and tempests, and the sudden motions of the air, are more certain and ordinary upon the coasts, whereas the vapours come from the Land, then in full Sea, I mean under the burning Zone, for without it and at Sea, there are both calms and whirlwinds. Notwithstanding, sometimes betwixt the two Tropickes, yea, under the Line, you shall have great rain and sudden showers, yea far into the Sea; for the working whereof, the vapours and exhalations of the Sea, are sufficient, which moving sometimes hastily in the air, cause thunder and whirlwinds, but this is more ordinary near to the Land and upon the Land. When I sailed from Peru to new Spain, I observed, that all the time we were upon the coast of Peru, our voyage was (as it was ordinary) very calm and easy, by reason of the Southern wind that blows, having always a fore wind, returning from Spain and new Spain. As we passed the gulf, launching farther into the Sea, almost under the Line, we found the season cool, quiet, and pleasant, with a full wind, but coming near to Nicaragua, and to all that coast, we had contrary winds, with great store of rain and fogs. All this Navigation was under the burning Zone: for from twelve degrees to the South, which is Lima, we sailed to the seventeenth, which is Gaut●lco, a port of new Spain: and I believe, that such as have observed their navigations, made under the burning Zone, shall find what I have said, which may suffice for the winds which reign at Sea, under the burning Zone. Of some marvelous effects of the winds, which are in some parts of the Indies. Chap. 9 Silkworms killed with South-west winds. Exo. c. 10. & 14. job 17. joan 4. Os●e 13. Dan. 3. The like Linschoten observeth in the Terceras. It were a very difficult matter, to report particularly the admirable effects which some wind's cause in diverse regions of the world, and to give a reason thereof. There are winds, which naturally trouble the water of the Sea, and makes it green and black, others clear as Crystal, some comfort and make glad, others trouble and breed heaviness. Such as nourish Silkworms, have great care to shut their windows, when as the South-west winds do blow, and to open them to the contrary: having found by certain experience, that their worms diminish and dye with the one, and fatten and become better with the other: and who so will nearly observe it, shall find in himself, that the diversities of winds, cause notable impressions and changes in the body, principally in sick parts and ill disposed, when they are most tender and weak. The holy Scripture calleth one a burning wind, another, a wind full of dew and sweetness. And it is no wonder if we see such notable effects of the wind, in Plants, Beasts, and Men, seeing that we see it visibly in Iron, which is the hardest of all metals. I have seen Grates of Iron in some parts of the Indies, so rusted and consumed, that pressing it betwixt your fingers, it dissolved into powder, as if it had been hay or parched straw, the which proceeds only from the wind which doth corrupt it, having no means to withstand it. But leaving apart many other great and notable effects, I will only make mention of two. The one, although it causeth pangs greater than death itself, yet doth it not breed any further inconvenience. The other takes away life without feeling of it. The sickness of the Sea, wherewith such are troubled as first begin to go to Sea, Sea sickness whence. is a matter very ordinary; and yet if the nature thereof were unknown to men, we should take it for the pangs of death, seeing how it afflicts and torments while it doth last, by the casting of the stomach, pain of the head, and other troublesome accidents. Agitation and Sea air. But in truth this sickness so common and ordinary happens unto men by the change of the air and Sea. For although it be true that the motion of the Ship helps much, in that it moves more or less: and likewise the infections and ill savours of things in the Ship: yet the proper and natural cause, is the air and the vapours of the Sea, the which doth so weaken and trouble the body and the stomach, which are not accustomed thereunto, that they are wonderfully moved and changed: for the air is the Element, by which we live and breath, drawing it into our entrailes, the which we ●athe therewithal. And therefore there is nothing that so suddenly, and with so great force doth alter us, as the change of the air we breathe, as we see in those which die of the plague. It is approved by many experiences, that the air of the Sea, is the chief cause of this strange indisposition; the one is, that when there blows from the Sea a strong breath, we see them at the Land as it were Sea-sick, as I myself have often found. Another is, the farther we go into the Sea, and retire from Land, the more we are touched and dazzled with this sickness. Another is, that coasting along any Island, and after launching into the main, we shall there find the air more strong. Yet will I not deny, but the motion and agitation may cause this sickness, seeing that we see some are taken therewith passing Rivers in Barks: others in like sort going in Coaches and Caroaches, according to the diverse complexions of the Stomach: as chose, there are some how boisterous and troublesome soever the Sea be, do never feel it. Wherefore it is a matter certain, and tried, that the air of the Sea, doth commonly cause this effect in such as newly go to Sea. I thought good to speak this, to show a strange effect, which happens in some parts of the Indies, where the air and the wind that reigns makes men dazzle, not less, but more than at Sea. Some hold it for a fable, others say it is an addition: for my part I will speak what I have tried. There is in Peru, a high mountain which they call Pa●●acaca, Strange passion at Pariacaca by the air there. and having heard speak of the alteration it bred, I went as well prepared as I could, according to the instructions which was given me, by such as they call Vaguian●s, or expert men: but notwithstanding all my provision, when I came to mount the degrees, as they called them, which is the top of this mountain, I was suddenly surprised with so mortal and so strange a pang, that I was ready to fall from the top to the ground: and although we were many in company, yet every one made haste (without any tarrying for his companion,) to free himself speedily from this ill passage. Being then alone with one Indian, whom I entreated to help to stay me, I was surprised with such pangs of straining and casting, as I thought to cast up my heart too▪ for having cast up meat, phlegm, and collar, both yellow and green; in the end I cast up blood, with the straining of my stomach. To conclude, if this had continued, I should undoubtedly have died; but this lasted not above three or four hours, that we were come into a more convenient and natural temperature, where all our companions (being fourteen or fifteen) were much wearied. Some in the passage demanded confession, thinking verily to dye: others left the Ladders and went to the ground, being overcome with casting, and going to the stool: and it was told me, that some have lost their lives there with this accident. I beheld one that did beat himself against the earth, crying out for the rage and grief which this passage of Pariacaca had caused. But commonly it doth no important harm, only this, pain and troublesome distaste while it endures: and not only the passage of Pariacaca hath this property, but also all this ridge of the Mountain, which runs above five hundred leagues long, and in what place soever you pass, you shall find strange intemper●●ures, yet more in some parts then in other, and rather to those which mount from the Sea, 〈◊〉 from the Plains. Besides Pariacaca, I have passed it by 〈◊〉 and Soras: in another place, by Colleg●●●, and by 〈◊〉. Finally, by four different places, going and coming, and always in this passage I have felt this alteration, although in no place so strongly, as at the first in Pariacaca, which hath been tried by all such as have passed it. And no doubt but the wind is the cause of this intemperature and strange alteration, or the air that reigns there. For the best remedy (and all they find) is to stop their noses, their ears, and their mouths, as much as may be, and to cover themselves with clothes, especially the stomach, for that the air is subtle and piercing, going into the entrailes, and not only men feel this alteration, but also beasts that sometimes stay there, so as there is no spur can make them go forward. For my part I hold this place to be one of the highest parts of land in the world; Height of Pariacaca. for we mount a wonderful space. And in my opinion, the Mountain Ne●ade of Spain, the Pirences, and the Alp●s of Italy, are as ordinary houses, in regard of hi● Towers. I therefore persuade myself, 〈◊〉 too subtle for men's bodies. So we see Horses to beat the water with their feet to make it more gross and thereby more agreeable to their bodies. that the element of the air is there so subtle and delicate, as it is not proportionable with the breathing of man, which requires a more gross and temperate air, and I believe it is the cause that doth so much alter the stomach, and trouble all the disposition. The passages of the mountains Ne●ade, and other of Europe, which I have seen, although the air be cold there, and doth force men to wear more clothes, yet this cold doth not take away the appetite from meat, but chose it provokes; neither doth it cause any casting of the stomach, but only some pain in the feet and hands. Finally, their operation is outward. But that of the Indies, whereof I speak (without molesting of foot or hand, or any outward part) troubles all the entrailes within: and that which is more admirable, when the Sun is hot, which maketh me imagine, that the grief we feel comes from the quality of the air which we breathe: Therefore that is most subtle and delicate, whose cold is not so sensible, as piercing. All this ridge of mountains is, for the most part, desert, without any Villages or habitations for men, so as you shall scarce find any small Cottages to lodge such as do pass by night: there are no Beasts, Vicunos'. good or bad, but some Vicunos', which are their Country Muttons, and have a strange and wonderful property, as I shall show in his place. The Grass is often burnt, and all black with the air, Great Desert. and this Desert runs five and twenty or thirty leagues overthwart, and in length above five hundred leagues. There are other Deserts or places inhabited, which at Peru they call Punas (speaking of the second point we promised) where the quality of the air cutteth off man's life without feeling. Punas' air kil●ing. In former time the Spaniards went from Peru, to the Realm of Chille by this Mountain, but at this day they do pass commonly by Sea, and sometimes alongst the side of it. And though that way be laborious and troublesome, yet is there not so great danger as by the Mountain, where there are Plains, on the which many men have perished and died, and sometimes have scaped by great hap, whereof some have remained lame. There runs a small breath, which is not very strong nor violent, but proceeds in such sort, that men fall down dead, in a manner without feeling, or at the least, they lose their feet and hands: the which may seem fabulous, yet is it most true. Strange Story. I have known and frequented long the General Jerome Costilla, the ancient peopler of Cusco, who had lost three or four toes, which fell off in passing the Desert of Chille, being perished with this air, and when he came to look on them, they were dead, and fell off without any pain, even as a rotten Apple falleth from the tree. This Captain reported, that of a good army which he had conducted by that place, in the former years, since the discovery of this Kingdom by Almagro, a great part of the men remained dead there, whose bodies he found lying in the Desert, without any stink or corruption; adding thereunto one thing very strange, that they found a young Boy alive, and being examined how he had lived in that place, he said, that he lay hidden in a little Cave, whence he came to cut the flesh of a dead Horse with a little Knife, and thus had he nourished himself a long time, with I know not how many companions that lived in that sort, but now they were all dead, one dying this day, & another to morrow, saying that he desired nothing more than to dye there with the rest, seeing that he found not in himself any disposition▪ to go to any other place, nor to take any taste in any thing▪ I have understood the like of others, and particularly of one that was of our company, who being then a secular man, The same confirmed by a Jesuits report, and a Dominicans. had passed by these Deserts: and it is a strange thing, the quality of this cold air, which kills, and also preserves the dead bodies without corruption. I have also understood it of a reverend religious man, of the Order of Saint Dominicke, and Prelate thereof, who had seen it passing by the Deserts: and which is strange, ●e reported, that travelling that way by night, was forced to defend himself against that deadly wind which blows there (having no other means) but to gather together a great number of those dead bodies that lay there, and made thereof, as it were a rampire and a bolster for his head: in this manner did he sleep, the dead bodies giving him life. Without doubt this is a kind of cold so piercing, that it quencheth the vital heat, Such effects of cold w● have observed in Russia, and other Northern parts: and the like Master Knivet will tell▪ us at the Maggelan Straits. cutting off his influence; and being so exceeding col●e, yet doth not corrupt nor give any putrefaction to the dead bodies, for that putrefaction groweth from heat and moistness. As for the other kind of air which thunders under the earth, and causeth earthquakes, more at the Indies, then in any other Regions, I will speak thereof in treating the qualities of the Land at the Indies. We will content ourselves now with what we have spoken of the wind and air, and pass to that which is to be spoken of the water. §. II. Of the Ocean that environs the Indies, and of the North and South Seas, their ebbing, flowing, Fishes, fishing, Lakes, Rivers, and Springs. AMong all waters the Ocean is the principal, by which the Indies have been discovered, and are environed therewith; for either they be Lands of the Ocean Sea, or main Land, the which wheresoever it ends, is bounded with this Ocean. To this day they have not discovered at the Indies any Mediterranean Sea, No Mediterranean Sea of great note in America. as in Europe, Asia, and Africa, into the which there enters some arm of this great Sea, and makes distinct Seas, taking their names from the Provinces they wash: and almost all the Mediterranean Seas continue and join together, and with the Ocean itself, by the strait of Gibraltar, which the Ancients called, the Pillars of Hercules, although the Red Sea being separated from the Mediterranean Seas, enters alone into the Indian Ocean; and the Caspian Sea joins not with any other: so that at the Indies we find not any other Sea than this Ocean, which they divide into two, the one they call the North Sea, and the other the South; for that the Indies which were first discovered by the Ocean, and reacheth unto Spain, lies all to the North, and by that Land thereafter discovered a Sea on the other side, the which they called the South Sea, for that they decline until they have passed the Line: and having lost the North, or Pole-articke, they called it South. For this cause they have called all that Ocean the South Sea, which lieth on the other side of the East Indies, although a great part of it be ●eated to the North, as all the coast of new Spain, Nuaragna, Guatimala and Panama. They say▪ that he that first discovered this Sea, was called Blascowunes of Bilbo, the which he did by that part which we now call Main Land, Terra firm. where it grows narrow, and the two Seas approach so near the one to the other, that there is but seven leagues of distance: Strait of land but eight leag. betwixt North & South Seas. for although they make the way eighteen from Nombre de Dios to Panama, yet is it with turning to seek the commodity of the way, but drawing a direct line, the one Sea shall not be found more distant from the other. Some have discoursed and propounded to cut through this passage of seven leagues, and to join one Sea to the other, to make the passage from Peru more commodious and easy, for that these eighteen leagues of Land betwixt Nombre de Dios and Panama, is more painful and chargeable than 2300. by Sea, whereupon some would say, it were a means to drown the Land, one Sea being lower than another. As in times past we find it written, that for the same consideration, Herodotus. they gave over the enterprise to win the red Sea into Nile, in the time of King Sesostris, and since, in the Empire of the Othomans. But for my part, I hold such discourses and propositions for vain, jovius▪ although this inconvenience should not happen, the which I will not hold for assured. I believe there is no humane powerable to beat and break down those strong and impenetrable Mountains, which God hath placed betwixt the two Seas, and hath made them most hard Rocks, to withstand the fury of two Seas. And although it were possible to men, yet in my opinion they should fear punishment from heaven, in seeking to correct the works, which the Creator by his great providence hath ordained and disposed in the framing of this universal world. Leaving this discourse of opening the Land, and joining both Seas together, there is yet another less rash, but very difficult and dangerous to search out. Whether these two great gulfs do join in any other part of the world, which was the enterprise of Fernando Magellan a Portugal Gentleman, whose great courage and constancy in the research of this subject, and happy success in the finding thereof, gave the name of eternal memory to this strait, which justly they call by the name of the discoverer Magellan, of which strait we will entreat a little, as of one of the greatest wonders of the world. Some have believed, that this Strait which Magellan had discovered in the South Sea, was none, or that it was straightened, as Don Alonso d'Arsile writes in his Auracane: and at this day there are some that say, there is no such Strait, but that they are Lands betwixt the Sea and Land, Experience in Drakes and Maires voyage have found them no straits but broken Lands to the South, contrary to our Author here. for that the main Land ends there, at the end whereof are all Lands, beyond the which the one Sea joins fully with the other, or to speak better, it is all one Sea. But in truth it is most certain, there is a strait and a long and stretched out Land on either side, although it hath not yet been known how far it stretcheth of the one side of the strait towards the South. After Magellan, a Ship of the Bishop of Plaisance passed the strait, Don Guitieres Caruaial (whose Mast they say is yet at Lima, at the entry of the Palace) they went afterwards coasting along the South, to discover the Strait, by the commandment of Don Garcia of Mendoca, than Governor of Chille, according to that which Captain Ladrillero found it and passed it. I have read the discourse and report he made, where he sayeth, that he did not hazard himself to land in the Strait, but having discovered the North Sea, he returned back, for the roughness of the time, winter being now come, which caused the waves coming from the North, to grow great and swelling, and the Sea continually foaming with rage. In our time, Francis Drake and Englishman, See of this Sir Francis Drakes Voyage. to. 1. l. 2 I have omitted Sarmientoes voyage. etc. The supposed Strait in Florida. passed this Strait. After him, Captain Sarmiento passed it on the South side. And lastly, in the year 1587. other Englishmen passed it, by the instruction of Drake, which at this time run along all the coast of Peru. Even as Magellan found out this Strait upon the South, so some have pretended to discover another Strait, which they say is in the North, and suppose it to be in Florida, whose coast runs in such sort, as they know no end thereof. Peter Melendez, the Adelantade, a man very expert at Sea, affirmeth for certain, that there is a Strait, and that the King had commanded him to discover it, where in he showed a great desire: Of the ebbing and flowing of the Indian Ocean. Chap. 14. The Philosophers in searching the cause of ebbing and flowing have easily erred, following the greeks and Latins which knew not the Ocean, and could not therefore know the cause. he propounded his reasons to prove his opinion, saying, that they have seen some remainders of Ships in the North Sea, like unto those the which the Chinois use, which had been impossible, if there were no passage from one Sea unto another. Moreover, he reported, that in a certain great Bay in Florida (the which runs 300. leagues within the Land) they see Whales in some season of the year, which come from the other Sea. One of the most admirable secrets of Nature is the ebbing and flowing of the Sea, not only for this strange property of rising and falling, but much more for the difference there is thereof in diverse Seas, yea in diverse coasts of one and the same Sea. There are some Seas that have no daily flowing nor ebbing, as we see in the inner Mediterranean, which is the Thyrene Sea, and yet it flows and ebbs every day in the upper Mediterranean Sea, which is that of Venice, and justly giveth cause of admiration, that these two Seas being Mediterranean, and that of Venice being no greater than the other, yet hath it his ebbing and flowing as the Ocean, and that other Sea of Italy none at all. There are some Mediterranean Seas, that apparently rise and fall every month, and others that neither rise in the day, nor in the month. There are other Seas, as the Spanish Ocean, that have their flux and reflux every day; and besides that, they have it monthly, which cometh twice, that is to say, at the change, and at the full of every Moon, which they call Springtides. To say that any Sea hath this daily ebbing and flowing, and not monthly, I know not any. It is strange, the difference we find of this subject at the Indies, for there are some places whereas the Sea doth daily rise and fall two leagues, as at Panama, and at a high water it riseth much more. There are other places where it doth rise and fall so little, that hardly can you find the difference. It is ordinary in the Ocean Sea to have a daily flowing and ebbing, and that was twice in a natural day, and ever it falls three quarters of an hour sooner one day then another, according to the course of the Moon: so as the tide falls not always in one hour of the day. Some would say, that this flux and reflux proceeded from the local motion of the water of the Sea; so as the water that riseth on the one side, falls on the other that is opposite unto it: so that it is full Sea on the one side when it is a low water on the opposite, as we see in a Kettle full of water, when we move it, when it leans to the one side the water increaseth, and on the other it diminisheth. Others affirm, that the Sea riseth in all parts at one time, and decreaseth at one instant: as the boiling of a Pot, coming out of the centre it extendeth itself on all parts, and when it ceaseth, it falls likewise on all parts. This second opinion is true, and in my judgement, certain and tried, not so much for the reasons which the Philosophers give in their Meteors, as for the certaint experience we may make. For to satisfy myself upon this point and question, I demanded particularly of the said * Hernando Alonso which with Sarmiento had gone to the straits to seek Captain Drake. Pilot, how he found the tides in the strait, and if the tides of the South Sea did fall when as those of the North did rise. And chose (this question being true) why the increase of the Sea in one place, is the decrease thereof in another, as the first opinion holdeth. He answered that it was not so, but they might see plainly, that the tides of the North and South Seas rise at one instant, so as the waves of one Sea encountered with the other, and at one instant likewise they began to retire, every one into his Sea, saying, that the rising and falling was daily seen, and that the encounter of the tides (as I have said) was at threescore and ten leagues to the North Sea, At the Downs on our coast two tides meet one from the Western Sea or slew, the other from the North, which there cause much variety. and thirty to the South. Whereby we may plainly gather, that the ebbing and flowing of the Ocean is no pure local motion, but rather an alteration: whereby all waters really rise and increase at one instant, and in others, they diminish, as the boiling of a Pot, whereof I have spoken. It were impossible to comprehend this point by experience, if it were not in the Strait, where all the Ocean, both on th'one side, and on th'other joins together: for none but Angels can see it, and judge of the opposite parts: for that man hath not so long a sight, nor so nimble and swift footing as were needful, to transport his eyes from one part to another, in so short a time, as a tide will give him respite, which are only six hours. There are in the Indian Ocean, an infinite number of fishes, the kinds and properties whereof the Creator only can declare. Of sundry Fishers, and their manner of fishing at the Indies. There are many such as we have in the Sea of Europe, as Shads, and Aloses which come from the Sea into the Rivers; Dorads, Pilchards, and many other. There are others, the like I do not think to have seen in these parts, as those which they do call Cabrillas, which do somewhat resemble the Trout, and in new Spain they call them Bobos, they mount from the Sea into the Rivers. I have not seen any Besugues there, nor Trout, although some say there are in Chille. There are Tonins in some parts upon the coast of Peru, but they are rare, and some are of opinion, that at a certain time they do cast their spawn in the Strait of Magellan, as they do in Spain at the Strait of Gibraltar, and for this reason they find more upon the coast of Chille, although those I have seen there, are not like to them in Spain. The Manatis a strange fish. The Whales also bring forth their young alive, and nourish them with their breasts, being in that huge creature scarce twice so big as the breasts of a woman, and far less than those of many women. Their food is also Sea weeds. Sharking sharks. At the Lands (which they call Barlovente) which are Cuba, Saint Dominicke, Portrique, and jamaique, they find a fish which they call Manati, a strange kind of fish, if we may call it fish, a creature which engenders her young ones alive, and hath teats, and doth nourish them with milk, feeding of grass in the fields, but in effect it lives continually in the water, and therefore they eat it as fish; yet when I did eat of it at Saint Dominique on a friday, I had some scruple, not for that which is spoken, but for that in colour and taste it was like unto morsels of Veal, so is it green, and like unto a Cow on the hinder parts. I did wonder at the incredible ravening of the Tiburons, or sharks, when as I did see drawn from one (that was taken in the Port) out of his gullet, a Butcher's great Knife, a great Iron hook, and a piece of a Cow's head with one whole horn, neither do I know if both were there, or no. I did see in a creek made with that Sea, a quarter of a horse for pleasure hanging upon a stake, whither presently came a company of these Tiburons, at the smell thereof: and for the more pleasure, this Horseflesh was hung in the air, I know not how many hand breadth from the water; this company of fish flock about it, leaping up, and with a strange nimbleness cut off both flesh and bone off the Horse leg, as if it had been the stalk of a lettuce; their teeth being as sharp as a razor. There are certain small fishes they call Rambos, which cleave to these Tiburons, neither can they drive them away, and they are fed with that which falls from the Tiburons. There are other small fishes, which they call flying fishes, the which are found within the tropickes, and in no other place, as I think: they are pursued by the Ducades; They have rough heads whereby they cleave and stick fast to the Shark, which thus are forced to carry them with their swift motion, of whose off all also they live. Crocodiles. and to escape them they leap out of the Sea, and go a good way in the air, and for this reason they are called flying Fishes: they have wings as it were of linen cloth, or of parchment, which do support them some space in the air. There did one fly or leap into the Ship wherein I went, the which I did see, and observe the fashion of his wings. In the Indian Histories there is often mention made of Lizards or Caymans' (as they call them) and they are the very same which Pliny and the Ancients call Crocodiles, they find them on the Sea side, and in hot Rivers, for in cold Rivers there are none to be found. And therefore they find none upon all the coasts of Peru unto Payra, but forward they are commonly seen in the Rivers. It is a most fierce and cruel beast, although it be slow and heavy. He goes hunting and seeks his prey on the Land, and what he takes alive, he drowns it in the water, yet doth he not eat it, but out of the water, * Yet so as ever and anon he dips it in the water his tongue being so short, that otherwise he could not swallow it. Tiger kills a Crocodile. for that his throat is of such a fashion, as if there entered any water, he should easily be drowned. It is a wonderful thing to see a combat betwixt a Caymant and a Tiger, whereof there are most cruel at the Indies. A religious man of our company told me that he had seen these beasts fight most cruelly one against the other; upon the Sea shore the Caymant with his tail gave great blows unto the Tiger, striving with his great force to carry him into the water: and the Tiger with his paws resisted the Caymant, drawing him to Land. In the end the Tiger vanquished, and opened the Lezard, it seems by the belly, the which is most tender and penetrable, for in every other part he is so hard, that no Lance, and scarce a harquebus can pierce it. The victory which an Indian had of a Caymant was yet more rare: the Caymant had carried away his young child, and suddenly plunged into the Sea, the Indian moved with choler, cast himself after him, with a knife in his hand, and as they are excellent swimmers and diverse, and the Caymant swimmeth always on the top of the water, he hurt him in the belly, and in such sort, that the Caymant feeling himself wounded, went to the shore, Indians exploit on a Crocodile leaving the little infant dead. But the combat which the Indians have with Whales is yet more admirable, wherein appears the power and greatness of the Creator, to give so base a Nation (as be the Indians) the industry and courage to encounter the most fierce and deformed beast in the world, and not only to fight with him, but also to vanquish him, and not to triumph over him. Considering this, I have often remembered that place of the Psalms, speaking of the Whale, Draco iste quem formasti ad illudendum eum: What greater mockery can there be, then to see an Indian lead a Whale as big as a Mountain, vanquished with a cord? Whale killed by the Savages The manner the Indians of Florida use (as some expert men have told me) to take these Whales (whereof there is great store) is, they put themselves into a Canoe, which is like a bark of a tree, and in swimming approach near the Whale's side, then with great dexterity they leap to his neck, and there they ride as on horseback expecting his time, than he thrusts a sharp and strong stake (which he carries with him) into the Whale's nostril, for so they call the hole or vent by which they breathe, presently he beats it in with another stake as forcibly as he can; in the mean space the Whale doth furiously beat the Sea, and raiseth Mountains of water, running into the deep with great violence, and presently riseth again, not knowing what to do for pain: the Indian still sits firm, and to give him full payment for this trouble, he beats another stake into the other vent or nostril, so as he stoppeth him quite, and takes away his breathing, than he betakes him to his Canoe, which he holds tied with a cord to the Whale's side, and goes to Land, having first tied his cord to the Whale, the which he lets run with the Whale, who leaps from place to place, whilst he finds water enough: being troubled with pain, in the end he comes near the Land, and remains on ground by the hugeness of his body, unable any more to move; then a great number of Indians come unto the Conqueror, to gather his spoils, they kill him, and cut his flesh in pieces, the which is bad enough: this do they dry and beat into powder, using it for meat, it doth last them long: wherein is fulfilled, that which is spoken in another Psalm of the Whale, Dedisti eum escam populis Aethiopum. Peter Mendez the Adelantade did often speak of this kind of fishing. Whereof Monardes' makes mention in his Book. There is another fishing which the Indians do commonly use in the Sea, the which, although it be less, yet is it worthy the report. They make as it were faggots of bul-rushes or dry sedges well bound together, which they call Balsas: having carried them upon their shoulders to the Sea, they cast them in, and presently leap upon them: being so set, they launch out into the deep, rowing up and down with small reeds of either side: they go a league or two into the Sea to fish, carrying with them their cords and nets upon these faggots, and bear themselves thereon. They cast out their nets, and do there remain fishing the greatest part of the day and night, until they have filled up their measure, with the which they return well satisfied. Truly it was delightful to see them fish at Callao of Lima, for that they were many in number, and every one set on horseback, cutting the waves of the Sea, which in their place of fishing are great and furious, resembling the Tritons or Neptunes, which they paint upon the water, and being come to Land, they draw their bark out of the water upon their backs, the which they presently undo, and lay abroad on the shore to dry. There were other Indians of the Valleys of Yca, which were accustomed to go to fish in leather, or skins of Sea-wolues, blown up with wind, and from time to time they did blow them like balls of wind, lest they should sink. In the va●e of Canete, which in old time they called Guaroo, there were a great number of Indian fishers; but because they resisted the Ingua, when he came to conquer that Land, he made show of peace with them, and therefore to feast him, they appointed a solemn fishing of many thousand Indians, which went to Sea in their vessels of reeds: at whose return, the Ingua (who had laid many Soldiers in ambush) made a cruel butchery of them, so as afterward this Land remained unpeopled, although it be abundant and fertile. I did see another manner of fishing, whereunto Don Francis of Toledo the Viceroy did lead me, yet was it not in the Sea, but in a River which they call great in the Province of Charcas, where the Indians Chiraquanas plunged into the water, and swimming with an admirable swiftness, followed the fish, where with darts and hooks (which they use to carry in their right hand, only swimming with the left) they wound the fish, and so hurt they brought them forth, seeming in this more like unto fishes than men of the Land. But now that we have left the Sea, let us come to other kind of waters that remain to be spoken of. Of Lakes and Pools that be at the Indies. Chap. 16. In place of the Mediterranean Sea, which is in the old world, the Creator hath furnished this new with many Lakes, whereof there are some so great, as they may be properly called Seas, seeing the Scripture calleth that of Palestina so, which is not so great as some of these. The most famous is that of Titicaca, which is at Peru, in the Province of Callao, the which as I have said in the former book, contains near fourscore leagues in compass, into the which there runs ten or twelve great Rivers. A while since, they began to sail in it with Barks and Ships, wherein they proceeded so ill, that the first Ship was split with a tempest that did rise in the Lake. The water is not altogether sour nor salt, as that of the Sea, but it is so thick, as it cannot be drunk. Thick water. There are two kinds of fishes breed in this Lake in great abundance, the one they call Suches, which is great and savorous, but phlegmatic and unwholesome: and the other Bogos, which is more healthful, although it be l●sse and fuller of bones: there are great numbers of wilde-ducks and Wigens. When as the Indians will feast it, or show delight to any one that passeth along the two banks, Fishes and fishing. which they call Chuovyto and Omasugo, they assemble a great number of Canoes, making a circle and environing the fowl, until they take with their hands what they please: and they call this manner of fishing Chaco. On the one and the other bank of this Lake, are the best habitations of Peru. From the issue thereof there grows a lesser Lake, although it be great, which they call Paria, upon the banks whereof, there are great numbers of cattle, especially Swine, which grow exceeding fat with the grass upon those banks. There are many other Lakes in the high Mountains, whence proceed Brooks and Rivers, which after become great floods. Upon the way from Arequippa to Callao, there are two Lakes, upon the Mountains of the one and other side the way, from the one flows a brook, which grows to a flood, and falls into the South Sea; from the other, they say the famous River of Aporima takes her beginning; from the which some hold that the renowned River of Amazons, otherwise called Maragnon proceeds, with so great an assembly and abundance of waters, which join in these Mountains. It is a question may be often asked, why there is so many Lakes in the tops of these Mountains, Original of Lakes. into the which no river enters, but chose, many great streams issue forth, and yet do we scarce see these Lakes to diminish any thing at any season of the year. To imagine that these Lakes grow by the Snow that melts, or rain from heaven, that doth not wholly satisfy me: for there are many that have not this abundance of Snow, nor rain, and yet we see no decrease in them, which makes me to believe they are Springs which rise there naturally, although it be not against reason, to think that the Snow and rain help somewhat in some seasons. These Lakes are so common in the highest tops of the Mountains, that you shall hardly find any famous river that takes not his beginning from one of them. Their water is very clear and breeds little store of fish, Greatest rivers flow from Lakes. and that little is very small, by reason of the cold which is there continually. Notwithstanding, some of these Lakes be very hot, which is another wonder. At the end of the valley of Tarapaya near to Potozi, there is a Lake in form round, which seems to have been made by compass, Hot Lake, and many wonders thereof. whose water is extremely hot, and yet the Land is very cold; they are accustomed to bathe themselves near the bank, for else they cannot endure the heat being farther in. In the midst of this Lake, there is a boiling of above twenty foot square, which is the very Spring, and yet (notwithstanding the greatness of this Spring) it is never seen to increase in any sort: it seems that it exhals of itself, or that it hath some hidden and unknown issue, neither do they see it decrease; which is another wonder, although they have drawn from it a great stream, to make certain engines grind for mettle, considering the great quantity of water that issueth forth, by reason whereof, it should decrease. Lakes of Mexico salt and fresh. But leaving Peru, and passing to new Spain, the Lakes there, are no less to be observed; especially that most famous of Mexico, where we find two sorts of waters, one salt Lake like to that of the Sea, and the other clear and sweet, by reason of the Rivers that enter into it. In the midst of this Lake, is a rock very delightful and pleasant, where there are baths of hot water that issue forth, the which they greatly esteem for their health. There are Gardens in the midst of this Lake, framed and fleeting upon the water, where you may see plots full of a thousand sorts of herbs and flowers, & they are in such sort as a man cannot well conceive them without sight. The City of Mexico is seated in the same Lake, although the Spaniards have filled up the place of the situation with earth, leaving only some currents of water, great and small, which enter into the City, to carry such things as they have need of, as wood, herbs, stone, fruits of the Country, and all other things. When Cortes conquered Mexico, he caused Brigandins to be made, yet afterwards he thought it more safe not to use them: therefore they use Canoes, whereof there is great store. There is great store of fish in this Lake, yet have I not seen any of price: notwithstanding, they say the revenue of this Lake, is worth three-hundred thousand Ducats a year. There are many other Lakes, not far from this, whence they bring much fish to Mexico. The Province of Mechonacan is so called, R●ch Lake. for that it aboundeth greatly with fish. There are goodly and great Lakes, in the which there is much fish, and this Province is cool and healthful. There are many other Lakes, whereof it is not possible to make mention, nor to know them in particular, only we may note by that which hath been discoursed in the former Book, that under the burning Zone there is greater abundance of Lakes, then in any other part of the world. There is at the Indies as in other parts of the world, great diversity of Springs, Fountains, Of many and diverse Springs and Fountains Chap. 17. and Rivers, and some have strange properties. In Guancavilica of Peru (where the Mines of Quicksilver be,) there is a Fountain that casts forth hot water, and in running, the water turns to rock, of which rock or stone, they build in a manner all the houses of the Village. This stone is soft, and easy to cut, for they cut it as easily with Iron as if it were wood, Hot Spring turning into Stone. it is light and lasting. If men or beasts drink thereof, they die, for that it congeals in the very entrailes, and turns into stone, and for that cause some Horses have died. As this water turns into stone, the which flows, stops the passage to the rest; so as of necessity it changeth the course, and for this reason it runs in diverse places, as the rock increaseth. At the point of Cape Saint Helaine, there is a Spring or Fountain of Pitch, which at Peru, they call Coppey. Fountain of Pitch. This should be like to that which the Scripture speaks of the savage Valley, where they did find pits of Pitch. The Mariners use these Fountains of Pitch or Coppey, to pitch their ropes and tackling, for that it serves them as Pitch and Tar in Spain. When I sailed into new Spain by the coast of Peru, the Pilot showed me an Island, which they call the I'll of Wolves, where there is another Fountain or Pit of Coppey or Pitch, with the which they anoint their tackling. There are other Fountains and Springs of Gouliranrozen, which the Pilot (an excellent man in his charge) told me he had seen, and that sometimes sailing that ways, being so far into the Sea, as he had lost the sight of Land, yet did he know by the smell of the Coppey, where he was, as well as if he had known the Land, such is the favour that issues continually from that Fountain. At the Baths, which they call the Baths of Ingua, there is a course of water, Cold and hot Springs together. which comes forth all hot and boiling; and joining unto it, there is another whose water is as cold as Ice. The Ingua was accustomed to temper the one with the other; and it is a wonderful thing to see Springs of so contrary qualities, so near one to the other. There are an infinite number of other hot Springs, specially in the Province of Charcas, in the water whereof, you cannot endure to hold your hand the space of an Aue Maria, as I have seen tried by wager. In a Farm near to Cusco, springs a Fountain of Salt, which as it runs turns into Salt, very white and exceeding good, Salt Spring which yields Sal● without boiling. the which (if it were in another Country) were no small riches, yet they make very small account thereof, for the store they have there. The waters which run in Guayaquel, which is in Peru, almost under the Equinoctial Line, are held to be healthful for the French disease, and other such like, so as they come from many places far off to be cured. And they say the cause thereof is, for that in that Country there is great abundance of roots, which they call Salepareille, Pocke-●pring. the virtue and operation whereof is so known, that it communicates her property to the waters wherein it is put to cure this disease. Bilcanota is a Mountain the which (according to common opinion) is in the highest part of Peru, the top whereof is all covered with Snow, and in some places is black like coal. There issueth forth of it, two Springs in contrary places, which presently grow to be very great brooks, and so by little and little become great floods, the one goes to Calloa, into the great Lake T●●caca; the other goes to the Lands, and is that which they call Yucay, which joining with another runs into the North Sea, with a violent and furious course. This Spring, when it comes out of the rock Bilcanota, as I have said, is of the colour of lie, having an ashy colour, Smoak Spring. and casts a f●me as a thing burnt, the which runs far in this sort, until the multitude of waters that run into it, quench this smoke and fire which it draws from the Spring. Ink, etc. In new Spain I have seen a Spring as it were Ink, somewhat blue, in Peru another, of colour red like blood, where upon they call it the red River. Of Rivers. Chap. 18. Maragnon or Amazons. Amongst all Rivers, not only at the Indies, but generally through the world, the River Maragnon, or of Amazons, is the chief, whereof we have spoken in the former Book. The Spaniards have often sailed it, pretending to discover the Lands, which by report are very rich, especially those they call Dorado and Paytiti, jean de Salnies, the Adelantade, made a memorable entry, though of small effect. There is a passage which they call Pongo, one of the most dangerous in all the world; Water-fall. for the River being there straightened, and forced betwixt two high steep Rocks: the water falls directly down with so great a violence, that coming steep down, it causeth such a boiling, as it seemeth impossible to pass it without drowning: yet the courage of men durst attempt to pass it, for the desire of this renowned Dorado: they slipped down from the top to the bottom, thrust on with the violence and currant of the flood, holding themselves fast in their Canoes or barks: and although in falling they were turned topsie turuie, and both they and their Canoes plunged into the deep, yet by their care and industry they recovered themselves again; and in this sort the whole army escaped, except some few that were drowned. Golden thirst. And that which is more admirable, they carried themselves so cunningly, that they neither lost their Powder nor Munition. In their return (having suffered many troubles and dangers) they were forced, in the end, to pass back that same way) mounting by one of those high Rocks, sticking their Poniards in the Rock, Captain Peter d'Orsua made another entry by the same River, who being dead in the same Voyage, and the Soldier's mutinied; other Captains followed the enterprise, by an arm that comes into the North Sea. A religious man of our company told us, that being then a secular man, he was present in a manner at all that enterprise, and that the tides did flow almost a hundred leagues up the River, and whereas it enters into the Sea (the which is under the Line, or very near) it hath seventy leagues breadth at the mouth of it, a matter incredible; and which exceeds the breadth of the Mediterranean Sea, though there be some others, who in their descriptions give it but twenty five or thirty leagues breadth at the mouth. River of Plata, increasing as Nilus. Next to this River that of Plata, or of Silver holds the second place, which is otherwise called Paraguay, which runs from the Mountains of Peru, into the Sea, in thirty five degrees of altitude to the South: it riseth (as they say) like to the River of Nile, but much more without comparison, and makes the fields it overflows like unto a Sea, for the space of three months, and after returneth again to his course, in the which Ships do sail many leagues against the stream. There are many other Rivers that are not of that greatness, and yet are equal: yea they surpass the greatest of Europe, as that of Magdalaine, near to Saint Marthe, called the great River, and that of Alvarado in new Spain, and an infinite number of others. Of the South side, on the Mountains of Peru, the Rivers are not usually so great, for that their current is not long, and that many waters cannot join together, but they are very swift, descending from the Mountains, and have sudden falls, by reason whereof they are very dangerous, and many men have perished there. They increase and overflow most in the time of heat. I have gone over twenty and seven Rivers upon that coast, yet did I never pass any one by a ford. How they pass their Rivers. The Indians use a thousand devices to pass their Rivers. In some places they have a long cord that runs from one side to th'other, and thereon hangs a basket, into the which he puts himself that means to pass; and then they draw it from the bank with another cord, so as he passeth in this basket. In other places the Indian passeth, as it were on Horseback, upon a bottle of straw, and behind him he that desires to pass; and so rowing with a piece of a board, carries him over. In other places they make a float of gourds or pompions, upon which they set men with their stuff to carry over, and the Indians having cords fastened to them, go swimming before, and draw this float of pompions after them, as Horses do a Coach: others go behind thrusting it forward. Having passed, they take their bark of pompions upon their back, and return swimming: this they do in the River of Saint at Peru. We passed that of Alvarado in new Spain upon a table, which the Indians carried upon their shoulders, and when they lost their footing, they swam. These devices, with a thousand other wherewith they use to pass their Rivers, breed a terror in the beholders, helping themselves with such weak and unsure means; and yet they are very confident. Hair and Straw Bridges. They do use no other bridges but of hair or of straw. There are now upon some River's bridges of Stone, built by the diligence of some Governors, but many fewer than were needful in such a Country, where so many men are drowned by default thereof, and the which yields so much Silver, as not only Spain, but also other strange Countries make sumptuous buildings therewith. The Indians do draw from these floods that run from the Mountains to the Valleys and Plains, many and great Brooks to water their Land, which they usually do with such industry, as there are no better in Murcia, nor at Milan itself, the which is also the greatest and only wealth of the Plains of Peru, and of many other parts of the Indies. indies III. Of the quality of the Land at the Indies in general. Properties of Peru, and of new Spain, and other parts: Of Vulcan's and Earthquakes. WE may know the quality of the Land at the Indies, for the greatest part (seeing it is the last of the three Elements, L. 3. C. 19▪ whereof we have propounded to treat in this Book) by the discourse we have made in the former Book of the burning Zone, seeing that the greatest part of the Indies doth lie under it. But to make it known the more particularly, I have observed three kinds of Lands, as I have passed through those Regions: whereof there is one very low, another very high, and the third which holds the middle of these two extremes. The lower is that which lieth by the Sea coasts, whereof there is in all parts of the Indies, and it is commonly very hot and moist, so as it is not so healthful; and at this day we see it less peopled, although in former times it hath been greatly inhabited with Indians, as it appeareth by the histories of new Spain and Peru, and where they kept and lived, for that the soil was natural unto them being bred there. They lived of fishing at Sea, and of seeds, drawing brooks from the Rivers, which they used for want of rain, for that it raines little there, and in some places not at all. This low Country hath many places unhabitable, as well by reason of the Sands which are dangerous (for there are whole Mountains of these Sands) as also for the Marshes which grow by reason of the waters that fall from the Mountains, which finding no issue in these flat and low Lands, drown them, and make them unprofitable. And in truth the greatest part of all the Indian Sea coast is of this sort, chiefly upon the South Sea: the habitation of which coasts is at this present so wasted and contemned, Decay of people in the Indies by the Spaniards. that of thirty parts of the people that inhabited it, there wants twenty nine; and it is likely the rest of the Indians will in short time decay. Many, according to the variety of their opinions, attribute this to diverse causes: some to the great labour which hath been imposed upon these Indians; others, unto the change and variety of meats and drinks they use, since their commerce with the Spaniards: others, to their great excess and drinking, and to other vices they have: for my part, I hold this disorder to be the greatest cause of their decay, whereof it is not now time to discourse any more. In this low Country (which I say generally is unhealthful, and unfit for man's habitation) there is exception in some places which are temperate and fertile, as the greatest part of the Plains of Peru, where there are cool valleys and very fertile. The greatest part of the habitation of the coast entertains all the traffic of Spain by Sea: whereon all the estate of the Indies dependeth. Upon this coast there are some Towns well peopled, as Lima and Truxillo in Peru, Panama and Carthagena upon the main Land, and in the Lands Saint Dominique, Port Ricco, and Havana, with many other Towns which are less than these, as the True Cross in new Spain, Y●a, Arigua and others in Peru: the Ports are commonly inhabited, although but slenderly. The second sort of Land is contrary, very high, and by consequent, cold and dry, as all the Mountains are commonly. This Land is neither fertile nor pleasant, but very healthful, which makes it to be peopled and inhabited. There are Pastures and great store of Cattle, the which, for the most part, entertains life, and by their cattle, they supply the want they have of Corn and Graine, by trucking and exchange. But that which makes these Lands more inhabited and peopled, is the riches of the Mines that are found there, for that all obeys to Gold and Silver. By reason of the Mines there are some dwellings of Spaniards and Indians, which are increased and multiplied, as Potozi and Gancanelicqua in Peru, and Cacatecas in new Spain. There are also through all these Mountains great dwellings of the Indians, which to this day are maintained; yea some will say they increase, but that the labour of the Mines doth consume many, and some general diseases have destroyed a great part, as the Cocoliste in new Spain: yet they find no great diminution. In this extremity of high ground they find two commodities, as I have said, of Pastures and Mines, which do well countervail the two other that are in the lower grounds alongst the Sea coast, that is, the commerce of the Sea, and the abundance of Wine which groweth not but in the hot Lands. Betwixt these two extremes there is ground of a mean height, the which, although it be in some parts higher or lower one than other, Corn ground●▪ yet doth it not approach neither to the heat of the Sea coast, nor the intemperature of the Mountains. In this sort of soil there groweth many kinds of Grain, as Wheat, Barley, and Mays, which grows not at all in the high Countries, but well in the lower; there is likewise store of Pasture, cattle, Fruits, and green Forests. This part is the best habitation of the three, for health and recreation; and therefore it is best peopled of any part of the Indies, the which I have curiously observed in many Voyages that I have undertaken, and have always found it true, that the Province best peopled at the Indies be in this situation. Let us look nearly into new Spain (the which without doubt is the best Province the Sun doth circle) by what part soever you do enter, you mount up; and when you have mounted a good height, you begin to descend, yet very little: and that Land is always much higher than that along the Sea coast. All the Land about Mexico is of this nature and situation; and that which is about the Vulcan, which is the best soil of the Indies, as also in Peru, Arequipa, Guamangua and Cusco, although more in one then in the other. But in the end, all is high ground, although they descend into deep Valleys, and climb up to high Mountains: the like is spoken of Quitto, Saint Foy, and of the best of the New Kingdom. To conclude, I do believe that the wisdom and providence of the Creator would have it so, that the greatest part of this Country of the Indies should be hilly, that it might be of a better temperature: for being low, it had been very hot under the burning Zone, especially being far from the Sea. Also all the Land I have seen at the Indies, is near to the Mountains on the one side or the other, and sometimes of all parts: So as I have oftentimes said there, that I would gladly see any place, from whence the horizon did fashion itself and end by the heaven, and a Country stretched out and even, as we see in Spain in a thousand champain fields; yet do I not remember that I have ever seen such sights at the Indies, The Indies mountainous, and thereby temperate. were it in the Lands, or upon the main Land, although I have traveled above seven hundred leagues in length. But as I have said, the nearness of the Mountains is very commodious in this region, to temper the heat of the Sun. To conclude, the best inhabited parts of the Indies are as I have said: and generally, all that Country abounds in Grass, Pastures, and Forests, contrary unto that which Aristotle and the ancients did hold. So as when we go out of Europe to the Indies we wonder to see the Land so pleasant, green and fresh. Yet this rule hath some exceptions, and chiefly in the Land of Peru, which is of a strange nature amongst all others, whereof we will now proceed to speak. We mean by Peru, not that great part of the world which they call America, seeing that therein is contained Bresil, Of the properties of the land of Peru. Chap. 20 the Kingdom of Chille, and that of Grenade, and yet none of these Kingdoms is Peru, but only that part which lies to the South, beginning at the Kingdom of Quitto, which is under the Line, and runs in length to the Realm of Chille, the which is without the Tropickes, which were six hundred leagues in length, and in breadth it contains no more than the Mountains, which is fifty common leagues, although in some places, as at Chachapayas, it be broader. This part of the world which we call Peru, is very remarkable, and contains in it strange properties, which serveth as an exception to the general rule of the Indies. One wind only. The first is, that upon all the coast it blows continually with one only wind, which is South and South-west, contrary to that which doth usually blow under the burning Zone. The second is, that this wind being by nature the most violent, tempestuous, and unhealthful of all others, yet in this Region it is marvelous pleasing, healthful, and agreeable: so as we may attribute the habitation of that part thereunto, without the which it would be troublesome and inhabitable, by reason of the heat, if it were not refreshed with the wind. The third property is, that it never raines, thunders, snows, nor hails in all this coast, which is a matter worthy of admiration. Fourthly, that a little distance from the coast it raines & snows terribly. Fiftly, that there are two ridges of Mountains which run the one as the other, and in one altitude, notwithstanding on the one there are great Forests, and it raines the greatest part of the year, being very hot; and the other is all naked and bare, and very cold: so as winter and summer are divided on those two Mountains, and rain▪ and clearness itself. For the better understanding hereof, we must consider that Peru is divided as it were into three parts, long and narrow, The Plains, the hills, and the Andes. See sup. in Herera. which they call Lanos, Sierras, and Andes; the Lanos runs alongst the Sea coast; the Sierras be all hills, with some valleys; and the Andes be steep and craggy Mountains. The Lanos or Sea coast, have some ten leagues in breadth, in some parts less, and in some parts a little more. The Sierra contains some twenty leagues in breadth: and the Andes as much, sometimes more, sometimes less. They run in length from North to South, and in breadth from East to West. It is a strange thing, that in so small a distance as fifty leagues, equally distant from the Line and Pole, there should be so great a contrariety, as to rain almost continually in one place, Rain almost ever, and almost never. and never in the other. It never raines upon the coast or Lanos, although there falls sometimes a small dew, which they call Guarna, and in Castill Mollina▪ the which sometimes thickens, and falls in certain drops of water, yet is it not troublesome, nor such as they need any covering. Their coverings are of mats with a little earth upon them which is sufficient. Upon the Andes it raines in a manner continually, although it be sometimes more clear than other. In the Sierra which lies betwixt both the extremes, it raineth in the same season as it doth in Spain, which is from September unto April, but in the other season, the time is more clear, which is when the Sun is farthest off, and the contrary when it is nearest. That which they call Andes, and Sierra, are two ridges of most high Mountains, which run above a thousand leagues, the one in view of the other, and almost equally. There are an infinite number of Vicagues, which breed in the Sierres, and are properly like unto wild Goats, very nimble and swift. diverse Beasts. There are also of those beasts which they call Guanacoes and Pacos, which are sheep, which we may well term the Asses of that Country; whereof we shall speak in their place. And upon the Andes they find Apes, very gentle and delightful, and Parrots in great numbers. There also they find the herb or tree which they call Coca, that is so greatly esteemed by the Indians, and the traffic they make of it, is worth much money. That which they call Sierre, causeth Valleys, where as it opens, which are the best dwellings of Peru, as is the Valley of Xauxa of Andaguaylas, and Yucay. In these Valleys there grows Wheat, Mays, and other sorts of fruits, but less in one then in the other. Beyond the City of Cusco (the ancient Court of the Lords of those Realms) the two ridges of Mountains separate themselves one from the other, and in the midst leave a Plain and large Champagne, which they call the Province of Callao, where there are many Rivers and great store of fertile Pastures: there is also that great Lake of Titicaca. And although it be a full soil, and in the same height and intemperature, that the Sierre, having no more Trees nor Forests, yet the want they have of bread is countervailed with the roots they sow, the which they call Papas, and they grow in the earth. This root is the Indians food; for drying it and making it clean, Their bread. they make that which they call Chugno, which is the bread and nourishment of those Provinces. There are other roots and small herbs which they eat. It is a healthful soil, best peopled, and the richest of all the Indies, for the abundance of cattle they feed, as well of those that are in Europe, as Sheep, Neat, and Goats, as of those of the Country, which they call Guanacoes and Pacos, and there are store of Partridges. Next to the Province of Callao, is that of Charcas, where there are hot Valleys very fertile, and very high Rocks, the which are very rich in mines, so as in no part of the World shall you find better nor fairer. For that it is rare and extraordinary to see a Country where it never raines nor thunders; The reason why it raines on the Lanos, along the Sea coast. Chap. 21. men desire naturally to know the cause of this strangeness. The reason which some give that have nearly looked into it, is, that upon that Coast there rise no vapours, sufficient to engender rain for want of matter; but only that there be small and light vapours, which cannot breed any other than mists and dews, as we see in Europe, oftentimes vapours do rise in the morning, which are not turned into rain, but into mists only: the which grows from the substance, which is not gross and sufficient enough to turn to rain. They say, the reason why that which happens but some times in Europe, falls out continually upon the Coast of Peru, is, for that this Region is very dry, and yields no gross vapours. The dryness is known by the great abundance of Sands, having neither Wells nor Fountains, but of fifteen S●ades deep (which is the height of a man or more) and that is near unto Rivers, the water whereof, piercing into the Land, gives them means to make Wells. So as it hath been found by experience, that the course of Rivers being turned, the Wells have been dried up, until they returned to their ordinary course: and they give this reason for a material cause of this effect, but they have another efficient, which is no less considerable, and that is the great height of the Sierre, which coming along the Coast, shadows the Lanos; so as it suffers no wind to blow from the Land, but above the tops of these Mountains. By means whereof, there reigns no wind, but that from the Sea, which finding no opposite, doth not press nor strain forth the vapours which rise to engender rain; so as the shadow of the Mountains keeps the vapours from thickening, and converts them all into mists. There are some experiences agree with this discourse; for that it raines upon some small Hills along the Coast, which are least shadowed, as the Rocks of Atico and Arequipa. It hath reigned in some years when as the Northern or Easterly winds have blown: yea, all the time they have continued, as it happened in seventy eight, upon the Lanos of Trugillo, where it reigned abundantly, the which they had not seen in many ages before. Moreover, it raines upon the same Coast in places, where as the Easterly or Northern winds be ordinary, as in Guayaquil, and in places where as the Land riseth much, and turns from the shadow of the Mountains, as in those that are beyond Ariqua. Some discourse in this manner, but let every one think as he please. It is most certain, that coming from the Mountains to the Valleys, they do usually see as it were two Heavens, one clear and bright above, and the other obscure, and as it were a grey veil spread underneath, which covers all the Coast: and although it rain not, yet this mist is wonderful profitable to bring forth grass, and to raise up and nourish the seed: for although they have plenty of water, which they draw from the Pools and Lakes, yet this moisture from Heaven hath such a virtue, that ceasing to fall upon the Earth, it breeds a great discommodity and defect of grain and seeds. And that which is more worthy of admiration, the dry and barren Sands are by this dew so beautified with grass and flowers, as it is a pleasing and agreeable sight, and very profitable for the feeding of cattle, as we see in the Mountain called Sandie, near to the City of Kings. New Spain passeth all other Provinces in pastures, which breeds infinite troops of Horse, Of the property of new Spain, of the Lands, and of other Lands. Chap. 22. Peru wine. Kine, Sheep, and other cattle. It abounds in fruit and all kind of grain. To conclude, it is a Country the best furnished and most accomplished at the Indies. Yet Peru doth surpass it in one thing, which is Wine, for that there grows store and good; and they daily multiply and increase, the which doth grow in very hot Valleys, where there are waterings. And although there be Vines in new Spain, yet the grape comes not to his maturity, fit to make Wine. The reason is, for that it raines there in july and August, when as the grape ripens: and therefore it comes not to his perfection. And if any one through curiosity would take the pains to make wine, it should be like to that of Genua and Lombardie, which is very small and sharp, having a taste like unto Verjuice. The Lands which they call Barlovente, which be Hispaniola, Cuba, Port Ricco, and others thereabouts, are beautified with many green pastures, and abound in cattle, as Neat, and Swine, Sugar works and Hides. which are become wild. The wealth of these Lands, be their Sugar-workes and Hides. There is much Cassia fistula and Ginger. It is a thing incredible, to see the multitude of these merchandizes brought in one fleet, being in a manner impossible that all Europe should waste so much. They likewise bring wood of an excellent quality and colour, as Ebony, and others, which serve for buildings and joiners. There is much of that wood which they call Lignum sanctum or Guage, fit to cure the pox. All these Lands and others thereabouts, which are many, have a goodly and pleasant aspect, for that throughout the year, they are beautified with grass and green trees, so as they cannot discern when it is Autumn or Summer, by reason of continual moisture joined to the heat of the burning Zone. And although this Land be of a great circuit, yet are there few dwellings, for that of itself it engenders great Arcabutos, as they call them, which be Groves or very thick Coppises: and on the Plains there are many marshes and bogs. They give yet another notable reason, why they are so smally peopled, for that there have remained few natural Indians, through the inconsiderateness and disorder of the first Conquerors that peopled it: Indians wasted. and therefore, for the most part, they use Negroes, but they cost dear, being very fit to till the Land. There grows neither bread nor wine in these Lands, for that the too great fertility and the vice of the soil, suffers them not to seed, but casts all forth in grass, very unequally. There are no Olive trees, at the least, they bear no Olives, but many green leaves pleasant to the view, which bear no fruit. The bread they use is of Caçave, whereof we shall hereafter speak. There is gold in the Rivers of these Lands, which some draw forth, but in small quantity. I was little less than a year in these Lands, and as it hath been told me of the main Land of the Indies, where I have not been, as in Florida, Nicaragua, Guatimala, and others, it is in a manner of this temper, as I have described: yet have I not set down every particular of Nature in these Provinces of the firm Land, having no perfect knowledge thereof. The Country which doth most resemble Spain and the Regions of Europe, in all the West Indies, is the Realm of Chille, which is without the general rule of these other Provinces, being seated without the burning Zone, and the Tropic of Capricorn. This Land of itself is cool and fertile, and brings forth all kinds of fruits that be in Spain; it yields great abundance of bread and wine, and abounds in Pastures and cattle. The air is wholesome and clear, temperate betwixt heat and cold, Winter and Summer are very distinct, and there they find great store of very fine gold. Yet this Land is poor and smally peopled, by reason of their continual war with the Auricanos, and their Associates, being a rough people and friends to liberty. There are great conjectures, that in the temperate Zone at the Antarctic Pole, there are great and fertile Lands: Of the unknown Land, and the diversity of a whole day, betwixt them of the East and the West. Chap. 23. but to this day they are not discovered, neither do they know any other Land in this Zone, but that of Chille, and some part of that Land which runs from Ethiopia to the Cape of Good Hope, as hath been said in the first Book; neither is it known if there be any habitations in the other two Zones of the Poles, and whether the Land continues and stretcheth to that which is towards the Antarctic or South Pole. Neither do we know the Land that lies beyond the Strait of Magellan, for that the greatest height yet discovered, is in fifty six degrees, as hath been formerly said; and toward the Arctic or Northern Pole, it is not known how far the Land extends, which runs beyond the Cape of Mendoçin and the Caliphornes, nor the bounds and end of Florida, neither yet how far it extends to the West. Of late they have discovered a new Land, which they call New Mexico, where they say is much people that speak the Mexican tongue. The Philippines and the following Lands, as some report that know it by experience, ran above nine hundred leagues. But to entreat of China, Cochinchina, Siam, and other Regions which are of the East Indies, were contrary to my purpose, which is only to discourse of the West: nay, they are ignorant of the greatest part of America, which lies betwixt Peru and Bresil, although the bounds be known of all sides, wherein there is diversity of opinions; some say it is a drowned Land, full of Lakes and watery places; others affirm there are great and flourishing Kingdoms, imagining there be the Paytiti, the Dorado, and the Caesars, where they say are wonderful things. I have heard one of our company say, a man worthy of credit, that he had seen great dwellings there, and the ways as much beaten as those betwixt Salamanca and Villadillit, the which he did see, when as Peter d'Orsua, and after, those that succeeded him, made their entry and discovery by the great River of Amazons, who believing that the Dorado which they sought, was farther off, cared not to inhabit there, and after went both without the Dorado, which they could not find, and this great Province which they left. To speak the truth, the habitations of America are to this day unknown, except the extremities, which are Peru, Bresil, and that part where the Land begins to straighten, which is the River of Silver, then Tucuman, which makes the round to Chille and Charcas. Of late we have understood by Letters from some of ours which go to Saint Croix in the Sierre, that they go discovering of great Provinces and dwellings, betwixt Bresil and Peru. Time will reveal them, for as at this day the care and courage of men is great, to compass the World from one part to another; so we may believe, that as they have discovered that which is now known, they may likewise lay open that which remains, to the end the Gospel may be preached to the whole World, seeing the two Crowns of Portugal and Castille have met by the East and West, joining their discoveries together, which in truth is a matter to be observed, that the one is come to China and japan by the East, and the other to the Philippines, which are neighbours, and almost joining unto China, by the West: for from the Lands of Lusson, which is the chief of the Philippines, in the which is the City of Manille, unto Macaeo, which is in the I'll of Canton, are but four score or a hundred leagues, and yet we find it strange, that notwithstanding this small distance from the one to the other, yet according to their account, there is a day's difference betwixt them; so as it is Sunday at Macao, when as it is but Saturday at Manille, and so of the rest. Those of Macao and of China have one day advanced before the Philippines. It happened to father Alonse Sanches, of whom mention is made before, that parting from the Philippines, he arrived at Macao the second day of May, according to their computation, and going to say the Mass of Saint Athanasim, he found they did celebrate the feast of the Invention of the holy Cross, for that they did then reckon the third of May. The like happened unto him in another voyage beyond it. Some have found this alteration and diversity strange, supposing that the fault proceeds from the one or the other, the which is not so: but it is a true and well observed computation, for according to the difference of ways where they have been, we must necessarily say, that when they meet, there must be difference of a day; the reason is, for that sailing from West to East, they always gain of the day, finding the Sun rising sooner: and chose, those that sail from East to West, do always lose of the day, for that the Sun riseth later unto them; and as they approach nearer the East or the West, they have the day longer or shorter. In Peru, which is Westward in respect of Spain, they are above six hours behind; so as when it is noon in Spain, it is morning at Peru; and when it is morning here, it is midnight there. I have made certain proof thereof, by the computation of Eclipses of the Sun and Moon. Now that the Portugals have made their navigations from West to East, and the Castillans from East to West, when they came to join and meet at the Philippines and Macao, the one have gained twelve hours, and the other hath lost as much; so as at one instant, and in one time, they find the difference of four and twenty hours, which is a whole day. Although we find vents of fire in other places, as Mount Aetna and Vesunio, which now they call Mount Soma, yet is that notable which is found at the Indies. Of the Volcans' or Vents of fire. Chap. 24. Ordinarily these Volcans' be Rocks or Pikes of most high Mountains, which raise themselves above the tops of all other Mountains; upon their tops they have a Plain, and in the midst thereof a pit or great mouth, which descends even unto the foot thereof; a thing very terrible to behold. Out of these mouths there issues smoke, and sometimes fire: some cast little smoke, and have in a manner no force of Volcans', as that of Arequipa, which is of an unmeasurable height, and almost all sand. It cannot be mounted up in less than two days, yet they have not found any show of fire, but only the relics of some sacrifices which the Indians made while they were Gentiles, and sometimes it doth cause a little smoke. The Volcan of Mexico which is near to the Village of Angels, is likewise of an admirable height, whereas they mount thirty leagues in turning: from this Volcan issueth not continually, but sometimes, almost every day, a great exhalation or whirlwind of smoke, which ascends directly up like to the shot of a Crossbow, and grows after like to a great plume of feathers, until it ceaseth quite, and is presently converted into an obscure and dark cloud. Most commonly it riseth in the morning after the Sun rising, and at night when it setteth, although I have seen it break out at other times. Sometimes it doth cast forth great store of ashes after this smoke. They have not yet seen any fire come from it; yet they fear it will issue forth and burn all the Land round about, which is the best of all the Kingdom: And they hold it for certain, that there is some correspondency betwixt this Vulcan and the Sierre of Tlaxcala, which is near unto it, that causeth the great thunders and lightnings they do commonly hear and see in those parts. Some Spaniards have mounted up to this Volcan, and given notice of the mine of sulphur to make powder thereof. Cortes reports the care he had to discover what was in this Volcan. The Volcans' of Guatimala are more renowned, as well for their greatness and height: which those that sail in the South Sea discover afar off, as for the violence and terror of the fire it casts. The three and twentieth day of December, in the year 1586. almost all the City of Guatimala fell with an Earthquake, and some people slain. This Volcan had then six months together, Terrible earthquake at Guatimala. day and night cast out from the top, and vomited as it were, a flood of fire, the substance falling upon the sides of the Volcan, was turned into ashes like unto burnt earth (a thing passing man's judgement, to conceive how it could cast so much matter from its centre during six months, being accustomed to cast smoke alone, and that sometimes with small flashes.) This was written unto me being at Mexico, by a Secretary of the Audience of Guatimala, a man worthy of credit, and at that time it had not ceased to cast out fire. This year past, being in Quitto in the City of Kings, the Volcan which is near thereunto, cast such abundance of ashes, that in many leagues compass thereabout it darkened the light of the day: and there fell such store in Quitto, as they were not able to go in the streets. There have been other Volcans' seen which cast neither smoke, flame, nor yet ashes, but in the bottom they are seen to burn with a quick fire without dying: Covetous Priest. such a one was that which in our time a covetous and greedy Priest seeing, persuaded himself that they were heaps of gold he did see burning, imagining it could be no other matter or substance, which had burnt so many years, and not consumed. And in this conceit he made certain kettles with chains, and an instrument, to gather and draw up the gold out of this Pit or Volcan: but the fire scorned him, for no sooner did his Iron chain and Cauldron approach near the fire, but suddenly they were broken in pieces. Yet some told me, that this man was still obstinate, seeking other inventions for to draw out this gold as he imagined. Causes of this burning. Some have held opinion, that these Volcans' consume the inner substance they have of Nature; and for this reason they believe, that naturally they shall end, when as they have consumed the fuel (as a man may say) that is within them. According to which opinion we see at this day, some Mountains and Rocks, from whence they draw a burnt stone which is light, but very hard, and is excellent to build with, as that which is carried to Mexico. And in effect there are some shows of that which hath been spoken, that these Mountains or Rocks had sometimes a natural fire, which hath died after the matter was consumed; and so these stones have remained burnt and pierced with the fire as we see. For my part, I will not contradict it, that in those places there hath not been fire sometimes, or Volcans'. But there is some difficulty to believe it should be so in all Volcans', considering the matter they cast out is almost infinite; and that being gathered together, it could not be contained in the same concavity from whence it goes. Moreover, there are some Volcans', that in hundreds, yea thousands of years are always of one fashion, casting out continually smoke, fire, and ashes. Pliny the historiographer of natural things (as the other Pliny his nephew reports) searching out the secret how this should pass: and approaching too near the exhalation of fire of one of these Volcans', died; and thinking by his diligence to find an end thereof, had an end of his life. For my part, upon this consideration I think, that as there are places in the earth, whose virtue is to draw vaporous matter, and to convert it into water, which be the Fountains that always run, and have always matter to make them run, for that they draw unto them the substance of water. In like sort there are places that have the property to draw unto them hot exhalations, and to convert them into fire and smoke which by their force and violence cast out other thick matter which dissolves into ashes, into pumice stone, or such like substance: and for a sufficient argument to prove it to be so in these Volcans', they sometimes cast smoke, and not always, and sometimes fire, and not always, which is according to that it can draw unto it, and digest, as the Fountains which in Winter abound, and in Summer decrease; yea some are quite dried up, according to the force and vigour they have, and the matter that is presented: even so it is of these Volcans', which cast fire more or less at certain seasons. Others say, that it is Hell fire, which issueth there, to serve as a warning, thereby to consider what is in the other life: but if Hell (as Divines hold) be in the centre of the Earth, the which contains in diameter above two thousand leagues, Basil. Psal. 28. & in exa●. we cannot judge that this fire is from the centre; for that Hell fire (as Saint Basil and others teach) is very different from this which we see, for that it is without light, and burneth without comparison much more than ours. Of Earthquakes. Cap. 26. Some have held, that from these Volcans' which are at the Indies, the Earthquakes proceed, being very common there: but for that they ordinarily chance in places far from those Volcans', it cannot be the total cause. It is true they have a certain sympathy one with another, for that the hot exhalations which engender in the inner concavities of the Earth, seem to be the material substance of fire in the Volcans', whereby there kindleth another more gross matter, and makes these shows of flame and smoke that come forth. And these exhalations (finding no easy issue in the Earth) move it, to issue forth with great violence, whereby we hear that horrible noise under the Earth, and likewise the shaking of the Earth, being stirred with this burning exhalation; Even as Gun-powlder in mines, having fire put to it breaks Rocks and Walls: and as the Chestnut laid into the fire, leaps and breaks with a noise, when as it casts forth the air (which is contained within the husk) by the force of the fire: Even so these Earthquakes do most commonly happen in places near the water or Sea. As we see in Europe, and at the Indies, that Towns and Cities farthest from the Sea and waters are least afflicted therewith; and chose, those that are seated upon Ports of the Sea, upon Rivers, the Sea coast, and places near unto them, feel most this calamity. There hath happened in Peru (the which is wonderful, and worthy to be noted) Earthquakes which have run from Chille unto Quitto, and that is above a hundred leagues, Great earthquakes. I say the greatest that ever I heard speak of, for lesser be more common there. Upon the coast of Chille (I remember not well in what year) there was so terrible an Earthquake, as it over-turned whole Mountains, and thereby stopped the course of Rivers which it converted into Lakes, it beat down Towns, and slew a great number of people. causing the Sea to leave her place some leagues, so as the ships remained on dry ground, far from the ordinary Road, with many other heavy and horrible things. And as I well remember, they say this trouble and motion, caused by the Earthquake, ran three hundred leagues alongst the Coast. Soon after, which was in the year eighty two, happened that earthquake of Arequipa, which in a manner overthrew the whole City. Since in the year eighty six, the ninth of july, fell another earthquake in the City of Kings, the which as the Viceroy did write, had run one hundred threescore and ten leagues alongst the Coast, and overthwart in the Sierre fifty leagues. The mercy of the Lord was great in this Earthquake, Noise before the earthquake. to forewarn the people by a great noise which they heard a little before the Earthquake, who taught by former experiences, presently put themselves in safety, leaving their Houses, Streets, and Gardens, to go into the fields; so as although it ruined a great part of the City, and of the chiefest buildings, yet there died not above fifteen or twenty persons of all the Inhabitants. It caused the like trouble and motion at Sea, as it had done at Chille, which happened presently after the Earthquake, so as they might see the Sea furiously to fly out of her bounds, and to run near two leagues into the Land, rising above fourteen fathom: it covered all that Plain, so as the Ditches and pieces of wood that were there; swum in the water. There was yet another earthquake in the Realm and City of Quitto; and it seems all these notable Earthquakes upon that Coast, have succeeded one another by order, as in truth it is subject to these inconveniences. And therefore although upon the coast of Peru, there be no torments from Heaven, as thunder and lightning, yet are they not without fear upon the Land: and so every one hath before his eyes, the Heralds of divine justice, to move him to fear God. For as the Scripture saith, F●cit haec ut timeatur. Returning then to our purpose, I say the Sea coast is most subject to these earthquakes, Why the Sea coast is subject to earthquakes. the reason is, in my judgement, for that the water doth stop the conduits and passages of the earth, by which the hot exhalations should pass, which are engendered there. And also the humidity thickening the superficies of the earth, doth cause the fumes and hot exhalations to go close together and encounter violently in the bowels of the earth, which do afterwards break forth. Some have observed, that such Earthquakes have usually happened, when as a rainy season falls after some dry years. Whereupon they say, that the Earthquakes are most rare, where are most Wells, the which is approved by experience. Those of the City of Mexico hold opinion, that the Lake whereon it is seated, is the cause of the Earthquakes that happen there, although they be not very violent: and it is most certain, that the Towns and Provinces, far within the Land, and farthest from the Sea, receive sometimes great losses by these Earthquakes, as the City of Chachapoyas at the Indies, and in Italy that of Ferrara, although upon this subject. Earthquake at Ferrara terrible. It seems this latter, being near to a River, and not far from the Adriaticke Sea, should rather be numbered among the Sea-townes. In the year of our Lord 1581. in Cugian●, a City of Peru, otherwise called The Peace, there happened a strange accident touching this subject. A Village called Angoango (where many Indians dwelled that were Sorcerers and Idolaters) fell suddenly to ruin, so as a great part thereof was raised up and carried away, A● Angoango. and many of the Indians smothered, and that which seems incredible (yet testified by men of credit) the earth that was ruined and so beaten down, did run and slide upon the Land for the space of a league and a half, as it had been water or wax molten, so as it stopped and filled up a Lake, and remained so spread over the whole Country. §. four Of Metals in the Indies and especially of the Gold and Silver, and Quicksilver. MEtals are (as Plants) hidden and buried in the bowels of the Earth, which have some conformity in themselves, in the form and manner of their production; Metals grow as plants. for that we see and discover even in them, branches, and as it were a body, from whence they grow and proceed, which are the greater veins and the less, so as they have a knitting in themselves: and it seems properly that these Minerals grow like unto Plants, not that they have any inward vegetative life, being only proper to Plants: but they are engendered in the bowels of the earth, by the virtue and force of the Sun and other Planets, and in long continuance of time, they increase and multiply after the manner of Plants. And even as metals be plants hidden in the earth, so we may say, that plants be living Creatures fixed in one place, whose life is maintained by the nourishment which Nature furnisheth from their first beginning. But living Creatures surpass Plants, in that they have a more perfect being; Animalia. and therefore have need of a more perfect food and nourishment; for the search whereof, Nature hath given them a moving and feeling to discover and discern it. So as the rough and barren earth is as a substance and nutriment for metals; and that which is fertile and better seasoned a nourishment for Plants. The same plants serve as a nourishment for living creatures, and the plants and living creatures together as a nourishment for men, the inferior nature always serving for the maintenance and sustentation of the superior, and the less perfect yielding unto the more perfect: whereby we may see how much it wants, that gold and silver and other things which men so much esteem by their covetousness, should be the happiness of man, whereunto he should tend, seeing they be so many degrees in quality inferior to man, who hath been created and made only to be a subject to serve the universal Creator of all things, as his proper end and perfect rest; and to which man, all other things in this world, were not propounded or left, but to gain this last end. The diversity of metals, which the Creator hath shut up in the closerts and concavities of the earth, is such, and so great, that man draws profit and commodity from every one of them. Some serve for curing of diseases, others for arms and for defence against the enemies, some are for ornament and beautifying of our persons and houses, and others are fit to make vessels and Iron-workes, with diverse fashions of instruments, which the industry of man hath found out and put in practice. But above all the uses of metals, which be simple and natural, the communication and commerce of men hath found out one, which is the use of money, the which (as the Philosopher saith) is the measure of all things. Arist. 5. Ethic. cap. 5. And although naturally, and of itself, it be but one only thing, yet in value and estimation we may say, that it is all things. Money is unto us as it were, meat, clothing, house, horse, and generally whatsoever man hath need of. By this means all obeys to money, Eccles. 10. and as the Wiseman saith, to find an invention that one thing should be all. Men guided or thrust forward by a natural instinct, choose the thing most durable and most maniable, which is metal, and amongst metals, gave them the pre-eminence in this invention of money, which of their nature were most durable and incorruptible, which is silver and gold. A Wiseman said, that what a father doth to marry his daughter well, is to give her a great portion in marriage; the like hath God done for this Land so rough and laboursome, giving it great riches in mines, that by this means it might be the more sought after. At the west Indies then there are great store of mines of all sorts of metals, as Copper, Iron, Led, Tin, Quicksilver, Silver, and Gold: and amongst all the Regions and Parts of the Indies, the Realms or Peru abound most in these metals, especially with Gold, Silver, Quicksilver, or Mercury, whereof they have found great store, and daily discover new mines. And without doubt, according to the quality of the earth, those which are to discover, are without comparison, far more in number then those which are yet discovered: yea, it seems that all the Land is sowed with these metals, more than any other in the world that is yet known unto us, or that ancient Writers have made mention of. Of the quality and nature of the earth where the metals are found, and that all these metals are not employed at the Indies, and how the Indians used them. l. 4. Chap. 3. Plin. lib. 5. de Genes. mund. Euseb. lib. 8. de praepar. euang. cap. 9 The reason why there is so great abundance of metals at the Indies (especially at the west of Peru, as I have said) is the will of the Creator, who hath imparted his gifts as it pleased him. But coming to a natural and philosophical reason, it is very true, which Philon a wise man writes, saying, that gold, silver, and metals, grow naturally in land that is most barren and unfruitful. And we see, that in Lands of good temperature, the which are fertile with grass and fruits, there are seldom found any mines; for that Nature is contented to give them vigour to bring forth fruits more necessary for the preservation and maintenance of the life of beasts and men. And chose to lands that are very rough, dry, and barren (as in the highest Mountains and inaccessible Rocks of a rough temper) they find mines of silver, of quicksilver, and of gold, and all those riches (which are come into Spain since the West Indies were discovered) have been drawn out of such places which are rough and full, bare and fruitless: yet the taste of this money, makes these places pleasing and agreeable, yea, well inhabited with numbers of people. And although there be, as I have said, many mines of all kinds of metals as at the Indies, yet they use none but those of gold and silver, and as much quicksilver as is necessary to refine their gold and silver. They carry Iron thither from Spain and China. As for Copper, the Indians have drawn of it, and used it for their arms, the which were not usually of Iron, but of Copper. Since the Spaniards possessed the Indies, they have drawn very little, neither do they take the pains to seek out these mines, although there be many busying themselves in the search of richer and more precious metals, wherein they spend their time and labour. They use no other metals, as Copper, and Iron, but only that which is sent them from Spain, or that which remains of the refining of gold and silver. We find not that the Indians in former times used gold, silver, or any other metal for money, and for the price of things, but only for ornament, No money of gold, but of fruits, etc. as hath been said, whereof there was great quantity in their Temples, Palaces, and Tombs, with a thousand kinds of vessels of gold and silver, which they had. They used no gold nor silver to traffic or buy withal, but did change and truck one thing for another, as Homer and Pliny report of the Ancients. Plin. lib. 33. c. 3. They had some other things of greater esteem, which went currant amongst them for price, and in stead of coin: and unto this day this custom continues amongst the Indians, as in the Provinces of Mexico, in stead of money they use Cacao, (which is a small fruit) and therewith buy what they will. In Peru they use Coca, to the same end (the which is a leaf the Indians esteem much) as in Paraguay, they have stamps of Iron for coin, and cotton woven in Saint Croix, of the Sierre. Finally, the manner of the Indians traffic, and their buying and selling, was to exchange, and give things for things: and although there were great Marts and famous Fairs, yet had they no need of money, nor of Brokers, for that every one had learned what he was to give in exchange for every kind of merchandise. Since the Spaniards entered, the Indians have used gold and silver to buy withal: and in the beginning there was no coin, but silver by weight was their price and money, as they report of the ancient Romans. Since, for a greater benefit, they have forged coin in Mexico and Peru, Plin. lib. 33. c. 4. yet unto this day they have not in the West Indies coined any money of Copper or other metal, but only of silver and gold: for the richness of that Country hath not admitted nor received such money as they call bullion, nor other kinds of alloy, which they use in Italy, and in other Provinces of Europe; Although in some Lands of the Indies, as Saint Dominique, and Port Ricco, they use coin of leather, which is square, the which are currant only in those Lands, having little silver or gold. I say little, although there be much, for that no man digs it and refines it. Coin of leather. But for that the riches of the Indies, and their manner to labour in the mines, consists of gold, silver, and quicksilver, I will speak something of these three metals, leaving the rest for this time. Gold amongst other metals hath been always held the most excellent; and with reason, being the most durable and incorruptible of all others; Of gold which they dig and refine at the Indies. Chap. 4. for fire which consumes and diminisheth the rest, amends it, and brings it to perfection. Gold which hath often passed through the fire, keeps his colour, and is most fine and pure; which properly is called (as Pliny saith) Obris●, whereof the Scripture makes so often mention and v●e, which consumeth all other metals (as the same Pliny saith) doth not any thing waste gold, nor yet hurt it, neither is it eaten, nor groweth old. And although his substance and body be firm and solid; Plin. lib. 33. c. 3. yet doth it yield and bow wonderfully; the Beaters and Drawers of gold know well the force it hath to be drawn out without breaking. All which things well considered, with other excellent properties, will give men of judgement to understand, wherefore the holy Scripture doth compare Charity to gold. To conclude, there is little need to relate the excellencies thereof to make it more desirable. Apoc. 3. & 21. Cant. 3. Psal. 67. 3. Reg. 6. For the greatest excellency it hath, is to be known (as it is) amongst men, for the supreme power and greatness of the World. Coming therefore to our subject; at the Indies there is great abundance of this metal, and it is well known by approved Histories, that the 〈◊〉 of Peru did not content themselves with great and small vessels of gold, as Pots, Cups, Goblets, and Flagons; yea with Kowles or great Vessels, but they had Chairs also, and Litters of massy gold: and in their Temples they had set up main Images of pure gold, whereof they find some yet at Mexico, but not such store as when the first Conquerors came into the one and the other Kingdom, who found great treasure, and without doubt there was much more hidden in the earth by the Indians. It would seem ridiculous to report that they have made their horse shoes of silver for want of Iron, and that they have paid three hundred 〈◊〉 for a bottle of wine, and other strange things; and yet in truth this hath come to pass, yea and greater matters. They draw gold in those parts after three sorts: or at the least; I have seen all three used. See before in I. does Santos, and in Herrera. For either they find gold in grains, in powder, or in stone. The most famous gold is that of Caranava in Peru, and of Valdinia in Chille, for that is riseth with his alloy and perfection, which is twenty three Carrats and a half, and sometimes more. They make account likewise of the gold of Veragua to be very fine. They bring much gold to Mexico from the Philippines, and China, but commonly it is weak and of base alloy. Gold 〈◊〉 commonly found mixed with Silver or with Copper; but that which is mixed with silver is commonly of fewer Carrats then that which is mixed with copper. If there be a fifth part of silver, Pliny saith, it is then properly called Electrum, Plin. lib. 3. cap. 4. which hath the property to shine more at the light of the fire, then fine gold or fine silver. That which is incorporate with copper, is commonly of a higher value. They refine powldred gold in basons, washing it in many waters, until the Sand falls from it, and the gold as most heavy remaineth in the bottom. They refine it likewise with quicksilver and strong water, for that the alum whereof they make this water hath the virtue to separate gold from dross, or from other metals. After it is purified and molten, they make Bricks or small Bars to carry it unto Spain; for being in powder, they cannot transport it from the Indies, for they can neither custom it, mark it, nor take say, until it be molten. In the fleet where I came, which was in the year 1585. the declaration of the firm Land was of twelve Cassons or Chests of gold, every Casson at the least weighed four Arobes, that is a hundred weight; and a thousand fifty and six Mates from new Spain, which was for the King only, besides that which came for Merchants and private men being registered; and much that came unregistered. This may suffice touching the gold of the Indies, and now we will speak of Silver. Now we will show how they discover the mines of Silver, their veins, roots, and beginnings whereof job speaks. And first I will say, Of the Silver at the Indies. Chap. 5. that the reason why they give silver the second place among all other metals, is, for that it approacheth nearer to gold then any other, being more durable and less endamaged by the fire, and more mallable than any other: yea it passeth gold in brightness, beauty, and sound, the which is clear, and agreeable, for the colour is more conformable and resembling the light, and the sound more piercing▪ more lively, and more delicate. The mines of silver are commonly found in Mountains and high Rocks very desert, although they have sometimes been found in Plains and Champains. There are two different kinds, the one they call straggling, the other fixed and settled. The straggling, are pieces of metal found in certain places, the which drawn a way, there is no more found. But the fixed veins, are those which have a continuance in depth and length, like to great branches and arms of Trees; and when they find any one of them, they commonly find many in the same place. The manner to purge and refine silver which the Indians have used, was by melting, in dissolving this mass of metal by fire, which casts the earthly dross apart, and by his force separates Silver from Lead, Tin from Copper, and other metals mixed. To this end they did build small Furnaces in places where as the wind did commonly blow, and with Wood and Cole made their refining, the which Furnaces in Peru they call Guayras. Since the Spaniards entered, besides this manner of refining which they use to this day, they likewise refine silver with quicksilver, and draw more by this means then in refining it by fire. For there is some kind of silver metal found which can by no means be purged and refined by fire, but only with quicksilver. But this kind of metal is commonly poor and weak, the which usually they find in greatest abundance. They call that poor which yields least silver, and great quantity of other metal, and that rich which yields most silver. It is strange to see, not only the difference betwixt the refining of metal by fire, and without it by quicksilver, but also that some of these metals, which are refined by the fire, cannot well be molten with any artificial wind, Note. as with bellowes; but when it is kindled and blown with the natural air, or natural wind. The metal of the mines of Porco is easily refined with bellowes, and that of the mines of Potozi cannot be molten with bellowes, but only by the breath of their Guayras, which are small Furnaces upon the sides of the Mountains, built expressly where the wind lies, within the which they melt this metal; and though it be hard to yield a reason for this difference, yet is it most certain and approved by long experience: so as the greedy desire of this metal so much valued amongst men, hath made them seek out a thousand gentle inventions and devices, whereof we will hereafter make mention. The chief places of the Indies from whence they draw silver, are new Spain and Peru; but the mines of Peru far surpass the rest; and amongst all others of the World, those of Potozi. Of the Mountain or Hill of Potozi, and the discovery thereof. Chap. 6. The Mountain or Hill of Potozi so famous, is situate in the Province of Charcas, in the Kingdom of Peru, distant from the Equinoctial towards the South, or Pole Antarctic, one and twenty degrees and two thirds: so as it falls under the Tropic, bordering upon the burning Zone, and yet this Region is extremely cold, yea, more than old Castille in the Kingdom of Spain, and more than Flanders itself, although by reason it should be hot or temperate, in regard of the height and elevation of the Pole where it is seated. The reason of this so cold a temperature, is the height of the Mountain, whereas cold and intemperate winds continually blow, especially that which they call Thoma●aui, which is boisterous and most cold. It raines most commonly in june, july, and August. The ground and soil of this Mountain is dry, cold, and very unpleasant, yea altogether barren, which neither engenders nor brings forth any fruit, grass, nor grain; it is naturally unhabitable, for the intemperature of the Heaven, and the barrenness of the Earth. But the force of silver, which draws unto it the desire of all things, hath peopled this Mountain more than any other place in all these Kingdoms, making it so fruitful of all kinds of meats, as there wants nothing that can be desired, yea, in great abundance; and although there be nothing but what is brought by carriage, yet every place abounds so with Fruit, Conserves, exquisite Wines, Silks, and all other delicates, as it is not inferior to any other part. This Mountain is of colour dark red, and is in form pleasing at the first sight, resembling perfectly the fashion of a Pavilion, or of a Sugarloaf. It exceeds all other Hills and Mountains about it in height. The way whereby they ascend, is very rough and uneven, and yet they go up on horseback. It is round at the top, and at the foot it hath a league in circuit. It contains from the top to the bottom 1680. common yards, the which reduced to the measure of Spanish leagues, makes a quarter of a league. At the foot of this Mountain there is another small Hill that riseth out of it, in the which there hath been sometimes mines of metal dispersed, which were found as it were in purses, and not in fixed or continued veins; yet were they very rich, though few in number. This small Rock was called by the Indians, Guayna Potozi, which is young Potozi; at the foot whereof begins the dwellings of the Spaniards and Indians, which are come to the riches and work of Potozi, which dwelling may contain some two leagues in circuit, and the greatest traffic and commerce of all Peru is in this place. The mines of this Mountain were not digged nor discovered in the time of their Inguas, which were the Lords of Peru, before the Spaniards entered, although they had digged and opened the mines of Porco, near to Potozi, distant only six leagues. An Indian called Gualpa, of the Nation of Chumbibilca, which is a Province of Cusco, going one day to hunt for Venison, passing towards the West whither the beast was fled, he began to run up against the Rock, which at that time was covered and planted with certain Trees they call Quinua, and with thick bushes, and as he strived to get up a way which was somewhat rough and uneasy, he was forced to lay hold upon a branch, which issued from a vein of a silver mine (which since they have called Rich) which he pulled up, perceiving in the hole or root thereof, metal, the which he knew to be very good, by the experience he had of the mines of Porco: and after finding upon the ground certain pieces of metal, which lay broken and dispersed near to this vein, being scarce well able to judge thereof, for that the colour was spoilt and changed by the Sun and rain; he carried it to Porco to try by the Guayras (which is the trial of metal by fire) and having thereby found the great riches and his happy fortune, he secretly digged and drew metal out of this vein, not imparting it to any man, until that an Indian called Guanca, of the Valley of Xaura, which is upon the borders of the City of Kings, who remaining at Porco near unto Gualpa of Chumbibilca, perceived one day that he made a refining, and that his Wedges and Bricks were greater than such as were usually made in those places: and also increasing in his expense of apparel, having till then lived but basely. For this reason, and for that the metal his Neighbour refined was different from that of Porco, he thought to discover this secret, and wrought so, that although the other kept it as secret as he could, yet through importunity he was forced to carry him unto the Rock of Potozi, having enjoyed this rich treasure full two months. And then Gualpa the Indian willed Guanca for his part to take a vein, which he had discovered near to the rich vein, which at this day is called the vein of Diego Centeno, that was not less rich, but more hard to dig and to draw forth; and so by agreement they divided between them the richest Rock in the world. It chanced after, the Indian Guanca finding some difficulty to dig and draw forth his metal, being most hard, and the other Gualpa refusing to impart any of his mine unto him, they fell at debate; so as Guanca of Xaura grieved therewith, and with some other discontents, discovered this secret unto his Master called Villaroel a Spaniard, who then remained at Porco. This Villaroel desirous to understand the truth, went to Potozi, and finding the riches his Yanacona or servant had discovered unto him, caused the Indian Guanca to be enrolled, undertaking with him the said vein, which was called Centeno, they call it Undertaking, that is as much as to note and mark the mine, and so much ground in circuit for him, which the Law grants unto those that discover any mine, or unto those that dig them: by means whereof, having discovered them to the justice, they remained Lords of the mine, to dig and draw forth the silver, as being their own, paying only their duties unto the King, which is a fifth part. So as the first discovery and inregistring of the mines of Potozi, was the one and twentieth of April, in the year of our Lord 1545. in the Territory of Porco, by the said Villaroel a Spaniard, and Guanca an Indian. Presently after they discovered another vein, which they called the Vein of Tin, the which is very rich, although it be rough and very painful to work in, the metal being as hard as flint. Since the thirty day of August in the same year 1545. the vein called Mendi●ta was enrolled, and these are the four principal veins of Potozi. They say of the rich vein▪ the first that was discovered, that the metal lay above the ground the height of a Lance, like unto Rocks, raising the superficies of the Earth, like unto a crest of three hundred foot long, and thirteen foot broad, and that this remained bare and uncovered by the deluge, this vein having resisted the violence and force of the water, as the hardest part. The metal was so rich as it was half silver, and this vein continued in his bounty fifty or threescore Stades (which is the height of a man) and then it sailed. Presently after that the discovery of Potozi was known in Peru; many Spaniards, and the most part of the Bourgeois of the Silver City, which is eighteen leagues from Potozi, came thither to take mines: yea, there came many Indians from diverse Provinces, especially the Guayzadores of Porco, so as within a short space it was the best peopled habitation of all the Kingdom. When as the Licenciate polo governed that Province, the which was many years after the discovery of this Mountain, they did every Saturday enter a hundred and fifty and two hundred thousand pieces, whereof the Kings fifth amounted to thirty and forty thousand pieces; and for every year a million and a half, or little less. So as according to that computation they did draw every day from this mine thirty thousand pieces, Every piece is worth thirteen Rials and a fourth part. whereof there came to the King for his fifth, six thousand pieces a day. There is yet another thing to be spoken of, to show the riches of Potozi, that the account which hath been made, was only of silver that was marked and customed. And it is well known in Peru, that they have long used silver in these Realms, which they call Currant, which was neither marked nor customed. And they hold it for certain which know these mines, that in these days, the greatest part of silver drawn at Potozi, was not customed, and this had course amongst the Indians, and much amongst the Spaniards, as I have seen continued to my time; so as it may appear, the third part of the riches of Potozi, yea the one half came not to light, neither was it customed. There is yet a more notable consideration, in that which Pliny saith, they had digged a fifteen hundred pases in the mine of Bebello; Plin. lib. 33. c. 6. and that continually they found water, which is the greatest hindrance they have to draw forth their metal. But in this of Potozi, although they have digged two hundred stades or heights of a man in depth; yet did they never find any water, which is the greatest happiness of this Mountain. But the mines of Porco, whose metal is good and very rich, are at this day left for the discommodity of water, which they have found in their work; for they are two insupportable labours in searching of the metal; first, to dig and break the Rocks, and then to draw out the water all together. The first of them, that is, to cut through the Rocks, is pain enough; yea very hard and excessive. Finally, at this day the King receives for his fifth yearly, from the mines of Potozi, a million of silver, besides the wealth that grows by quicksilver, and other Royal prerogatives, which is a great treasure. Some men of judgement having cast up the accounts, say, that what hath been brought into the custom House of Potozi, unto the year of our Lord 1585. amounteth unto a hundred thousand millions of pieces of Essay, whereof every piece is worth thirteen Rials and a fourth part, not reckoning the silver which hath been carried away without custom, or that hath been entered in other Royal custom houses, or the silver that hath been wrought in the Country, which is not entered, the which is innumerable, although the first Registers of Entries are not so exactly kept as at this day; for that in the beginning and first discoveries, they made their receipt by Romans, so great was their abundance. But by the instructions and remembrances of Don Francisco de Toledo the Viceroy, in the year of our Saviour Christ 1574. they find seventy and six millions to that year: and from that year to eighty five inclusive, it appears by the Royal Registers, there were thirty five millions more entered. They sent this account to the Viceroy from Potozi, in the year I have mentioned, Huge sums of silver. being then in Peru; and since the wealth that hath come from Peru by ship, hath amounted to much more. In that fleet where I came in the year 1587. there were eleven millions transported in the two fleets of Peru and Mexico, whereof two thirds were in that of Peru, and almost the one half for the King. This Rock of Potozi, contains as I have said, four principal veins, that is, the Rich vein, E●●aim. that of Centeno, that of Tin, and that of Mendi●ta. All these veins are of the East part of the Mountain, as looking to the Sun rising, for on the West part there is not any. The foresaid veins run from North to South, which is from Pole to Pole. In the largest place they have six foot, and in the narrowest a span breadth. There are others of diverse fashions that run out of the said veins; like as out of the great arms of Trees, there commonly sprout forth less. Every vein hath diverse mines which are parts and portions of the same, distinct and divided betwixt diverse Masters, by whose names they are commonly called. The great mine contains fourscore yards, neither may it be more by the Law, and the least contains four. All these mines are at this day very deep. In the Rich mine they reckon seventy eight mines, which are eighty yards deep, or a hundred stades or height of a man, and in some places two hundred. In the vein of Centeno are four and twenty mines, whereof some are seventy or eighty stades deep, and so of the other veins of this Mountain. For a remedy to this great profundity, they have invented mines, which they call Soccabones, which are caves or vents made at the foot of the Mountain, the which go crossing till they encounter with the veins: for we must understand, that although the veins run North to South, as hath been said, yet is it in declining from the top to the foot of the Mountain, which may be as they believe by conjecture, above twelve hundred stades. And by this account, although the mines extend in such a profundity, yet there remains six times as much space unto the bottom or root, the which they say, are most rich and abundant, as the body and spring of all veins. Although unto this day we have seen the contrary by experience, for the higher the vein is to the superficies of the earth, the more rich they find it: and the deeper it goes, the poorer it is, and of the base aloy. They then invented the Soccabons, by which they enter to work in the mines very easily, with less charge, pain, and danger. They have eight foot in breadth, and a stade in height, the which they shut with doors. By them they draw forth their metal very easily, paying to the proprietary of the Soccabon, the fifth part of all the metal they draw forth. Preciosa pericula, Speciosa supplicia. There are nine already made, and others are begun. They were nine and twenty years in making of one Soccabon, as they call it, of the venom that flows from the rich vein. It was begun in the year 1550. the eleventh year of the discovery, and was ended in the year 1585. the eleventh of August. This Soccabon crossed the rich vein thirty five stades from the root or spring, and from thence where it met to the mouth of the mine, were a hundred thirty five stades. So as they must descend all this depth to labour in the mine. This Soccabon contains from his mouth unto the vein of Crusero as they call it, two hundred and fifty yards, Intolerable pains and darkness in the mines, and if in the Minds far more intolerable remaining. in which work were spent nine and twenty years, whereby we may see what great pains men take to draw silver out of the bowels of the earth. They labour in these mines in continual darkness and obscurity, without knowledge of day or night. And forasmuch as those places are never visited with the Sun; there is not only continual darkness, but also an extreme cold, with so gross an air contrary to the disposition of man, so as, such as newly enter, are sick as they at Sea. The which happened to me in one of these mines, where I felt a pain at the heart, and beating of the stomach. Those that labour therein, use candles to light them, dividing their work in such sort, as they that work in the day, rest by the night, and so they change. The metal is commonly hard, and therefore they break it with hammers, splitting and hewing it by force, as if they were fl●nts. After they carry up this metal upon their shoulders, by Ladders of three branches, made of Neat's leather twisted like pieces of wood, which are crossed with staffs of wood; so as by every one of these Ladders they mount and descend together. They are ten stades long a piece: and at the end of one begins another of the same length, every Ladder beginning and ending at platforms of wood, where there are seats to rest them, like unto galleries, for that there are many of these Ladders to mount by one at the end of another. A man carries ordinarily the weight of two Arrobes of metal upon his shoulders, tied together in a cloth in manner of a skip, Every Arobe is 25. pound. and so mount they three and three. He that goes before carries a candle tied to his thumb: for (as it is said) they have no light from Heaven, and so go they up the Ladder holding it with both their hands, to mount so great a height, which commonly is above a hundred and fifty stades: a fearful thing, and which breeds an amazement to think upon it, so great is the desire of Silver, that for the gain thereof, men endure any pains. And truly, it is not without reason, that Pliny treating of this subject, exclaimes and says thus, We enter even into the bowels of the Earth, and go hunting after riches, even to the place of the damned. Plin. in proem. lib. 33. cap. 6. And after in the same Book he saith: Those ihat seek for metals, perform works more than Giants, making holes and caves in the depth of the Earth, piercing Mountains so deep by the light of Candles, whereas the day and the night are alike, and in many months they see no day. So as often the walls of their mines fall, smothering many of them that labour therein. And afterwards he adds, They pierce the hard Rock with hammers of Iron weighing one hundred and fifty pounds, and draw out the metal upon their shoulders, labouring day and night, one delivering his charge to another, and all in darkness, only the last sees the light: with Wedges and Hammers they break the Flints, how hard and strong soever, for the hunger of gold is yet more sharp and strong. The veins as I have said, where they find silver, run betwixt two Rocks, How they refine the metal of silver. Chap. 9 which they call The Chase, whereof the one is commonly as hard as flint, and the other soft and easy to break. This metal is not always equal, and of the same bounty, for you shall find in one and the same vein, one sort of metal very rich, which they call Cacilla, or Tacana, from which they draw much silver; and another is poor, from whence they draw little. The most rich metal of this Mountain, is of the colour of Amber, and the next is that which inclines to black. There is other somewhat red, and other of the colour of ashes▪ finally, of diverse and sundry colours, which seem to such as know them not, to be sins of no value. But the miners do presently know his quality and perfection, by certain signs and small veins they find in them. They carry all this metal they draw out of these mines, upon Indian sheep, which serve them as Asses to carry it to the Mills; the richest metal is refined by melting in those small Furnaces, which they call Guayras, for that is most leadie; by reason whereof, it is most subject to melt, and for the better melting thereof, the Indians cast in a matter, they call Soroche, which is a metal full of Lead. The metal being in these Furnaces, the filth and earthy dross, through the force of the fire, remains in the bottom, and the Silver and Lead melt; so as the Silver swims upon the Lead, until it be purified; then after they refine the silver many times, after this manner of melting. They have usually drawn out of one quintal of metal, thirty, forty, and fifty pieces of silver, and yet I have seen some most excellent that have been shown me, where they have drawn in the melting two hundred, yea two hundred and fifty pieces of silver of a quintal of metal; a rare wealth, and almost incredible, if we had not seen the trial thereof by fire, but such metals are very rare. The poorest metal is that which yields two, three, five, or six pieces, or little more. This metal hath commonly little Lead, but is dry, and therefore they cannot refine it with fire. And for this reason in Potozi, there was great store of these poor metals, whereof they made no great account, but were rejected like straw, and as the scum of the good metal, until they found means to refine it by quicksilver, whereby the scum they called Oquiache was of great profit, for the quicksilver by a strange and wonderful property, purifies the silver, and is apt for these metals which are dry and poor, wherein they consume less quicksilver then in the richer: for the richer they are, the more need of quicksilver they have. At this day the most usual manner of refining in Potozi, is by quicksilver, as also in the mines of Cacatecas, and others of new Spain. There were in old time upon the sides and tops of Potozi, above six thousand Guayras, which are small Furnaces where they melt their metal, the which were placed like lights (a pleasant sight to behold by night) casting a light afar off like a flame of fire. But at this day there are not above two thousand, for that (as I have said) they use little melting, but refine it by quicksilver, the which is the greatest profit. And for that the properties of quicksilver are admirable; and that this manner of refining of silver is remarkable, I will discourse of Quicksilver, of the mines and Work, and what is requisite for that subject. Quicksilver, so called by the Latins, for that it runs and slides suddenly from place to place, amongst all other metals hath great and wonderful virtues. The first is, although it be a true metal, yet is it not hard, neither hath it any certain form nor subsistence like to other metals, but is liquid, not like unto gold and silver molten, but of his own proper nature; and although it be a liquor, yet is it more heavy than any other metal: and therefore all others swim above and sink not to the bottom, being more light. I have seen two pounds of Iron put into a barrel of quicksilver, the which did swim about like unto Wood or Cork upon the Water. Plin. l. 33. c. 6. Pliny gives an exception hereunto, saying, That gold alone doth sink and not swim above it. I have not seen the experience; but it may be this grows, by reason that quicksilver by nature doth environ gold, and covers it, which is one of the most important properties it hath; Sympathy with gold. for it joins with gold in a strange manner, it seeks it where it lies, and environs it in such sort, as it doth distinguish and separate it from any other body or metal wherewith it is mixed: for this reason such take gold as will preserve themselves from the dangers and discommodities of quicksilver. They have used a remedy to those (in whose ears they had put quicksilver, to cause them to die secretly) to put little plates of gold into their ears (for that Gold hath the virtue to draw out Mercury) and after they drew out these plates all white with the quicksilver, it did stick unto them. Being one day at Madril, I went to see the exquisite works which jacomo de Treco. (a rare workman of Milan) made for Saint Laurence the Royal, it was my hap to be there one day, when as they gilded certain pieces of a countertable of brass, which is done with quicksilver; and for that the fume of Mercury is mortal, he told me that the workmen preserved themselves from this venom, by swallowing a double Ducat of gold rolled up; the which being in the stomach, draws unto it all the quicksilver that enters in fume by the Ears, Eyes, Nostrils, and Mouth, and by this means freed themselves from the danger of quicksilver, which the gold gathered in the stomach, and after cast out by the excrements: a thing truly worthy of admiration. After the quicksilver hath purified and purged gold from all other metals and mixtures, he is likewise separated from the gold his friend by the heat of the fire, the which purifies it from all quicksilver. Plin. l. 33. c. 6▪ Pliny says, that by a certain art and invention they did separate gold from quicksilver. It seems to me the Ancients had no knowledge to refine silver by quicksilver, which at this day is the greatest use, and chief profit of quicksilver; for that he says plainly, that quicksilver joins with no other metal but with gold; and when he makes mention of refining of silver, he speaks only but of the manner of melting; whereby we may infer that the Ancients had no knowledge of this secret. In truth, though there be a league and sympathy betwixt gold and quicksilver, yet where as the Mercury finds no gold, it joins with silver, though not in the like manner as with gold; but in the end, it doth cleanse and purge it from Earth, Copper, and Led, amongst the which the silver grows, without any need of fire to melt it: yet must they use fire to separate it from the silver, as I will show hereafter. Quicksilver holds no account of other metals, but of Gold and Silver; but chose, it doth corrupt them, force and consume them, and flieth from them as much as may be. The which is likewise admirable, and for this cause they put it in earthen vessels, or in beasts skins. For if it be put in vessels of Copper, of Iron, or other metal, it presently pierceth and corrupts them. And therefore Pliny calleth it the poison of all things, for that it consumes and spoils all. We find quicksilver in the graves of dead men, which after it hath consumed the bodies, comes forth pure and whole. There hath been likewise found in the bones and marrow of Men and Beasts, who having received it in fume by the mouth and nostrils, congeals within them and pierceth even unto the bones. Therefore it is a dangerous thing to frequent so perilous and mortal a creature. It hath another property, which is, to run and make a hundred thousand small drops, whereof not one is lost, be they never so little, but they return every way to their liquor. It is almost incorruptible, having nothing in a manner that may consume it. And therefore Pliny calls it the eternal sweat. It hath yet another property, that although it doth separate Gold from Copper, and all other metals, yet they that will gild Copper, Brass, or Silver, use quicksilver as the means of this union; for with the help thereof they gilled metals. Amongst all the wonders of this strange liquor that seems to me most worthy observation, that although it be the weightiest thing in the world, yet is it converted into the lightest of the world, which is smoke, and suddenly the same smoke which is so light a thing, turns again into so heavy a substance, as is the proper liquor of quicksilver, whereinto it is dissolved; for this smoke encountering the metal on high, being a solid body, or coming into a cold Region, suddenly it thickens and is converted into quicksilver, and if you set him once again to the fire, he doth likewise return into smoke, to be resolved again into quicksilver. Quicksilver is found in a kind of stone, which doth likewise yield Vermilion, which the Ancients called Minium, Of the place where they find quicksilver, and how they discovered these rich mines in Guancavilca. Chap. 11. and at this day they call the Images of crystal Miniades, which are painted with quicksilver. The Ancients made great account of this Minium or vermilion, holding it for a sacred colour, as Pliny reports, saying, That the Romans were accustomed to paint the face of jupiter, and the bodies of those that triumphed in Ethiopia: yea, their Idols and their Governors likewise had their faces coloured with this Minium. And this Vermilion was so esteemed at Rome (which they brought only from Spain, where they had many pits and mines of quicksilver, which continue there to this day) that the Romans suffered it not to be refined in Spain, lest they should steal some of it, but they carried it to Rome, sealed up in a mass as they drew it out of the mine, and after refined it. They did yearly bring from Spain, especially from Andalusie, about ten thousand pound weight, which the Romans valued as an infinite treasure, I have reported all this out of that Author, to the end that those which do see what passeth at this day in Peru, may have the content to know what chanced in former ages, among the mightiest Lords of the world. I speak for the Inguas Kings of Peru, and for the natural Indians thereof, which have laboured and digged long in these Mines of Quicksilver, not knowing what Quicksilver was, seeking only for Cinabrium or vermilion, which they call Limpi, the which they esteem much, for that same effect that Pliny reports of the Romans and Ethiopians, that is, to paint the face and bodies of themselves and their Idols: the like hath been much practised by the Indians, especially when they went to the wars, and use it at this day in their feasts and dancing, which they call slubbering, supposing that their faces and visages so slubbered, did much terrify, and at this day they hold it for an ornament and beautifying; for this cause there were strange works of Mines in the Mountains of Guancavilca, which are in Peru, near to the City of Guamangua, out of the which they drew this Mettle: it is of such a manner, Labirinths. that if at this day they enter by the caves or Soccabones, which the Indians made in those days, they lose themselves, finding no passage out: but they regarded not Quicksilver, which naturally is in the same substance or mettle of Vermilion, neither had they knowledge of any such matter. The Indians were not alone for so long a time without the knowledge of this treasure, but likewise the Spaniards, who until the year 1566. and 1567. (at such time as the licentiate Castro governed in Peru) discovered not the Mines of Quicksilver, which happened in this manner. A man of judgement called Henrique Guarces, a Portugal borne, Mines of Quicksilver found. having a piece of this coloured Mettle, as I have said, which the Indians call Limpi, with which they paint their faces, as he beheld it well, found it to be the same which they call Vermilion in Castille: and for that he knew well that Vermilion was drawn out of the same mettle that Quicksilver was, he conjectured these Mines to be of Quicksilver, went to the place whence they drew this Mettle, to make trial thereof. The which he found true, and in this sort the Mines of Palcas in the territory of Guamangua, being discovered, great numbers of men went thither to draw out Quicksilver, and so to carry it to Mexico, where they refine Silver by the means of Quicksilver, wherewith many are enriched. This Country of Mines which they call Guancavilca, was then peopled with Spaniards and Indians that came thither, and come still to work in these Mines of Quicksilver, which are in great numbers, and very plentiful: but of all these Mines, that which they call d' Amador de Cabrera, or of Saints, is goodly and notable. It is a Rock of most hard Stone, interlaced all with Quicksilver, and of that greatness, that it extends above fourscore Vares or yards in length, and forty in breadth: in which Mine they have many pits, and ditches, of threescore and ten stades deep, so as three hundred men may well work together; such is the capacity thereof. This Mine was discovered by an Indian of Amador of Cabrera, called Navincopa of the Village of Acoria, the which Amador of Cabrera caused to be registered in his name. He was in suit against the Procurer fiscal, but the usufruite was adjudged to him by sentence as the discoverer. Since he sold his interest to another, for two hundred and fifty thousand Ducats; and afterwards thinking he had been deceived in the sale, he commenced an action against the buyer, being worth, as they say, above five hundred thousand Ducats; yea, some hold it to be worth a Million of Gold: a rare thing to see a Mine of that wealth. When as Don Francisco of Toledo governed in Peru, there was one which had been in Mexico, and observed how they refined Silver with Mercury, called Pero Fernandes de Valesco, who offered to refine Silver at Potozi, with Mercury: and having made trial thereof in the year 1571. performed it with credit; then began they to refine Silver at Potozi with Quicksilver, which they transported from Guancavelicqua, which was a goodly help for the Mines; for by the means of Quicksilver they drew an infinite quantity of mettle from these Mines, whereof they made no account, the which they called Scrape. For as it hath been said, the Quicksilver purifies the Silver, although it be dry, poor, and of base alloy, which cannot be done by melting in the fire. The Catholic King draws from it Quicksilver mines, without any charge or hazard, almost four hundred thousand pieces of a Mine, the which are fourteen rials a piece, or little less, besides the rights that rise in Potozi, where it is employed, the which is a great riches. They do yearly, one with another, draw from these Mines of Guancavilca, eight thousand quintals of Quicksilver, yea and more. Let us now speak how they draw out Quicksilver, and how they refine Silver therewith. The manner how to draw out Quick silver, and how they refine Silu●r. Chap. 12. They take the stone or mettle where they find the Quicksilver, the which they put into the fire in pots of earth well luted, being well beaten, so as this mettle or stone coming to melt by the heat of the fire, the Quicksilver separates itself, and goes forth in exhalation, and sometimes even with the smoke of the fire, until it encounters some body where it stays and congeals, and if it pass up higher, without meeting of any hard substance, it mounts up until it be cold, and then congealed, it falls down again. When the melting is finished, they unstop the pots and draw forth the mettle, sometimes staying until it be very cold, for if there remained any fume or vapour, which should encounter them that should unstop the pots, they were in danger of death, or to be benumbed of their limbs, or at the least to lose their teeth. And for that they spend an infinity quantity of wood, in the melting of these metals, a Miller called Rodrigo de Tores found out a profitable invention, which was, to gather certain straw which grows throughout all those Mountains of Peru, the which they call Ycho, it is like unto a hard reed wherewith they make their fire. It is a strange thing to see the force which this straw hath to melt and dissolve these metals, the which falls out, as Pliny says, that there is gold which melts more easily with the flame of straw, then with hot burning coals. They put the Quicksilver thus molten into skins, for that it keeps best in leather, and in this sort they lay it into the King's store-house, foom whence they carry it by Sea to Ariqua, and so to Potozi by Land upon their sheep. There is yearly spent in Potozi for the refining of Metals, about six or seven thousand quintals of Quicksilver, Dangers by Quicksilver. Force of Straw Pl●n. l. 33. c. 4. Abundance of Metals. besides that they draw from the Plates (which is the earth or dross of the first washings of these Metals, which are made in caldrons.) The which plates they burn in their furnaces, to draw out the Quicksilver which remains in them: and there are a●oue fifty of these Furnaces in the City of Potozi, and in ●arpaya. The quantity of metals which they refine, (as some men of experience have made the account) doth amount yearly to above three hundred thousand quintals, from the earth and dross whereof being moult and refined, they may draw yearly above two thousand quintals of Quicksilver. We must understand there are diverse sorts of metals, for some yield much Silver, and waste little Quicksilver: others consume much Quicksilver, and yield little Silver: and there are others which consume much Quicksilver, and yields much Silver; and others that consume little Quicksilver, and also yield little Silver: and as men encounter in these metals, so they grow rich or poor in their traffic. Although commonly the rich mettle yields much Silver, and consumes much Quicksilver; and likewise that which is poor, yields little Silver, and consumes as little Mercury. Manner of working. They first beat and grind the mettle very small, with hammers and other instruments, which beat this Stone like unto tanne Mills, and being well beaten, they fierce it in a copper fierce, making the powder as small and fine, as if it were horse hair: these fearces being well fitted, do fifth thirty quintals in a day and a night; then they put the powder of the mettle into the vessels upon furnaces, whereas they anoint it and mortify it with brine, putting to every fifty quintals of powder, five quintals of Salt. And this they do for that the Salt separates the earth and filth, to the end the Quicksilver may the more easily draw the Silver unto it. After they put Quicksilver into a piece of Holland and press it out upon the mettle, which goes forth like a dew, always turning and stirring the mettle, to the end it may be well incorporate. Before the invention of these furnaces of fire, they did often mingle their mettle with Quicksilver, in great troughes, letting it settle some days, and did then mix it, and stir it again, until they thought all the Quicksilver were well incorporate with the Silver, the which continued twenty days and more, and at the least nine days. Since they discovered (as the desire to get is diligent,) that to shorten the time fire did much help: to incorporate Silver the sooner with Quicksilver, they invented these furnaces, whereon they set vessels to put in their mettle, with Salt and Quicksilver, and underneath they put fire by little and little, in furnaces made for the nonce underneath; so as in five or six days the Quicksilver is incorporate with the Silver. And when they find that the Mercury hath done his part, and assembled all the Silver, leaving nothing behind, but is well imbrued as a Sponge doth water, dividing it from the Earth, Led, and Copper, with the which it is engendered. Then after they separate it likewise from the Quicksilver, the which they do in this sort; they put the Mettle in Caldrons, and vessels full of water, where with certain wheels they turn the mettle round about, as if they should make Mustard, and so the earth and dross goes from the Mettle with the water that runs away: The Silver and Quicksilver as most ponderous remaining in the bottom; the Mettle which remains, is like unto Sand: then they take it out and wash it again in great platters of wood, or keelers full of water, still drawing the earth from it, until they leave the Silver and Quicksilver well cleansed. There slips away also some small portion of Silver and Quicksilver with the earth and dross, which they call washings, the which they after wash again and draw out the remainder. When the Silver and Quicksilver are cleansed and begin to shine, and that there remains no earth, they put all the Mettle into a cloth, which they strain out very forcibly, so as all the Quicksilver passeth out, being not incorporate with the Silver, and the rest remains as a loaf of Silver, like to a mark of Almonds pressed to draw oil. And being thus pressed, the remainder contains but the sixth part in Silver, and five in Mercury. So as if there remains a mark of threescore pounds, ten are of Silver, and fifty of Mercury. Of these marks they make pins (as they call them) like pine apples, or sugar loaves, hollow within, the which they commonly make of a hundred pound weight; then to separate the Silver from the Quicksilver, they put it into a violent fire, which they cover with an earthen vessel, like to the mould of a Sugarloaf, or unto a capuchon or hood, the which they cover with coals, and set fire unto it; whereby the Quicksilver exhals in smoke, the which striking against the capuchon of earth, it thickens and distils, like unto the smoke of a pot covered; and by a pipe like unto a limbeck, they receive the Quicksilver which distils, the Silver remaining without changing the form, but in weight it is diminished five parts of that it was, and is spongious, the which is worthy the observation. Of two of these loaves they make one bar of Silver, in weight sixty five or sixty six marks: and in this sort they carry it to the touch, custom, and mark. Silver drawn with Mercury, is so fine, Fine Silver for work must be alloyed. that it never abates of two thousand three hundred and fourscore of alloy, and it is so excellent, that the workmen are enforced to allay it, putting some mixture to it, as they do likewise in their Mints, whereas their money is stamped. Silver endures all these martyrdoms (if we may so call it) to be refined, the which if we consider well, it is a body framed where they grind, fifth, kneade, lay the leaven, and bake the Silver: besides all this, they wash it and wash it again; they bake it and bake it again, enduring the pestles, ●iues, troughes, furnaces, caldrons, presses: and finally, by the water and fire. I speak this, for that seeing this art in Potozi, I did consider what the Scripture speaks of the just, Mat. 3. Eccles. 2. Psal. 11. Colabit ●os & purgabit quasi argentum: And that which they speak in another part. Sicut argentum purgatum terra, purgatum septuplum. So as to purify Silver, to refine and cleanse it from the earth and stone where it engenders, they purge and purify it seven times: for in effect it passeth their hands seven times, yea oftener, until it remains pure and fine; so is it in the word of God, where the souls must be purified, that shall enjoy the heavenly perfection. To conclude this subject of Silver and of Metals, there remains yet two things to speak of, Of their Engines to gr●nde the Mettle, and of their trial of Silver. Chap. 13. the one is of their Engines and Mills, the other of their essay or trial: I have said before, how they grind their Mettle: for the receiving of the Quicksilver, which is done with diverse instruments and Engines, some with Horses like unto hand-mill, others like Water-mils; of which two sorts there are great numbers. But for that the water they do use commonly, is but of rain, whereof they have not sufficient but three months in the year, December, january, and February: for this reason they have made Lakes and standing Pools, which contain in circuit about a thousand and six hundred rods, and in depth three stades; there are seven with their sluices: so as when they have need of any water, they raise up a sluice, from whence runs a little stream of water, the which they stop upon holy-days. And when the Lakes and Pools do fill, and that the year abounds with rain, their grinding doth then continue six or seven months; so as even for Silver sake men desire a good year of rain in Potozi, as they do in other places for bread. There are some other Engines in Tarapaya, which is a valley three or four leagues distant from Potozi, whereas there runs a River as in other parts. The difference of these Engines is, that some go with six pestles, some with twelve, and others with fourteen. They grind and beat the Mettle in Mortars, labouring day and night; and from thence they carry it to be sifted, upon the banks of the brook of Potozi. There are forty eight Water-mils, of eight, ten, and twelve pestles, and four on the other side, which they call Tanacogu●gno; in the City of Tarapaya, there are two and twenty Engines all upon the water; besides there are thirty go with Horses in Potozi, and many others in diverse parts, so great the desire of man is to get Silver, which is tried by deputies appointed by the King. To give the alloy to every piece, they carry the bars of Silver unto the Assay Master, who give to every one his number, for that they carry many at once, he cuts a small piece of every one, the which he weighs justly, and puts them into a Cruset, which is a small vessel made of burnt bones beaten; after he placeth every crusible in his order in the furnace, giving them a violent fire, than the Mettle melteth, and that which is lead, goes into smoke, and the copper and tin dissolves, the Silver remaining most fine, of the colour of fire. It is a strange thing, that being thus refined, although it be liquid and molten, yet it never spills, were the mouth of the crusible turned downwards; but it remaineth fixed, without the loss of a drop. The Assay Master knoweth by the colour and other signs, when it is refined, then doth he draw the crucibles from the fire, and weighs every piece curiously, observing what every one wants of his weight; for that which is of high alloy, wastes but little, and that which is base, diminisheth much; and according to the waste, he sees what alloy he bears, according to the which he marks every bar punctually. Their balance and weights are so delicate, and their grains so small, as they cannot take them up with the hand, but with a small pair of pincers: and this trial they make by candlelight, that no air might move the balance. For of this little the price of the whole bar dependeth. In truth it is a very delicate thing, and requires a great dexterity. §. V. Of Emeralds, Pearls, Indian Bread, Trees, Fruits, Flowers natural, and carried thither from Spain. IT shall not be from the purpose, to speak something of Emeralds, both for that it is a precious thing▪ as Gold and Silver, as also that they take their beginning from Mines and Metals, Pli lib. 37. ca 3. as Pliny reports. The Emerald hath been in old time in great esteem, as the same Author writes, giving it the third place amongst all jewels and precious stones, that is, next to the Diamond and Pearl. At this day they do not so much esteem the Emerald, nor the Pearl, for the great abundance brought of these two sorts from the Indies; only the Diamond holds the principality, the which cannot be taken from it. Next, the Rubies come in price and other Stones, which they hold more precious than the Emerald. Men are so desirous of singularities and rare things, that what they see to be common, they do not esteem. They report of a Spaniard, who being in Italy when the Indies were first discovered, showed an Emerald to a Lapidary, A pretty story who ask him the value thereof, after he had well viewed it, being of an excellent lustre and form, he prized it at a hundred Ducats: he than showed him another greater than it, which he valued at three hundred ducats. The Spaniard drunk with this discourse, carried him to his lodging, showing him a Casket full. The Italian seeing so great a number of Emeralds, said unto him, Sir, these are well worth a crown a piece. The Kings of Mexico did much esteem them; some did use to pierce their nostrils, and hang therein an excellent Emerald: they hung them on the visages of their Idols. The greatest store is found in the new Kingdom of Grenado, and Peru, near unto Manta and Port Vieil. There is towards that place a soil which they call, How Emeralds grow. the Land of Emeralds, for the knowledge that they have of abundance to be there: and yet unto this day they have not conquered that Land. The Emeralds grow in stones like unto Crystal; I have seen them in the same stone, fashioned like a vein, and they seem by little and little to thicken and refine. I have seen some that were half white, and half green; others all white, and some green and very perfect. I have seen some of the bigness of a Nut, and there have been some greater found: but I have not known that in our time they have found any of the form and bigness of the plat or jewel they have at Genes, the which they esteem (and with reason) to be a jewel of great price, and no relic; yet without comparison, Admirable Emerald. the Emerald which Theophrastus speaks of, which the King of Babylon presented to the King of Egypt, surpasseth that of Genes; it was four cubits long, and three broad, and they say, that in jupiter's Temple, there was a needle or pyramid, made of four Emeralds stones of forty cubits long, and in some places four broad, and in others two: and that in his time there was in Tirus in Hercules Temple, a Pillar of an Emerald. It may be (as Pliny sayeth) it was of some green stone, somewhat like the Emerald, and they called it a false Emerald. As some will say, that in the Cathedral Church of Cordoüe there are certain Pillars of Emeralds which remain since it was a Mesquite for the King's Miramamolins Moors, Church of Corduba. which reigned there. In the fleet, the year one thousand five hundred eighty and seven, in the which I came from the Indies, they brought two chests of Emeralds, every one weighing at the least four Arobes, whereby we may see the abundance they have. Of Pearls. Chap. 15. Now that we entreat of the great riches that comes from the Indies, it were no reason to forget the Pearl, which the Ancients called Marguerites, and at the first were in so great estimation, as none but royal persons were suffered to wear them: but at this day there is such abundance as the Negres themselves do wear chains thereof; they grow in shells or Oysters, in eating whereof I have found Pearls in the midst of them. These Oysters within are of the colour of heaven, very lively. In some places they make Spoons, the which they call Mother of Pearl. The Pearls do differ much in form, in bigness, figure, colour and polishing; so likewise in their price they differ much. Some they call Aue Maria's, being like the small grains of beads: others are Pater nosters, being bigger. Seldom shall you find two of one greatness, form, Plin. lib. 3. ca 35. and colour. For this reason the Romans (as Pliny writeth) called them Unions. When as they do find two that are alike in all points, they raise the price much, especially for earrings. I have seen some pairs valued at thousands of Ducats, although they were not like to Cleopatra's two Pearls, whereof Pliny reports, either of them being worth a hundred thousand Ducats, Cleopatra's vanity. with the which this foolish Queen won a wager she had made against Marc Antony, to spend in one Supper above an hundred thousand Ducats, so at the last course she dissolved one of these Pearls in strong Vinegar, and drank it up. They say the other Pearl was cut in two, and placed in the Pantheon at Rome, at th'ears of the Image of Venus. They fish for Pearls in diverse parts of the Indies, the greatest abundance is in the South Seas, near unto Panama, Pearl fishings. where the Lands of Pearls be, as they call them. But at this day they find greatest store, and the best, in the North Seas, the which is near to the River of Hache. I did see them make their fishing, the which is done with great charge and labour of the poor slaves, which dive six, nine, yea twelve fadomest into the Sea, to seek for Oysters, the which commonly are fastened to the rocks and gravel in the Sea: they pull them up, and bring them above the water to their canoes, where they open them, Manner thereof. drawing forth the treasure they have within them. The water of the Sea in this part is very cold, but yet the labour and toil is greatest in holding of their breath, sometimes a quarter, yea half an hour together, Long wound slaves. being under the water at their fishing. And to the end these poor s●aues may the better continue and hold their breaths, they feed them with dry meats, and that in small quantity, so as covetousness makes them abstain and fast thus against their wills. They employ their Pearls to diverse works, and they pierce them to make chains whereof there is great store in every place. In the year of our Lord 1581. I did see the note of what came from the Indies for the King: there were eighteen Maces of Pearl, besides three caskets, and for particulars, there were twelve hundred threescore and four Marks, and besides them, seven caskets not pierced, which heretofore we would have esteemed and held for a lie. Of the Indian Bread, and of Mays. Chap. 16. They have (as we have here) a proper name, whereby they note and signify bread, which at Peru, they call Tanta, and in other places by another name. But the quality and substance of the bread the Indians use, differs much from ours: for we find not they had any kind of Wheat or Barley, not any other kind of grain which they use in Europe to make Bread withal: instead whereof they used other kinds of grains and roots, We call it also Virginia wheat. amongst the which Mays holds the first place, and with reason, in Castille they call it Indian Wheat, and in Italy▪ they call it Turkey grain. And even as Wheat is the most common grain for the use of man, in the regions of the old world, which are Europe, Asia, and Africa: So in the new found world, the most common grain is Mays, the which is found almost in all the Kingdoms of the West Indies, as at Peru, new Spain, in the new Kingdom of Granado, in Gantimalla, in Chille, and upon the main Land. I do not find that in old time, in the Lands of Barlovente, as Cuba, Saint Dominique, jamaique, and Saint jean, that they used Mays: at this day they use much Yuca and Caçavi, whereof we will presently entreat. I do not think that this Mays is any thing inferior to our Wheat, in strength nor substance, but it is more hot and gross, and engenders more blood, whereupon they that have not been accustomed thereunto, if they eat too much, they swell and become scabbed. It grows upon Canes or Reeds; every one bears one or two branches, How it groweth to the which the grain is fastened, and although the grain be big, yet find they great store thereof, so as in some clusters I have told seven hundred grains. They must plant it with the hand one by one, and not very thick; it desires a hot and a moist ground, and grows in great abundance in many places of the Indies. It is not strange in those Countries to gather three hundred Fa●eg●es, I have had it ripen reasonably in my Garden in essex. or measures for one sown. There is difference of Mays as there is of Wheat, one is great and very nourishing, another small and dry, which they call Moroche; the green leaves and canes of Mays, is a good food for their Males and Horses, and it serves them for straw when it is dried; the grain is of more nourishment for Horses then Barley; and therefore in those Countries, they use to water their Horses before they eat, for if they should drink after, they would swell as when they eat Wheat. Mays is the Indians bread, the which they commonly eat boiled in the grain hot, and they call it Mote, as the Chinois and Iapon●is eat their Rice sodden with the hot water: sometimes they eat it baked. There is some Mays round and big, as that of Lucanas, which the Spaniards eat roasted as a delicate meat, and hath a better taste than Buarbenses, or roasted peason. There is another kind of eating it more pleasant, which is, to grind the Mays, and to make small cakes of the flower, the which they put in the fire, and then bring them hot to the Table. In some places they call them Arepas. They make also round bowls of this paste, and so trim them that they continue long, eating it as a dainty dish. They have invented at the Indies (for friandise and pleasure) a certain kind of paste, they do make of this flower-mixt with Sugar, which they call Biscuits and mellinders. This Mays serves the Indians, not only for bread, but also for wine: for they do make their drink thereof, wherewith they are sooner drunk then with wine of Grapes. They make this wine of Mays in diverse sorts and manners, calling it in Peru, Acua, and by the most common name of the Indies, Chicha. And the strongest is made like unto Beer, steeping the grain until it breaks. After they boil it in such sort, that it grows so strong, as a little overthrows a man. Malt & strong drink made of it. In Peru they call this Sora, it is defended by the Law, for the great inconveniences that grow thereby, making men drunk. But this Law is ill observed, for that they use it still; yea they spend whole days and nights in drinking carouses. There is another manner of making this Acua or Chicha, which is to champ the Mays, and make a leven thereof, and then boil it: yea the Indians hold opinion, that to make good leven, it must be champed by old withered women, which makes a man sick to hear, and yet they do drink it. The clenliest manner, the most wholesome, and that which least harmeth, is to roast the Mays, which the most civil Indians do use, and some Spaniards, yea for physic: For in effect they find it a very whole some drink for the reins, Chica good against the Stone. so as you shall hardly find any one at the Indies complain of pain in the back, for that they do drink of this Chicha. The Spaniards and Indians eat this Mays boiled and roasted for daintiness, when it is tender in the grape like milk, they put it into the pot, and make sauces that are good to eat. The buds of Mays are very fat, and serve instead of Butter and oil: so as this Mays at the Indies serves both for men and beasts, for bread, wine, and oil. Of Yucas, Caçavi▪ Papas, Chunes and Ri●. Chap. 17. In some parts of the Indies they use a kind of Bread they call Caçavi, which is made of a certain root they call Yuca. This Yuca is a great and gross root, which they cut in small morsels, they grate or scrape it, and then put it in a press to strain, making a thin and broad cake thereof, almost like unto a Moors Target or Buckler; then do they dry it: and this is the Bread they eat. It hath no taste, but is healthful and of good nourishment. For this reason we said, being at Saint Dominicke, that it was the proper food for great eaters, for that they might eat much, without any feat of surfeiting. They must of necessity water this Caçavi before they eat it; it is sharp, and easily watered with water or broth, wherein it is very good, for that it swells much, and so they make Capirotades, but it is hardly steeped in Milk, Honey of Canes, or in Wine, for that these liquors cannot pierce it, as it doth Bread made of Wheat. Of this Caçavi there is one kind more delicate than any other, which is that they make of the flower called Xauxau, which they do much esteem in those parts. For my part, juice of Caçavi poison. I esteem more a morsel of Bread, how hard and black soever. It is a strange thing that the juice or water that cometh from this root when they strain it, which makes the Caçavi, is a deadly poison, and kills any that drinks thereof: but the substance that remaineth, is a very wholesome Bread and nourishment, as we have said. There is another kind of Yuca, which they call Sweet, and hath not this poison in the juice: this is eaten in the root boiled or roasted, and is good meat. Caçavi will keep long, and therefore they carry it to Sea instead of Biscuit. The place where they use most of this Bread, is at the Lands of Barlovente, Wheat, why it groweth not in those parts▪ which are Saint Dominicke, Cuba, Port Ricco, jamaique, and some others thereabouts; for that the soil of these Lands will neither bear Wheat, nor Mays: for when as they sow Wheat, it comes up well, and is presently green, but so unequally, as they cannot gather it; for of the seed sown, at one instant some is spindled, some is in the ear, and some doth but bud, one is great and another little, one is in the grass and another in the grain: and although they have carried labourers thither, to see if there were any tillage or Art to be used, yet could they find no remedy for the quality of the earth. They carry Meal from new Spain or the Canaries, which is so moist, that hardly can they make any profitable Bread, or of good taste. The Wafer-cakes wherewith they say Mass, did bend like to wet paper, by reason of the extreme humidity and heat which are jointly in that Country. There is another extreme contrary to this, which hinders the growing of Mays or Wheat in some parts of the Indies, as on the height of the Sierre of Peru, and the Provinces which they call of Colao, which is the greatest part of this Realm, where the climate is so cold and dry, as it will not suffer any of these seeds to grow: instead thereof the Indians use another kind of root, which they call Papas: these roots are like to ground Nuts, they are small roots, which cast out many leaves. Papas and Chuno. They gather this Papas, and dry it well in the Sun, then beating it, they make that which they call Chuno, which keeps many days, and serves for bread. In this Realm there is great traffic of Chuno, the which they carry to the Mines of Potozi: they likewise eat of these Papas boiled or roasted: there is one sweet of these kinds, which grows in hot places, whereof they do make certain sauces and minced meat, which they call Locro. To conclude, these roots are the bread of that Land; so as when the year is good, they rejoice much, for that oftentimes they frieze in the earth, so great is the cold of that Region: they carry Mays from the Valley or Sea-coast, and the Spaniards which are dainty, carry likewise from the same places Wheate-meale, whereof they do make good Bread, because that the Land is dry. Besides Papas, which is the principal, there is Ocas, Yanococas, Camotes, Vatas, Xiquimas, Yuca, Cochucha, Of diverse roots which grow at the Indies, Chap. 18. Cavi, Totora, Mani, and an infinite number of other kinds, as the Patattres, which they eat as a delicate and toothsome meat. They have likewise carried fruits to the Indies from these parts, the which prosper better there, than the Indian Plants do, brought into Europe. There are other roots that serve them for dainties, as the Cochucho: it is a small sweet root, which some provide for more delight. There are other roots fit to cool, as the Piquima, which is the quality very cold and moist, and in Summer it refresheth and quencheth the thirst; but the Papas and Ocas, be the chief for nourishment and substance. The Indians esteem Garlic above all the roots of Europe, Of diverse sorts of green herbs and Pulses, and of those they call Concombres, Pines, or Pine Apples, small fruits of Chille, and of Prunes. Cham 19 and hold it for a fruit of great force. Seeing we have begun with the lesser Plants, I might in few words, touch that which concerns Flowers and Potherbs, and that which the Latins call Arbusta, without any mention of Trees. There are some kinds of these shrubs at the Indies, which are of very good taste. The first Spaniards named many things at the Indies with such Spanish names, as they did most resemble, as Pines, Concombres, and Prunes, although they be very different fruits to those which are socalled in Spain. The Pines, or Pine-aples, are of the same fashion and form outwardly to those of Castille, but within they wholly differ, for that they have neither Apples, nor scales, but are all one flesh, which may be eaten when the skin is off. It is a fruit that hath an excellent smell, and is very pleasant and delightful in taste, it is full of juice, Pines. and of a sweet and sharp taste, they eat it being cut in morsels, and steeped a while in water and salt. They grow one by one like a cane or stalk, which riseth amongst many leaves, like to the Lily, but somewhat bigger. The Apple is on the top of every cane, it grows in hot and moist grounds, and the best are those of the Lands of Barlovente. I have seen in new Spain, conserves of these Pines, which was very good. Those which they call Concombres, are no trees, but shrubs, continuing but one year. They give it this name, for that some of this fruit, and the most part, is in length, and roundness like to the Concombres of Spain: but for the rest they differ much, for they are not green, but violet, yellow, or white, neither are they thorny or rough, but polished and even, having a very different taste, and far better than that of Spain, for they have a sharp sweet taste, very pleasant when it is ripe, yet is it not so sharp as the Pine. They are very cool, full of liquor and of easy digestion, and in time of heat fit to refresh. They take away the rind which is white, and all that remains is meat. They grow in a temperate soil, and require watering. And although for the resemblance they call them Concombres, yet are there many of them round, and others of a different fashion: so as they have not the figure of Concombres. I do not remember to have seen this kind of fruit in new Spain, nor at the Lands, but upon the Lanos of Peru. That which they call the little fruit of Chille, is of the same sort, very pleasant to eat, and comes near the taste of Cherries, but in all other things it differs much; for that it is no tree, but an herb, which grows little and spreads upon the earth, casting forth this little fruit, the which in colour and grains, resembles almost the Mulberry, when it is white and not ripe, yet is it more rough and bigger than the Mulberry. They say this little fruit is naturally found in the fields of Chille, where I have seen of them. They set it upon Plants and branches, and it grows like any other shrub. Those which they call Prunes, are verily the fruits of trees, and have more resemblance than the rest to our Plumbs. But to return to Potherbs, I find not that the Indians had any Gardens of diverse Herbs and Plants, but did only till the Land in some parts for pulses, which they use, as those which they call Frisolles and Palares, which serve them as our Lentils, Beans, or Tares: neither have I known that these Pulses, or any other kinds that be in Europe, were there before the Spaniards entered, who carried Plants and Pulses from Spain thither, where they now grow and increase wonderfully, and in some places exceed greatly the fertility of these parts. As if we speak of Melons which grow in the valley of Yuca, in Peru, Pulses, Melons and Pompe●s carried out of Europe and thriving better there. whose root becomes a stalk that continues many years carrying Melons yearly, and they trim it like unto a tree; a thing which I do not know to be in any part of Spain. But that is more monstrous of the Calibasses or Indian Pompious, and the greatness they have as they grow, especially those which are proper to the Country, which they call Capallos, the which they eat most commonly in Lent, boiled and trimmed with some other sauce. There are a thousand kinds of Calibasses, some are so deformed in their bigness, These Calibasses seem the Guinny Gourds carried from the African coast thither. that of the ●inde cut in the midst and cleansed, they make as it were baskets to put in all their meat for their dinner. Of the lesser they make Vessels to eat and drink in, and do trim them handsomely for many uses. They have not found at the West Indies any kind of Spices, proper or peculiar to them, as Pepper, Cloves, Cinnamon, Nutmegs or Ginger, although one of our company, Of Axi or Indian Pepper. Chap. 20. who had traveled much, and in diverse parts, told us, that in the Deserts of the Island of jamaique he had found trees where Pepper grew. But they are not yet assured thereof, neither is there any trade of these spices at the Indies. The Ginger was carried from the Indies to Hispaniola, and it hath multiplied so, as at this day they know not what to do with the great abundance they have. Ginger. In the fleet the, year 1587. they brought 22053. quintals of Ginger to Sevill: but the natural spice that God hath given to the West Indies, is that we in Castill call Indian Pepper, and at the Indies, Axi, as a general word taken from the first Land of the Lands, which they conquered. In the language of Cusco, it is called Vchu, and in that of Mexico, Chili. This plant in well known, and therefore I will speak a little, only we must understand, that in old time it was much esteemed amongst the Indians: that they carried into places where it grew not, as a Merchandise of consequence. It grows not upon cold grounds, as on the Sierre of Peru, but in hot Valleys, where it is often watered. There is of this Axi of diverse colours, some is green, some red, some yellow, and some of a burning colour, which they call Caribe, the which is extremely sharp and biting; there is another sort not so sharp, but is so sweet, as they may eat it alone as any other fruit. There is some of it very small and pleasing in the mouth, almost like to the smell of Musk, and is very good. That which is sharp and biting in this Axi, be the veins and the grain only; the rest is not: for that they eat it green & dry, whole and beaten, in the pot, and in sauces, being the chief sauce, & all the spice they have at the Indies. When this Axi is taken moderately, it helps and comforts the stomach for digestion: but if they take too much, it hath bad effects, for of itself it is very hot, fuming, & pierceth greatly, so as the use thereof is prejudicial to the health of young folks, chiefly to the soul, for that it provokes to lust. They use Salt to temper this Axi, having great force to correct it, and so they moderate one with the other by the contrariety that is in them. They use also Tomates, which are cold and very wholesome. It is a kind of grain great and full of juice, the which gives a good taste to sauce, and they are good to eat. They have generally throughout the Indies of this Indian Pepper, at the Lands, new Spain, Peru, and all the rest that is discovered. And as Mays is the general grain for Bread, so Axi is the most common spice for sauces. The thing wherein was most resemblance, in my opinion, betwixt the Planes at the Indies, and those which the Ancients did celebrate, Of the Plane tree. Chap. 21. is the greatness of the leaves, for that these have them very great and cool. But in truth there is no more comparison nor resemblance of the one with the other, then there is (as the Proverb saith) betwixt an Egg and a Chestnut. For first, the ancient plane carries no fruit, at the least, they made no account thereof, but the chiefest reason why they esteemed it, was, for the shadow, for that there was no more Sun under a Plane than under a roof. And chose, the reason why they should regard it at the Indies, yea make great account thereof, is by reason of this fruit, which is very good; for they have little shade. Moreover, the ancient Plane had the body so big, and the boughs so spread, that Pliny reporteth of one Licinius a Roman Captain, who with eighteen of his companions dined at ease in th'hollow of one of these Planes: Plin. lib. 2. cap. 1. and of the Emperor Caius Caligula, who with eleven of his guests feasted upon the top of another Plane, where he made them a sumptuous banquet. The Indian Planes have neither so great nor hollow bodies, not so broad boughs. Pli. lib. 11. ca 16. The leaves of the Indian Plane, are of a wonderful bigness, and are, in a manner, sufficient to cover a man from the foot to the head. It is a Plant that makes a stock within the earth, out of the which springs many and sundry scions and sprigs, divided, and not joined together. These sprigs grow big, every one making a small tree apart, and in growing they cast forth these leaves, which are of a fine, green, smooth, and great as I have said. When it is grown to the height of a stade and a half, or two, it puts forth one only bough of fruit, whereon sometimes there are great numbers of this fruit, and sometimes less. I have told upon some of these boughs three hundred, whereof every one was a span long more or less, and two or three fingers big; yet is there much difference herein, betwixt some and others, they take away the rind, and all the rest is a firm kernel and tender, good to eat, and nourishing. This fruit inclines more to cold than heat. They are accustomed to gather the boughs or clusters, as I have said, being green, and put them into vessels▪ where they ripen, being well covered, especially when there is a certain herb mingled with it, which serves for this effect. If they suffer them to ripen on the tree, they have a better taste, and a very good smell, like to Camoisses or sweet Apples. They last almost all the year▪ for that there are always young ones that grow out of this stock; so as when one ends, another begins to yield his fruit, the one is half ripe, and the other begins to bud anew, so as one su●ceedes another, and the fruit continues the whole year. In gathering the cluster, they cut the sprig or stalk, for that it bears but one, and never but once: but as I have said, the stalk remains, and casts forth new sienes or stalks, until it grows old and dies. This Plane continues many years, and requires much moisture, and a very hot ground. They put ashes at the foot of it, for the better entertaining thereof, and they make small groves and very thick: the leaf is as broad as a sheet of Paper, or little less, and four times as long. Although the Plane be the most profitable, yet that Cacao is most esteemed at Mexico, and the Coca in Peru, Of Cacao and Coca. Chap. 2●. in which two trees they have great superstition. The Cacao is a fruit little less than Almonds, yet more fat, the which being roasted hath no ill taste. It is so much esteemed amongst the Indians (yea and among the Spaniards) that it is one of the richest and the greatest traffickes of new Spain: for being a dry fruit, and that keeps long without corruption, they carry whole Ships loaden from the Province of Guatimalla. The last year an English Pirate did burn in the Port of Guatulco in new Spain, Cacao money. above a hundred thousand charges of Cacao. They use it instead of money, for with five Cacaos they buy one thing, with thirty another, and with a hundred another, without any contradiction; and they use to give it to the poor that beg for alms. The chief use of this Cacao, is in a drink which they call Chocholate, whereof they make great account in that Country, foolishly, and without reason; for it is loathsome to such as are not acquainted with it, having a scum or froth that is very unpleasant to taste, if they be not very well conceited thereof. Yet it is a drink very much esteemed among the Indians, wherewith they feast Noble men as they pass through their Country. The tree whereon this fruit grows, is of reasonable bigness, and well fashioned, it is so tender, that to keep it from the burning of the Sun, they plant near unto it, a great tree, which serves only to shadow it, and they call it the ●●ther of Cacao. There are places where they are like to the Vines and Olive trees of Spain. The Province where there is greatest abundance for the traffic of Merchandise, is Guatimalla. Coca. There grows none in Peru, but Coca, wherein they hold another great superstition, which seems to be fabulous. It is a kind of Merchandise, by the which all their Markets and Fairs are made with great expedition. This Coca whereof they make such account, is a small green leaf, which groweth upon small trees about a fathom high, and in hot and moist grounds; eu●ry four months it casts forth this leaf, which they call Tresmitas or Tremoy; it requires great care in planting, being very tender, and much more to keep it, when it is gathered. They lay it in order in long and narrow baskets, and so lad their sheep of the Country, which go in troops, with one, two, or three thousand baskets of this merchandise. They bring it commonly from the Andes and valleys, where there is an extreme heat, and where it raines continually the most part of the year: wherein the Indians endure much labour and pain to entertain it, and often many die; for that they go from the Sierre and cold places to till and gather them in the Andes. Their use is to carry it in their mouths, Of Maguey Tunal, Cocheville. Anir, and Cotton. Chap. 23. chawing it, and sucking out the juice, but they swallow it not. They say it gives them great courage, and is very pleasing unto them. They willingly employ their money therein, and use it as money. Maguey is a tree of wonders, whereof the Notaries or Chapetons (as the Indians call them) are wont to write miracles, in that it yieldeth Water, Wine, Oil, Vinegar, Honey, Syrup, Thread, Maguey. Needles, and a thousand other things. It is a tree which the Indians esteem much in new Spain, and have commonly in their dwellings some one of them for the maintenance of life; it grows in the fields, and hath great and large leaves, at the end whereof is a strong and sharp point, which serves to fasten little pins, or to sew as a needle: and they draw out of this leaf as it were a kind of thread which they use. They cut the body which is big, when it is tender, wherein is a great hollowness, by which the substance mounts from the root, Manifold commodities of the Maguey. and is a liquor which they drink like water, being sweet and fresh. This liquor being sodden, turns like Wine, which grows to Vinegar, suffering it to sour, and boiling it more, it becomes as honey, and boiling it half, it serves as syrup: which is healthful enough, and of good taste; in my judgement it is better than the syrup of Raisins. Thus do they boil this liquor, and use it in diverse sorts, whereof they draw a good quantity, for that in some season they draw daily some pots of this liquor. There are also of these trees in Peru, but they are not so profitable as in new Spain. The wood of this tree is hollow and soft, and serves to keep fire, like to the match of a harquebus, and preserves it long: I have seen the Indians use it to that end. The tunal is another famous tree in new Spain: if we may call a tree a heap of leaves gathered together one upon another, it is the strangest fashioned tree of all other: tunal tree. for first there grows one leaf out of the ground, than another upon it, and so one upon one, till it cometh to his perfection; but as the leaves grow up, and on the sides, those underneath do become great, and lose in a manner the form of leaves, making a body and branches, which are sharp, pricking, and deformed, so as in some places they do call it a Thistle. There are Thistles or wild tunals, the which do carry no fruit, or else it is very pricking without any profit. There are likewise planted tunals which yield fruit much esteemed amongst the Indians, the which they call Tunas, and they are much greater than Plumbs, and long. They open the shell which is fat, and within it is meat and small grains, like to those of figs, which be very sweet; they have a good taste, especially the white, which have a pleasing smell, but the red are not usually so good. There is another sort of tunals, which they esteem much more, although it yields no fruit, yet it bears another commodity and profit, which is of the grain, for that certain small worms breed in the leaves of this tree, when it is well husbanded, and are thereunto fastened, covered with a certain small fine web, which doth compass them in daintily; and this is that Indian Cocheville, so famous, and wherewith they die in grain. They let it dry, and being dried, carry it into Spain, which is a great and rich merchandise. The arobe of this Cocheville or grain is worth many ducats. In the fleet, the year 1587. they did bring five thousand six hundred seventy seven arobes, which amounted to two hundred fourscore three thousand seven hundred and fifty pieces, and commonly there comes every year as great a wealth. These tunals grow in temperate grounds inclining to cold. In Peru there grows none to this day. I have seen some Plants in Spain, but they deserve not estimation. I think he meaneth Anill or Indigo: of which see To. 1, l 4. in ●i●che● journal. Cotten. I will speak something likewise of the Anir, although it comes not from a tree, but from an herb, for that it serveth for the dying of cloth, and is a merchandise which agrees with the grain; it groweth in great abundance in new Spain, from whence there came in the fleet I mentioned 5263. arobes, or there abouts, which amounted to so many pieces. Cotten likewise grows upon small shrubs, and great trees like to little apples, which do open and yield forth this web, which being gathered, they spin to make stuffs: and the year that I spoke of, there came 64000. arobes. These Plants we have spoken of, are the most profitable of the Indies, and the most necessary for the life of man: yet there are many other that are good to eat, Of Mameys, G●auyanos, and P●ltos. Chap. 24. among the which the Mameys are esteemed, being in fashion like to great Peaches, and bigger, they have one or two stones within them, and their meat is somewhat hard. There are some sweet, and others somewhat sour, and have the rind hard. They make conserves of the meat of this fruit, which is like to Marmelade. The use of this fruit is reasonable good, but the conserves they make thereof, are better. They grow in Lands. I have not seen any in Peru. It is a great tree, well fashioned, and a reasonable fair leaf. The Guavyanoes be other trees which commonly carry an ill fruit, full of sour kernels, and are like to little Apples. It is a tree little esteemed upon the firm Land and at the Lands, for they say it smells like to the P●n●ises. The taste and savour of this fruit is very gross, and the substance unwholesome. In Saint Dominique and other Lands, there are whole Mountains full of these Guayanoes, and they say, there was no such kinds of trees before the Spaniards came there, but that they brought them they know not from whence. This tree hath multiplied infinitely, for that there is no Beast that will eat the kernels or the grain, so as being thus scattered on the earth, being hot and moist, it multiplies in this sort. In Peru, the Guayanos differs from others, for that the fruit is not red, but white, neither hath it any ill smell, but is of a very good taste; and of what sort of Guayanos soever it be, the fruit is as good as the best of Spain, especially of those which they call Guayanos de Matos, and of other little white Guaynilles. It is a fruit reasonably wholesome, and agrees with the stomach, being of a strong digestion, and cold. The Paltas commonly are hot and delicate. The Palto is a great tree, and carries a fair leaf, which hath a fruit like to great Pears: within it hath a great stone, and all the rest is soft meat, so as when they are full ripe, they are as it were Butter, and have a delicate taste. In Peru the Paltas are great, and have a very hard scale, which may be taken off whole. This fruit is most usual in Mexico, having a thin skin, which may be peeled like an Apple: they hold it for a very wholesome meat, and as I have said, it declines a little from heat. These Mamayes, Guayanos, and Paltos, be the Indians Peaches, Apples, and Pears; and yet would I rather choose them of Europe. Chicopotes. The Marmalade is that which they call Capotes, or Chicoçapotes, which have a sweet taste, and near unto the colour of Marmalade. Some Crollos (for so they called the Spaniards borne at the Indies) say that this fruit passeth all the fruits of Spain in excellency: yet am I not of that opinion. Those Chicoçapotes or Capotes, wherein there is little difference, grow in the hottest parts of new Spain, neither have I knowledge of any such fruit in the firm Land of Peru. As for the Blanckemanger, it is that Annona or Guanavana, which grows in the firm Land, which is fashioned like unto a Pear, a little sharp and opened, within it is white, tender and soft like Butter, sweet and of a pleasing taste: It is no white meat, though they call it Blanckemanger. There are some gross Fruits, as those which they call Lucumes (of which fruit they speak in a Proverb, Of many sorts of fruit Trees, of Cocos, Almonds, of the Andes, and Almonds of Chachapoyas. Cham 26 that it is a counterfeit price.) The Guanos', Pacayes, Hubos, and the Nuts which they call Imprisoned: which fruits seem to many, to be the same kind of Nuts we have in Spain. I do not think it good to pass away under silence the Cocos or Indian Palms, by reason of a very notable property it hath. I call them Palms, not properly, or that it bears Dates, but that they are trees like to other Palms. They are high and strong, and the higher they grow, the broader they stretch out their branches. These Cocos yield a fruit which they likewise call Cocos, whereof they commonly make vessels to drink in, Cocos. and some they say have a virtue against poison, and to cure the pain in the side. The nut and meat being dried, is good to eat, and comes near in take to green Chestnuts. When the Coco is tender upon the tree, the substance within it, is as it were Milk, which they drink for daintiness, and to refresh them in time of heat. I have seen of these trees in Saint jean de Port Ricco, and other parts of the Indies, and they report a wonderful thing, that every month or Moon, this tree casts forth a new branch of this Cocos; so as it yields fruit twelve times in the year, as it is written in the Apocalypses: and in truth this seems like unto it, for that all the branches are of different ages, some beginning, others being ripe, and some half ripe. These Cocos are commonly of the form and bigness of a small Melon. There is of another kind, which they call Coquilloes, the which is a better fruit, whereof there be some in Chille. They are somewhat less than Nuts, but more round. There is another kind of Cocos, which have not the kernel so oily, but within they have a great number of small fruits like Almonds, like unto the grains of a Pomegranate. These Almonds are thrice as big as those of Castillo, and resemble them in taste, though they be more sharp, and likewise moist and oily. It is a good meat, they use it also in feasting, for lack of Almonds to make Marchpanes, and such other things. They call them Almonds of the Andes, for that these Cocos grow abundantly upon the Andes of Peru; they are so strong and hard, Almonds. as to open them, they must beat them with a great stone, when they fall from the tree. If they chance to hit any one on the head, he hath no more need of any Surgeon. It is an incredible thing, that within the hollow of these Cocos, which are no bigger than the rest, or little more, there are such a multitude of these Almonds. But as touching Almonds and other fruits, all trees must yield to the Almonds of Chachapoyas, which I cannot otherwise call. It is the most pleasing, Of many and diuer●flowers, and of some trees which yield only a flower, & how the Indians do use them. Ch. 27. delicate and wholesome fruit of all that I have seen at the Indies. The Indians are great lovers of flowers, and in new Spain more than in any other part of the world, and therefore they are accustomed to make many kinds of Nosegays, which there they call Suchilloes, with such pretty variety and art, as nothing can be more pleasing. They have a custom amongst them, that the chiefest man offer their Suchilloes or nosegays in honour to Noblemen, and to their guests; and they presented us with such abundance as we passed through that Country, as we kn●w not what to do with them▪ and at this day they use the principal flowers of Castille, to that end, for that they grow better there than here, as G●lli-flowers, Roses, jasmins, Violets, Orange flowers, and other sorts which they have transported out of Spain. The Rose tree groweth too fast in some places, so as they bear no Roses. It chanced one day that a Rose tree was burned, and the 〈◊〉 which sprowted out, Accidents produce most arts. presently bare abundance of Roses, and thereby they learned to pr●●e them, and to cut off the superfluous branches, so as at this day they yield reasonable store of Roses. But besides these kinds of flowers, which have been transported from hence, there are many others, whose names I do not know, whereof some are red, blue, yellow, violet and white, with a thousand different colours, which the Indians did use to carry on their heads, as feathers for ornament. True it is, that may of these flowers are only pleasing to the sight, having no good savour, either they are gross, or else they have none at all; and yet there be some of an excellent sent. As those which grow upon a tree termed by them Floripondio or carry flower, which bears no fruit, but only these flowers, which are greater than the Lily, and are like to little Bells, all white, which have within them small threads, as we see in the Lily: it leaves not all the year to bear these flowers, whose smell is wonderful sweet and agreeable, especially in the cool of the morning. The Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo sent of these trees unto King Philip, as a thing worthy to be planted in royal Gardens. In new Spain the Indians esteem much of a flower, which they call Volosuchil, which signifieth flower of the heart, for that it bears the form of a heart, and is not much less. The flower of Granadille is held for an admirable thing, and they say, it hath in it the marks of the Passion, and that therein they note the nails, the pillar, the whips, and crown of thorns, and the wounds, wherein they are not altogether without reason, and yet to find out and observe these things, it requires some piety to cause belief: but it is very exquisite and fair to the eye, although it have no smell, etc. The balm which comes from the West Indies, Of Balm. is not of the same kind of right Balm which they bring from Alexandria or Cair●, and in old time was in judea, which judea (as Pliny writeth) did of all the world possess this greatness, until the Emperor Vespasian brought it to Rome and into Italy. At the Indies I have seen the Tree from whence they draw the Balm, Plin. lib. 12. c. 15▪ Chap. 28. which is as big as a Pomegranate tree, and something near the fashion: and if my memory fails me not, it hath nothing common with the Vine, although that Strabo writes, Strab. lib. 16. Geograp. that the ancient tree of Balm, was of the bigness of a Pomegranate tree. But in their accidents & operations, their liquors are alike, as likewise they be in their admirable smells, & in the cure and healing of wounds in colour and substance, seeing they report of other Balms that there is some white, vermilion, green and black, the which is likewise seen in that of the Indies. And as they drew forth the ancient in cutting and making incisions in the bark, to cause the liquor to distil out, so do they with that at the Indies, although it distils in greater abundance. And as in the ancient there is one kind which is pure, the which they call Opobalsamum, which be the very tears that distil, so as there is another sort which is not so exquisite, the which they draw from the bark and leaves strained and boiled on the fire, the which they call Xilobalssamum. The like is also in the Indian Balms; there is one pure that distils from the tree, and others that the Indians draw out by straining and boiling the leaves and wood. The apostolic Sea hath given liberty to give Cream of Balm at the Indies, and that they should use it in Confirmation and other ceremonies which they use. Next to Balm, Amber holds the second place: it is another liquor which is likewise sweet and medicinal, but more thick, and turns into a paste of a hot complexion, Of Amber, and other Oils, Gums, and Drugs, which they bring from the Indies Chap. 29. and a good perfume. This Amber comes from new Spain, which hath that advantage above other Provinces in Gums, Liquors, and juice of Trees, whereby they have such abundance of matter, for perfume and physic, as is the Animè, whereof there comes great store, Copal or Suchicopal, which is another kind, Storax and Incense, which have excellent operations, and have a very good smell fit for fumigations. Likewise the Tacamahaca and Cara●na, which are also very medicinal. They bring likewise from this Province oil of Aspic, which the Physicians and Painters use much, the one for plasters, the other▪ to varnish their pictures. They bring also for the Physicians Cassia fistula, the which grows plentifully in Saint Dominique. It is a great Tree, which carries these Canes as his fruit. Cas. Fistula. Salceparilla. They brought in the fleet wherein I came from Saint Dominique forty eight Quintals of Cassia fistula. Salcepareille is not less known, for a thousand remedies wherein it is used. There came in the same fleet fifty Quintals from the same Island. There is much of this Salcepareille at Peru, and most excellent in the Province of Guayaquil, which is under the Line. Many go to be cured into this Province, and it is the opinion of some, that the pure water only which they drink, gives them health, for that it passeth by roots as I have said, from whence it draws this virtue, so as there needs no great covering or garments to make a man sweat in that Country. The wood of Guayac, which they call Lignum sanctum, or Indian wood, grows abundantly in the same Lands, and is as heavy as Iron, so as it presently sinks in the water: Lig●um vi●ae. hereof they brought in the same fleet three hundred and fifty Quintals, and they might have brought twenty, yea, a hundred thousand of this wood, if there were use for it. There came in the same fleet, and from the same Island, one hundred and thirty Quintals of Bresil wood, the which is fiery red, so well known, and much used in dying and other things. There are at the Indies infinite numbers of other aromatical Woods, Gums, Oils, and Drugs, so as it is not possible to name them all, neither doth it now much import. I say only, that in the time of the Kings Inguas of Cusco, and the Mexicane Kings, there were many great personages expert in curing of diseases with simples, Ancient Physicians. and did goodly cures, having the knowledge of the many virtues and properties of Herbs, Roots, Woods, and Plants, which grow there, and whereof the Ancients of Europe have had no knowledge. There are a thousand of these simples fit to purge, etc. Woods are so many and great, that it hath been needful (passing through some parts of the Indies, especially where they newly entered) to make their way, in cutting down Trees, and pulling up Bushes, so that (as some religious men have written that have tried it) they could not sometimes have passed above a league in a day. One of our brothers (a man worthy of credit) reported unto us, that being strayed in the Mountains, not knowing which way he should pass, Strange travil. he fell among such thick Bushes, that he was forced to go upon them, without setting foot to the ground by the space of fifteen whole days: and to see the Sun, or to mark some way in this thick Forest full of wood, he was forced to climb to the top of the highest Trees to discover. He that shall read the discourse of his travel, how often he was lost, and the ways he passed, with the strange adventures that happened unto him, the which I have written briefly, being so worthy the knowledge, and having myself traveled a little over the Mountains at the Indies, were it but the eighteen leagues betwixt Nombre de Dios and Panama, may well judge what great Forests there are. So as having no winter in those parts, to nip them with cold, and the humidity of the Heavens and Earth being so great, as the Mountains bring forth infinite Forests, and the Plains which they call Savanas, great plenty of grass: there is no want of Pasture for feeding, of Timber for building, nor of Wood for fuel. It is impossible to set down the differences and forms of so many wild Trees, for that the names of the greatest part are unknown. Cedars in old time so much esteemed, are there very common, both for buildings and ships, and they are of diverse sorts, some white, and some red, very odoriferant. There are great store of Bay trees, very pleasant to behold upon the Andes of Peru, upon the Mountains, in the Lands of Nicaragua, and in new Spain. There are also infinite numbers of Palms and Ceivas, whereof the Indians make their Canoes, which are Boats made of one piece. They bring into Spain from the Havana, excellent timber. In the Island of Cuba, there are infinite numbers of like trees, as Ebon, Caovana, Grenadillo, Cedars, and other kinds which I do not know. There are great Pine trees in new Spain, though they be not so strong as those in Spain: they bear no pignous or kernels, but empty apples. The Oaks as they call them of Guayaquil, is an excellent wood and sweet, when they cut it; yea there are Canes or most high Reeds, of whose boughs or small reeds they do make Bottles and Pitchers to carry water, and do likewise use them in their buildings. There is likewise the wood of Ma●sle or Fir, whereof they make masts for their ships, and they hold them as strong as Iron. Molle is a tree of many virtues, which casteth forth small boughs, whereof the Indians make wine. In Mexico they call it the tree of Peru, for that it came from thence: but it grows also in new Spain, and better than those in Peru. There are a thousand other Trees, which were a superfluous labour to entreat of, whereof some are of an exceeding greatness, I will speak only of one which is in Tlaco Chavoya, three leagues from Guayaca in new Spain: Great Tree. this tree being measured within, being hollow, was found to have nine fathom, and without, near to the root, sixteen, and somewhat higher, twelve. This tree was struck with lightning from the top to the bottom, through the heart, the which caused this hollowness: they say that before the thunder fell upon it, it was able to shadow a thousand men, and therefore they did assemble there for their dances and superstitions: yet to this day there doth remain some boughs and verdure, but not much. They know not what kind of tree it is, but they say it is a kind of Cedar. Such as shall find this strange, let them read what Pliny reporteth of the Plain of Lydia, Plin. lib. 12. c. 1. the hollow whereof contained fourscore foot and one, and seemed rather a cabin or a House, than the hollow of a tree, his boughs like a whole wood, the shadow whereof covered a great part of the field. By that which is written of this Tree, we have no great cause to wonder at the Weaver, who had his dwelling and Loom in the hollow of a Chestnut tree: and of another Chestnut tree, if it were not the very same, into the hollow whereof there entered eighteen men on Horseback, and passed out without disturbing one another. The Indians did commonly use their Idolatries in these Trees, so strange and deformed, even as did the ancient Gentiles, as some Writers of our time do report. Of Plants and fruits which have been c●rried out of Spain to the Indies. Chap. 31. The Indians have received more profit, and have been better recompensed in Plants that have been brought from Spain, then in any other Merchandise, for that those few which are carried from the Indies into Spain, grow little there, and multiply not, and contrariwise the great number that have been carried from Spain to the Indies, prosper well and multiply greatly: I know not whether I shall attribute it to the bounty of the Plants that go from hence, or to the goodness of the soil that is there. Finally, there is at the Indies any good thing that Spain brings forth: in some places it is better, in some worse, as Wheat, Barley, Herbs, and all kinds of Pulses, also Lettuce, Coleworts, Radishes, Onions, Garlic, Parsley, Turnips, Parseneps, Becengenes, or Apples of love, Siccorie, Beets, spinach, Pease, Beanes, Fetches: and finally, whatsoever groweth here of any profit, so as all that have voyaged thither, have been curious to carry Seeds of all sorts, and all have grown, although diversely, some more, some less. As for those trees that have most abundantly fructified, be Orenge-trees, Lemons, Citrons, and other of that sort. In some parts there are at this day, as it were whole Woods and Forests of Orange trees: than which seeming strange unto me, I asked who had planted the fields with so many Orange trees? they made me answer, that it did come by chance, for that Oranges being fallen to the ground, and rotten, their seeds did spring, Nature's husbandry. and of those which the water had carried away into diverse parts, these Woods grew so thick: which seemed to me a very good reason. I have said that this fruit hath generally increased most at the Indies, for that I have not been in any place but I find Orange trees, for that all their soil is hot and moist, which this tree most desires. There grows not any upon the Sierre or Mountain, but they carry them from the valleys or Sea coast. The conserve of Oranges which they do make at the Lands, is the best I have seen any where: Peaches, Presses, and Apricockes have greatly multiplied, especially in new Spain. At Peru there grows few of these kinds of fruits, except Peaches, and much less in the Lands. There grows Apples and Pears, yet but scarcely: there are but few Plumbs, but abundance of Figs, chiefly in Peru. They find Q●inces in all the Country of the Indies, and in new Spain, in such abundance, as they gave us fifty choice ones for half a rial. There is great store of Pomegranates, but they are all sweet, for the sharp are not there esteemed. There are very good Melons in some parts of Peru. Cherries both wild and tame have not prospered well at the Indies, the which I do not impute to want of temperature, for that there is of all sorts, but to carelessness, or that they have not well observed the temperature. To conclude, I do not find that in those parts there wants any dainty fruit. As for gross fruits, they have no Beillottes nor Chestnuts, neither do I find that any have grown there to this day. Almonds grow there, but rarely. They carry from Spain, for such as are dainty mouthed, both Almonds, Nuts, and filberts: but I have not known they had any Meddlers or Services, which imports little. There grows no Wine nor Grapes in the Lands, nor firm Land, but in new Spain, there are some Vines which bear Grapes, and yet make no Wine. The cause is, Of Grapes, Vines, Olives, Mulberries, and Canes of Sugar. Chap. 32. for that the Grape ripens not well, by reason of the rain that falls in the Months of july and August, which hinders their ripening, so as they serve only to eat. They car●y Wine out of Spain, and from the Canaries, to all parts of the Indies, except Peru and the Realm of Chille. There are some places where the Vines are not watered, neither from heaven nor earth, and yet they increase in great abundance, as in the Valley of Yca, and in the ditches that they call Villacuzi, in which places they find ditches, or th'earth sunk down amongst the dead Sands, which are throughout the year of a wonderful coolness, and yet it raines not there at any time, neither is there any manner of means to water it artificially: the reason is, because the soil is spongious, and sucks up the water of the rivers that fall from the Mountain, which moisten these Sands, or else it is the moistness of the Sea, as others suppose, which passing over this Sand, is the cause why it is not barren nor unprofitable, as the Philosopher teaches. The Vines have so increased there, as for this cause only the tithes of the Churches are multiplied five or six times double within these twenty years. And it is strange, that in the City of Cusco you shall find ripe Grapes all the year long: Grapes all the year. the reason is (as they say) for that those Valleys bring forth fruits in diverse months of the year, either for that they cut their Vines in diverse seasons, or that this variety proceeds from the quality of the soil: but whatsoever it be, it is most certain, there are some Valleys which carry fruit all the year. If any one wonder at this, it may be he will wonder much more at that which I shall say, and perchance not believe it. There are Trees in Peru, whereof the one part yields fruit one six months of the year, Strange fructifying. and the other half part yields fruit the other six months. In Malla which is thirteen leagues from the City of Kings, there is a Fig tree, whereof the one half which is towards the South, is green, and yieldeth his fruit one season of the year, that is, when it is summer upon the Sierre, and the other moiety towards the Lanos or Sea coast, is green, and yields his fruit in the other contrary season, when it is summer upon the Lanos, which groweth from the diverse temperature, and the air which cometh from the one part, and the other. The revenue of Wine there is not small, but it goeth not out of the Country. But the Silk that is made in new Spain is transported into other Countries, as to Peru. There were no Mulberry trees in the Indies, but such as were brought from Spain, and they grow well, especially in the Province which they call Mistecqua, where there are Silkworms, and they put to work the Silk they gather, whereof they make very good Taffetas: yet to this day they have made neither Damask, Satin, not Velvet. The Sugar yet is a greater revenue, for they not only spend it at the Indies, but also they carry much into Spain, for the Canes, grow exceeding well in many parts of the Indies. They have built their engines in the Lands, in Mexico, in Peru, and in other parts, which yieldeth them a very great revenue. It was told me, that the engine for Sugar in Nasca, was worth yearly above thirty thousand pieces of revenue. That of Chica●a joining to Truxillo, was likewise of great revenue, and those of new Spain are of no less; and it is strange thing to see what store they consume at the Indies. They brought from the Island of Saint Dominique, in the fleet wherein I came, eight hundred ninety eight chests of Sugar, which being (as I did see) shipped at Port Ricco (every chest (in my opinion) weighed eight Arobes, every Arobe weighing five and twenty pounds, which are two hundred weight of Sugar) is the chief revenue of these Lands, so much are men given to the desire of sweet things. Olives but no Oil. There are likewise Olives and Olive trees at the Indies, I say in Mexico and in Peru, yet hath there not been to this day any Mill for Oil, for that they eat all their Olives, and dress them well: they find the charge is greater to make Oil then the profit, and therefore they carry all the Oil they do spend from Spain. And here we will end with plants, and will pass to such beasts as be at the Indies. indies VI Of Beasts and Fowls in the Indies. Of beasts bearing wool, and of Kine. Cap. 33. I Find there are three kinds of beasts at the Indies, whereof some have been carried from Spain; others are of the same kind we have in Europe, and yet not carried by the Spaniards; and others are proper to the Indies, whereof there are none in Spain. Of the first kind are Sheep, Kine, Goats, Swine, Horses, Asses, Dogs, Cats, and other such beasts, for there are of all these kinds at the Indies. The smaller cattle have greatly multiplied, European beasts. and if they could make profit of their wools by sending them into Europe, it were one of the greatest riches the Indies had, for there the flocks of sheep have great pastuers, where as their feeding fails not. In Peru there is such store of pastures and feedings, as no man hath any proper to himself, Store of sheep. but every man feeds his troops where he pleaseth. For this reason there is commonly great store of flesh, and very good cheap, and all other things that come from sheep, as Milk, and Cheese. For a time they lost their wools, until that some began to husband it, and to make cloth and coverings, which hath been a great help for the poorer sort of the Country, for that the cloth of Castille is very dear there. There are many Clothiers in Peru, but more in new Spain, yet the cloth that comes from Spain is far better, whether the wool be more fine, or the workmen more expert. In former times there were men that did possess threescore and ten, yea a hundred thousand sheep, and at this day they have not many less. If this were in Europe, it were a very great substance, but in that Country it is but a mean wealth. In many parts of the Indies, and I think in the greatest part, small cattle do not increase and profit well, by reason that the grass is high, and the soil so vicious, that they cannot feed so well as great cattle. And therefore there is an infinite number of Kine, whereof there are two kinds. Some are tame and go in troops, Store of Kine. as in the land of Charca, and other Provinces of Peru, as also in all new Spain: from these tame Kine they draw such profit as they do in Spain, that is, the Flesh, Butter, Calves, and Oxen to till the ground. The other kind is wild, which live in the Mountains and Forests, and therefore they tame them not, neither have they any master to whom they are proper, both for the roughness and thickness of the Forest, as also for the great multitude there is, Wild herds. and he that first kills them is the master, as of any wild beast. These wild Kine have so multiplied in Saint Dominique, and thereabouts, that they troop together in the fields and woods by thousands, having no master to whom they appertain. They hunt these beasts only for their hides, they go to the field on horseback with their weapons to hough them, coursing the Kine: and when they have strucken any and stayed them, they are their own, they slay them and carry the hides home, Killed only for the hides. leaving the flesh, which every one neglects for the abundance there is, so as some have testified in this Island, that in some places the air hath been corrupted with the abundance of these stinking carcases. The hides they bring into Spain, is one of the best revenues of the Lands, and of new Spain. In the fleet the year 1587. there came from Saint Dominique 35444. hides, Almost 100000 hides transported at once. How rich might Virginia become, if! and from new Spain 64350. which they value at 96532. pieces, so as when they discharge one of these fleets, it is admirable to behold the River of Sevile, and in the Arsenal (where they unlade) so many hides, and so much merchandise. There are also great numbers of Goats, whose chief profit is their tallow, besides their Kid-milke and other commodities, for that both rich and poor use this tallow for lights. For as ●●ere is a great quantity, so do they make very good account of it; yea, more than of oil, but all the tallow they use is only of the Males. They use their skins for shoes, yet I hold them not so good, as those which are carried from Castille. Horses. Horses have multiplied there, and are very excellent in many places; yea in many parts there are Races found as good as the best in Spain, as well for passing of a Carrier, and for pomp, as also for travel: and therefore they use Horses most commonly, although there be no want of Moils, whereof there are many▪ especially where they make their carriages by land. There is no great numbers of Asses, having no great use for them, neither for travel nor service. Asses. Camels. Dogs multiplied to noisomeness. There are some few Camels; I have seen some in Peru, that were brought from the Canaries, and have multiplied there a little. In Saint Dominique, Dogs have so multiplied in number and bigness, as at this day it is the scourge and affliction of that Island: for they eat the Sheep, and go in troops through the fields. Such that kill them are rewarded like to them that kill Wolves in Spain. At the first there were no Dogs at the Indies but some beasts like unto little Dogs, the which the Indians call Al●o, and therefore they call all Dogs that go from Spain, by the same name, by reason of the resemblance that is betwixt them. The Indians do so love these llitle Dogs, that they will spare their meat to feed them, so as when they travel in the Country, Indian Dogs. they carry them with them upon their shoulders, or in their bosoms, and when they are sick, they keep them with them, without any use, but only for company. It is certain that they have carried from Spain all these beasts whereof I have spoken, of which kinds there were none at the Indies▪ Of some beasts of Europe, which the Spaniards found at the Indies, and how they should pass thither. Cap. 34. No●e. when they were first discovered about a hundred years since; for besides that it may be well approved by witnesses at this day living; It is also a sufficient argument to see that the Indians in their tongue, have no proper words to signify these beasts, but they use the same Spanish names, although they be corrupted: for being ignorant of the thing, they took the word common to those places from whence they came. I have found this a good rule, to discern what things the Indians had before the Spaniards came there, and what they had not: for they gave names to those they had and knew before, and have given new names to these that are newly come unto them which commonly are the same Spanish names, although they pronounce them after their manner, as for a Horse, Wine, and Wheat. They found of some sorts of beasts that are in Europe, and were not carried thither by the Spaniards. There are Lions, Tigers, Bears, Boars, Foxes, and other fierce and wild beasts, whereof we have treated in the first Book, so as it was not likely they should pass to the Indies by Sea, being impossible to swim the Ocean: and it were a folly to imagine that men had embarked them with them. It follows therefore that this world joins with * But where? our Navigations beyond 80. have showed open and wid● Seas betwixt. Lions. Circles are used in hunting by Persians, Tartars, etc. Tigers. the new in some part: by which these beasts might pass, and so by little and little multiplied this world. The Lions which I have seen, are not red, neither have they such hair as they usually paint them with. They are grey, and not so furious as they seem in pictures. The Indians assemble in troops to hunt the Lion, and make as it were a circle, which they do call Chaco, wherewith they environ them, and after they kill them with stones, staffs, and other weapons. These Lions use to climb trees, where being mounted, the Indians kill them with Lances and Crossbows, but more easily with Harquebusses. The Tigers are more fierce and cruel, and are more dangerous to meet, because they break forth and assail men in treason: They are spotted, as the Historiographers describe them. I have heard some report that these Tigers were very fierce against the Indians, yet would they not adventure a● all upon the Spaniards, or very little; and that they would choose an Indian in the midst of many Spaniards, and carry him away. The Bears which in Cusco they call Otoioncos, be of the same kind that ours are▪ and keep in the ground. There are few swarms of Bees, for that their hony-combs are found in Trees, Bears. Be●s. or under the ground, and not in Hives as in Castille. The hony-combs which I have seen in the Province of Charcas, which they call Chiguanas, are of a grey colour, having little juice, and are more like unto sweet straw, then to hony-combs. They say the Bees are little, like unto Flies; and that they swarm under the earth. The honey is sharp and black, yet in some places there is better, and the combs better fashioned, as in the Province of Tucuman in Chille, and in Carthagene. I have not seen nor heard speak of wild Boars, but of Foxes and other wild beasts that eat their cattle and Fowle, there are more than their Shepherds would willingly have. Foxes and beasts of spoil. Besides these beasts that are furious and hurtful, there are others that are profitable, and have not been transported by the Spaniards, as Stags and Dear, whereof there is great abundance in all the Forests. But the greatest part is a kind of Deer without horns, at the least, I have never seen nor heard speak of other, and all are without horns like unto Corcos. Dear without horns. It seems not hard to believe, but is almost certain, that all these beasts for their lightness, and being naturally wild, have passed from one World to another, by some parts where they join, seeing that in the great Lands far from the main land I have not heard that there are any, though I have made diligent inquiry. We may more easily believe the same of birds, and that there are of the same kinds that we have, as Partridges, Turtles, Pigeons, Stock-doves, Quails, and many sorts of Falcons, Of Fowles' which are ●ere and are at th● Indies, and how they could pass thither. Cap. 35. which they send from new Spain and Peru, to the Noblemen of Spain, for they make great account of them. There are also Herons and Eagles of diverse kinds; and there is no doubt but these birds and such like, have sooner passed thither then Lions, Tigers, and Stags. There are likewise at the Indies great numbers of Parrots, especially upon the Andes of Peru, and in the Lands of Port Ricco, and Saint Dominique, where they fly by flocks, as Pigeons do here. To conclude, birds with their wings may go where they will; and truly, many kinds might well pass the Gulf, seeing it is certain, as Pliny affirmeth, that there are many that pass the Sea, Plin. lib. 10. c●3 ●3▪ and go into strange Regions, although I have not read that any Fowl hath passed by flight so great a Gulf, as is the Indian Ocean, yet hold I it not altogether impossible, seeing the common opinion of Mariners, that you shall find them two hundred leagues and more from the Land. And as Aristotle doth teach, that birds endure the water easily, having little respiration, as we see in Sea fowl, which dive and remain long under the water. Even so we may say, that the Fowl which be at this present upon the main land, and in the Lands at the Indies, might pass the Sea, resting themselves in some small Lands, or upon some land which they discovered by a natural instinct (as Pliny reporteth of some) or peradventure falling into the water, Plin. l 10. c. 25. when they were weary of flying, and after began their flight anew when they had a little rested. As for the Fowls which we see in the Lands, where there are no beasts, I believe certainly that they passed by one of the foresaid means. But for other birds which we find upon the main land, especially those whose flight is short, it is more credible that they came thither as the beasts did, which are of the same kinds that we have in Europe. For at the Indies there are great birds, very heavy, Ostriches. as Ostriches, whereof there are many in Peru; which do use sometimes to terrify the Indian sheep as they do go with their burdens. But leaving these birds that govern themselves without the care of man, but only for hawking, Hens. let us now speak of tame Fowl. I wondered at Hens, seeing there were some at the Indies before the Spaniards came there, the which is well approved, for they have a proper name of the Country, and they call a Hen Gualpa, and the Egg Ponto, and they use the same proverb we do, to call a Coward, a Hen. Those that were at the discovery of the Lands of Soloman, do report that they have seen Hens there like unto ours: we may conceive that the Hen being so tame a Fowl, and so profitable, men might carry them with them when they passed from one place to another, as we see at this day the Indians in their travel carry their Hen with them, or chicken upon the burden they have on their shoulders: and likewise they carry them easily in their Cages of reeds or wood. Finally, there be at the Indies many kinds of beasts and birds, such as we have in Europe, as I have specified, and other sorts which I leave to others to discourse of. How it should be possible, that at the Indies there should be any sorts of beasts, whereof the like are no where else. Chap. 36. It were a matter more difficult, to show, and prove, what beginning many and sundry sorts of beasts had, which are found at the Indies, of whose kinds we have none in this Continent. For if the Creator hath made them there, we may not then allege nor fly to Noah's Ark, neither was it then necessary to save all sorts of birds and beasts, if others were to be created anew. Moreover, we could not affirm, that the creation of the World was made and finished in six days, if there were yet other new kinds to make, and specially perfect beasts, and no less excellent than those that are known unto us: If we say then that all these kinds of Creatures were preserved in the Ark by Noah, it follows, that those beasts, of whose kinds we find not any but at the Indies, have passed thither from this Continent, as we have said of other beasts that are known unto us. This supposed, I demand how it is possible that none of their kind should remain here? and how they are found there, being as it were Travellers and Strangers? Truly it is a question that hath long held me in suspense. I say for example, if the sheep of Peru, and those which they call Pacos and Guanacoes, are not found in any other Regions of the world, who hath carried them thither? or how came they there, seeing there is no show nor remainder of them in all this world? If they have not passed from some other Region, how were they form and brought forth there? It may be God hath made a new creation of beasts! That which I speak of these Pacos and Guanacoes may be said of a thousand different kinds of birds and beasts of the Forest, which have never been known, neither in shape nor name; and whereof there is no mention made, neither among the Latins, nor greeks, nor any other Nations of the world. We must then say, that though all beasts came out of the The same providence which brought all beasts and fowls from all their native diversified residencies thorough all the world to the Ark (which no natural instinct in such antipathies and at once, could do) and kept them safe in the Ark, did also dispose them to their designed abodes after. For I hold it unchristian with Mercator to say, America was not drowned with the Flood. And the same scruple might be made for beasts, etc. in other parts; the t●mper of the Ark, or of the place where the Ark rested, not agreeing naturally to the Zebra, Elephant, River-horse, Crocodile, and many other hotter creatures of Africa; nor to the other peculiar creatures of many other Regions. In things above nature (as is both the history and mystery of the Ark) we must flee necessarily to a supernatural cause. For except we would imagine the most part of the Sea to have been lands or Lands from beyond the cold Magellan to the coldest Purchas plus ultra▪ that is from 57 South latitude, to above 81. of North latitude, all the Sea is known, and voyages many in this work delivered which ex●ludes all possibility of such passages of beasts especially such as cannot endure cold, as our Author imagineth. For men in boats, that might happen accidentally, which voluntarily hath been attempted by Ours, a little boat coming home from Bermuda to England? and the Dutch open boats from Nova Zembla to Norway: further and longer distances than is needful from Island to Island for crossing from Europe to some parts of America; that I mention not the Carthaginian and Owen Gwyneds voyages, and other casual tempests, etc. in which by fishing, fishermen might live long at Sea with their wives▪ and be carried by a higher coworking overruling providence to people this new World, which (it is likely) at diverse times and by diverse means received her inhabitants; God which made all men of one blood, alloting to all Adam's sons their portions and the several bounds of their habitation. Act. 17.20. Ark, yet by a natural instinct, and the providence of Heaven, diverse kinds dispersed themselves into diverse Regions, where they found themselves so well, as they would not part; or if they departed, they did not preserve themselves, but in process of time perished wholly, as we do see it chance in many things. For if we shall look precisely into it, we shall find that it is not proper and peculiar alone to the Indies, but general to many other Nations and Provinces of Asia, Europe, and Africa, where they say there are certain kinds of Creatures, that are not found in other Regions, at the least if they be any where else, they are known to be carried from thence. Seeing then these Creatures came out of the Ark, as for example, the Elephant which we find only in the East Indies, and from thence have been imparted to other Regions, we may say as much of these Creatures of Peru, and of others of the Indies, which are not found in any other part of the World. We may likewise consider well upon this subject, whether these beasts differ in kind, and essentially from all others, or if this difference be accidental, which might grow by diverse accidents, as we see in the lineages of men, some are white, others black, some Giants, others Dwarves: and in Apes, some have no tail, others have: and in Sheep, some are bare, others have fleeces; some great and strong with a long neck, as those of Peru; others weak and little, having a short neck, as those of Castille. But to speak directly, who so would by this Discourse, showing only these accidental differences, preserve the propagation of beasts at the Indies, and reduce them to those of Europe, he shall undertake a charge he will hardly discharge with his honour. For if we shall judge the kinds of beasts by their properties, those of the Indies are so diverse, as it is to call an Egg a Chestnut, to seek to reduce them to the known kinds of Europe. Of Fowls that are proper to the Indies, and Venison. THere are many kinds of notable Fowls at the Indies, either of the same sort that ours be, or of different. They bring certain birds from China, that have no feet, See jobson Tom. 1. l. 9 of such in Guine●▪ and all their bodies are almost feathers. They sit not upon the ground, but hang upon boughs, by strings or feathers which they have, and so rest themselves like Flies or airy things. In Peru there are birds which they call Tomineios, so small, that oftentimes I have doubted seeing them fly, Tomineios. whether they were Bees or Butterflies; but in truth they are birds. chose, those which they call Condores, be of an exceeding greatness, and of such a force, Condores. that not only they will open a sheep and eat it, but also a whole calf. Those which they call Auras, and others Poullaze● (which in my opinion are of the kind of Ravens) are of a strange lightness, and have a very quick sight, Ravens. being very fit to cleanse Cities, for that they leave no Carrion nor dead thing. They pass the night on Trees or upon Rocks, and in the morning they come to the Cities and Towns, sitting on the tops of the highest buildings, where they attend their prey. Their young have white feathers, as they report of Ravens, and so change into black. The Guacamayac be birds bigger than Parrots, and resemble them something; they are esteemed for the variety of their feathers, which be very fair and pleasing. In new Spain there are abundance of birds with excellent feathers, so as there be not any found in Europe that comes near them, as we may see by the Images of feathers they bring from thence, the which are (with great reason) much valued and esteemed, giving cause of admiration, that with the feathers of birds, they should make so excellent a work, and so perfectly equal, Feather pictures. as they seem properly to be the true colours of a Painter, and have so lively and pleasing a regard, as the Painter cannot exceed it with his pencil and colours. Some Indians which are good and expert workmen in this Art, will represent perfectly in feathers, whatsoever they see drawn with the pencil, so as the Painters of Spain, have in this point, no advantage over them. Don Philip the Prince of Spain his Schoolmaster, did give unto him three figures or portraitures made of feathers, as it were to put in a Breuiarie. His Highness did show them to King Philip his father, the which his Majesty beholding attentively, said, that he had never seen in so small a work, a thing of so great excellency and perfection. One day as they presented to Pope Sixtus Quintus, another square bigger than it, wherein was the figure of Saint Francis, and that they had told him it was made of feathers by the Indians, he desired to make trial thereof, touching the table with his fingers, to see if it were of feathers; for that it seemed strange, to see them so properly fitted, that the eye could not judge nor discern whether they were natural colours of feathers, or artificial done with the pencil. It is a goodly thing to see the ●ustre which a green, an orange tawny like gold, and other fine colours do cast, and beholding them another way they seem dead colours. They make the best and goodliest figures of feathers in the Province of Mechovacan▪ and in the village of Pascaro. The manner is with small delicate Pinsors they pull the feathers from the dead fowls, and with a fine paste they cunningly join them together. They take the small and delicate feathers of those birds, which in Peru they call Tomineyos, or others like unto them, which have the most perfect colours in their feathers. The Indians (besides these Images) did use feathers in many other most excellent works, especially for the ornament of Kings and Noblemen, their Temples and Idols. There are also other great birds, which have excellent and fine feathers, whereof they make plumes of sundry colours, especially when they go to war, enriching them with gold and silver very artificially, which was a matter of great price. They have the same birds still, but they are not so curious, neither do they make so many gentle devices as they were wont. There are other birds at the Indies, contrary to these of so rich feathers, the which (besides that they are ill-favoured) serve to no other use but for dung, and yet perchance they are of no less profit. I have considered this, wondering at the providence of the Creator, who hath so appointed, that all Creatures should serve Man. In some Lands or Phares, which are joining to the coast of Peru, The like is in the East Indies. we see the tops of the Mountains all white, and to sight, you would take it for Snow, or for some white Land, but they are heaps of dung of Sea fowl which go continually thither: and there is so great abundance, as it riseth many else, yea, many Lances in height, which seems but a fable. They go with boats to these Lands, only for the dung, for there is no other profit in them. And this dung is so commodious and profitable, as it makes the earth yield great abundance of fruit. They call this dung Guano, whereof the Valley hath taken the name, which they call Limaguana, in the valleys of Peru, where they use this dung, and it is the most ferrile of all that Country. The Quinces, Pomegranates, and other fruits there, exceed all other in bounty and greatness; and they say, the reason is, for that the water wherewith they water it, passeth by a Land compassed with this dung. Of beasts for the Chases. Chap. 38. Besides the Beasts of Chase, whereof we have spoken, There are beasts called Sainos, made like small Hogs, which have this singular to themselves, to have their Navel upon the ridge of their backs: these go by troops through the Woods, they are cruel and nothing fearful, but chose they assail, and have their talents sharp as Razors, wherewith they make dangerous wounds and incisions, if such as hunt them put not themselves in safety. Such as hunt them (for the more safer killing of them) climb up into Trees, whither the Sainos or Hogs come presently in troops, biting the Tree when they cannot hurt the man, and then with their Lances they kill what they will. They are very good to eat, but they must of necessity cut off the round piece where the Navel grows upon the back; for otherwise, within a day they corrupt. There is another kind of little beast like to sucking Pigs, and they call them Guadatinaias. I am in doubt whether there were any Swine at the Indies, before the Spaniards came thither, like to these in Spain, for that in the discovery of the Lands of Soloman, it is said, they found * These might come from the East parts thither by means of those Lands which you see in Schoutens' voyage. Hens and Swine of Spain. But howsoever it be, it is most certain, that this cattle hath greatly multiplied at the Indies. They eat the flesh fresh, and hold it to be as wholesome and as good, as if it were of Mutton; as in Carthagene in some parts, they are become wild and cruel, the which they hunt like wild Boars, as we see in Saint Dominique, and other Lands where the beasts live in the Forests. In some places they feed them with the grain of Mays, and they grow wonderfully fat, to have the grease, which they use for want of Oil; in some places they make gamon's, as in Tolluca of new Spain, and in Pari● at Peru. Returning then to such beasts as are peculiar there, even as the Sainos are like unto Swine, Dantes. though somewhat less; even so the Dantes resemble small Kine, but more unto Mules, having no horns. The Hides of these beasts are much esteemed for jerkins and other coverings, they are so hard as they resist any blow whatsoever. And as the Dantes be defended by the hardness of their Hides, so those which they call Armadillos are by the multitude of their scales, Armadillos. which open and shut as they please like to a Cuirass. There be little beasts which go through the Woods, called Armadillos', by reason of the defence they have hiding themselves within their scales, and opening when they list: I have eaten of them, and do not hold it for a meat of any great worth; but the flesh of the Yguanas is a better meat, but more horrible to the eye: Yguanas. for they are like to the very Lizardes' of Spain, although they be of a doubtful kind, for that they go to the Water, and coming to Land they climb the Trees upon the banks; and as they cast themselves from the Trees into the water, the Boats watch underneath to receive them. The Chinchilles is an other kind of small beasts, like Squirrels, they have a wonderful smooth and soft skin, Chinchilles. which they wear as a healthful thing to comfort the stomach, and those parts that have need of a moderate heat; they make coverings and Rugs of the hair of these Chinchilles, which are found on the Sierre of Peru, where there is likewise a small beast very common, which they call Cuyes, and which the Indians hold for a very good meat, Cuyes. and they are accustomed often to offer these Cuyes in their sacrifices. They are like small Coneys, and have their borrows in the ground, and in some places they have undermined all the Land: some are grey, some white, and some speckled. There are other small Animals which they call Viscachas, Viscachas. and are like to Hares, although they be bigger, they hunt them and eat the flesh. Of common Hares there are great store in some parts. There are also Coneys in the Realm of Quitto, but the good are come from Spain. There is another strange beast, the which for his great heaviness, Light-Dogge. and slowness in moving, they call Perico-ligero, or the little light Dog, he hath three nails to every hand, and moves both hand and feet, as it were by compass and very heavily: it is in face like to a Monkey, and hath a shrill cry; it climbeth Trees, and eats Ants. Of Micos or Indian Monkeys▪ Chap. 39 Throughout all the Mountains, either of these Lands of the firm Land, or of the Andes, there are infinite numbers of Micos or Monkeys, which are a kind of Apes, but very different, in that they have a tail, yea a very long one. And amongst them there are some kinds which are thrice, yea four times bigger than the ordinary; some are all black, some bay, some grey, and some spotted. Their agility and manner of doing is admirable, for that they seem to have reason and discourse to go upon Trees, wherein they seem to imitate Birds. Going from Nombre de Dios to Panama, I did see in Capira, one of these Monkeys leap from one Tree to an other, which was on the other side of a River, making me much to wonder. Lusty leap. Strange sight. They leap where they list, winding their tails about a branch to shake it: and when they will leap further than they can at once, they use a pretty device, tying themselves by the tails one of another, and by this means make as it were a chain of many: then do they launch themselves forth, and the first holpen by the force of the rest, taketh hold where he list, and so hangs to a bough, and helps all the rest, till they be gotten up. It were long to report the fooleries, tricks, traverses, and pleasant sports they make when they are taught, which seem not to come from bruit beasts, but from a manlike understanding. Monkey learned. I saw one in Carthagene in the Governors' house, so taught, as the things he did seemed incredible: they sent him to the Tavern for wine, putting the pot in one hand, and the money in the other; and they could not possibly get the money out of his hand, before he had his pot full of wine. If any children met him in the street, and threw any stones at him, he would set his pot down on the one side, and cast stones against the children till he had assured his way, than would he return to carry home his pot. And which is more, although he were a good Bibber of wine (as I have oftentimes seen him drink, when his Master hath given it him) yet would he never touch it until leave was given him. They told me moreover, that if he saw any women painted, he would fall upon them, pull off their attire, and would seek to bite them. Zealous. Amongst the most remarkable things at the Indies of Peru, be the Vicugnes, and sheep of the Country, as they call them, which are tractable beasts and of great profit; Of Vicugnes, and Tarugnes of Peru▪ Chap▪ 40. Aristot. lib. 3. the partib. animal. c. 2. lib. 10. c. 7●▪ the Vicugnes are wild, and the Sheep are tame. Some think that the Vicugnes are those which Aristotle, Pliny, and other Authors call Capreas, which are wild Goats, and in truth they have some resemblance, for the lightness they have in the Woods and Mountains, but yet they are no Goats, for the Vicugnes have no horns, as those have, whereof Aristotle makes mention; neither are they the Goats of the East Indies, from whom they draw the Bezoar stone; for if they be of that kind, it were a divers one, as in the race of Dogs, the Mastiff is divers from the Greyhound. The Vicugnes of Peru are not those beasts which carry the Bezoar stone, in the Province of new Spain, which there they call Bezaars, for that they are a kind of Stags and Venison; yet do I not know in any part of the World there be any of these beasts, but in Peru, and in Chille, which are Countries joining one to another. These Vicugnes are greater than Goats, and less than Calves. Their hair is of the colour of dried Roses, somewhat clearer; they have no horns like Stags and Goats. They feed upon the highest tops of the Mountains, which they call Pugnas. The Snow nor Frost doth not offend them, but chose they seem to delight in it. They go in troops, and run most lightly; when they meet with any Travellers or Beasts, they fly away, seeming very fearful, and in flying they drive their young ones before them. They do not find that they multiply much: and therefore the Kings Ing●as did defend the hunting of Vicugnes; if it were not for their feasts, or by their commandment. Some complain, that since the Spaniards entered there, they have given too much liberty to hunt the Vicugnes, and by this means they are much diminished. The manner the Indians use in their hunting, they assemble many men together, Indian hunting. to the number of a thousand or two thousand, yea more, and environing a great circuit of wood, they hunt their game until they have compassed it in on all parts, and by this means they commonly take three or four hundred, and so choosing what they lift, they let go the rest, especially the Females for breed. They are accustomed to shear these beasts, and of their fleece to make coverings and Rugs of great value, for that this wool is like to white silk, which lasts long: and as the colour is natural and not died, so is it perpetual. The stuffs that are made of this wool, are very fresh and good in Summer, and they hold them profitable for the inflammation of the reins, and other parts, tempering the excessive heat. This wool hath the like virtue when it is made in Quilts, and therefore some use it to that end, for the trial they have made thereof. They say moreover, that this wool or coverings made thereof, is physical for other indispositions, as for the gout: yet do I not know that they have made any certain trial thereof. The flesh of these Vicugnes is not good, although the Indians eat it, and dry it. For the effects of physic, I will say what I have seen upon the Sierre of Peru, coming one night into a Tambo or Inn, being much afflicted with pain in mine eyes, thinking they would fall out (the which doth commonly happen in those parts) for that they pass through places covered with snow, which is the cause of this accident. Experiment for the eyes. Being troubled with this pain, and out of patience, there came an Indian woman which said to me, Father, lay this to thine eyes, and thou shalt be cured. It was a piece of the flesh of Vicugnes newly killed and all bloody. I used this medicine, and presently the pain ceased, and soon after went quite away. Besides these Chacoes which is the most common manner of hunting at the Indies, they have used another more private to take them, which is, that coming near, they do cast certain lines with plummets of lead, which entangle their legs, so as they cannot run, and by this means they take the Vicugne. The chief reason why this beast is esteemed, is, by reason of the Bezoar's stone they find in them, whereof we will entreat hereafter. There is another kind of beasts, Bezoar stone. Tarugues. which they call Tarugues, which likewise are wild, and more ni●ble than the Vicugnes. They are greater of body, and more hot. They have soft ears and hanging: they go not in troops as tke Vicugnes. I have not seen them but alone, and most commonly in high places. They also draw Bezoar's stones from these Tarugues, which are greater, and have more operation and virtue. Of Pacos, Guanacoes, and Indian Muttons. Chap. 41. There is nothing at Peru of greater riches and profit then the cattle of the Country, which our men call Indian Sheep, and the Indians in their general language call them Lama. For all things well considered, it is a beast of the greatest profit and least charge of any that I know: from them they draw meat and clothing, as from the sheep of Spain. Moreover, they have the benefit to carry all things they have need of, using them to bear their burdens: and they have no need either of shoes or saddles, nor yet of oats, but he serveth his Master for nought, feeding on the grass he finds in the fields; so as God hath furnished them of Sheep and Mares, and all in one beast. And as it is a poor Nation, so would he in this point free them from charge, for that there is much pasture upon the Sierre: and this kind of Cattell hath no need of any other charge. Two kinds. There are two kinds of these Sheep or Lamas, the one they call Pacos, or sheep bearing wool, and the others are bare, and have little wool, so are they better for burden; they are bigger than great Sheep, and less than Calves, they have a very long neck, like to a Camel, whereof they have good need: for being high of stature, they have need of a long neck, else should they be deformed. They are of diverse colours, some all white, others all black, some grey and some spotted, which they call Moromoro. The Indians had great superstitions in choosing the beasts for sacrifices, of what colour they should be, according to the diversity of Seasons and Sacrifices. Their flesh is good, although it be hard, but that of their Lambs is the better, and the most delicate that can be eaten: yet they eat not many, for that the chief fruit and profit they yield, is their wool, to make clothes, and their service to carry burdens. The Indians make stuffs of this wool wherewith they cloth themselves: the one is gross and common, which they call Hanaca, and the other fine and delicate, which they call Cumbi, they make Carpets and coverings, and other exquisite works, which last long, and have a very fair lustre, like half silk: and that which is most rare, is their manner of weaving their works, being both sides alike, so as you shall not find any end in a whole piece. The Ingua King of Peru had many chief workmen, to make this work of Cumbi: and the which, for the most part, were resident in the Province of Capachica, joining to the great Lake of Titicaca. They die this wool into diverse fine colours, with sundry kinds of herbs, whereof they make many sorts of works both course and fine. All the Indians, both men and women, work in the Sierre, and have their Looms in their houses, having no need to buy any stuffs for their necessary uses. Of the flesh of these sheep they make Cuscharg●i, or dried flesh, the which will last very long, whereof they make great account. They are accustomed to drive troops of these sheep with burdens, and to go in bands, three hundred, five hundred, yea a thousand in a company, with Wine, Mays, Coca, Chuno, Quicksilver, and all other kinds of merchandise, and of Silver, which is the best of all. They carry bars of Silver from Potozi to Ariqua, which is three score and ten leagues. I have often wondered to see these troops of sheep laden with a thousand or two thousand bars of Silver, and much more, which is above three hundred thousand ducats, without any other guard or resort then some Indians, which serve only to guide these sheep, and to lad and unlade them, or at the most, some few Spaniards: and they sleep all night in the midst of the fields, without other guard: and yet in so long a way and so weak a guard, they never find want or loss of any thing in so great a treasure of Silver, so safe is the way in Peru. The burden which one of these sheep doth commonly carry, is of four or six Arrobes: Six Arobes is a hundred and fifty pounds' weight. when their voyage is long they go not above two, three, or four leagues at the most on a day. Those that guide those troops, have their ordinary lodgings, where they are assured to have water and pasture, and there they unlade and set up their Tents, making fire, and dressing their meats, which is not painful, although it be a phlegmatic and slow manner of travel. When there is but one days journey, one of these sheep will bear eight Arrobes in weight, or more, and bears this burden eight or ten leagues in a day, as the poor Soldiers were wont to do, when they marched through Peru. This kind of Cattell delights most in a cold air, and for this cause they live upon the Sierre, and die in the Lanos, by reason of the heat. Sometimes these sheep are all covered with Ice and frost, and yet they continue sound and well The bare sheep are pleasant to behold, for they will stay upon the way, raising up their necks, and will look upon any one very wistly, and so they remain a long time, without moving or any show of fear, which giveth occasion of laughter, seeing them thus to stand. And yet sometimes they do grow amazed suddenly, and run away with their burdens, even to the highest Rocks, so as not being able to come unto them, they are constrained to kill them with an Harquebus, lest they should lose their bars of Silver, which they sometimes carry. The Pacos will grow reastie under their burdens, lying down, and will endure to be cut in a thousand pieces before they will rise when this humour takes them: whereof the proverb grows in Peru, to say that one is reastie, to signify, he is obstinate; for that when any of these beasts is moody, it is with excess: the remedy they have is, to stay and sit down by the Paco, making much on him, until the fit be past, and that he rise: and sometimes they are forced to stay two or three hours. They have a disease like to scabs, which they call Carache, whereof they commonly die. The Ancients had a remedy, to bury them quick that had the Carache, lest they should infect the rest, being a very contagious disease, and goes from one to another. An Indian that hath one or two of these sheep, is not reputed poor, for one of them is worth six or seven pieces of assay, and more, according to the time and places. The Bezaars stone is found in all these beasts before mentioned, which are proper to Peru, whereof some Authors of our time have written whole books, Of the Bezaars stone. Chap. 42. which they may read that desire to have a more particular knowledge. For the present subject it shall be sufficient to say, that this stone which they call Bezaar, is found in the stomach and belly of this beast, sometimes one alone, sometimes two, three, and four. They are very different in form, greatness and colour, for that some are small like filberts, and less; others like Walnuts; some like Pigeon's eggs, and others as big as a Hen's egg: and I have seen some as big as an Orange; in form some are round, others in fashion like to Lentils, and many other forms. For their colour, some are black, some white, some grey, dark green, and others, as if they had been gilded. It is no certain rule to judge the best and most fine by the colour or form. All these stones are made and fashioned of diverse films and skins one upon another. In the Province of Xaura and other Provinces of Peru, they find these stones in diverse kinds of beasts, both wild and tame, as in the Guanacoes, Pacos, Vicugnes, and Tarugues, some add an other kind, which they say are wild Goats, which the Indians call Cypris. These other kinds of beasts are very well known in Peru, whereof we have already discoursed. The Guanacoes or Country sheep, or Pacos, have commonly the lesser stones, and black, neither are they so much approved for the use of physic. They draw the greatest Bezaar stones from the Vicugnes, and they are grey, or white, or of a dark green, which are held for the better. They esteem those of the Tarugues for the most excellent, whereof there are some reasonable big: they are commonly white, inclining to grey; and they have the films commonly bigger and thicker than the rest. They find the Bezaar stone equally both in Male and Female. All beasts that engender it, chaw the cuid, and commonly feed upon the Snow and Rocks. The Indians report and teach by tradition from their Fathers and Ancients, that in the Province of Xaura, and in other Provinces of Peru, there are many herbs and venomous beasts, which poison the water and the pastures where they eat and drink, and where they breathe: amidst which venomous herbs there is one very well known of the Vicugne, by a natural instinct, and of other beasts that engender the Bezaar stone, which eat this herb, and by means thereof they preserve themselves from the poisoned waters and pastures: and they say, that of this herb the stone is compounded in the stomach, whence it draws all the virtue against poison, and other wonderful effects. This is the opinion and tradition of the Indians, discovered by men of great experience in the Kingdom of Peru, which agrees with reason, Plin. l. 10. c. 72. and with that which Pliny reports of the Mountain's Goats, which are nourished and fed upon poison without suffering any harm. The Indians being demanded, why the Sheep, Kine, Goats, and Calves, such as are in Castille, have not the Bezaar stone, seeing that they feed on the same Rocks: their answer is, That they believe not, that those beasts of Castille eat of that herb, or that they have found the Bezaar stone in Stags and fallow Deer. This seems to agree with our knowledge, for that in new Spain they find the Bezaar stone, although there be no Vicugnes, Pacos, Tarugues, nor Guanacoes, but only Stags, in some of which they find these stones. One thing is worthy admiration, that they grow and are fashioned upon very strange things, as upon the tag of a Point, upon a Pin, or a piece of Wood, which they find in the centre of this stone, and yet do they not hold it false, for that the beast might swallow it, and the stone thicken upon it, and grows one upon another, and so it increaseth. I did see in Peru, two stones fashioned upon Pignons of Castille, which made us to wonder much, for that in all Peru, we had not seen any Pines or Pignons of Castille, if they were not brought from Spain, which seems to me very extraordinary. This little may suffice touching the Bezaars stone. They bring other physical stones from the Indies, as the stone of Hyiada, or of Rate, the blood stone, the stones of Milk, and of the Sea. Those which they call Cornerinas, for the Heart, whereof there is no need to speak, having nothing common with the subject of beasts, whereof we have entreated: which gives us to understand how the great Master and Author of all, hath imparted his benefits and wonderful secrets, to all parts of the World; for the which he is to be glorified for ever. REader, I have here added this work, for the better and more particular knowledge of the Natural History of the West Indies. This Author Gonzalo Ferdinando de Ouiedo did first write a summary to Charles the fifth (out of which the most part of this is taken) An. 1525. and after that writ his General History, enlarging what he had written before this summary; and in the dividing it into three Parts: the first of which containing principally the Spanish acts and Natural observations in the Lands, in twenty Books, we have in Ramusios' third Tome of Voyages: the second (in which be writ of the Continent of New Spain, and the third of Peru and the Southern America, with above four hundred pictures of the Plants, Beasts, and other Creatures of those parts, were never published; to the great loss of natural knowledge of those parts. As for the Spanish acts we have them sufficiently written by others. But Acosta and Ouiedo have best deserved of the studious of Nature, that is, of the knowledge of God in his works. In which respect I have added many things omitted by Master Eden, and Master wiles in the former publication, both examining this, and translating the rest from Ramusios' Italian edition. CHAP. III. Extracts of GONZALO FERDINANDO DE OVIEDO his summary and General History of the Indies. Of the mines of gold, and the manner of working in them. THis particular of the mines of Gold, is a thing greatly to be noted, and I may much better speak hereof then any other man, forasmuch as there are now twelve years past since I served in the place of the Surveyor of the melting shops, pertaining to the gold mines of the firm Land, and was the Governor of the mines of the Catholic King Don Ferdinando, after whole departure from this life, I served long in the same room in the Name of your Majesty. The mine or vein which ought to be followed, aught to be in a place which may stand to save much of the charges of the Labourers, and for the administration of other necessary things, that the charges may be recompensed with gains. The greatest part of the wrought gold which the Indians have, is base, Gold of Indians base. and holdeth somewhat of Copper: of this they make Bracelets and Chains, and in the same they close their jewels which their Women are accustomed to wear, and esteemed more than all the riches of the World. The manner how gold is gathered, is this, either of such as is found in Zavana, that is to say, in the Plains and Rivers of the Champain country being without Trees, whether the Earth be with grass or without, or of such as is sometimes found on the Land without the Rivers in places where Trees grow, so that to come by the same, it shall be requisite to cut down many and great Trees. But after which soever of these two manners it be found, Manner of mines and searching for gold. either in the Rivers or Breaches of waters, or else in the earth, I will show how it is found in both these places, and how it is separate and purged. Therefore when the mine or vein is discovered, this chanceth by searching and proving in such places as by certain signs and tokens do appear to skilful men apt for the generation of gold, and to hold gold: and when they have found it, they follow the mine, and labour it, whether it be in the River, or in the Plain, as I have said. And if it be found on the Plain, first they make the place very clean where they intent to dig, than they dig eight or ten foot in length, and as much in breadth: but they go no deeper than a span or two, or more, as shall seem best to the Master of the mine, digging equally, Gold in mines. than they wash all the earth which they have taken out of the said space, and if herein they find any gold they follow it, and if not, they dig a span deeper, and wash the earth as they did before: and if then also they find nothing, they continue in digging and washing the earth as before, until they come to the hard rock or stone: and if in fine they find no gold there, they follow no further to seek gold in that place, but go to another part. And it is to be understood, that when they have found the mine, they follow it in digging, in the same measure in level and depth, until they have made an end of all the mine which that place containeth, Spanish customs for usage of mines. if it appear to be rich. This mine ought to consist of certain feet or pases in length or breadth, according to certain orders determined, and within that compass of earth, it is not lawful for any other to dig for gold: And where as endeth the my of him that first found the gold, immediately it is lawful for any other man that will, with a staff to assign himself a place by the side of the same, enclosing it with stakes or pales as his own. These mines of Zavana (that is, such as are found in the Plains) ought ever to be sought near to some River or Brook, or Spring of water, or Dike, or standing Pool, to the end that the gold may be washed, for the which purpose they use the labour of certain Indians, Water a good neighbour. as they do other in digging of the mine. And when they have digged out the mine, they fill certain Treys with that earth, which other Indians have the charge immediately to receive at their hands, and to carry those Treys of earth to the water, where it may be washed: Yet do not they that bring it wash it, but deliver it to other, putting it out of their own Treys into theirs, which they have ready in their hands to receive it. These Washers for the most part are the Indian women, because this work is of less pain and travel then any other. Women gold-washers. These women when they wash, are accustomed to fit by the water side, with their legs in the water even up to the knees, or less, as the place serveth their purpose: and thus holding the Treys with earth in their hands by the handles thereof, and putting the same into the water, they move them round about, after the manner of sifting, with a certain aptness, in such sort that there entereth no more water into the Treys then serveth their turn, and with the self same apt moving of their Treys in the water, they ever avoid the foul water with the earth out of the one side of the Vessel, and receive in clean water on the other side thereof, so that by this means by little and little, the water washeth the earth as the lighter substance of the Treys, and the Gold as the heavier matter resteth in the bottom of the same, being round and hollow in the midst like unto a Barber's Basin. And when all the earth is avoided, and the Gold gathered together in the bottom of the Trey, they put it a part, and return to take more earth, which they wash continually as before. Furthermore it is to be noted, that for every two Indians that wash, Other Labourers. it is requisite that two other serve them to bring earth from the Mine, and other two to break the same small, and fill their Treys therewith. Also beside these Labourers, it is necessary that there be other people in the place where they work and rest in the night: these are such as make their bread, and provide for victuals, and other necessaries. So that to conclude, there are in all, five persons ordinarily assigned to every Trey of washers. Five to a trey. There is another manner of working the Mines, in Rivers or Brooks of running waters: and this is, that in avoiding the water of his course, after that the beds of the Rivers are dry and utterly emptied, they find Gold among the breaches, cliffs, and rifts of stones, and among all that is in the bottom of the Channel, and where naturally the River runneth of greatest force: So that it chanceth sometime, that when the bed of the River is good and rich, Gold in Rivers or powder. they find in it great quantity of Gold. And therefore your Majesty ought to understand for a general rule, as it appeareth in fact, that all Gold is engendered in the tops and highest places of the Mountains, Gold engendered on hill tops. and incontinuance of time is by little and little brought down to the Vales and Plains by showers of rain, and the falls of Springs, Rivers, and Brooks, having their original in the Mountains, and descending from the same, notwithstanding it is oftentimes found in the Plains far from the Mountains. But when it chanceth to be found in great quantity, it is for the most part among the Mountains, and in the Rivers, or their branches, more than in any other part of the Plain: and in these two manners it is commonly found most abundantly. And for the better prose that Gold is engendered on high, and is brought down into the low places, I have one great token thereof, which causeth me to believe it for certain: and this is▪ to consider that coals never putrify nor corrupt under the ground, if they be made of strong wood. Whereby it chanceth, that digging the earth by the folds or indented places of the Mountains, or on the sides, His reason. and breaking a Mine in the earth, where it had been broken before, and having now digged one or two or three Poles in measure, the Miners found certain coals of wood under the same level where they found Gold, and this I say in the earth which was taken for a Virgin, that is to say, such as had not before been opened for any Mine: the which coals could not naturally be engendered there, or enter in by any means, but when the superficial part of the earth was equal with the level where the coals were found, it is like that the coals were left there by some occasion of fire, and that they fastened there in time, and that afterward in long continuance of time, they were by little and little covered with the earth, which the often showers of rain washed from the Mountains, so that by the course of years the earth overgrew the coals unto the said level and measure, which had before time been the superficial part of the earth, where the coals and Gold were found together: Some may think that coals, shells & other ludibria naturae, naturally grow there. whereby it may appear that the Gold was no more engendered there then were the coals, but brought thither from the Mountains by the falls of waters as we have said, forasmuch as the Mountains are the Matrices and bowels of all rich Metals. Further and beside this, I say that in how much more the Gold is gone far from the natural place of this generation to the place where it is found, it is so much the more purified and fined, and of a better carat, and the nearer that it is found to his proper Mine or vein where it is engendered, it is so much the base, fouler, and more crude, and of a base allay and carat, and doth waste so much the more in melting, and remaineth more brickle. Sometimes there are found grains of Gold of great quantity, Gold in grains. One huge piece of gold. and of great weight above the earth, and sometimes also under the earth: And the greatest of all other that was found to this day in the Indies, was that which was lost in the Sea about the Island Beata, which weighed three thousand and two hundred of Castellans of God, which are in value four thousand a hundred thirty and eight Ducats of Gold, which weigh one Arrova and seven pound, or thirty and two pound, after twelve ounces to the pound, which make threescore and four Marks of Gold. A Mark is a pound of 8. ounces summa, 16. pound weight eight ounces, 〈◊〉 12. ounces to the pound. Indian gilding. And I saw in the year 1515. in the hands of Michael Passamonte Treasurer to your Majesty, two grains, of the which one weighed seven pounds, which are fourteen Marks, and are in value about three score and five Ducats of Gold every Mark: the other was of ten Marks, which are five pounds of like value, and of very good Gold of two and twenty caracts, and better: The●e are also found many other great grains, although not equal unto these in bigness. And forasmuch as I have spoken of Gold, I have thought good to declare somewhat how the Indians can very excellently gild such Vessels of Copper and base Gold as they make: for they can give them so fair and flourishing a colour, that all the mass which they gilded, appear as though it were Gold of two and twenty caracts, and better. This colour they give with a certain herb, as though it were wrought by the art of any Goldsmith of Spain or Italy, and would of them be esteemed as a thing of great riches and a secret manner of gilding. For the desire that our men have to Gold, they nothing esteem the Copper, although there might great commodity and profit be had thereby, and also by other Metals, which they nothing regard, except Silver, which is found abundantly in that part of the firm Land which is called New Spain. Of the manner of fishing for Pearls. THe Indians exercise this kind of fishing for the most part in the Coasts of the North in Cubagua and Cumana, and many of them which dwell in the Houses of certain particular Lords in the Lands of San Dominico and Sancti johannis, resort to the Island of Cubagua, for this purpose. Their custom is to go five, six, or seven, or more in one of their Canoas' or Barks, early in the morning to some place in the Sea thereabout, where it appeareth unto them that there should be great plenty of those shell fishes (which some call Muscles, and some Oysters) wherein Pearls are engendered, and there they plunge themselves under the water, even unto the bottom, saving one that remaineth in the Canoa or Boat, which he keepeth still in one place as near as he can, looking for their return out of the water: And when one of them hath been a good while under the water, he riseth up, and cometh swimming to the Boat, entering into the same, and leaving there all the Oysters which he hath taken and brought with him (for in these are the Pearls found) and when he hath there rested himself a while, and eaten part of the Oysters, he returneth again to the water, where he remaineth as long as he can endure, and then riseth again, and swimmeth to the Boat with his prey, where he resteth him as before, and thus continueth course by course, as do all the other in like manner, being all most expert Swimmers and diverse: and when the night draweth near, they return to the Island to their houses, and present all the Oysters to the Master or Steward of the house of their Lord, who hath the charge of the said Indians, and when he hath given them somewhat to eat, he layeth up the Oysters in safe custody, until he have a great quantity thereof, than he causeth the same Fishermen to open them, and they find in every of them Pearls, other great or small, two, or three, or four, and sometimes five or six, and many small grains, according to the liberality of nature. They save the Pearls both small and great which they have found, and either eat the Oysters if they will, or cast them away, having so great a quantity thereof, that they in manner abhor them. These Oysters are of hard flesh, and not so pleasant in eating as are ours of Spain. This Island of Cubagua▪ where this manner of fishing is exercised, is in the North Coast, and is no bigger than the Island of Zealand. Oftentimes the Sea increaseth greatly, and much more than the Fishers for Pearls would, because whereas the place is very deep, a man cannot naturally rest at the bottom, by reason of the abundance of airy substance which is in him, as I have oftentimes proved. For although he may by violence and force descend to the bottom, yet are his feet lifted up again, so that he can continue no time there: and therefore where the Sea is very deep, these Indian Fishers use to tie two great stones about them with a cord, on each side one, by the weight whereof they descend to the bottom, and remain there until them listeth to rise again, at which time they unlose the stones, and rise up at their pleasure. But this their aptness and agility in swimming, is not the thing that causeth men most to marvel: Men continue an hour under water. but rather to consider how many of them can stand in the bottom of the water for the space of one whole hour, and some more or less, according as one is more apt hereunto then an other. An other thing there is which seemeth to me very strange: and this is, that whereas I have oftentimes demanded of some of these Lords of the Indians, if the place where they are accustomed to fish for Pearls, being but little and narrow, will not in short time be utterly without Oysters, if they consume them so fast: They all answered me, that although they be consumed in one part, Natural succession. yet if they go a fishing in an other part, or an other Coast of the Island, or at an other contrary wind, and continue fishing there also until the Oysters be likewise consumed, and then return again to the first place, or any other place where they fished before, and emptied the same in like manner, they find them again as full of Oysters as though they had never been fished. Of this read more largely in the Decades. Whereby we may judge, that these Oysters either remove from one place to an other, as do other fishes, or else that they are engendered and increase in certain ordinary places. This Island of Cumana and Cubagua, where they fish for these Pearls, is in the twelfth degree of the part of the said Coast which inclineth toward the North. Likewise Pearls are found and gathered in the South Sea, called Mare del Sur, and the Pearls of this Sea are very big, yet not so big as they of the Island of Pearls, called de las Perlas, or Margarita, which the Indians call Terarequi, lying in the Gulf of Saint Michael, where greater Pearls are found, and of greater price, then in any other Coast of the North Sea, in Cumana, or any other part. I speak this as a true testimony of sight, having been long in that South Sea, and making curious inquisition to be certainly informed of all that pertaineth to the fishing of Pearls. From this Island of Terarequi, Huge Pearl. there was brought a Pearl of the fashion of a Pear, weighing thirty and one Caracts, which Petrus Arias had among a thousand and so many pounds weight of other Pearls, which he had when Captain Gaspar Morales (before Petrus Arias) p●ssed to the said Island in the year 1515. which Pearl was of great price. From the said Island also, By the computation of Venice, four grains make a Caract. came a great and very round Pearl, which I brought out of the Sea, this was as big as a small pellet of a Stone-bow, and of the weight of twenty and six Caracts: I bought it in the City of Panama, in the Sea of Sur, and paid for it six hundred and fifty times the weight thereof of good Gold, and had it three years in my custody, and after my return into Spain, sold it to the Earl of Nansa● marquis of Zenet●● great Chamberlain to your Majesty, who gave it to the marquis his Wife, the Lady Mentia of Mendoza. I think verily that this Pearl was the greatest, fairest, and roundest that hath been seen in those parts. For your Majesty ought to understand, that in the Coast of the Sea of Sur, Peare-pearles▪ there are found a hundred great Pearls round after the fashion of a Pear, to one that is perfectly round and great. Of the familiarity which certain of the Indians have with the Devil, and how they receive answer of him of things to come, and other Superstitions. WHen the Indians begin their battle, or go to any combat, or attempt any other great matter, they have certain elect men, whom they reverently esteem, and call them Tequinas, which in their tongue is as much to say as Masters: notwithstanding that they call every man, that is cunning in any Science, by the same name, as Fishers, Fowlers, Hunters, or makers of Nets. These Tequinas therefore, they call the Masters of their Answers, because they speak with Tuyra, that is, the Devil, and bring them answer what he saith, Devil's Imposture. either as touching such things as they have to do, or shall chance to them the day following, or many days to come. For the Devil, being so ancient an Astronomer, knoweth the times of things, and seeth how they are naturally directed and inclined, and maketh them believe that they come so to pass by his ordinance, as though he were the Lord and mover of all that is and shall be, and that he giveth the day light, and rain, causeth tempest, and ruleth the stations of times, giving life, or taking away life, at his pleasure: By reason whereof, the Indians being deceived of him, and seeing also such effects to come certainly to pass as he hath told them before, believe him in all other things, and honour him in many places with Sacrifices of the blood and lives of men, and odoriferous Spices: And when God disposeth the contrary to that which the Devil hath spoken in Oracle, whereby he is proved a Liar, he causeth the Tequinas to persuade the people that he hath changed his mind and sentence for some of their sins, or deviseth some such lie as liketh him best, being a skilful Master in such subtle and crafty devices, to deceive the simple and ignorant people, which hath small defence against so mighty and crafty an Adversary. And as they call the Devil Tuyra, so do they in many places call the Christians by the same name, thinking that they greatly honour them thereby, as indeed it is a name very fit and agreeable to many of them, having laid apart all honesty and virtue, living more like Dragons than men, among these simple people. Before the Inhabitants of the Island of Hispaniola had received the Christian Faith, there was among them a Sect of 〈◊〉, which lived solitarily in the Deserts and Woods, and led their life in Silence and Abstinence more straight than ever did the Philosophers of Pythagoras' Sect, Pythagorea● Places. abstaining in like manner 〈◊〉 the eating of all things that live by blood, contented only with such Fruits, Herbs, and 〈◊〉, as the Deserts and Woods ministered unto them to eat: The Professors of this Sect were 〈◊〉 Places. They gave themselves to the knowledge of natural things, and used certain secret ●●gicall Operations and Superstitions, whereby they had familiarity with Spirits, which they a●ured into their own bodies, at such times as they would take upon them to tell of things to come, which they did in manner as followeth. When any of the Kings had occasion to call any of them ●ut of the Deserts for this purpose, their custom was to send them a portion of their fine Bread of Cazabi or Maiz, and with humble request and suit to desire them 〈…〉 them of such things as they would demand. After the request granted, and the place a● day appointed, the Piaces cometh with two of his Disciples waiting on him, where the one bringeth with him a Vessel of a secret Water, and the other a little Silver Bell When he cometh to the place, he sitteth down on a round seat made for him of purpose ●here having his Disciples the one standing on the one hand, and the other on the other, Indian conjurings or consultations. even the presence of the King and certain of his Nobles (for the common people are not admitte● 〈◊〉 these Mysteries) and turning his face toward the Desert, he beginneth his Enchantment, and calleth the Spirit with loud voice by certain names, which no man understands but he and his Disciples. After he hath done thus a while, if the Spirit yet 〈◊〉 his coming, he drinketh of the said Water, and therewith waxeth hot and 〈◊〉 and inverteth and turneth his Enchantment, and letteth himself blood with a thorn, maru●●●●usly turmoiling himself, as we read of the furious Sibyls, not ceasing until the spirit be come: who at his coming entereth into him, and overthroweth him, as it were a Greyhound should overturn a Squerell, then for a space, he seemeth to lie as though he were in great pain, or in a rapt, wonderfully tormenting himself, during which agony, the other Disciple shaketh the Silver Bell continually. Thus when the agony is past, and he lieth quietly (yet without any sense or feeling) the King, or some other in his stead, demandeth of him what he desired to know: and the spirit answered him by the mouth of the rapt Piaces, with a direct and perfect answer to all points: Insomuch that on a time certain Spaniards being present at these mysteries with one of the Kings, and in the Spanish tongue demanding the Piaces of their Ships which they looked for out Spain, the spirit answered in the Indian tongue, and told them what day and hour the Ships departed from Spain, how many they were, and what they brought, without failing in any point. If he be also demanded of the eclipse of the Sun or Moon (which they greatly fear and abhor) he giveth a perfect answer, Eclipses and Prognostications. and the like of tempests, famine, plenty, war or peace, and such other things. When all the demands are finished, his Disciples call him aloud, ringing the Silver Bell at his ear, and blowing a certain powder into his nostrils, whereby he is raised as it were from a dead sleep, being yet somewhat heavy headed and faint a good while after. Thus being again rewarded of the King with more bread, he departeth again to the deserts with his Disciples. But since the Christian faith hath been dispersed throughout the Island, these devilish practices have ceased, and they of the members of the Devil, are made the members of Christ by Baptism, forsaking the Devil and his works, with the vain curiosity of desire of knowledge of things to come, whereof for the most part it is better to be ignorant, then with vexation to know that which cannot be avoided. Reason why men kill themselves to serve their Masters in the other world. Furthermore, in many places of the firm Land, when any of the Kings die, all his household servants, aswell women as men, which have continually served him, kill themselves, believing as they are taught by the Devil Tuyra, that they that kill themselves when the King dyeth, go with him to heaven, and serve him in the same place and office as they did before on the earth while he lived: and that all that refuse so to do, when after they die by their natural death or otherwise, their souls to die with their bodies, and to be dissolved into air, and become nothing, as do the souls of Hogs, Birds, Fishes, or other bruit beasts: and that only the other may enjoy the privilege of immortality for ever, to serve the King in heaven. And of this false opinion cometh it, that they which sow corn, or set roots for the King's bread, and gather the same, are accustomed to kill themselves, that they may enjoy this privilege in heaven, and for the same purpose, cause a portion of the grain of Maiz, and a bundle of jucca (whereof their bread is made) to be buried with them in their graves, that the same may serve them in heaven, if perhaps there should lack seeds to sow, and therefore they take this with them, to begin withal, until Tuyra (who maketh them all these fair promises) provide them of greater quantity. This have I myself seen in the top of the Mountains of Guaturo, where having in prison the King of that Province (who rebelled from the obedience of your Majesty) and demanding of him to whom pertained those S●pultures or graves which I saw in his house: he answered, that they were of certain Indians which slew themselves at the death of his Father. And because they are oftentimes accustomed to bury great quantities of wrought gold with them, I caused two graves to be opened, wherein was nothing found but a vessel full of the grain of Maiz, and a bundle of jucca, as I have said. And demanding the cause hereof, of the King and the other Indians: they answered, that they that were 〈◊〉 there, were the labourers of the ground, and men skilful in sowing of seeds, and maki●● of bread, and servants to the King's father, and to the end that their souls should not dye ●ith their bodies, they slew themselves at the death of the King their Master, to live with 〈◊〉 heaven, and to the intent that they might serve him there in the same office, they reserve that Maiz and jucca, to sow it in heaven. Whereunto I answered them in this manner, 〈◊〉 how your Tuyra deceiveth you, and how all that he teacheth you is false. You see how 〈◊〉 so long a time since they are dead, they have not yet taken away this Maiz and jucca which is now purified and worth nothing, and not like to be sown in heaven. To this the King replied, saying▪ In that they have not taken it away, nor sown it in heaven, the cause is, that they chanced ● find enough there, by reason whereof they had no need of this. To this error many thing were said, which seemed of little force to remove him from his false opinion, and especially any ●uch as at that age are occupied of the Devil, whom they paint of the self same form and 〈◊〉, as he appeared unto them in diverse shapes and forms. They make also Images of Gold, Co●per, and Wood, to the same similitudes, Images of the Devil. in terrible shapes, and so variable, as the Painters are accustomed to paint them at the feet of Saint Michael the Archangel, or in any other place, 〈◊〉 they paint them of most torrible portraiture. Likewise when the devil greatly intendeth 〈…〉 them, he threateneth to send them great tempests, Tempests. which they call Furacanas, or 〈◊〉, and are so vehement, that they overthrow many houses, and great trees. And I have seen● Mountains, full of many and great trees, that for the space of three quarters of a league the ●●●ntaine hath been subverted, and the tree overthrown, and plucked out of the earth with 〈…〉. The gulf of Vraba, is distant from the Equinoctial line, from an hundr●● and twenty, to a hundred and thirty leagues, and three quarters of a league, after that account of seventeen leagues and a half for every degree from Pole to Pole: & thus for a little more or less, goeth all the coast. By reason whereof, in the City of Sancta Maria, Antiqua, in Dariena, and in all that course of the foresaid gulf of Vraba, at all times of the year the days and nights are in manner of equal length: and if there be any difference between them by reason of this small distance from the Equinoctial, it is so little, that in four and twenty hours, making a natural day, it cannot be perceived but by the judgement of speculative men, and such as understand the sphere. From hence the North Star is seen very low. Of diverse particular things, as Worms, Serpents, Beasts, Fowls, Trees, etc. I Will first speak of certain little and troublesome Beasts, which may seem to be engendered of nature to molest and vex men, to show them and give them to understand, how small and vile a thing may offend & disquiet them, to the end that they may remember the principal end for the which they were created, that is, to know their maker. In many parts of the firm Land, by the which as well the Christians as the Indians do travail, Small Worms troublesome. there are such marshes & waters in the way, that they are fain to go without breeches among the herbs & weeds, by reason where of, certain small beasts or worms (which they call Garapates) much like unto Ticks, cleave fast to their legs. These worms are as little as the powder of beaten Salt, & cleave so fast, that they can by no means be taken away, except the place be anointed with oil: & after that the legs be anointed a while with oil, or the other parts where these little Tickes are fastened, they scrape the place with a Knife, & so take them away. But the Indians which have no oil, smoke them, and burn them with fire, and abide great pains in taking them away by this means. Of other little Beasts which trouble men, and are engendered in their heads or other parts of their bodies, I say that the Christian men which travail into these parts, have them but seldom times, and that not past one or two, and this also very seldom: For passing by the line of the Diameter where the compass maketh difference of sailing by the wind called Greco (that is, North-east) and Magistral (that is, South-west) which is in the course of the Lands of Azori, they sail but a little way following our voyage by the West, but that all the Lice which the Christians carry with them, or are engendered in their heads, or other places of their bodies, die and utterly consume by little and little, and are not engendered in India, except in the heads of little children in those parts, as well among the children of the Christians which are borne there, Lice forsake them. as also among the natural Indians, who have them commonly in their heads, and sometimes in other parts of their bodies, and especially they of the Province of Cuena, which is a region containing more than a hundred leagues in length, and embraceth the one and the other coast of the North Sea, and of the East. When these Indians are infected with this filthiness, they dress and cleanse one another: And they that exercise this, are for the most part women, who eat all that they take, and have herein such dexterity by reason of their exercise, that our men cannot lightly attain thereunto. There is also another thing greatly to be considered: and this is, how the Christian men, being there clean from this filthiness of India, Lice find them again▪ as well in their heads as the rest of their bodies, yet when they return to come again into Europe, and begin to arrive in that place of the Ocean Sea where we said before that these Lice died and forsook them, suddenly in their repassing by the same clime (as though these Lice had tarried for them in that place) they can by no means avoid them for the space of certain days, although they change their shirts two or three times in a day. These Lice are at the first as little as Nits, and grow by little and little, until they be of the bigness that they are in Spain. This have I oftentimes proved, having now four times passed the Ocean Sea by this voyage. Beside these worms and vermin whereof we have spoken, there is another little mischievous worm, which we may number among the kinds of Fleas, this Pestilence the Indians call Nigua, and is much less than a Flea: it pierceth the flesh of a man, Nigua. and so lancheth or cutteth the same (while in the mean time it can neither be seen nor taken) that from some it hath cut off their hands, and from other their feet, until the remedy was found to anoint the place with Oil and scrape it with a Razor. In the firm Land in golden Castille or Beragua, there are many Vipers like unto them of Spain: they that are bitten of them, die in short space, for few live to the fourth day, Vipers. except present remedy. Of these, some are of less kind than other, and have their tail somewhat round, and leap in the air to assail men; and for this cause, some call this kind of Vipers Tyro: their biting is most venomous●, and for the most part incurable. One of them chanced to bite an Indian Maid which served me in my house, to whom I caused the Surgians to minister their ordinary cure, but they could do her no good, nor yet get one drop of blood out of her, but only a yellow water, so that she died the third day for lack of remedy, as the like hath chanced to diverse others. This Maid was of the age of fourteen years, and spoke the Spanish tongue as if she had been borne in Castille: she said that the Viper which bit her, on the foot, was two spans long, or little less: and that to bite her, she leapt in the air for the space of more than six paces, as I have heard the like of other credible persons. Adders. I have also seen in the firm Land a kind of Adders, very small, and of seven or eight foot long; these are so red, that in the night they appear like burning coals, and in the day seem as red as blood, these are also venomous, but not so much as the Vipers. There are other much less and shorter, and blacker: these come out of the Rivers, and wander sometimes far on the Land, and are likewise venomous. There are also other Adders of a russet colour: these are somewhat bigger than the Viper, and are hurtful and venomous. There are likewise another sort of many colours, and very long: of these I saw one in the year of Christ 1515. in the Island of Hispaniola, near unto the Sea coasts, at the foot of the Mountains called Pedernales. When this Adder was slain, I measured her, & found her to be more than twenty foot long, and somewhat more than a man's fist in bigness: and although she had three or four deadly wounds with a Sword, yet died she not, nor stunk the same day, in so much that her blood continued warm all that time. There are also in the Marshes and deserts of the firm Land many other kinds of Lysarts, Dragons, Dragons. and diverse other kinds of Serpents, whereof I intent not here to speak much, because I have more particularly entreated of these things in my general history of the West Indies. There are tlso Spiders of marvelous bigness, and I have seen some with body and legs bigger than a man's hand extended every way, Spider's huge. and I once saw one of such bigness, that only her body was as big as a Sparrow, and full of that Laune whereof they make their webs: this was of a dark russet colour, with eyes greater than the eyes of a Sparrow, they are venomous, and of terrible shape to behold. There are also Scorpions, and diverse other such venomous worms. Furthermore in the firm Land, there are many Toads, being very noious and hurtful by reason of their great multitude, Toads. they are not venomous, they are seen in great abundance in Dareena, where they are so big that when they die in the time of drought, the bones of some of them (and especially the ribs) are of such greatness, that they appear to be the bones of Cats, or of some other beasts of the same bigness. But as the waters diminish, & the moisture consumeth in the time of drought (as I have said) they also consume therewith, Their renewing. until the year next following when the rain and moisture increase, at which time they are seen again. Nevertheless, at this present there is no such quantity of them, as was wont to be, by reason that as the Land is better cultured by the Christians, as well by the felling of Woods and Shrubs, as also by the Pasture of Kine, Horses, and other beasts, so is it apparent that this poison diminisheth daily, whereby that region becometh more wholesome and pleasant. Singing. These Toads sing after three or four sort, for some of them sing pleasantly, other like ours of Spain, some also whistle, and other some make another manner of noise: they are likewise of diverse colours, as some green, some russet or grey, and some almost black, but of all sorts they are great and filthy, and noious by reason of their great multitude, yet are they not venomous, as I have said. There are also a strange kind of Crabs, which come forth of certain holes of the earth, that they themselves make: Crabs or rather Tortoises. the head and body of these make one round thing, much like to the hood of a Falcon, having four feet coming out of the one side, and as many out of the other: they have also two mouths, like unto a pair of small Pincers, the one bigger than the other, wherewith they bite, but do no great hurt, because they are not venomous: their skin and body is smooth, and thin, as is the rkinne of a man, saving that it is somewhat harder; their colour is russet, or white, or blue, and walk sidelong, they are very good to be eaten, in so much that the Christians travailing by the firm Land, have been greatly nourished by them, because they are found in manner every where: in shape and form they are much like unto the Crab which we paint for the sign Cancer, and like unto those which are found in Spain in Andalusia in the River Guadalchiber, where it entereth into the Sea, and in the Sea coasts there about, saving that these are of the water, and the other of the land: they are sometimes hurtful, so that they that eat of them dye, but this chanceth only when they have eaten any venomous thing, or of the venomous apples wherewith the Cannibal archers poison their arrows, whereof I will speak hereafter, and for this cause the Christians take heed how they eat of these Crabs, if they find them near unto the said apple trees. Furthermore in these Indies, as well in the firm land, as in the Lands, there is found a kind of Serpents, which they call Yuanas, which some call juannas, Serpents called juanni. these are terrible and fearful to fight, and yet not hurtful, they are very delicate to be eaten, and it is not yet known whether they be beasts of the land, or fishes, because they live in the water, and wander in the woods, and on the land: they have four feet, and are commonly bigger than Coneys, and in some places bigger than Otters, with tails like Lysarts or Eutes: their skin is spotted, and of the same kind of smoothness or bareness, although of diverse colours: upon the ridge of their backs, they have many long pricks, their teeth are very sharp, and especially their fangs or dog teeth, their throats are l●ng and large, reaching from their beards to their breasts, of the like skin to the residue of their bodies: they are dumb, and have no voice, or make any noise, or cry, although they be kept tied to the foot of a chest, or any other thing, for the space of twenty or five and twenty days, without any thing to eat or drink, except they give them now and then a little of the bread of Cazabi, or some such other thing: they have four feet, and their forefeet as long as a man's finger, with claws like the claws of a bird, but weaker, and such as cannot grasple or take hold of any thing: they are much better to be eaten then to behold, for few that see them, will have desire to eat of them, by reason of their horrible shape, except such as have been accustomed to the beasts of these regions, which are more horrible and fearful, as this is not, but only in appearance: their flesh is of much better taste than the flesh of Coneys, and more wholesome, for it hurteth none but only such as have had the French pox, in so much, N●te. that if they have been touched of that infirmity, although they have been whole of long time, nevertheless they feel hurt, and complain of the eating of these juannas, as hath been oftentimes proved by experience. There are found in the firm land certain birds, so little, that the whole body of one of them is no bigger than the top of the biggest finger of a man's hand, Small Birds. T●mineios. and yet is the bare body without the feathers not half so big: This Bird, beside her littleness, is of such velositie and swiftness in flying, that who so seeth her flying in the air, cannot see her slap or beat her wings after any other sort than do the Dorres, or humble Bees, or beetles: so that there is no man that seeth her fly, that would think her to be any other than a Do●re: they make their nests according to the proportion of their bigness, and I have seen that one of these Birds with her nest put in a pair of gold weights altogether, hath weighed no more than 2. Tomini, which are in poise 24. grains, with the feathers, without the which she should have weighed some what less. And doubtless, when I consider the fineness of the claws and feet of these Birds, I know not whereunto I may better liken them, then to the little birds which the lymners of books are accustomed to paint on the margin of Church Books, and other Books of Divine Service. Their Feathers are of many fair colours, as golden, yellow, and green, beside other variable colours: their beak is very long for the proportion of their bodies, and as fine and subtle as a sowing needle: they are very hardy, so that when they see a man climb the tree where they have their nests, they fly at his face, and strike him in the eyes, coming, going, and returning with such swiftness, that no man would lightly believe it, that hath not seen it: and certainly these birds are so little, that I durst not have made mention hereof, if it were not that diverse others which have seen them as well as I, can bear witness of my saying: they make their nests of flocks and cotton, whereof there is great plenty in these regions, and serveth well for their purpose. But as touching the Birds, Fowls, and Beasts of these Indies, because they are innumerable, both little and great, I intent not to speak much here, because I have spoken more largely hereof in my general History of the Indies. There is another kind of Beasts seen in the firm Land, which seemeth very strange and marvelous to the Christian men to behold, and much differing from all other Beasts which have been seen in other parts of the world: these Beasts are called Bardati, and are four footed, having their tail and all the rest of their bodies covered only with a skin like the coperture of a barbed horse, Bardati or Armadillos'; a kind of Moles or the chequered skin of a Lisart or Crocodile, of colour between white and russet, inclining somewhat more to white. This Beast is of form and shape much like to a barbed horse, with his barbes and stankets in all points, and from under that which is the barb and coperture, the tail cometh forth, and the feet in their place, the neck also and the ears in their parts, and in fine all things in like sort as in a barbed courser: they are of the bigness of one of these common Dogs, they are not hurtful, they are filthy, and have their habitation in certain hillocks of the earth, where digging with their feet, they make their dens very deep, and the holes thereof, in like manner as do Coneys: they are very excellent to be eaten, and are taken with nets, and some also killed with Crossbows: they are likewise taken oftentimes when the Husbandmen burn the stubble in sowing time, or to renew the herbage for Kine and other Beasts. I have oftentimes eaten of their flesh, which seemeth to me of better taste than Kids' flesh, and wholesome to be eaten. And if these Beasts had ever been seen in these parts of the world, where the first barbed Horses had their original, no man would judge but that the form and fashion of the coperture of Horses furnished for the wars, was first devised by the sight of these Beasts. There is also in the firm Land another beast, called Ors● 〈◊〉, that is, the Ante-beare. This beast in hair and colour, is much like to the Bea●e of Spain, Beare●▪ and in manner of the same making, save that he hath a much longer snove, and is of evil fight: they are oftentimes taken only with staffs, without any other weapon, and are not hurtful, they are also taken with Dogs, because they are not naturally armed, although they bite somewhat, they are found for the most part about and near to the hillocks where are great abundance of Ants. For in these Regions is engendered a certain kind of Ants, very little and black▪ in the Fields and Plains whereas grow no Trees, Ante●. where by the instinct of Nature these Ants separate themselves to engender far from the Woods for fear of these Bears, the which because they are fearful, vile, and unarmed (as I have said) they keep ever in places full of Trees, until very famine and necessity, or the great desire that they have to feed on these Ants, cause them to come out of the Woods to hunt for them: these Ants make a hillock of earth to the height of a man, or somewhat more or less, and as big as a great Chest, and sometimes as big as a Bu● or a Hogshead, and as hard as a stone, so that they seem as though they were stones, set up to limit the ends and confines of certain Lands. Within these hillocks, made of most hard earth, are innumerable and infinite little Ants, the which may be gathered by bushels when the hillock is broken: the which when it is sometimes moisted by rain, and then dried again by the heat of the Sun, it breaketh, and hath certain small rifts, as little and subtle as the edge of a Knife, and it seemeth that Nature hath given sense to these Ants to find such a matter of earth, wherewith they may make the said hillock of such hardness, that it may seem a strong pavement made of lime and stone: johson mentions the like near Gamb●a. and whereas I have proved and caused some of them to be broken, I have found them of such hardness, as if I had not seen, I could not have believed, insomuch that they could scarcely be broken with Pikes of Iron, so strong Fortresses do these little beasts make for their safeguard against their adversary the Bear, who is chiefly nourished by them, and given them as an enemy, according to the common Proverb which saith, Non calcuna persona si libera, a chimanchi il suo Bargello, that is, There is no man so free, that hath not his Persecutor or privy Enemy. Great wonders in least creatures. And here when I consider the marvelous providence which Nature hath given to these little bodies, I call to remembrance the witty Sentence of Pliny, where speaking of such little beasts, he saith thus, Why do we marvel at the Towre-bearing shoulders of Elephants, and not rather where Nature hath placed so many senses and such industry in such little bodies? Where is Hearing, Smelling, Seeing, and Feeling, yea, where are the Veins and Arteries (without which no beast can live or move) in these so little bodies, whereof some are so small that their whole bodies can scarcely be seen of our eyes: What shall we then say of the parts of the same? Yet even among these there are many of such sagacity and industry, as the like is not seen in beasts of greater quantity, no nor yet in man, etc. But to return to the History. This Enemy which nature hath given to these little Beasts, useth this manner to assail them: When he resorteth to the Hillock where the Ants lie hid as in their fortress, he putteth his tongue to one of the rifts whereof we have spoken, being as subtle as the edge of a Sword, and therewith continual licking, maketh the place moist, the foam and froth of his mouth being of such property, that by continual licking the place, it enlargeth the rift in such sort by little and little, that at the length he easily putteth in his tongue, which he hath very long and thin, and much disproportionate to his body, and when he hath thus made free passage for his tongue in the hillock, to put it easily in and out at his pleasure, than he thrusteth it into the hole as far as he can reach, and so letteth it rest a good space, until a great quantity of the Ants (whose nature rejoiceth in heat and moisture) have laden his tongue, and as many as he can contain in the hollowness thereof, at which time he suddenly draweth it into his mouth, and eateth them, and returneth again to the same practice immediately, until he have eaten as many as him listeth, or as long as he can reach any with his tongue. The flesh of this Beast, is filthy and unsavoury, but by reason of the extreme shifts and necessity that the Christian men were put to at their first coming into these parts, they were enforced to prove all things, and so fell to the eating of these Beasts: but when they had found more delicate meats, they fell into hatred with this. These Ants have the appearance of the place of their entrance into the hillock, under the ground, and this at so little a hole, that it could hardly be found, if certain of them were not seen to pass in and out: but by this way the Bears could have no such power to hurt them as above at the said rifts, as I have said. There is anoother strange beast, which by a name of contrary effect, the Spaniards call Cagnuolo leggiero, A strange beast which seemeth a kind of Camelion. that is, The Light Dog, whereas it is one of the slowest beasts in the World, and so heavy and dull in moving, that it can scarcely go fifty pases in a whole day: these beasts are in the firm Land, and are very strange to behold for the disproportion that they have to all other beasts: they are about two spans in length when they are grown to their full bigness, but when they are very young, they are somewhat more gross then long: they have four subtle feet, and in every of them four claws like unto Birds, and joined together, yet are neither their claws or their feet able to sustain their bodies from the ground, by reason whereof, and by the heaviness of their bodies, they draw their bellies on the ground: their necks are high and straight, and all equal like the pestle of a Mortar, which is altogether equal even unto the top, without making any proportion or similitude of a head, or any difference except in the noddle, and in the tops of their necks: they have very round faces much like unto Owls, and have a mark of their own hair after the manner of a Circle, which maketh their faces seem somewhat more long than large: they have small eyes and round, & nostrils like unto Monkeys: they have little mouths, and move their necks from one side to another, as though they were astonished: their chief desire and delight is to cleave and stick fast unto Trees, or some other thing whereby they may climb aloft, and therefore for the most part, these beasts are found upon Trees, whereunto cleaving fast, they mount up by little and little, staying themselves by their long claws; the colour of their hair is between russet and white, and of the proper colour of the hair of a weasel: they have no tails, and their voice is much differing from other beasts, for they sing only in the night, and that continually from time to time, singing ever six notes one higher than another, so falling with the same, that the first note is the highest, and the other in a base tune, as if a man should say, Lafoy, sol, fa, mi, re, ut, so this beast saith, Ha, ha, h●, ha, ha, ha. And doubtless, it seemeth to me, that as I have said in the Chapter of the beast called Bardati, that those beasts might be the original and document to imbarbe Horses: even so, the first invention of Music might seem by the hearing of this beast, to have the first principles of that Science, rather than by any other thing in the World. But now to return to the History. I say that in a short space after this Beast hath sung, and hath paused a while, she returneth again to the selfsame Song, and doth this only in the night, and not in the day: By reason whereof, and also because of her evil sight, I think her to be a night Beast, and the friend of darkness. Sometimes the Christian men find these Beasts, and bring them home to their houses, where also they creep all about with their natural slowness, insomuch that neither for threatening or pricking they will move any faster than their natural and accustomed pace. And if they find any Trees, they creep thither immediately, and mount to the top of the highest branch thereof, where they remain continually for the space of eight, or ten, or twenty days, without eating of any thing, as far as any man can judge. And whereas I myself have kept them in my house, I could never perceive other but that they live only of Air: and of the same opinion, are in manner all men of those Regions, because they have never seen them eat any thing, but ever turn their heads and mouths toward that part where the wind bloweth most, whereby may be considered that they take most pleasure in the Air. They bite not, nor yet can bite, having very little mouths: they are not venomous or noyous any way, but altogether brutish, and utterly unprofitable, and without commodity yet known to men, saving only to move their minds to contemplate the infinite power of God, who delighteth in the variety of creatures, whereby appeareth the power of his incomprehensible wisdom and majesty, so far to exceed the capacity of man's understanding. In these Regions there are likewise found certain Fowls or Birds, which the Indians call Alcatraz: these are much bigger than Geese, Fowls and Birds. Alcatraz. the greatest part of their feathers are of russet colour, and in some parts yellow, their bills or beaks are of two spans in length, and very large near to the head, and growing small toward the point, they have great and large throats, and are much like to a Fowl which I saw in Flanders, in Brussels in your Majesty's Palace, which the Flemings call Haina: And I remember that when your Majesty dined one day in your great Hall, there was brought to your Majesty's presence a Cauldron of water with certain fishes alive, which the said fowl did eat up whole, and I think verily that that fowl was a fowl of the Sea, because she had feet like fowls of the water, as have also these Alcatrazi, which are likewise fowls of the Sea, and of such greatness, that I have seen a whole coat of a man put into the throats of one of them in Panama, in the year 1521. And forasmuch as in that Coast of Pama, there passeth and flieth a great multitude of these Alcatrazi, being a thing very notable, Panama. I will declare the manner hereof, as not only I, but also diverse other now present in your Majesty's Court have oftentimes seen. Your Majesty shall therefore understand, that in this place (as I have said before) the Sea of Sur riseth and falleth two leagues and more from six hours to six hour: so that when it increaseth, the water of the Sea arriveth so near to the houses of Panama, as doth our Sea (called Mare Mediterraneum) in Barzalona, or in Naples: and when the said increasing of the Sea cometh, there cometh also therewith such a multitude of small fishes called Sardines, that it is so marvelous a thing to behold, that no man would believe it that hath not seen it. Insomuch that the Cacique (that is) the King of that Land, Pilchards. at such time as I dwelled there, was bound daily, as he was commanded by your Majesty's Governor, to bring ordinarily three Canoas' or Barks full of the said Sardines, and to unlade the same in the Market place, which were afterward by the Ruler of the City divided among the Christian men, without any cost or charge to any of them: Insomuch that if the people had been a much greater multitude than they were, and as many as are at this present in Toledo, or more, and had none other thing to live by, they might have been sufficiently sustained by these Sardines, beside the overplus which should have remained. But to return to the fowls, whereof we have spoken. As the Sea cometh, and the Sardines with the same, even so likewise come the said Alcatrazzi therewith, and fly continually over it in such a multitude, that they appear to cover the upper part or floor of the water, and thus continue in mounting and falling from the air to the water, and from the water to the air, during all the time of their fishing: and as soon as they have taken any of these Sardines, they fly above the waters, and eat them incontinently, and suddenly return again to the water for more, continuing thus course by course without ceasing: in like manner when the Sea falleth, they follow their fishing as I have said. There goeth also in the company of these fowls another kind of fowls, called Coda inforcata, (that is) the forked tail, whereof I have made mention before, and as soon as the Alcatraz mounteth from the water with her prey of the Sardines, suddenly this Coda inforcata giveth her so many strokes, and so persecuteth her, that she causeth her to let fall the Sardines which she hath in her mouth: the which as soon as they are fallen, and before they yet touch the water, the Coda inforcata catcheth them even in the fall, in such sort, that it is a great pleasure to behold the combat between them all the day long. The number of these Alcatrazzi is such, that the Christian men are accustomed to send to certain Lands and Rocks which are near about Panama, with their Boats or Barks to take these Alcatrazzi, while they are yet young, and cannot fly, and kill as many of them with staffs as they will, until they have therewith laden their Barks or Canoas': these young ones are so fat and well fed, that they cannot be eaten, and are taken for none other intent, but only to make Grease for Candles to burn in the night, for the which purpose it serveth very well, and giveth a clear light, and burneth easily. After this manner, and for this purpose, innumerable of them are killed: and yet it seemeth that the number of them that fish for Sardines do daily increase. There are other fowls called Passere sempie, that is, simple Sparowes: these are somewhat less than Seamewes', and have their feet like unto great Malards', Passere sempie. and stand in the water sometimes, and when the ships sail fifty or a hundred leagues about the Lands, these fowls beholding the ships coming toward them, break their flight, and fall down upon the Sail yards, Masts, and Cables thereof, and are so simple and foolish, that they tarry until they may easily be taken with men's hands, and were therefore called of the Mariners simple Sparrows: they are black, and upon their black, have their head and shoulders of feathers of a dark russet colour: they are not good to be eaten, although the Mariners have sometimes been enforced to eat them. There is another kind of Birds in the firm Land, Picuti, Birds with bills heavier than bodies. which the Christians call Picuti, because they have very great beaks, in respect of the littleness of their bodies, for their beaks are very heavy, and weigh more than their whole bodies beside: these Birds are no bigger than Quails, but have a much greater ambushment of feathers insomuch that their feathers are more than their bodies: their feathers are very fair, and of many variable colours; their beaks are a quarter of a yard in length or more, and bending down toward the Earth, and three fingers broad near unto the head: their tongues are very quills, wherewith they make a great hissing: they make holes in Trees with their beaks, in the which they make their Nests. And surely these Birds are marvelous to behold, for the great difference which they have from all other Birds that I have seen, aswell for their tongues (which are quills as I have said) as also for the strangeness of their sight and disproportion of their great beaks, in respect of the rest of their bodies. There are no Birds found that provide better for the safeguard of their young in the time of their breeding, to be without danger of wild Cats, that they enter not into their Nests to destroy their Eggs or young, and this aswell by the strange manner of building their Nests, as also by their own defence: and therefore when they perceive that the Cats approach toward them, they enter into their Nests, and holding their beaks toward the entrance of the same, stand at their defence, and so vex the Cats, that they cause them to leave their enterprise. There are also other Birds or Sparrows, which the Christians by contrary effect call Matti, that is Fools: Whereas nevertheless there is no Bird that showeth more wit and craft in defending her young from peril. Foolish Sparowes, wisely provident. These Birds are little, and in manner black, and somewhat bigger than our Thrushes: they have certain white feathers in their necks, and the like sagacity or sharpness of sense as have the Birds or Pies called Gazzuole: they seldom times light upon the earth: they make their Nests in Trees separated from other, because the Monkeys are accustomed to leap from Tree to Tree, not descending to the ground for fear of other beasts, except when they are enforced by thirst to come down to drink, at such times as they are sure not to be molested, and for this cause do not these Birds make their Nests but in Trees far divided from other, they make them of a Cubit in length, or more, after the manner of bags or little sacks, large at the bottom, and growing narrower and narrower toward the mouth, whereby they are fastened, having the hole whereat they enter into the sack, of such bigness as may only suffice to receive them. And to the end that the Monkeys may not devour their young, if they chance to mount upon the Trees where they have their Nests, they use another craft, which is, to make their Nests in thick branches of Trees, and to defend the same with sharp and strong thorns, implicate and set in such order, that no man is able to make the like, so that the Monkeys can by no means put their legs into the hole of the Nest to take out the young Birds, aswell for the sharpness of the thorns, as also for the depth of the Nests, in the bottom whereof, the young Birds rest without danger of their enemy: for some of their Nests being three or four spans in length, the leg of the Monkey cannot reach to the bottom thereof. They use also another policy, which is, to make many of their Nests in one Tree, the which they do for one of these two causes: that is, that either of their own natural disposition they are accustomed to go in great multitudes, and rejoice in the company of their own generation, as do the Birds which we call Stairs, or else to the intent that if it should so chance that the Monkeys should climb the Trees where they make their Nests, they might be a greater company to resist and molest the Monkeys, at whose approach they make a fearful and terrible cry, whereby the Monkeys are put to flight. Furthermore, in the firm Land, and in the Lands, there are certain Birds called Piche, or Gazzuole, somewhat like unto those which we call Wood-wals, Gazzuole. or Wood-peckes, being less than ours of Spain: these are altogether black, and go hopping and leaping, their beaks are also black, and of the same fashion as are the popinjays beaks, they have long tails, and are somewhat bigger than Stairs. There are other Birds called Pintadellis, which are like unto certain green Birds, Pintadellis. which the Itrlians call Fringuelli, and are of seven colours: these Birds for fear of the Monkeys, are ever wont to make their Nests over the banks of Rivers, or the Sea, where the branches of Trees so reach over the water, that with a little weight they may bow down to the water: their Nests are made so near the tops of the branches, that when the Monkeys come thereon, the branches bend toward the water, and the Monkeys turn back again for fear of falling: For although no beast in the World be more malicious than this, yet whereas the most part of beasts are naturally inclined to swim, this Monkey hath no manner of aptness thereunto, and is therefore soon drowned or strangled in the water, and by a privy sense of Nature feareth the danger which he cannot escape. These Birds make their Nests in such sort, that although they be wet and filled with water, yet do they so suddenly rise up again, that the young Birds are not thereby hurt or drowned. There are also many Nightingales, and other Birds which sing marvellously with great melody and difference in singing: these Birds are of marvelous diverse colours the one from the other, some are altogether yellow, and some other of so excellent, delectable, and high a colour, as it were a Ruby, other are also of diverse and variable colours, some of few colours, and other some all of one colour, being all so fair and beautiful, that in brightness and shining they excel all that are in Spain, or Italy, or other Provinces of Europe. Many of these are taken with Nets, lime-twigs, and springs of diverse sorts. Great Fowls. diverse other sorts of great fowls like unto Eagles, and such other as live of prey, are found in the firm Land, of such diversity, that it is in manner impossible to describe them all particularly: and forasmuch as I have more largely entreated hereof in my general History of the Indies, I think it not requisite here to make any further mention of the same. Of Trees, Fruits, and Plants. THere is both in the firm Land and the Lands a certain Tree called Coco, Cocos. being a kind of Date Trees, and having their leaves of the selfsame greatness, as have the Date Trees which bear Dates, but differ much in their growing, for the leaves of this Coco grow out of the trunks of the Tree, as do the fingers out of the hand, wreathing themselves one within another, and so spreading abroad: these Trees are high, and are found in great plenty in the Coast of the Sea of Sur, in the Province of Cacique Chiman. These Date Trees bring forth a Fruit after this sort: being altogether unite as it groweth on the Tree, it is of greater circumference than the head of a man, and from the superficial part to the midst, which is the fruit, it is involved and covered with many Webs much like unto those Hirds of Tow which they use in Andalusia. Of this Tow or Web, the East Indians make a certain kind of Cloth, of three or four sorts, and Cordes for the Sails of Ships: but in these Indies of your Majesty, they pass not for these Coards, or this Cloth that may be made of the Fruit of Coco, by reason of the great plenty that they have of the Bombage or Cotton of Gossampine Trees. The Fruit which is in the midst of the said Tow, is (as I have said) as big as a man's fist, and sometimes twice as big, and more: It in form like unto a Walnut, o● some other round thing, somewhat more long than large, and very hard, the rind or burke hereof, is as thick as the circle of Letters of a Rial of Plate, and within, there cleaveth fast to the rind of the Nut a carnosity or substance of coornell, of the thickness of half a finger, or of the least finger of the hand, and is very white, like unto a fair Almond, and of better taste and more pleasant. When this Fruit is chewed, there remain certain crumbs, as do the like of Almonds: Yet if it be swallowed down, it is not unpleasant. For although that after the juice or moisture be gone down the throat before the said crumbs be swallowed, the rest which is eaten, seem somewhat sharp or sour, yet doth it not so greatly offend the taste, as to be cast away. While this Cocus is yet fresh and newly taken from the Tree, they use not to eat of the said carnosity and Fruit, but first beating it very much, and then straining it, they draw a Milk thereof, much better and sweeter then is the Milk of Beasts, and of much substance, the which the Christian men of those Regions put in the Tarts or Cakes which they make of the grain of Maiz whereof they make their Bread, I have seen one of these Fruits opened, the which when it was whole, if it were shaken the water was hard shogge therein as it were in a Bottle, but in time it consumed & was partly congealed into a salt substance or in other Bread as we put Bread in Pottage: so that by reason of the said Milk of Cocus, the Tarts arm more excellent to be eaten without offence to the stomach: they are so pleasant to the taste, and leave it aswell satisfied as though it had been delighted with many delicate Dishes. But to proceed further, your Majesty shall understand, that in the place of the stone or coornell, there is in the midst of the said carnosity a void place, which nevertheless is full of a most clear and excellent water, in such quantity as may fill a great Egg shell, or more, or less, according to the bigness of the Cocos, the which water surely, is the most substantial, excellent and precious to be drunk, that may be found in the World: insomuch that in the moment when it passeth the palate of the mouth, and beginneth to go down the throat, it seemeth that from the sole of the foot, to the crown of the head, there is no part of the body but that feeleth great comfort thereby: as it is doubtless one of the most excellent things that may be tasted upon the earth, and such as I am not able by writing or tongue to express. And to proceed yet further, I say that when the meat of this fruit is taken from the Vessel thereof, the vessel remaineth as fair and neat as though it were polished, Good against the wind and stone Colic. and is without of colour inclining toward black, and shineth or glistereth very fair, and is within of no less delicateness. Such as have accustomed to drink in these Vessels, and have been troubled with the Disease called the fretting of the guts, say that they have by experience found it a marvelous remedy against that Disease, and that it breaketh the stone, and provoketh urine. This fruit was called Coca, for this cause, that when it is taken from the place where it cleaveth fast to the Tree, there are seen two holes, and above them two other natural holes, which altogether do represent the gesture and figure of the Cats called Mammon's, that is, Monkeys, when they cry, which cry the Indians call Coca, but in very deed, this Tree is a kind of Date Tree, and hath the same effect to heal fretting of the guts, that Pliny describeth all kind of Date trees to have. There are furthermore in the firm Land, Trees of such bigness that I dare not speak thereof, but in place where I have so many witnesses which have seen the same as well as I. Great Trees. I say therefore, that a league from Dariena or the Gitie of Sancta Maria Antiqua, there passeth a River very large and deep, which is called Cuti, over the which the Indians laid a great Tree, so traversing the same, that it was in the stead of a bridge, the which I myself with diverse other that are at this present in your Majesty's Court, have oftentimes passed over. And forasmuch as the said Tree had lain long there, and by the great weight thereof was so shrunk downward, and partly covered with water, that none could pass over it, but were wet to the knee, I being then in the year 1522. the official or justice in that City at your Majesty's appointment, caused another great Tree to be laid in that place, which in like manner traversed the River, and reached more than fifty foot over the further side: This Tree was exceeding great, and rested above the water more than two Cubits, in the fall, it cast down all such other Trees as were within the reach thereof, and discovered certain bynes, which were so laden with black Grapes of pleasant taste, that they satisfied more than fifty persons which ate their fill thereof. This Tree, in the thickest part thereof, was more than sixteen spans thick, and was nevertheless but little in respect of many other trees which are found in this Province. For the Indians of the Coast and Province of Cartagenia, make Barks or Boats thereof (which they call Canoas') of such bigness, being all one whole Tree, Great Canoas' that some contain a hundred men, some a hundred and thirty, and some more, having nevertheless such void space within the same, that there is left sufficient room to pass to and fro throughout all the Canoas'. Some of these are so large, beside the length, that they contain more than ten or twelve spans in breadth, and sail with two sails, as with the Master sail and the trinket, which they make of very good Cotton. The greatest Trees that I have seen in these parts, or in any other Regions, was in the Province of Guaturo, the King whereof rebelling from the obedience of your Majesty, was pursued by me, and taken Prisoner: at which time I with my company, passed over a very high Mountain, full of great Trees, in the top whereof, we found one Tree, which had three roots, or rather divisions of the root above the Earth, in form of a Triangle, or Trevet, so that between every foot of this Triangle or three feet, there was a space of twenty foot between every foot, A marvelous Tree. and this of such height above the Earth, that a laden Cart of those wherewith they are accustomed to bring home Corn in time of Harvest in the Kingdom of Toledo in Spain, might easily have passed through every of those partitions or windoores which were between the three feet of the said Tree. From the Earth upward to the trunk of the Tree, the open places of the divisions between these three feet, were of such height from the ground, that a Footman with a javelin was not able to reach the place where the said feet joined together in the trunk or body of the Tree, which grew of great height in one piece, and one whole body, or ever it spread in branches, which it did not before it exceeded in height the Tower of Saint Roman in the City of Toledo: from which height and upward, it spread very great and strong branches. Among certain Spaniards which climbed this Tree, I myself was one, and when I was ascended to the place where it begun to spread the branches, it was a marvelous thing to behold a great Country of such Trees toward the Province of Abrayme. This Tree was easy to climb, by reason of certain Besuchi, (whereof I have spoken before) which grew wreathed about the Tree, in such sort that they seemed to make a scaling Ladder. Every of the foresaid three feet which bore the body of the Tree, was twenty spans in thickness, and where they joined altogether about the Trunk or body of the Tree, the principal Trunk was more than forty and five spans in circuit. I named the Mountain where these Trees grow, the Mountain of three footed Trees. And this which I have now declared, was seen of all the company that was there with me when (as I have said before) I took King Guaturo Prisoner in the year 1522. Many things more might here be spoken as touching this matter, as also how there are many other excellent Trees found of diverse sorts and difference, as sweet Cedar Trees, black Date Trees, and many other, of the which some are so heavy that they cannot float about the water, but sink immediately to the bottom, and other again as light as a Cork. As touching all which things I have written more largely in my general History of the Indies. And for as much as at this present I have entered to entreat of Trees, before I pass any further to other things, I will declare the manner how the Indians kindle fire, Kindling of fire without fire. only with Wood and without fire, the manner whereof is this. They take a piece of wood, of two spans in length, as biggeas the least finger of a man's hand, or as an arrow well polished, and of a strong kind of wood which they keep only for this purpose: and where they intent to kindle any fire, they take two other pieces of wood, of the driest and lightest that they can find, and bind them fast together one with another, as close as two fingers joined: in the midst or between these, they put the point of the first little staff made of hard and strong wood, which they hold in their hands by the top thereof, and turn or rub it round about continually in one place between the two pieces of wood which lie bound together upon the earth, which by that uncessant rubbing and chase, are in short space kindled, and take fire. Putrified wood shining in the night. I have also thought good here to speak somewhat of such things as come to my remembrance of certain Trees which are found in this Land, and sometime also the like have been seen in Spain. These are certain putrified trunks, which have l●en so long rotting on the earth, that they are very white, and shine in the night like burning firebrands, and when the Spaniards find any of this wood, and intent privily in the night to make war and invade any Province, when case so requireth that it shall be necessary to go in the night, in such places where they know not the way, the foremost Christian man which guideth the way, associate with an Indian to direct him therein, taketh a little star of the said wood, which he putteth in his cap, hanging behind on his shoulders, by the light whereof he that followeth next to him, directeth his journey, who also in like manner beareth another star behind him, by the shining whereof the third followeth the same way, and in like manner do all the rest, so that by this means none are lost or straggle out of the way. And for as much as this light is not seen very far, it is the better policy for the Christians, because they are not thereby disclosed before they invade their enemies. Furthermore, as touching the natures of Trees, one particular thing seemeth worthy to be noted, whereof Pliny maketh mention in his natural History, Pliny. where he saith that there are certain Trees which continue ever green and never lose their leaves, as the Bay-tree, the Cedar, the Orange-tree, and the Olive-tree, with such other, of the which in altogether he nameth not past five or six. To this purpose, I say, that in the Lands of these Indies, and also in the firm land, Almost ●ll Indian trees continue ever green. it is a thing of much difficulty to find two Trees that lose or cast their leaves at any time: for although I have diligently searched to know the truth hereof, yet have I not seen any that lose their leaves, either of them which we have brought out of Spain into these regions, as Orange-trees, Lemons, Cedars, Palms, or Date-trees, and Pomegranate-trees, Cassia. or of any other in these regions, except only Cassia, which loseth his leaves, Earth hot lower than a fathom. A secret thing. Radical moisture. and hath a greater thing appropriate to itself only: which is, that whereas all other Trees and Plants of India spread their roots no deeper in the earth than the depth of a man's height, or somewhat more, not descending any further into the ground, by reason of the great heat which is found beneath that depth, yet doth Cassia pierce further into the ground, until it find water: which by the Philosopher's opinion should be the cause of a thin and watery radical moisture to such things as draw their nourishment thereof, as fat and unctuous grounds with temperate heat, yield a fast and firm moisture to such things as grow in them, which is the cause that such Trees lose not their leaves, as the said thin and waterish moisture is cause of the contrary, as appeareth by the said effect which is seen only in Cassia, and none other Tree or Plant in all these parts. Of Reeds or Canes. IN the firm land there are many sorts of Reeds, so that in many places they make their houses thereof, covering them with the tops of the same, and making their walls of them in like manner, as I have said before: and among these kinds of Reeds, there is one so great, that the Canes thereof are as big as a man's leg in the knee, and three spans in length from joint to joint, or more, in so much that every of them is of capacity to contain a little bucket of water. In this kind, there are found some greater, and some less, of the which some they use to make quivers for arrows. There is found another kind, which surely is marvelous, Reed-springs or fountains of water. being little bigger than a javelin, the Canes whereof are longer than two spans: these Reeds grow one far from another, as sometimes twenty or thirty paces, and sometimes also two or three leagues: they grow in manner in all Provinces in the Indies, and grow near to very high Trees, whereunto they lean, and creep up to the top of their branches, which they embrace, and descend again down to the earth. Their Canes are full of most clear water, without any manner of taste or savour, either of the Canes, or of any other thing, and such as if it were taken out of the freshest Spring in the world, nor yet is it known that ever it hurt any that drunk thereof. For it hath oftentimes so chanced, that as the Christian men have travailed in these regions in desolate ways, where for lack of water they have been in great danger to dye with thirst, they have escaped that peril by reason that they found the said Reeds, of the water of whose Canes they have drunk a great quantity, without any hurt thereof ensuing. Therefore when they find these in any place, they make water vessels of the Canes thereof, and carry as many of them full of water as may suffice for one days journey: and sometime they carry so many, that they take for every man two or three quarts of water, which may serve them for many days, because it doth not corrupt, but remaineth still fresh and good. Platani, or Plantans. There are also certain Plants, which the Christians call Platani. They are as high as trees, and become as big in the trunk as the knee of a man, or more. From the foot to the top, they bear certain long and large leaves, being more than three spans in largeness, and about ten or twelve in length: the which when they are broken of the wind, the stalk remaineth whole in the midst. In the midst of this Plant, in the highest part thereof, there groweth a cluster with forty or fifty Plantans about it, every of them being a span and a half in length, and as big as a man's arm in the small, or more, or less, according to the goodness of the soil where they grow: they have a rind not very thick, and easy to be broken, being within altogether full of a substance like unto the marry of the bone of an Ox, as it appeareth when the rind or bark is taken from the same. This cluster ought to be taken from the Plant, when any one of the Plantans begin to appear yellow, at which time they take it, and hang it in their houses, where all the cluster waxeth ripe, with all his Plantans. This cluster is a very good fruit, and when it is opened, and the rind taken off, there are found within it many good dry Figs, Figs. which being roasted, or stewed in an Oven, in a close pot, or some such other thing, are of pleasant taste, much like to the conserve of Honey: they putrify not on the Sea so soon as some other fruits do, but continue fifteen days and more, if they be gathered somewhat green: they seem more delicate on the Sea then on the Land, not for that they any thing increase in goodness on the Sea, but because that whereas on the Sea other things are lacking, whereof is plenty on the Land, those meats seem of best taste, which satisfy present necessity. This trunk or sprig which bringeth forth the said cluster, is a whole year in growing and bringing forth fruit, in which time it hath put forth round about in ten or twelve sprigs, as big as the first or principal, and multiplieth no less than the principal in bringing forth of clusters, with fruits likewise at their time, and also in bringing forth other and many sprigs, as is said before. From the which sprigs or trunks, as soon as the cluster of the fruit is taken away, the Plant beginneth to dry and wither, which then they take out of the ground, because it doth none other then occupy it in vain, and without profit. They are so many, and do so marvelously increase and multiply, that it is a thing in manner incredible. They are exceeding moist, in so much that when they are plucked up from the place where they grow, there issueth forth a great quantity of water, as well out of the Plant, as out of the place where it grew, in such sort, that all the moisture of the earth far about, might seem to be gathered together about the trunk or block of the said Plant, with the fruits whereof, the Ants are so far in love, that they are seen in great multitudes in the branches of the Plants: so that for the multitude thereof, it sometime so chanceth, that men are enforced to take away the Plants from their possession: these fruits are found at all times of the year. There is also another kind of wild Plants that groweth in the fields, which I have not seen but in the Island of Hispaniola, although they be found in other Lands of the Indies: these they call Tunas. They grow of a Thistle full of thorns, and bring forth a fruit much like unto great Figs, Tunas. which have a crown like Meddlers, and are within of a high colour, with grains and the rind like unto a Fig: they are of good taste, and grow abundantly in the fields in many places: They work a strange effect in such as eat them, for if a man eat two, or three, or more, they cause his urine to be of the very colour of blood, which thing chanced once to myself. For on a time as I made water, and saw the colour of my Urine, I entered into a great suspicion of my life, being so astonished for fear, that I thought the same had chansed to me upon some other cause, in so much that surely my imagination might have done me hurt, but that they which were with me did comfort me immediately, declaring the cause thereof, as they knew by experience, being ancient inhabitors in those regions. There groweth also another Plant, which the people of the Country call Bihaos: Bihaos. this putteth forth certain strait branches, and very broad leaves, which the Indians use for diverse purposes: for in some places they cover their houses with the leaves thereof, couched and laid after the manner of thatch, whereunto it serveth very well: Sometimes also when it raineth, they cast these over their heads, to defend them from the water. They make also certain chests, which they call Havas, woven after a strange sort, and intermixed with the leaves of this Bihaos. These Chests are wrought in such sort, Havas. that although it rain upon them, or they chance to fall into the water, yet are not such things wet as are within them: they are made of the branches of the said Bihaos, with the leaves woven together therewith. In these they keep salt, and other subtle things. They use them also for another purpose, which is this: that finding them in the fields at such time as they have scarceness of victuals, they dig up the roots of these Plants while they are yet young, or eat the Plant itself, in that part where it is most tender, which is from a foot under the ground, where it is as tender and white as a Reed or Bulrush. And for as much as we are now come to the end of this narration, it cometh to my remembrance to make mention of another thing, which is not far from my purpose: and this is, how the Indians do stain or dye cloth of bombage cotton, or any other thing which they intent to dye, of diverse colours, Dying of Cotton. as Black, Tawny, Green, Blue, Yellow, and Red, which they do with the Barks, or Rinds, and Leaves of certain Trees, which they know by experience to be good for this practice: and by this art they make colours in such perfection and excellency, A strange thing. that no better can be devised. But this seemeth a strange thing, that they do all this in oneself same Vessel: so that when they have caused the said Rinds and Leaves to boil together, they make in the same Vessel without any change (as I have said) as many colours as them listeth. Which thing I suppose to come to pass, by the disposition of the colour which they have first given to the thing that they intent to dye or colour, whether it be Thread, Web, or Cloth, or any thing that they intent to colour. Of venomous Apples, wherewith they poison their Arrows. THe Apples wherewith the Indian Cannibals inuenome their arrows, grow on certain Trees covered with many Branches and Leaves, being very green, and growing thick. They are laden with abundance of these evil fruits, and have their Leaves like the Leaves of a Peartree, but that they are less and rounder: the fruit is much like the muscadel Pears of the Island of Sicily or Naples in form and bigness, and are in some parts stained with red spots, and of very sweet savour: these trees for the most part, grow ever by the Sea Coasts, and near unto the water, and are so fair and of pleasant savour, that there is no man that seeth them, but will desire to eat thereof, insomuch that if it may be spoken of any fruit yet growing on the earth, I would say that this was the unhappy fruit whereof our first parents * It was not a venomous juice of the fruit, but spiritual disobedience in ea●ing contrary to God's commencement, whi●h poisoned Adam's soul with sin, the wages whereof is death. Cannibals inuenome their Arrows. Petrus Arrias. Adam and Eve tasted, whereby they both lost their felicity, and procured death to them and their posterity. Of these fruits, and of the great Ants whose biting causeth swelling (whereof I have spoken elsewhere) and of the Eu●es, or Lysarts, and Vipers, and such other venomous things, the Cannibals which are the chief Archers among the Indians, are accustomed to poison their Arrows, wherewith they kill all that they wound: These venoms they mingle together, and make thereof a black Mass or composition, which appeareth like unto very black Pitch. Of this poison I caused a great quantity to be burnt, in Sancta Maria Antiqua, in a place two leagues and more within the Land, with a great multitude of thei● envenomed Arrows and other munition, with also the house wherein they were reserved: This was in the year 1514. at such time as the Army arrived there with Captain Pedrarias de Villa, at the commandment of the Catholic King Don Ferdinando. But to return to the History. These Apples (as I have said,) grow near unto the Sea: the Christians which serve your Majesty in these patties, suppose that there is no remedy so profitable for such as are wounded with these Arrows, as is the water of the Sea, if the wound be much washed therewith, by which means some have escaped, although but few: yet to say the truth, albeit the water of the Sea, have a certain caustike quality against poison, it is not sufficient remedy in this case, The water of the Sea. nor yet to this day have the Christians perceived that of fifty that have been wounded, three have recovered. But that your Majesty may the better consider the force of the venom of these trees, you shall further understand, that if a man do but repose himself to sleep a little while under the shadow of the same, he hath his head▪ and eyes so swollen when he riseth, that the eye lids are joined with the cheeks, and if it chance one drop or more of the dew of the said tree to fall into the eye, it utterly destroyeth the sight. The pestilent nature of this tree is such, that it cannot be declared in few words. Of these, there groweth great plenty in the gulf of Vraba, toward the North coast, on the West and East side. The gulf of Vraba. The wood of these trees when it burneth, maketh so great a stink, that no man is able to abide it, by reason it causeth so great a pain in the head. Among other trees which are in these Indies, as well in the Lands, as in the firm land, there is another kind which they call Xagua, whereof there is great plenty: they are very high, Xagua. and straight, and fair to behold. Of these they use to make Pikes, and javelins of diverse lengths and bigness: they are of a fair colour, between russet and white: this tree bringeth forth a great fruit as big as Papaver or Poppy, and much like thereunto, it is very good to be eaten when it is ripe. Out of this they get a very clear water, wherewith they wash their legs, and sometimes all their bodies, when they feel their flesh weary, faint, or lose: the which water, beside that it hath a binding quality, it hath also this property, that whatsoever it toucheth, it staineth it black by little and little, until is be as black as ●et, which colour cannot be taken away in less space than ten or twelve days: Black ●●aines. And if the nail be but touched therewith, it is so stained, that it can by no means be taken away, until it either fall of, or grow out, and be clipped away by little and little, as I myself have oftentimes seen by experience. Hohi. Some think these to be mirobalanes. There is another kind of Trees which they call Hohi: these are very great and fair, and cause wholesome air where they grow, and a pleasant shadow, and are found in great abundance: their fruit is very good, and of good taste and savour, and much like unto certain Damsons or Prunes being little and yellow, but their stone is very great, by reason whereof they have but little meat: their Bark or Rind boiled in water, maketh a wholesome Bathe for the legs, because it bindeth and stayeth the looseness of the flesh, so sensibly that it is a marvel to consider. It is surely a wholesome and excellent Bathe against such faintness, and is the best Tree that may be found in those parts to sleep under: For it causeth no heaviness of the head, as do diverse other Trees, which thing I speak, because the Christians are much accustomed in those Regions to lie in the fields. It is therefore a common practice among them, that wheresoever they find these Trees, there they spread their Mattresses and Beds wherein they sleep. Date trees. There are also a kind of high Date trees, and full of thorns: the wood of these is most excellent, being very black and shining, and so heavy that no part thereof can swim above the water, The Inhabitants of the Sea of Sur. but sinketh immediately to the bottom. Of this wood they make their Arrows and Darts, also javelins, Spears, and Pikes: and I say Pikes, because that in the coasts of the Sea of Sur, beyond Esquegua and Vracha, the Indians use great and long Pikes, made of the wood of these Date trees. Of the same likewise they make Clubs, and Swords, and diverse other weapons: Also vessels and household stuff of diverse sorts, very fair and commodious. Furthermore, of this wood the Christians use to make diverse musical instruments, as Claricymbals, Lutes, Gitterns, and such other, the which beside their fair shining colour like unto jet, are also of a good sound, and very durable, by reason of the hardness of the wood. An herb that beareth cords. After that I have said thus much of Trees and Plants, I have thought good also to speak somewhat of Herbs. You shall therefore understand, that in these Indies there is an herb much like unto a yellow Lily, about whose leaves there grow and creep certain Cordes or Laces, as the like is partly seen in the herb which we call Laced savoury, but these of the Indies are much bigger, and longer, and so strong that they tie their hanging beds thereby, which they cell Hamacas, Cabuia and Henequen. whereof we have spoken elsewhere: these Cordes they call Cabuia, and Henequen, which are all one thing, saving that Henequen is less and of a finer substance, as it were Line, and the other is grosser, like the wike or twist of Hemp, and is imperfect in comparison to the other: they are of colour between white and yellow, like unto abarne, and some also white. With Henequen, A strange thing. which is the most subtle and fine thread, the Indians saw in sunder Fetters, Chains, or bars of Iron, in this manner: They move the thread of Henequen upon the Iron which they intent to saw or cut, drawing the one hand after the other as do they that saw, putting ever now and then a portion of fine Sand ●pon the thread, or on the place or part of the Iron, where they continue rubbing the said thread, so that if the thread be worn, they take another, and continue in their work as before, until they have cut in sunder the Iron, although it be never so big, and cut it as if it were a tender thing, and easy to be sawen. And forasmuch as the leaves of Trees may be counted among Herbs, I will here speak somewhat of the quality of the leaves of certain Trees which are found in the Island of Hispaniola. Leaves. These trees are so full of thorns, Thistle trees. that there is no tree or plant that seemeth more wild and deformed: so that I cannot well determine whether they be Trees or Plants: they have certain branches full of large and deformed leaves, which branches were first leaves like unto the other. As the branches made of these leaves grow forth in length, there cometh other leaves of them: so that in fine it is a difficult thing to describe the form of these trees, except the same should be done by a Painter, whereby the Eye might conceive that wherein the Tongue faileth in this behalf. A leaf of great virtue. The leaves of this tree are of such virtue, that being well beaten and spread upon a cloth, after the manner of a plaster, and so laid to a leg or arm that is broken in many pieces, it healeth it in fifteen days, and maketh it as whole as though it had never been broken: During the time of this operation, it cleaveth so fast to the flesh, that it cannot without much difficulty be taken away, but as soon as it hath healed the sore, and wrought his operation, it looseth itself from the place where it was laid, as I myself, and diverse other which have proved it, know by experience. Of Fishes, and of the manner of fishing. IN the Sea coasts of the firm Land, there are diverse and sundry kinds of fishes, much differing in shape and form. And although it be impossible to speak of all, yet will I make mention of some. And first to begin at Sardines, you shall understand that there is found a kind of these fishes very large and with red tails, being a very delicate fish. The best kinds of other fishes are these, Moxarre, Diabace, Brettes, Dabaos, Thornbacks, and Salmon: All these, and diverse▪ other which I do not now remember, are taken in great quantity in Rivers. There are likewise taken very good Crevishes. There are also found in the Sea, certain other fishes, as Soles, Mackerel, Tiburons. Manates. Turbots, Palamite, Lazze, Polpi, Chieppe, Xaibas, Locusts, Oysters, exceeding great Tortoises, and Tiburoni of marvelous bigness: also Manates, and Murene, and many other fishes, which have no names in our language, and these of such diversity and quantity, as cannot be expressed without large writing and long time. But to let pass to entreat particularly of the multitude of fishes, I intent to speak chiefly, and somewhat largely, of three sorts of most notable fishes: whereof the first is, the great Tortoises, the second is called Tiburon, and the third Manate. And to begin at the first, I say that in the Island of Cuba, Great Tortoises. are found great Tortoises (which are certain shell fishes) of such bigness that ten or fifteen men are scarcely able to lift one of them out of the water, as I have been informed of credible persons dwelling in the same Island. But of that which I myself have seen, I can testify, that in the firm Land, in the village of Acla, there are of this sort some taken and killed of such bigness, that six men with much difficulty could scarcely draw them out of the water, and commonly the least sort of them are as ●uch as two men may carry at a burden: that which I saw lifted up by six men, had her shell a yard and a quarter in length, and in breadth more than five yards. The manner of taking them, is this: It sometimes chanceth that in their great nets (which they call shoot nets) there are found certain Tortoises of the common sort, in great quantities, and when they come out of the Sea, and bring forth their eggs, and go together by companies from the Sea, to feed on the Land, the Christians or Indians follow their steps which they find in the Sand, and soon overtake them, because they are very heavy and slow in going, although they make all the haste they can to return to the Sea, as soon as they espy any body. When they that pursue them have overtaken them, they put a stake or staff under their legs, and overturn them on their backs as they are yet running, so that they can go no further, nor yet rise again or turn, and thus they suffer them to lie still while they follow after the rest, which they overturn in like manner: and by this means take very many, at such times as they come forth of the Sea, as I have said: This fish is very excellent and wholesome to be eaten, and of good taste. The second of the three fishes whereof I have spoken, is the Tiburon: this is a very great fish, Tiburons of Sharks. and very quick and swift in the water, and a cruel Devourer: these are oftentimes taken, aswell when the ships are under sail in the Ocean, as also when they lie at anchor, or at any other time, and especially the least kind of these fishes. When the ships are under sail, the biggest sort are taken after this manner. When the Tiburon seeth the ship sailing, he followeth it swimming behind, the which things the Mariners seeing, cast forth all the filth of the ship into the Sea for the fish to eat, who nevertheless followeth them with equal pace, although they make never such haste with full wind and sails, and walloweth on every side and about the ship, and thus followeth it sometime for the space of a hundred and fifty leagues, and more, and when the Mariners are disposed to take them, they cast down by the stern of the ship a hook of Iron, as big as the biggest finger of a man's hand, of three spans in length, and crooked like a fish-hooke, with beards according to the bigness thereof, and fastened to an Iron chain of five or six links near unto the end, and from thence tied with a great rope, fastening also on the hook for a bait, a piece of some fish, or hog's flesh, or some other flesh, or the bowels and intrals of another Tiburon which they have taken before, which may easily be done, for I have seen nine taken in one day, and if they would have taken more, they might also. Thus when the Tiburon hath pleasantly followed the ship a long voyage, at the length he swalloweth the bait with the hook, and aswell by his striving to flee or escape, as also by the swift passage of the ship, the hook overthwarteth and catcheth hold of his chaps: the which fish when it is taken, it is of such huge bigness, that twelve or fifteen men are scarcely able to draw it out of the water, and lift it into the ship, where one of the Mariners giveth it many knocks on the head with a club or beetle, until he have slain it: they are sometimes found of ten or twelve foot long, and of five, six, or seven spans in breadth, where they are broadest: they have very great and wide mouths, to the proportion of the rest of their bodies, and have two rows of teeth, the one somewhat separate from the other, of cruel shape, and standing very thick. When they have slain this fish, they cut the body thereof in small pieces, and put it to dry, hanging it three or four days at the Cordes of the sail clothes to dry in the wind, and then eat it: It is doubtless a good fish, and of great commodity to serve the ships for victuals for many days: the least of these fishes are most wholesome and tender, Pliny. it hath a skin much like to the skin of a Sole whereunto the said Tiburon is like in shape: Which I say, because Pliny hath made mention of none of these three fishes, among the number of them whereof he writeth in his Natural history. These Tiburons come forth of the Sea, and enter into the Rivers, where they are no less perilous than great Lizards or Crocodiles, whereof I have spoken largely before: For they devour Men, Kine, Crocodiles. and Horses, even as do the Crocodiles: they are very dangerous in certain washing places or Pools by the River's sides, and where they have devoured at other times. diverse other fishes both great and small, of sundry sorts and kinds, are accustomed to follow the ships going under sail, of the which I will speak somewhat when I have written of Manate, Manates. which is the third of the three whereof I have promised to entreat. Manate therefore, is a fish of the Sea, of the biggest sort, and much greater than the Tiburon in length and breadth, and is very brutish and vile, so that it appeareth in form like unto one of those great vessels made of Goat's skins, wherein they use to carry new wine in Medina de Campo, or in Arevalo: the head of this beast is like the head of an Ox, with also like eyes, and hath in the place of arms, two great stumps wherewith he swimmeth: It is a very gentle and tame beast, and cometh oftentimes out of the water to the next shore, where if he find any herbs or grass, he feedeth thereof. Our men are accustomed to kill many of these, and diverse other good fishes, with their Crossbows, pursuing them in Barks or Canoas', because they swim in manner above the water: the which thing when they see, they draw them with a hook tied at a small cord, but somewhat strong: As the fish fleeth away, the Archer letteth go, and prolongeth the cord by little and little, until he have let it go many fathoms: at the end of the cord, there is tied a cork, or a piece of light wood, and when the fish is gone a little way, and hath coloured the water with his blood, and feeleth himself to faint and draw toward the end of his life, he resorteth to the shore, and the Archer followeth, gathering up his cord, whereof while ●here yet remain six or eight fathoms, or somewhat more or less, he draweth it toward the Land, and draweth the fish therewith by little and little, as the waves of the Sea help him to do it the more easily: then, with the help of the rest of his company, he lifteth this great beast out of the Water to the Land, being of such bigness, that to convey it from thence to the City, it shall be requisite to have a Cart with a good yoke of Oxen, and sometimes more, according as these fishes are of bigness, some being much greater than other some in the same kind, as is seen of other beasts: Sometimes they lift these fishes into the Canoa or Bark, without drawing them to the Land as before, for as soon as they are slain, they float above the water: And I believe verily that this fish is one of the best in the world to the taste, and the likest unto flesh, especially so like unto beef, that who so hath not seen it whole, can judge it to be none other when he seeth it in pieces then very Beef or Veal, and is certainly so like unto flesh, that all the men in the world may herein be deceived: the taste likewise, is like unto the taste of very good Veal, and lasteth long, if it be powdered: so that in fine, the Beef of these parts, is by no means like unto this. This Manate hath a certain stone, or rather bone in his head within the brain, The fish Manate. A remedy against the stone. which is of quality greatly appropriate against the disease of the stone, if it be burnt and ground into small powder, and taken fasting in the morning when the pain is felt, in such quantity as may lie upon a penny, with a draught of good whi●e wine: For being thus taken three or four mornings, it acquieteth the grief, as diverse have told me which have proved it true, and I myself by testimony of sight, do witness that I have seen this stone sought of diverse for this effect. There are also diverse other fishes as big as this Manate, among the which there is one called Vihnella. This fish beareth in the top of his head a sword, being on every side full of many sharp teeth: this sword is naturally very hard and strong, of four or five spans in length, and of proportion according to the same bigness: and for this cause is this fish called Spada, that is, the Sword fish. Of this kind some are found as little as Sardines, and other so great, that two yokes of Oxen are scarcely able to draw them on a Cart. The Sword fish. But whereas before I have promised to speak of other fishes, which are taken in these Seas while the ships are under sail, I will not forget to speak of the Tunny, Tunny. which is a great and good fish, and is oftentimes taken and killed with Trout spears, and hooks, cast in the water, when they play and swim about the ships. In like manner also are taken many Turbots, Turbut. which are very good fishes as are lightly in all the Sea. And here is to be noted, that in the great Ocean Sea, there is a strange thing to be considered, which all that have been in the Indies affirm to be true: Note. The Sea somewhere fertile, somewhere barren. And this is, that like as on the Land there are some Provinces fertile and fruitful, and some barren, even so doth the like chance in the Sea: So that at some winds the ships sail fifty, or a hundred, or two hundred leagues and more▪ without taking or seeing of one fish: and again, in the self same Ocean in some places, all the water is seen tremble by the moving of the fishes, where they are taken abundantly. It cometh further to my remembrance to speak somewhat of the flying of fishes, Flying fishes. which is doubtless a strange thing to behold, and is after this manner. When the ships sail by the great Ocean, following their voyage, there riseth sometimes on the one side or on the other, many companies of certain little fishes, of the which the biggest is no greater than a Sardine, and so diminish less and less from that quantity, that some of them are very little: these are called Volatori, that is, flying fishes: they rise by great companies and flocks, in such multitudes that it is an astonishment to behold them: Sometimes they rise but little from the water, and (as it chanceth) continue one flight for the space of an hundred paces, and sometimes more, or less, before they fall again into the Sea, sometimes also they fall into the ships. And I remember, that on an evening when all the company in the ship were on their knees, singing Salue Regina, in the highest part of the Castle of the poop, and sailed with a full wind, there passed by us a flock of these flying fishes, and came so near us, that many of them fell into the ship, among the which, two or three fell hard by me, which I took alive in my hand, so that I might well perceiue● that they were as big as Sardines, and of the same quantity, having two wings or quills growing out of their sins, like unto those wherewith all fishes swim in Rivers: these wings are as long as the fishes themselves. As long as their wings are moist, they bear them up in the air, but as soon as they are dry, they can continue their flight no further then as I have said before, but fall immediately into the Sea, and so rise again, and fly as before from place to place. In the year 1515. when I came first to inform your Majesty of the state of the things in India, and was the year following in Flanders in the time of your most fortunate success in these your Kingdoms of Arragon and Castille, whereas at that voyage I sailed above the Island Bermuda, otherwise called Garza, The Island of Bermuda. being the furthest of all the Lands that are found at this day in the world, and arriving there at the depth of eight yards of water, and distant from the Land as far as the shot of a piece of Ordinance, I determined to send some of the ship to Land, aswell to make search of such things as were there, as also to leave in the Island certain Hogs for increase. But the time not serving my purpose by reason of contrary wind, I could bring my ship no nearer the Island, being twelve leagues in length, and six in breadth, and about thirty in circuit, lying in the three and thirtieth degree of the North side. While I remained here, I saw a strife and combat between these flying fishes, and the fishes named Gilt heads, and the fowls called Sea-mewes, and Cormorants, which surely seemed unto me a thing of as great pleasure and solace as could be devised, while the Gilt heads swum on the brim of the water, and sometimes lifted their shoulders above the same, to raise the flying fishes out of the water to drive them to flight, and follow them swimming to the place where they fall, to take and eat them suddenly. Again on the other side, the Sea-mewes and Cormorants, take many of these flying fishes, so that by this means they are neither safe in the Air, Not too high for the Pie, Nor too low for the Crow. nor in the Water. In the self same peril and danger do men live in this mortal life, wherein is no certain security, neither in high estate, nor in low. Which thing surely aught to put us in remembrance of that blessed and safe resting place which God hath prepared for such as love him, who shall acquit and finish the travails of this troublesome world, wherein are so many dangers, and bring them to that eternal life where they shall find eternal security and rest. Of the increase and decrease (that is) rising and falling of our Ocean Sea, and South Sea, called the Sea of Sur. I Will now speak of certain things which are seen in the Province, or at the least in the City of Golden Castille, otherwise called Beragua, and in the coasts of the North Sea, Beragua. and of the South Sea, called the Sea of Sur, not omitting to note one singular and marvelous thing which I have considered of the Ocean Sea, whereof hitherto no Cosmographer, Pilot, or Mariner, or any other, have satisfied me. I say therefore, as it is well known to your Majesty, and all such as have knowledge of the Ocean Sea, that this great Ocean casteth from itself the Sea Mediterranean by the mouth of the Strait of Gibralterra, in the which the water, The West Ocean. The Sea Meditarraneum. from the end and furthest part of that Sea, even unto the mouth of the said Strait, either in the East toward the coast commonly called Levante, or in any other part of the said Sea Mediterraneum, the Sea doth not so fall nor increase, as reason would judge for so great a Sea, but increaseth very little, and a small space: Nevertheless, without the mouth of the Strait in the main Ocean, it increaseth and falleth very much, and a great space of ground, from six hours to six hours, as in all the coasts of Spain, Britain, Flanders, Germany, and England. The self same Ocean Sea in the firm Land newly found, in the coasts of the same lying toward the North, doth neither rise nor fall, nor likewise in the Lands of Hispaniola and Cuba, Hispaniola. Cuba. Ocean without ebbing and flowing. and all the other Lands of the same lying toward the North, for the space of three thousand leagues, but only in like manner as doth the Sea Mediterranean in Italy, which is in manner nothing, in respect to that increase and decrease which the said Ocean hath in the coasts of Spain and Flanders. But this is yet a greater thing, that also the self same Ocean in the coasts of the said firm Land lying toward the South, in the City of Panama, The ebb at Panama falleth two leagues or six miles. and also in the coast of that Land which lieth toward the East and West from that City, as in the Island of Pearls or Margarita, which the Indians call Tarrarequi, and also in Taboga and Otoque, and in all other Lands of the South Sea of Sur, the water riseth and falleth so much, that when it falleth, it goeth in manner out of sight, which thing I myself have seen oftentimes. And here your Majesty may note another thing, The South Sea. that from the North Sea to the South Sea, being of such difference the one from the other in rising and falling, yet is the Land that divideth them not passed eighteen or twenty leagues in breadth from Coast to Coast: So that both the said Seas, being all one Ocean, this strange effect is a thing worthy greatly to be considered of all such as have inclination and desire to know the secret works of Nature, wherein the infinite power and wisdom of God is seen to be such, as may allure all good Natures to reverence and love so divine a Majesty. Of the strait or narrow passage of the Land lying between the North and South Sea, by the which Spices may much sooner and easilier be brought from the Lands of Molucca into Spain by the West Ocean, then by that way whereby the Portugals sail into the East India. THe firm Land in some parts thereof is so strait and narrow, that the Indians say, that from the Mountains of the Province of Esquegua or Vrraca (which are between the one Sea and the other) if a man ascend to the top of the Mountains, and look toward the North, Esquegua and Vrraca. he may see the Water of the North Sea of the Province of Beragua: and again looking the contrary way, may on the other side (towards the South) see the Sea of Sur, and the Provinces which confine with it, as do the Territories of the two Lords or Kings of the said Provinces of Vrraca and Esquegua. Some measure this way in this part, to be from Sea to Sea eighteen leagues, which I suppose to be rather twenty, not for that it is any more by measure, but because it is rough and difficult, as I have said, and as I have found it by experience, having now twice passed that way by foot, counting from the Port and Village of Nombre de Dios, unto the Dominion of the Cacique of juanaga, otherwise called Capira, eight leagues, and from thence to the River of Chagre, other eight leagues. So that at this River, being sixteen leagues from the said Port, The River of Chagre. endeth the roughness of the way: then from hence to the marvelous Bridge are two leagues, and beyond that, other two, unto the Port of Panama: So that all together, in my judgement, make twenty leagues. It is a marvelous facility to bring Spices by this way which I will now declare. From Panama to the River of Chagre, are four leagues of good and fair way, by the which Carts may pass at pleasure, by reason that the Mountains are but few and little, and that the greatest part of these four leagues is a plain ground void of Trees: and when the Carts are come to the said River, the Spices may be carried in Barks and Pinases. For this River entereth into the North Sea five or six leagues lower than the Port of Nomen Dei, and emptieth itself in the Sea near unto an Island called Bastimento, where is a very good and safe Port. The Island Bastimento. Your Majesty may now therefore consider, how great a thing, and what commodity it may be to convey Spices this way, forasmuch as the River of Chagre, having his original only two leagues from the South Sea, continueth his course, and emptieth itself into the other North Sea. This River runneth fast, and is very great, and so commodious for this purpose as may be thought or desired: The marvelous Bridge. the marvelous Bridge made by the work of Nature, being two leagues beyond the said River, and other two leagues on this side the Port of Panama, so lying in the mid way between them both, as framed naturally in such sort, that none which pass by this voyage doth see any such Bridge, or think that there is any such building in that place, until they be in the top thereof, in the way toward Panama: But as soon as they are on the Bridge, looking toward the right hand, they see a little River under them, which hath his Channel distant from the feet of them that walk over it, the space of two spear's length or more. The water of this River is very shallow, not passing the depth of a man's leg to the knee, and is in breadth between thirty and forty paces, and falleth into the River of Chagre. Toward the right hand, standing on this Bridge, there is nothing seen but great Trees. Natural stone Bridge. The largeness of the Bridge containeth fifteen paces, and the length thereof about threescore or fourscore paces: The Arch is so made of most hard stone, that no man can behold it without admiration, being made by the High and Omnipotent Creator of all things. How things that are of one kind, differ in form and quality, according to the nature of the place where they are engendered or grow, and of the beasts called Tigers. Tigers. IN the firm Land are found many terrible beasts, which some think to be Tigers. Which thing nevertheless I dare not affirm, considering what Authors do write of the lightness and agility of the Tiger, whereas this beast, being otherwise in shape very like unto a Tiger, is notwithstanding very slow. Yet true it is, that according to the marvels of the World, and differences which natural things have in diverse Regions under Heaven, and diverse constellations of the same, Plants and herbs. Birds. under the which they are created, we see that some such Plants and Herbs as are hurtful in one Country, are harmless and wholesome in other Regions. And Birds which in one Province are of good taste, are in other so unsavoury that they may not be eaten. Men likewise which in some Countries are black, are in other places white: and yet are both these and they, Men. men. Even so may it be, that Tigers are light in some Region, as they write, and may nevertheless be slow and heavy in these Indies of your Majesty, whereof we speak. The Sheep of Arabia draw their tails long and big on the ground, Sheep. Bulls. and the Bulls of Egypt have their hair growing toward their heads: yet are those Sheep, and these Bulls. Men in some Countries are hardy and of good courage, and in other naturally fearful and brutish. All these things, and many more, which may be said to this purpose, are easy to be proved, and worthy to be believed, of such as have read of the like in Authors, or traveled the World, whereby their own sight may teach them the experience of these things whereof I speak. It is also manifest that jucca, jucca. whereof they make their bread in the Island of Hispaniola, is deadly poison if it be eaten green with the juice: and yet hath it no such property in the firm Land, where I have eaten it many times, Bats, and found it to be a good fruit. The Bats of Spain, although they bite, yet are they not venomous: but in the firm Land, many die that are bitten of them. And in this form may so many things be said, that time shall not suffice to write, whereas my intent is only to prove that this beast may be a Tiger, or of the kind of Tigers, although it be not of such lightness and swiftness, as are they whereof Pliny and other authors speak, Pliny. describing it to be one of the swiftest beasts of the Land, and that the River of Tigris for the swift course thereof was called by that name. The first Spaniards, which saw this Tiger in the firm land, did so name it. Of the kind of these, was that which Don Diego Columbo, The Tiger. the Admiral sent your Majesty out of New Spain to Toledo. Their heads are like to the heads of Lions, or Lionesses▪ but greater: the rest of all their bodies, and their legs, are full of black spots one near unto another, & divided with a circumference, or fringe of red colour, showing (as it were) a fair work and correspondent picture, about their croopes or hinder parts, they have these spots biggest and lesse & less toward their bellies, legs, & heads. I have seen some of three spans in height, and more than five in length. They are beasts of great force, with strong legs, and well armed with nails and fangs, which we call Dog-teeths: they are so fierce, that in my judgement▪ no real Lion of the biggest sort is so strong or fierce. Of these, there are many found in the firm Land, which devour many of the Indians, and do much hurt otherwise: but since the coming of the Christians, many have been killed with Crossbows after this manner. The hunting of Tigers. as soon as the Archer hath knowledge of the haunt of any of these Tigers, he goeth searching their trace, with his Crossbow, and with a little Hound or Begle, & not with a greyhound; because this Beast would soon kill any Dog that would venture on him: When the Hound hath found the Tiger, he runneth about him baying continually, and approacheth so near him, snapping and grinning▪ with so quick flying and returning, that he hereby so molesteth this fierce Beast, that he driveth him to take the next Tree, at the foot whereof he remaineth still baying, and the Tiger grinning and showing his teeth, while in the mean time the Archer cometh near, and twelve or fourteen paces off, striketh him with the querel of his Crosse-brow in the breast, and flieth incontinent, leaving the Tiger in his travel for life and death, biting the Tree and eating earth for fierceness: then within the space of two or three hours, or the day following, the Archer returneth thither, and with his Dog findeth the place where he lieth dead. The Indians (and especially they of the firm Land in the Province which the Catholic King Don Ferdinando commanded to be called Golden Castille) call this Beast Ochi. This thing is strange that chanced of late: that whereas the Tiger whereof we have made mention before, would have killed his keeper that then kept him in a Cage, was in few days after made so tame, A Tiger made tame. that he led her tied only with a small cord, and played with her so familiarly, that I marvelled greatly to see it, yet not without certain belief that this friendship will not last long, without danger of life to the Keeper, forasmuch as surely these Beasts are not meet to be among men, for their fierceness and cruel nature that cannot be tamed. Of the manners and customs of the Indians of the Firm Land, and of their women. THe manners and customs of these Indians, are diverse in diverse Provinces. Some of them take as many Wives as them list, and other live with one Wife, whom they forsake not without consent of both parties, which chanceth especially when they have no children. The Nobility aswel men as women, repute it infamous to join with any of base Parentage or Strangers, except Christians, whom they count Noblemen, by reason of their valiantness, The Indian women. although they put a difference between the common sort and the other to whom they show obedience, counting it for a great matter and an honourable thing, if they be beloved of any of them: insomuch that if they know any Christian man carnally, they keep their faith to him, so that he be not long absent far from them, for their intent is not to be Widows, or to live chaste like religious women. Many of them have this custom, that when they perceive that they are with child, they take an Herb wherewith they destroy that is conceived: Unnatural abortions. Large breasts▪ Childbirth. for they say that only well aged women should bear children, and that they will not forbear their pleasures, and deform their bodies with bearing of children, whereby their Teats become loose and hanging, which thing they greatly dispraise. When they are delivered of their children, they go to the River and wash them, which done, their blood and purgation ceaseth immediately: And when after this they have a few days abstained from the company of men, they become so straight, as they say which have had carnal familiarity with them, that such as use them, cannot without much difficulty satisfy their appetite: They also which never had children, are ever as Virgins. In some parts they wear certain little Aprons round about them before and behind, The men of India. as low as to their knees and hams, wherewith they cover their privy parts, and are naked all their body beside. The principal men bear their Privities in a hollow Pipe of Gold, but the common sort have them enclosed in the shells of certain great Welkes, and are beside utterly naked: For they think it no more shame to have their Cod seen, than any other part of their bodies: and in many Provinces both the men and women go utterly naked, without any such coverture at all. In the Province of Cueva they call a man Chuy, and a woman Ira, which name is not greatly disagreeable to many both of their women and of ours. These Indians give great honour and reverence to their Caciques (that is) their Kings and Rulers. The principal Cacique, The King is borne on men's backs. hath twelve of his most strong Indians appointed to bear him, when he removeth to any place, or goeth abroad for his pleasure. Two of them carry him sitting upon a long piece of wood, which is naturally as light as they can find, the other ten follow next unto him as footmen: they keep continually a trotting pace with him on their shoulders. When the two that carry him are weary, other two come in their places, without any disturbance or stay. And thus if the way be plain, they carry him in this manner for the space of fifteen or twenty leagues in one day. The Indians that are assigned to this office, are for the most part slaves, or Naborit●, that is, such as are bound to continual service. I have also noted that when the Indians perceive themselves to be troubled with too much blood, Letting of blood. they let themselves blood in the calf of their legs, and brawns of their arms: this do they with a very sharp stone, and sometimes with the small tooth of a Viper, or with a sharp reed or thorn. All the Indians are commonly without Beards, in so much that it is in a manner a marvel to see any of them either men or women to have any down or hair on their faces, They have no beards. or other parts of their bodies: Albeit I saw the Cacique of the Province of Catarapa, who had hair on his face and other parts of his body, as had also his wife in such places as women are accustomed to have. This Cacique had a great part of his body painted with a black colour, which never fadeth, and is much like unto that wherewith the Moors paint themselves in Barbary in token of Nobility. They paint their bodies. But the Moors are painted specially on their visage and throat, and certain other parts. Likewise the principal Indians use these paintings on their arms and breasts, but not on their visages, because among them the slaves are so marked. When the Indians of certain Provinces go to the battle (especially the Cannibal Archers) they carry certain shells of great welkes of the Sea, The Cannibals Trumpets. which they blow, and make therewith great sound, much like the noise of Horns: they carry also certain Timbrels, which they use in the stead of Drums: also very fair Plumes of Feathers, and certain armour of gold, Armour of gold. especially great and round pieces on their breasts, and splints on their arms. Likewise other pieces, which they put on their heads and other parts of their bodies: For they esteem nothing so much as to appear gallant in the wars, Their gallantness in the wars. Their jewels. and to go in most comely order that they can devose, glistering with precious Stones, jewels, Gold, and Feathers. Of the least of these welkes or perewincles, they make certain little Beads, of diverse sorts and colours: they make also little Bracelets, which they mingle with gandes of Gold, these they roll about their arms from the elbow to the wrest of the hand. The like also do they on their legs from the knees to the soles of their feet, in token of Nobility, especially their Noble Women in diverse Provinces are accustomed to wear such jewels, and have their necks in manner laden therewith: these Beads and jewels, and such other trinkets, they call Caquiras. Beside these also, they wear certain Rings of Gold at their ears and nostrils, which they bore full of holes on both sides, so that the Rings hang upon their lips. Some of these Indians are poulde and rounded; albeit commonly both the Men and Women take it for a decent thing to wear long hair, which the women wear to the midst of their shoulders, and cut it equally, especially above their brows: this do they with certain hard Stones, which they keep for the same purpose. The principal Women, when their teats fall, or become loose, How the women bear up their teats with bars of Gold. bear them up with bars of Gold, of the length of a span and a half, well wrought, and of such bigness that some of them weigh more than two hundred Castelans or Ducades of Gold: these bars have holes at both the ends, whereat they tie two small cords made of Cotton at every end of the bars: one of these cords goeth over the shoulder, and the other under the arm holes, where they tie both together, so that by this means the bar beareth up their teats. Some of these chief Women go to the battle with their Husbands, or when they themselves are regents in any Provinces, in the which they have all things at commandment, and execute the office of general Captains, and cause themselves to be carried on men's backs, in like manner as do the Caciques, of whom I have spoken before. These Indians of the firm Land are much of the same stature and colour as are they of the Lands: The stature & colour of the Indians. The Indians called Coronati. The Island of Giants. jucatos. they are for the most part of the colour of an Olive: if there be any other difference, it is more in bigness then otherwise, and especially they that are called Coronati, are stronger and bigger than any other that I have seen in these parts, except those of the Island of Giants, which are on the South side of the Island of Hispaniola, near unto the coasts of the firm Land, and likewise certain other which they call jucatos, which are on the North side. All which chiefly, although they be no Giants, yet are they doubtless the biggest of the Indians that are known to this day, and commonly bigger than the Flemings; and especially many of them, as well women as men, are of very high stature, and are all archers both men and women. These Coronati inhabit thirty leagues in length by these coasts, from the point of Canoa to the great river which they call Guadalchiber, near unto Sancta Maria de gratia. As I traversed by those coasts, I filled a butt of fresh water of that river, six leagues in the Sea from the mouth thereof where it falleth into the Sea. They are called Coronati (that is Crowned) because their hair is cut round by their ears, and poulde lower a great compass about the Crown, much like the Friars of Saint Augustine's Order. And because I have spoken of their manner of wearing their hair, here cometh to my remembrance a thing which I have oftentimes noted in these Indians: and this is, that they have the bones of the skulls of their heads four times thicker, and much stronger than ours, so that in coming to handstroakes with them, The skulls of Indians heads. it shall be requisite not to strike them on the heads with swords, for so have many swords been broken on their heads, with little hurt done. Of the chief Lands, Hispaniola and Cuba. THe Indians which at this present inhabit the Island of Hispaniola, are but few in number, and the Christians not so many as they ought to be, for as much as many of them that were in this Island, are gone to other Lands, and to the firm Land. For being for the most part young men unmarried, and desirous daily to see new things, Men are desirous of new things. wherein man's nature delighteth, they were not willing to continue long in one place, especially seeing daily other new Lands discovered, where they thought they might sooner fill their Purses, by being present at the first spoil: Wherein nevertheless their hope deceived many of them, and especially such as had houses and habitations in this Island: For I certainly believe, confirming myself herein with the judgement of many other, that if any one Prince had no more seignories then only this Island, it should in short time be such, as not to give place either to Sicily or England, The commodities of Hispaniola, England, and Sicily. whereas even at this present there is nothing wherefore it would malice their prosperity, not being inferior to them in any felicity, that in manner the heavens can grant to any Land: being furthermore such as may enrich many Provinces and Kingdoms, by reason of many rich Gold Mines that are in it, of the best Gold that is found to this day in the world, Gold Mines. and in greatest quantity. In this Island, nature of herself bringeth forth such abundance of Cotton, Cotton. that if it were wrought and maintained, there should be more and better then in any part of the world. There is so great plenty of excellent Cassia, Cassia. that a great quantity is brought from thence into Spain, from whencee it is carried to diverse parts of the world, etc. In this Island furthermore are many Sheep, and a great number of Hogs, of the which (as also of the Kine) many are become wild, and likewise many Dogs and Cats, Sheep and Hogs. Dogs and Cats become wild. The situation of Hispaniola. of those which were brought out of Spain: These (and especially the Dogs) do much hurt among the cattle, by reason of the negligence of the Herdsmen. There are also many Horses, Mares, and Mules, and such other Beasts as serve the use of men in Spain, and are much greater than they of the first brood brought thither out of Spain. Saint Domingo was built by line and rule: the Houses of Stone very fair. A Cathedral Church and Monasteries in Hispaniola. There is also a Cathedral Church builded of late, where as well the Bishop according to his dignity, as also the Canons are well endowed. This Church is well builded of Stone and Lime, and of good workmanship. There are furthermore three Monasteries, bearing the name of S. Dominicke, S. Francis, and S. Marry of Mercedes, the which are all well builded, although not so curiously as they of Spain. There is also a very good Hospital for the aid & succour of poor people, which was found by Michael Passamont, treasurer to your Majesty. An Hospital. The people of this Island are commonly of somewhat less stature than are the Spaniards, & of a shining or clear brown colour: The people. they have Wives of their own, and abstain from their Daughters, Sisters & Mothers: they have large foreheads, long black hair, and no beards or hair in any other parts of their bodies, as well Men as Women, except very few, as perhaps scarcely one among a thousand. They go as naked as they were borne, except that on the parts which may not with honesty be seen, they wear a certain leaf as broad as a man's hand, which nevertheless is not kept close with such diligence, but that sometimes a man may see that they think sufficiently hid. In this Island are certain Glow-worms, Cienas a kind of Glow-worms that shine in the night as do ours, but are much bigger, and give a greater light: In so much that when the men of the Island go any journeys in the night, they bear some of these worms made fast about their feet and head, in such sort that he that should see them a far, and ignorant of the thing, would be greatly astonished thereat. By the light of these also, the women work in their houses in the night. These worms they call Cienas. Their light lasteth for the space of three days, and diminisheth as they begin to dry up. There is also a kind of Crows, whose breath stinketh in the morning, and is sweet in the afternoon: Crows stinking and sweet. the excrement which they avoid, is a living worm. In Cuba, is a certain kind of Partridges, being very little, with their feathers much of the colour of Turtle Doves, but are of much better taste to be eaten: partridges. they are taken in great number, and being brought wild into the houses, they become as tame within the space of three or four days as though they had been hatched there: they become exceeding fat in short space, and are doubtless the most delicate and pleasant meat that ever I have eaten. But to let pass many other things that might be here said, and to speak of two marvelous things which are in this Island of Cuba: whereof the one is, that a Valley containing two or three leagues in length between two Mountains, is full of a kind of very hard Stones, of such perfect roundness, and like unto Pellets of Guns, Bullets for Guns wrought by nature. that no art can make better or more exactly polished. Of these, some are as small as Pellets for Handgunnes, and other so increasing bigge● and bigger from that quantity, that they may serve for all sorts of Artillery, although they be of bigness to receive one or two or more Quintales of powder, every Quintale containing one hundred weight, or of what other quantity soever they be. These Pellets are found throughout all the Valley within the earth, as in a Mine, which they dig, and take out such as they need of all sorts. The other marvelous thing of this Island is this: A Fountain of th● Pitch of Bitumen. That far from the Sea, there issueth out of a Mountain a certain liquor, much like the Clay of Babylon, called Bitumen, or like unto Pitch, in great quantity, and such as is very commodious for the calking of Ships: this falleth continually from the Rock, and runneth into Sea, in such abundance that it is seen floating above the water on every side of the Sea thereabout, as it is driven from place to place by the wind, or course of the water. Quintus Curtius writeth in his History, Quintus Curtius that great Alexander came to the City of Memi, where is a great Cave or Den, in the which is a Spring or Fountain that continually avoideth a great quantity of Bitumen, Bitumen of Babylon. in such sort, that it is an easy thing to believe that the stones of the walls of Babylon might be laid therewith, according as the said Author writeth. I have seen this Mine of Bitumen, not only in the Island of Cuba, but also such another in new Spain, in the Province of Panuco. Thus far I have given you from Master Eden his Edition, wherein because many things necessary to the natural History of the Indies are in the Author's summary, and in his 20. Books of a larger History, I have added hither such things as I thought fittest. The V●ias are like great Rats, and the Cories like Coneys, of which the people in Hispaniola eat, as also of the Yuanas. Chemi and Mohni are little creatures also in that Island: which and their little mute Dogs were all the four footed Beasts they had, save that of Rats there is some question. The Indians of jamaica and Cuba use to catch fish with the fish Roverso, as Huntsmen or Falconers use Hounds or Hawks in their game. The Roverso a strange fish to hunt with. The Indians take it sometimes in their Nets, of which I have eaten: and when they will bring up one of them they feed it in the Sea and carry it tied to their Canar by a strong line, which when they see a fish fit for pray, they loosen and use words to excite courage and valour in this fish; which presently flies like an arrow at that fish and fastens thereon, and the Indian lets the line run out at length (being oiled, Perhaps this Roverso is the little fish which cleaveth to the Shark and is by him carried in all his Chases, feeding on the scrap●. of many fathoms, and having a piece of wood at the end to buoy it,) till the fish be wearied: this little fish (little above a span long, unsightly to look on) still holding fast, till the Indian gathering in his cord, prepares to shore to take the greater fish, with much commendation and words of encouragement to this chase-fish, persuading him to let go his hold, which otherwise should sooner by violence break in pieces this Huntsman, then force him to unfasten. Thus will he fasten on the belly of a Tortoise so great that two Indians and sometimes six have enough to do to carry the same to their houses. This fish Roverso hath scailes Staire fashioned, or like the roof of a man's mouth, and on them certain prickles very sharp and strong, whereby he fastens himself to what fish him pleaseth: and these prickly scales he hath on the most part of his body. They have likewise a cunning wild-goose-chase, in a great Lake casting in certain great empty Pompons in the season when Geese resort thither, wherewith they being accustomed grow out of fear and will sit on them to be carried. Being thus acquainted, the Indian puts one of these empty Pompons on his head, and with much dexterity of swimming enters amongst the Geese, and when one hath made him his Porter, no part of his body being seen, he swims from the rest, and then with his hand pulls her in, and hangs her thus strangled at his girdle, and begins a fresh game. Memorials of the dead. When their Caciques are dead they lay them on a piece of wood or stone, and make a fire about the same which may not burn them, but by degrees draw forth all the moisture in sweat, leaving only the skin and bones, and then in a place separate repose the same with the Ancestors which before had been so dealt with; this being their best Book of Heraldry to recount the Names and several Descents in that Pedigree. If any die in battle, or so that they cannot recover his body, they compose Songs which the Children learn touching him, and the manner of his death, Ignorance of Letters. to supply that memorial. These Songs they call Areytos. As for Letters they were so ignorant, that seeing the intercourse of Spaniards by Letters, they thought that Letters could speak, and were very cautelous in their carriage of them, lest the Letters might accuse them of ill demeanour by the way. Areytos, songs and dances. When they will disport themselves, the Men and Women meet and take each other by the hand, and one goeth before which is called Tequina or their Master, with certain paces measured to his singing in a low voice what cometh in his mind, and after him all the multitude answereth in a higher voice with like measures proportioned to the tune, and so continue they three or four hours, with Chicha or Mayz-wine among; sometimes also changing the Tequina and taking another with a new tune and song. Their Houses are commonly round like a Tent, Houses of three sorts. and sometimes with a double water passage (which they call Buhio) of good Timber, thatched with Straw or long Grass, the Walls of Reed pitched into the ground. In the Province of Abrayne in Golden Castille and thereabouts, there are many Villages of Indians which dwell on the tops of Trees in Houses or Rooms there made, to which they ascend by certain stairs of Besuco, which grows about * Besuco seems to be as bind-weed or ivy, but stronger and more pliant. Trees, and is used to bind their Walls and Timbers in their houses before mentioned. Beneath, the ground is fenny and covered with water not so high as a man: and where it is deeper, they use Canoas', and therewith pass to dry Land to sow their Mays and jucca, Battatas and Eyes. In those houses they are secured from wild Beasts, Enemies and Fire. They are not Archers, and use Clubs. In the Gulf of Vraba where Rio Grande enters the Sea, are many Palm trees in the midst of the River growing near together, on the tops whereof are houses made as the former and much bigger, in which many Inhabitants dwell together, and have their beds tied to the lower parts of the said Palm trees▪ These beds they call Hamacas, being coverlets of Cotten of good thread and well woven, of two or three braces long, but narrower, with cords at the ends. The cords are of Cotton, or of Henequen or Cabuya, this the courser thread, that the finer and able to cut Iron; made of the leaf of a certain herb. These Indians fight also with Clubs, and did much harm to Captain Vasco Nunes di Balboa his men, which returned with loss not able to overcome them. I have also observed that these Indians have the bones of their skulls four times as thick as those of the Christians, so that to strike them with a Sword must be warily done, the Swords being thereby often broken. Besides the Tiger and other beasts before mentioned, The beasts of those parts. Daunts. in the firm Land are the Beori (the Christians call them Daunts, not that they are such, but for some resemblance, as is also said of the Tiger) of the bigness of a mean Mule, without horns, ashcoloured: they know not to dress and tanne their hides. They take them with Dogs, but if they take water, they are fierce and cruel. The Gatto Ceruiero is as big as the Tiger and very fierce, Gatto Ceruiero. more dreadful to the Christians, the swiftest beast yet found in those parts. The Lions are a little less than those of Barbary and not so full of courage, but fearful and fugitive, and hurt none but such as assault them. The Leopards are like those of Barbary, and are swift and fierce, Leopards. but neither these nor the Lions have yet done Christians any harm, nor dor they eat the Indians as the Tigers do. The Foxes are like those of Spain, but in colour blacker than black velvet, and somewhat less than of Spain. Foxes. The Red Deer are as those of Spain, but not so swift. Their Fallow Deer are like those of Spain, Red and fallow Deer. but both Red and Fallow exceed the Spanish in taste. Their Coneys or Hares are somewhat like ours, but liker Hares than Coneys, yet less than the Coneys of Spain. Marterns. The Marterns are like to those of Spain in bigness, biting and otherwise: some of them are kept tame and are as full of sport and less filthy than the Monkeys. The Monkeys are of innumerable sorts and shapes: Monkeys. some of them so subtle as they imitate the actions of men, as breaking of Pine-apples and Almonds with stones: some will throw stones at passengers, or break boughs to fall on them as they pass by to break their heads, and retort the arrows shot at them, and do other things incredible. Some are as little or lesser than a man's hand, and some as great as a mean Mastiff. The Indian Dogs are little and bark not, some hairy and some bare, Dogs. Churchia. but wag the tail and leap on those which feed them, and are not so tame as ours. The Churchia is as big as a small Conie, tawny, sharpe-snowted, dogtoothed, long-tailed and eared like a Rat. They do great harm to their Hens, killing sometimes twenty or more at once to suck their blood: And if they then have young, she carrieth them with her in a bag of skin under her belly, running alongst the same like a Satchel, which she opens and shuts at pleasure to let them in and out: and if any come with light when the Dam and young are at their Hen-bloud dainties, she receives them into this bag, and runneth away with them: and if she find the way stopped, she climbeth up above the Hen-roost, and is sometimes taken alive or dead in this manner, as I have seen. Her Teats are within her bag. It is a stinking creature. Of Fowls, they have Eagles, Hawks, Buzzards, Ravens, etc. as in Spain. Fowls. Parrots. Other differing sorts they have so many that they need rather a Painter then Relator to describe them. Of Parrots I carried ten or twelve sorts at once to King Ferdinand. They fly by couples, a Male and Female together: and do much harm to their Corn grounds. Night-sparrows▪ There are Night-sparrowes which fly by night only, and strike at the Bats, holding a pleasant pursuit after them. They are bigger and swifter than Swallows, having a row of white feathers overthwart the wing▪ Bats. The Bats draw much blood by their bitings; and if they bite one man amongst an hundred persons, the same Bat will in the nights following still single the same person. They staunch the blood with hot ashes, or water as hot as may be endured, and so I have been cured. There are Peacocks, some yellow, some black, with tails like those of Spain: they are better meat: some are wild, and some tame, which are brought home young. Other Peacocks they have, Peacocks and Turkeys. of which the Hens are ill shaped, the Males have not so great a tail as ours: their neck also is bare of feathers, but covered with a skin which they change after their fantasy into diverse colours. They have a horn as it were on their front, and hairs on the breast (the last seem Turkeys.) The Sea-Crowes are so many which on the coast of Panama follow the Pilchards or Sardines' (as is before said of the Alcatrazzi) that lighting or hover on the Sea, Sea-crowes. they seem to cover the same with a black carpet of cloth or velvet, going and coming with the Sea. There are Wild Hens as great as Peacocks, black, the head part of the neck grey skins, Wild Hens. and not feathered: they eat Carrion and are of unsavoury taste to be eaten; smell like musk whiles they are alive, but that sent dyeth with them: neither are they good for any thing, except their quills to feather arrows. Partridges. They are desirous to live about places inhabited to feed on Carrion. The Partridges are grey, as savoury as those of Spain, and as great as the Spanish Hens: they have their brawns or flesh double, one over the other. Their eggs are as big as Hen's eggs, but rounder, and coloured like a fine Turkess stone. The Indians making a sound like theirs, draw them to theirs nets. Pheasants. There are also a less kind. The Pheasants are not in feathers like those of Spain, nor so goodly, but very savoury meat like the great Partridges, but are not so great; they are grey, have long legs and tails, make a loud whistling noise, and are easily shot. Flies are not there so many as in these parts of Europe. Their Wasps are greater and sting more dangerously. Flies, and Wasps, Bees, Ants, etc. Their Bees are almost as small as flies, and sting not. They have great Hives and Combs which hold four times as much Honey as ours: their Honey is white. Ants are great, many, and do much damage to the Trees, Sugars, and other provisions. There are of many sorts, some little and black (of which and the Ant-beare is spoken before) some called Conix●n half Ant, half Worm, very hurtful; they carry earth on their heads, and therewith on trees, walls, or where they please build their nests, three or four spans large, and are as hurtful to houses as Moths to clothes. There are others greater of diverse sorts, some as big as Bees with us, so poisonful that herewith the Indians infect their arrows so remediless, that not four of an hundred which are wounded escape: and if this Ant bite a Man he presently falls into a grievous fever, and the place swelleth much. There are others red, yellow, and some winged. Of Hornets or Horseflies (Tafani) are many sorts, tedious to express. There are also Scorpions in the firm Land. Hist. ●. l. 15. c. 1. vid. inf. Historia Gen. l. 2. c. 14. An. 1519. and two years after the Ants destroyed in Hispaniola their Cannafistola, Oranges▪ and fruit Trees, neither in their houses could they keep victuals for their multitudes, destroying all like the African Grasshoppers, in so much that Saint Domingo was nigh dispeopled by them. Beginnings of th● foul disease. They laugh in India to hear the disease called French by the Italians, and Neapolitan by the French, which may indeed be called Indian, where the best remedy Lignum Sanctum, and Guaiacan grow; God so in judgement remembering mercy, that where our sins produce a punishment, he also sends a remedy. I had acquaintance with diverse which went in the first and second voyages of Columbus: of which was Peter Margarite Commendator in the second voyage, of most respect with the King and Queen, who complained of those pains. Soon after, in the year 1496. began the disease to arrest some Courtiers; but in those beginnings, it was only amongst base persons of small authority: and it was thought that they got it with having to do with common women. But afterwards it extended to principal Persons, and the Physicians could not tell what to think of it, so that many died. When after this Gonzalo Fernandes di Cordova was sent with a great Army by the Catholic Kings, in behalf of Ferdinand the second King of Naples, against Charles the French King, some diseased persons went with that Army, and by dealing with the women, and by conversing, spread the disease to the Italians and Frenchmen, which thence got the names aforesaid, but indeed came from Hispaniola: where it is ordinary, and the remedy also. Our Author l. 17. c. 4. and Ramufio in his Preface to his third Tome say, That the Soldiers of Pamfilo de Navaz having the small pocks infected the Indians, which never before had heard of that disease: in so much that of 1600000. souls in that Island there are so few left, as by and by you shall hear. Lib. 3. c. 6. The Niguas also, creatures less than Fleas, which eat in the flesh very dangerously, are rife in that Island. The people of that Island when first they were divided amongst the Spanish Planters, were deemed a Million or more (some say 1600000. of which and of their posterity in the year 1535. were not above five hundred left, little and great, the rest which then were there being Slaves brought thither from other parts. The covetousness of the Myne-workers, neglect of Diet, change of Governors growing worse and worse, caused them to poison, kill, and hang themselves, besides those which were consumed by infectious or pestilential pocks * Those before mentioned out of Ramu●io. Friar's quarrels. and other diseases: Their own vices, also Sodomitry, Idolatry, etc. provoked divine justice against them. No provision could hinder their consumption. The King sent Religious men of diverse Orders, but this I know that the Dominicans and Franciscans contradicted each other, and what one approved the other disallowed, although after the other had left that opinion, the Contradictors would embrace it, still agreeing in disagreeing: which caused much danger not only to new Converts, but also to old Christians: whiles one Order would not absolve them except they franchised the Indians, Lib. 4. c. 2. and the other absolved them nevertheless. Much disputation hath been about the Indians service amongst the Thomists, Canonists, and famous Lawyers and Divines, but their differences have done little good to the Indians or the plantation; and in a short time both this Island and the three adjoining, Saint john, jamaica, and Cuba, remained desolate, being by the Friars means (which I think, meant well) dispersed thorough the Island, Lib▪ 3. c. 11. to lessen their labours, which the Gentlemen imposed on them. I am of opinion that if a Christian Prince had this Island of Hispaniola only, he might make it as good as either England or Sicily: such is the store of Gold, the prosperous success of things carried from Spain, the Beefs (which I knew first carried thither from Spain) being already so multiplied that they kill them for the Hides, leaving the flesh in the fields of five hundred at once: and Roderigo di Bastidas Bishop of Venesuela hath therein 16000 Beefs, and the Treasurer Passamonte as many; others 8000. or more, likewise in other Beasts, Seeds, Oranges, Lemons, F●gs, Pomegranates, etc. Of their Zemes, Idols, Sepulchers, and other things concerning their Religion, Ouiedos fifth Book is of their religion▪ etc. the Reader may see enough in the ninth Book and fourteenth Chapter of my Pilgrimage; and of the Spanish first voyages thither in the beginning of this work, which Ouiedo handleth in his former Books. Their Huracans (so they call tempests of wind and rain together) are very excessive. An. 1508. on the third of August, Lib. 6. c. 3. all the thatched houses in Saint Domingo were thrown to the ground, and some also of stone; all the houses also in the Town Bonaventura, which might thence be named Malaventura: in the Haven were sunk twenty Ships and Carvels, a Northwind first and after a Southwind playing their furious prizes, one carrying out the Vessels in despite of all provisions to Sea, and the other as terribly forcing them again to the Haven (if the loss of ships and men may permit that name) yea on Land many men were carried in the streets and fields diverse bow-shots before they could stay themselves. Superstitious conceit of the Sacrament. It was ordained against the Hura●ans of the conscience, not of the weather. Lib. 7. c. 10. Cock● & Cats differing from the Spanish: wherein our English do much agree with the Indian. Strange waterspout. Hell seemed to have been opened, and the Devils to have carried things to and fro. Yet in july following was a worse, which now are allayed and not so violent since the Blessed Sacrament hath been placed in Churches. I have seen the space of a Crossbow shot or two, all the ground covered with Trees plucked up by the Winds from the Roots, and ours have sometime by dangers of the way been forced to climb from tree to tree over such a passage, with rents and perils enough. The Cocks in Spain crow at midnight and towards day: but here in the shutting in of the evening, or two hours within night, and two hours before day, and not at all at midnight: some crow in the first watch and not else all night. Their Cats also use their lusts all the year and without walling noise, which in Spain, France, Sicily, and other places in Europe and Africa which I have seen go on Caterwauling only about February. In the I'll of Navaza Westward from Hispaniola in the way thence to jamaica, the Rocks are seen under the water: and amongst them a fathom and five foot under the salt water there ariseth a spring of good fresh water upon the Sea, spouting up bigger than a man's arm, higher than the salt water that it may easily be taken in. I have not seen it, but Stephen Rocca a person of credit testifieth this of his own sight and taste. But I have seen in the Island Dominica at the River Acquata, twenty paces wide, and not deeper than the arm pits, there is a hot spring, that if one take up the Sands they seem like embers in his fist, and so is the water a span deep above the Sands, which on the top is fresh and like other water. Ouiedoes 8.9.10. and 11. Books are of Plants and Trees in those parts. Lib. 13. c. 2. The 12. of Creatures before mentioned: the 13. of Fishes, in which he telleth that An. 1529. going from the Gulf of Orotigua to Panama two hundred leagues Eastward, near the mouth of the Gulf, we saw a Fish or great Water-monster, which at times lifted itself right up above the Water so far that the head and both the arms might be seen, Sea Monster stupendious. which seemed higher than our Caravell and all her Masts. Thus did she rise and fall diverse times beating the water strongly, not casting any water out of the mouth. A younger or less of the same kind did likewise, swim a little distant from the greater. Some judged it to be a Whale with her young one, which others denied, saying, a Whale had no arms. To my judgement each arm might be five and twenty foot long, and as big as a Butt or Pipe: the head fourteen or fifteen foot high and much more in breadth; and the rest of the body larger. That of her which appeared above water, was above five times the height of a mean man, which make five and twenty paces. * 25. passa, which sometimes signifieth fathoms. Lorenzo Martino Canon of the Church of Golden Castille, Sancio di Tudela, etc. were with me: and we were all afraid when she came near our small Carvel. She seemed to disport herself at a tempest approaching, which suddenly arose much to our purpose, from the West, and brought us in few days to Panama. In Hispaniola and the neighbouring Lands is a strange bird of prey, as big as a great * An Italian fowl. Gavia and much like it: she preyeth on the Land on birds, etc. and on fish in the Water, Lib. 14. c. 7. she is footed like water-fowles and goeth like a Goose, but hath talons like Hawks, and fastens therewith on the fishes which she eats (so taken) either in the Water or on the Rocks, or as she flieth in the Air holding it between her feet. Water hawks. The Christians call them Astori di acqua. What scathe the Ants did in Hispaniola, is before mentioned, L. 15. c. 1. Greatest harm by least creatures. in the year 1519. and the next following, and the City of Saint Domingo, was almost dishabited by this great Army of little creatures, as in Spain a City was dispeopled by Coneys, and which lately happened to the I'll Porto Santo; in Thessalia (which almost fell out to the English Colony in Bermuda) to another City by Rats, to the Atariotae by Frogs, to the Mi●ntines by Fleas, to Amicle in Italy by Serpents, and to another part thereof by Sparrows; to diverse places of Africa often by Locusts: so can the Great God arm the least creatures to the destruction of proud vainglorious men. And this misery so perplexed the Spaniards, that they sought as strange a remedy as was the disease, which was to choose some Saint for their Patron against the Ants. Uncertainty of Superstition. Alexander Giraldine, the Bishop having sung a solemn and Pontifical Mass, after the Consecration and Elevation of the Sacrament, and devout Prayers made by him and the people, opened a Book in which was a Catalogue of the Saints, by lot to choose some he or she Saint, whom God should please to appoint their Advocate against that Calamity. And the Lot fell upon Saint Saturnine whose Feast is on the nine and twentieth of November: after which the Ant-damage became more tolerable and by little and little diminished, by God's mercy and intercession of that Saint: I note it the rather, because the Bishop and that Saint were both Romans, and as that Martyr had made mute the Idols in Toledo, (as is written in the History of his Martyrdom) so now was Idolatry (and I pray what was this?) destroyed in Hispaniola? He might have said exchanged! a pitiful case that when God hath s●nt his own Son made of a woman, made under the Law, etc. Who hath died for our (yea, Gal. 4. Rom. 4. Eph. 4. Rom. 8. joh. 14. ●. Tim. 4. Col. 1. Col. 2. Col. 3. Heb. 13. Eph. 5. 1. Io●. 4. Mat. 11. Num. 11. jer. 2.13. Mat. 25. joh. 1. that Martyrs) sins, risen for our justification, ascended on high to give gifts to men▪ and is there, and therefore, set down at God's right hand to make intercession for us sinners, to take possession for us mortals, to accomplish, as our Amen, all the promises of this life, and that which is to come, whether against Ants or Devils; and in him it hath pleased the Father that all fullness should dwell; yea (beyond and it pleased) in him dwelleth the fullness of the Godhead bodily, and we are complete in him, and he is all in all, yesterday, to day, the same for ever; which hath loved us, and given himself for us, which is love, which hath invited us, Come to me all ye that labour, which hath incited us by all attractives: that after all this, men, Christian men should go cast Lots for an Intercessor, and neglecting Christ, dream of Roman carnal fancies, or run mad with Romish superstitious frenzies; wherein if the body be delivered, as happened to the lusting Israelites, with their Quaile-store, the burden is made double to the soul, when God heareth in his anger. Such Cisterns do they dig which forsake the Fountain of living waters, even broken Cisterns which can hold no waters: the best of Saints like the wise Virgins, having no more Oil than will suffice their own Lamps, and that also received out of another's fullness, of whose fullness we all have received grace for grace; said a principal Saint. There are Caterpillars, which shine in the night fifty or a hundred paces off, only from that part of the body whence the legs issue: others only have their head shining. I have seen some a span long very fearful, but for any thing I have heard, harmless. Flies are less, but more hurtful then in Spain: but these in kinds and colours are so diversified that it is impossible to write them: and so may be said of other small creatures in those parts. In his sixteenth Book he declareth the Conquest of the I'll Borichen, or Saint john and the quarrels betwixt the Spaniards, L. 16. c. 15. the learning of some breeding such dissensions, that not without cause (saith our Author) in Golden Castille and in other parts, Lawyer's dangerous in the Spanish Indies. the King forbade Law-learned men and Proctors should pass thither, as men infectious by sowing strife where they ought not. In this I'll, the people and other things are as before is said of Hispaniola▪ there are more Birds in Saint john, rich Minerals of Gold, certain Bats which the people eat; and Lignum Sanctum groweth there, more excellent than the Guaiacan for the French Disease and others. L. 17. c. 4. Filthy Marriages. In his seventeenth Book he writeth of Cuba. The people and other things are much like to Hispaniola, In their Marriages, all the guests of the Bridegroom's rank (as Caciques, if he be a Cacique or Principal, or Plebeians as he is) lie with the Spouse before he himself may do it: after which she with her fist bend comes crying with a loud voice, Manicato, Manicato, that is forced and full of force, as glorying in her shame. They are in vices like those of Hispaniola, and will be no better Christians then other Indians, whatsoever Peter Martyr writeth from Encises Relations. For I have seen more Indians than they both, and by experience of those Nations know, Ouied●s testimony of Indian Christianity. He thinks it a Fable that is told of Crosses found in Iuca●an. that none or very few of them are Christians of their own will and accord: and when any are baptised being of age, he doth it more for some by-purpose then for zeal of the faith: for there remains to him nothing but the name, which also soon after he forgets. Perhaps there are some faithful, but I believe they are very rare. The Creatures and Plants of Spain prosper well there, as do the natural which are the same which are in Hispaniola. The people were exhausted when they first went into New Spain, and with the second Army of Grigialua, and with the third of Cortese, and with the fourth of Pamphilo di Narbaez, all by order of Lieutenant Velasco: whereby Cuba was in manner dispeopled, and by the former causes mentioned of Hispaniola, and by the contagion of the small Pocks which was universal in all these Lands: So that the Great God hath in manner wholly extinguished them for their (not without others) sins. They have much Gold and Brass: use to fish much with the Roverso before mentioned, as also that Wild-goose chase. There are innumerable Cranes, such as are in Spain; the Boys take infinite Eggs and young ones. There are Turtles greater than in Spain. Strange passages of Fowls. Every year there pass from the end of Cuba infinite numbers of diverse sorts of Birds, which come from the North of the firm Land, and cross over the Alacrain Lands and Cuba, and fly over the Gulf Southwards. I have seen them pass over Darien and Nombre de dios and Panama in diverse years, in the Firm Land; so many that they cover the Sky: and this passage or march continueth a month or more about the month of March. I think they fly round about the World; L. 17. c. 15. for they never are seen to return toward the West or North: and we see them not every year one after another▪ from morning to night the air is covered, and some fly so high that they cannot be seen, others lower yet higher than the Mountain's tops. They come from the Northwest and North to the Southwards, and then turn South-west, occupying in length more than the eye can discern, and a great space in breadth. The lowest are Eaglets and Eagles, and all seem Birds of prey of many kinds and plumes: The higher cannot be discerned in their plumes, but in manner of flying and quantity appear of diverse sorts. There have been Serpents killed in Cuba, as big as a man's thigh, and five and twenty, or thirty foot long and more. They are tame, and the Indians eat them, and find sometimes in their bellies six or seven creatures bigger than Coneys, which they swallow whole. I am loath to lead you with this Author along with Grigialua, L. 17. c. 18. in his long Expedition from hence to jucatan and other parts. near to Porto de termini, he found two Trees seeming set by hand, standing alone, and fifteen paces off diverse Idols of Chalk. Abominable devotions. They saw two Images made of the wood Copei, in manner of Sodomitical villainy joined together; and another of Chalk with his circumcised member betwixt his hands. jamaica was in people, vices, creatures and other things like the former: L. 18. c. 2. they were the Inventors of the reverso-fishing and Goose-catching with Gourds or Pompions aforesaid, which sometimes they practised also with leaves and green boughs on their heads, and used that Garland, as is before said of the Pompions. Of Cubagua the Pearl Island and of the Pearle-fishing is spoken before. In Cubagua is a bituminous Fountain, having otherwise no water to drink, L 19▪ c. 2. Pi●ch Fountain. nor Herbs, nor Trees but a few of Guaiacan, nor any living creatures, though at first coming of the Christians there were a few Coneys. At the East point is the Fountain running into the Sea with an Oily substance floating on it, profitable for Medicine there called Devils Dung. They that live there, fetch their water seven leagues off from Cumana, on the firm Land, and wood from Margarita. The King's fifth of the Pearle-fishing hath yielded 15000. Ducats yearly: a thing not known that so many Pearls have been taken from so small a space, the Island of Cubagua not compassing above three leagues. In the Gulf of Or●tig●a, and the Lands therein in the Province of Nicaragua on the South Sea, are many shel-fishes of a long form, C. 9 Two shel-fishes which yield Pearls. some a Cubit long, some less, creased, growing broader and broader to the end when they are opened: they have a fishie substance within them, and shine within as the Pearle-oysters do, half their length, thence by degrees losing that shining toward the broader end. The Pearls within them are not so fine as the other. The Indians use the shells to dig their loose ground, fastening the shell to a handle of wood, binding it fast and making a kind of Spade thereof. In the year 1517. An Englishman * He calls him a Pirate, but showeth no reason of that name. Pewter. under colour of Discovery came with a great ship towards Brasill on the Firm Land, and thence traversed to Hispaniola, English voyage to the W●st Indies, A. 1517. L. 19 c. 13. and came near the Haven of Saint Domingo, and sent his Boat full of people on shore, and desired Trade. But the Captain of the Fort shot from the Castle at the Boat, because she came directly to the Port; and thereupon they returned to their ship. The English seeing this entertainment, took their course towards the Island of Saint john, and entered the Port of Saint German, and there demanded victuals and provisions for their ship, complaining of the wrong done them at Saint Domingo, coming thither for Trade, to buy with their Money, and to barter Commodities. There they got some victuals for which they paid in wrought pieces of Pewter and other things: and so returned towards Europe, where it is likely they came not; for there was never any more heard of them. The next year a French Pirate guided by a Spanish Pilot, L. 20. came to trade in the Island of Pearls and a Portugal Caravell which he had taken on the Coast of Brasill, and would have landed his Boats full of men, but was resisted, and a Battle betwixt both parts followed, in which thirteen Frenchmen were slain, and two of ours. Three or four Navarrois and Biskainers fled from them and said the French were thieves and came to take the Island: whereupon they went with all their strength, and took her Boat, and the ship fled out of sight, etc. Ouiedos twentieth Book is of shipwracks and disaduentures which have happened to the Spaniards in those parts. One which happened 1514. is admirable, the ship sinking and five and twenty persons escaping in the Boat, hast forbidding provision of Card, Compass or victual, to save their lives. Thus lived they twelve days at Sea; neither had they any thing to eat or drink: only a young man had saved two pounds of Biscuit, which being divided amongst them, he which had most had not above an ounce and half. Urine, or the Sea was their drink. In this case they made Vows to our L●die of Antica in Seville: and on the twelfth day having made a Sail of their shirts, they came to Siluer-port in Hispaniola. Their Pilot A●to Caluo told me the Story. The same year in the Pleet of Pedrarias de Auilla a Portugal youth, being scoffed at, and flouted by the Spaniards, leapt into the Sea in a fresh gale, and not without the wonder of all men was taken up by another ship alive, whom after I saw vaunting of this folly, and saying that no Castilian durst have done it; which I easily believe, as having more wit than this Foole. Yet will I imitate a little this foolish Portugal, and leap out of Ouiedos Spanish ship (for who will not fear such dreadful shipwracks as this Book, the last which hath come * Ouiedo writ other Books of the firm Land, which are not extant. to our hands, is full of?) and swim ashore, or seek other passage with Acosta, in a new or rather an old Voyage for Discovery of the Mexican Antiquities. CHAP. four Mexican Antiquities gathered out of the Writings of JOSEPHUS ACOSTA a learned jesuit. EVery History well written is profitable to the Reader: For as the Wiseman saith, That which hath been, L. 7. Eccles. 1. is, and that which shall be, is that which hath been: Humane things have much resemblance in themselves, and some grow wise by that which happeneth to others. There is no Nation, how barbarous soever, that have not something in them, good, and worthy of commendation; nor Commonweal so well ordered, that hath not something blame-worthy, and to be controlled. If therefore there were no other fruit in the History and Narration of the Deeds and Gests of the Indians, but this common utility, to be a Relation or History of things, the which in the effect of truth have happened, it deserveth to be received as a profitable thing, neither ought it to be rejected, for that it concerns the Indians. As we see that those Authors that treat of natural things, write not only of generous Beasts, notable and rare Plants, and of Precious Stones, but also of wild Beasts, common Herbs, and base and vulgar Stones, for that there is always in them some properties worthy observation. If therefore there were nothing else in this Discourse, but that it is a History, and no fables nor fictions, it were no unworthy Subject to be written, or read. There is yet another more particular reason, which is, that we ought herein to esteem that which is worthy of memory, both for that it is a Nation little esteemed, and also a Subject different from that of our Europe, as these Nations be, wherein we should take most pleasure and content, to understand the ground of their beginning, their manner of life, with their happy and unhappy Adventures. And this subject is not only pleasant and agreeable, but also profitable, especially to such as have the charge to rule and govern them; for the knowledge of their Acts invites us to give credit, and doth partly teach how they ought to be entreated: yea, it takes away much of that common and foolish contempt wherein they of Europe hold them, supposing that those Nations have 〈◊〉 feeling of reason. For in truth we cannot clear this error better, than by the true report of the Acts and deeds of this people. I will therefore as briefly as I can, entreat of the beginning, proceedings and notable deeds of the Mexicanes, whereby we may know the time and the disposition that the high God would choose, to send unto these Nations the Light of the Gospel of jesus Christ his only Son our Lord, whom I beseech to second our small labour, that it may be to the glory of his Divine greatness, and some profit to these people, to whom he hath imparted the Law of his holy Gospel. §. I Of the ancient Inhabitants of New Spain, and of the six Lineages of the Navatlacas. Of the Mexican Exodus, and Adventures by the way: the foundation of Mexico, their first King and Tribute. THe aneient and first Inhabitants of those Provinces, which we call New Spain, were men very barbarous and savage, L. 7. c. 2. which lived only by hunting, for this reason they were called Chichimecas. They did neither sow nor till the ground, neither lived they together; Chichimecas. Their savage course of life. for all their exercise was to hunt, wherein they were very expert. They lived in the roughest parts of the Mountains beastlike, without any policy, and they went all naked. They hunted wild Beasts, Hares, Coneys, Weasels, Moles, wild Cats, and Birds, yea unclean beasts, as Snakes, Lizards, Locusts and Worms, whereon they fed, with some herbs and roots. They slept in the Mountains, in caves and in bushes, and the wives likewise went a hunting with their husbands, leaving their young children in a little panier of Reeds, tied to the boughs of a Tree, which desired not to suck until they were returned from hunting. They had no Superiors, nor did acknowledge or worship any gods, neither had any manner of Ceremonies or Religion. There is yet to this day in New Spain of this kind of people, which live by their Bows and Arrows, the which are very hurtful, for that they gather together in troops to do mischief, and to rob: neither can the Spaniards by force or cunning reduce them to any policy or obedience: for having no Towns nor places of residence, to fight with them, were properly to hunt after savage beasts, which scatter and hide themselves in the most rough and covered places of the Mountains. Such is their manner of living even to this day, in many Provinces of the Indies. Those in New Spain, which they call Ottomies, were of this sort, Ottomies. being commonly poor Indians, inhabiting a rough and barren Land, and yet they are in good numbers, and live together with some order, and such as do know them, find them no less apt and capable of matters of Christian Religion, than others which are held to be more rich and better governed. Coming therefore to our subject, the Chichimeca● and Ottomies which were the first Inhabitants of New Spain, for that they did neither till nor sow the Land, left the best and most fertile of the Country unpeopled, which, Nations that came from far did possess, whom they called Navatalcas, for that it was a more civil and politic Nation; this word signifies a people that speaks well, in respect of other barbarous Nations without reason. These second peoplers Navatalcas, came from other far Countries, which lie toward the North, where now they have discovered a Kingdom they call New Mexico. New Mexico. There are two Provinces in this Country, the one called Aztlan, Aztlan. Tuculhuacan. which is to say a place of Herons: the other Tuculhuacan, which signifies a Land of such, whose Grandfathers were divine. The Inhabitants of these Provinces have their houses, their Lands tilled, Gods, Customs, and Ceremonies, with like order and government to the Navatalcas, and are divided into seven Tribes or Nations: and for that they have a custom in this Province, that every one of these Lineages hath his place and private Territory, the Navatalcas paint their beginning and first Territory in figure of a Cave, and say that they came forth of seven Caves to come and people the Land of Mexico, whereof they make mention in their History, where they paint seven Caves and men coming forth of them. By the supputation of their Books, Their beginnings 900. years ago▪ A.D. 720. it is above eight hundred years since these Navatalcas came forth of their Country, reducing which to our account, was about the year of our Lord 720. When they left their Country to come to Mexico, they stayed fourscore years upon the way; and the cause of this their long stay in their Voyage, was, that their Gods (which without doubt were Devils, and spoke visibly unto them) had persuaded them to seek new Lands that had certain signs. And therefore they came discovering the whole Land, to search for these tokens which their Idols had given them; and in places where they found any good dwellings, they peopled it, and laboured the Land, and as they discovered better Countries, they left those which they had first peopled; leaving still some, especially the aged, sick folks, and the weary, yea, they did plant and build there, whereof we see the remainders at this day. In the way where they passed, they spent fourscore years in this manner of leisurely travel, the which they might have done in a month. By this means they entered the Land of Mexico, in the year 902. after our computation. These seven Lineages I have spoken of, came not forth altogether: How the six Lineages of Navatalcas peopled the Land of Mexico. Chap. 3. Suchimilcos'. Chalchas. Tepanecans'. Azcapuzalco. Tescuco. Culhua. the first were the Suchimilcos', which signify a Nation of the seeds of flowers. Those peopled the banks of the great Lake of Mexico towards the South, and did build a City of their name, and many Villages. Long time after came they of the second Lineage called Chalcas, which signifies people of mouths, who also built a City of their name, dividing their limits and Territories with the Suchimilcos'. The third were the Tepanecans, which signifies people of the bridge: they did inhabit upon the bank of the Lake towards the West, and they increased so, as they called the chief and Metropolitan of their Province, Axcapuzalco, which is to say, an Aunt's Nest, and they continued long time mighty. After them came those that peopled Tescuco, which be those of Culhua, which is to say, a crooked people: for that in their Country there was a Mountain much bending. And in this sort this Lake was environed with these four Nations, these inhabiting on the East, and the Tepanecas on the North. These of Tescuco, were held for great Courtiers, for their tongue and pronunciation is very sweet and pleasant. Then arrived the Tlalluicans, which signifies men of the Sierre or Mountain. Those were the most rude and gross of all the rest, Tlalluicans. who finding all the Plains about the Lake possessed even unto the Sierre, they passed to the other side of the Mountain, where they found a very fertile, spacious and warm Country, where they built many great Villages, calling the Metropolitan of their Province Quahunachua, Quabunachua▪ which is as much to say, as a place that sounds the voice of an Eagle, which our common people call by corruption, Queruavaca, and at this day they call this Province, the Marquisate. Those of the sixth Generation, which are the Tlascaltecans, which is to say, Men of bread, passed the Mountain towards the East, crossing all the Sierre, or Mountain of Menade, Tlascaltecans'. where that famous Vulcan is betwixt Mexico and the City of Angels, where they did find a good Country, making many buildings. They built many Towns and Cities, whereof the Metropolitan was called by their name Tlascala. This is the Nation which favoured the Spaniards at their entry, by whose help they did win this Country, and therefore to this day they pay no Tribute, but enjoy a general exemption. When all these Nations peopled these Countries, the Chinchimecans being the ancient Inhabitants, made no resistance, but fled, and as people amazed, they hid themselves in the most obscure of the Rocks. But those that inhabited on the other side of the Mountain where the Tlascaltecans had planted themselves, did not suffer, them in quiet, as the rest of the Chichimecans had done, but they put themselves in defence to preserve their Country, and being Giants as the Histories report, Giants. they sought to expel the last Comers, but they were vanquished by the policy of the Tlascaltecans, who counterfeiting a peace with them, invited them to a great banquet, and when they were busiest in their drunkenness, there were some laid in ambush, who secretly stole away their weapons, which were great Clubs, Targets, Swords of wood, and other such arms. Then did they suddenly set upon them, and the Chichimecans seeking to defend themselves, they did want their arms, so as they fled to the Mountains and Forests adjoining, where they pulled down Trees, as if they had been stalks of Lettuces. But in the end, the Tlascaltecans being armed, and marching in order, they defeated all the Giants, not leaving one alive. Note of Giants. We must not hold this of the Giants to be strange, or a fable; for at this day we find dead men's bones of an incredible bigness. When I was in Mexico, in the year 1586. they found one of those Giants buried in one of our Farms, which we call jesus du Mont, of whom they brought a tooth to be seen, which (without augmenting) was as big as the fist of a man, and according to this, all the rest was proportionable, which I saw and admired at his deformed greatness. The Tlascaltecans by this victory remained peaceable, and so did the rest of the Lineages. These six Lineages did always entertain amity together, marrying their children one with another, and dividing their limits quietly: then they studied with an emulation to increase and beautify their Commonweal. The barbarous Chichimecans, seeing what passed, began to use some government, and to apparel themselves, Beginnings of civility. being ashamed of what had passed: for till then they had no shame. And having abandoned fear by their communication with these other people, they began to learn many things of them, building small Cottages, having some policy and government. They did also choose Lords, whom they did acknowledge for their Superiors, by means whereof they did in a manner quite abandon this brutish life, yet did they always continue in the Mountains divided from the rest. Of the Mexicans departure, of their journey and peopling the Province of Mechovacan Ch. 4. Three hundred and two years after the former two Lineages had left their Country, to inhabit New Spain, the Country being now well peopled, and reduced to some form of government, Those of the seventh Cave or Line arrived, which is the Mexicane Nation, the which like unto the rest, left the Province of Aztlan, and Teuculhuacan, a politic, courtlike, and warlike Nation. They did worship the Idol Vitzliputzli, the Devil that was in this Idol spoke, and governed this Nation easily. This Idol commanded them to leave their Country, promising to make them Princes and Lords over all the Provinces which the other six Nations did possess, Devil's emulation of that work of God in bringing Israel out of Egypt, and passing thorough the desert to Canaan. Tabernacle. Ark. that he would give them a Land abounding with gold, silver, precious stones, feathers, and rich mantles: whereupon they went forth, carrying their Idol with them in a Coffer of Reeds, supported by four of their principal Priests, with whom he did talk and reveal unto them in secret, the success of their way and voyage, advising them of what should happen. He likewise gave them Laws, and taught them the customs, ceremonies, and sacrifices they should observe. They did not advance nor move without commandment from this Idol. He gave them notice when to march; and when to stay in any place, wherein they wholly obeyed him. The first thing they did wheresoever they came, was to build a House or Tabernacle for their false god, which they set always in the midst of their Camp, and there placed the Ark upon an Altar, in the same manner as they have used in the holy Christian Church. This done, they sowed their land for bread and pulses, which they used: and they were so addicted to the obedience of their god, that if he commanded them to gather, they gathered, but if he commanded them to raise their Camp, all was left there for the nourishment of the aged, sick, and weary, which they left purposely from place to place, that they might people it, pretending by this means, that all the Land should remain inhabited by their Nation. We may well judge what this Vitzliputzli was, for that there was never seen nor heard speak of customs more superstitious, nor sacrifices more cruel and inhuman, than those which he taught them. To conclude, they were invented by the enemy of mankind. The Chief and Captain whom they followed, was called Mexi, whence came the name of Mexico, and of the Mexican Nation. Mexi their Moses. This people marching thus at leisure, as the other six Nations had done, peopling and tilling the Land in diverse parts, whereof there is yet some shows and ruins: and after they had endured many travels and dangers, in the end they came to the Province of Mechovacan, Mechovacan. which is as much to say, as a land of fish, for there is great abundance in goodly great Lakes, where contenting themselves with the situation and temperature of the ground, they resolved to stay there. Yet having consulted with their Idol upon this point, and finding him unwilling, they demanded licence to leave some of their men to people so good a Land, the which he granted, teaching them the means how to do it, which was, that when the Men and Women should be entered into a goodly Lake called Pascuaro, to bathe themselves, those which remained on Land, Pascuaro. should steal away all their clothes, and then secretly raise their Camp, and depart without any bruit, the which was effected, and the rest which dreamt not of this deceit (for the pleasure they took in bathing) coming forth and finding themselves spoilt of their garments, and thus mocked and left by their Companions, they remained discontented and vexed therewith: so as to make show of the hatred they had conceived against them, they say that they changed their manner of life and their language. At the least it is most certain, that the Mechovacans have been always enemies to the Mexicans, and therefore they came to congratulate the marquis De Valle, after his victory obtained when he had conquered Mexico. From Mechovacan to Mexico, are above fifty leagues, and upon the way is Malinalco, Of that which happened in Malinalco Tula, and in Chapultepec. Chap. 5. where it happened, that complaining to their Idol of a woman that was a notable witch, which came in their company carrying the name of their sister to their god, for that with her wicked arts she did them much harm, pretending by certain means to be worshipped of them as their goddess: the Idol spoke in a dream to one of those old men that carried the Ark, commanding him to comfort the people, making them new and great promises, and that they should leave this his sister with her family, being cruel and bad, raising their Camp at midnight in great silence, leaving no show what way they passed. So they did, and the Witch remaining alone with her family in this sort, peopled a Town which they call Malinalco, the Inhabitants whereof, Witch forsaken. are held for great Sorcerers, being issued from such a mother. The Mexicans for that they were greatly diminished by these divisions, and by the number of sick and wearied persons, which they had left behind, meant to repair themselves, and to stay in a place called Tula, which signifies a place of Reeds. There their Idol commanded them to stop a great River, that it might cover a great Plain, and by the means he taught them, they did environ a little Hill called Coatepec, making a great Lake, the which they did plant round about with Willows, Elms, Sapines, and other Trees. There began to breed much fish, and many birds came thither: so as it became a very pleasant place. The situation of this place, seeming pleasant unto them, and being wearied with travel, many talked of peopling there, and to pass no farther: wherewith the Devil was much displeased, threatening the Priests with death, commanding them to return the River to her course, saying, Devil's proud emulation in punishing disobedience, and teaching murderous sacrifices. that he would that night chastise those which had been disobedient as they had deserved. And as to do ill is proper to the Devil, and that the divine justice doth often suffer such to be delivered into the hands of such a Tormentor, that choose him for their god; It chanced that about midnight they heard a great noise in one part of the Camp, and in the morning going thither, they found those dead that had talked of staying there. The manner of their death, was, that their stomaches were opened, and their hearts pulled out. And by that means, this good god taught these poor miserable Creatures, the kinds of sacrifices that pleased him, which was, in opening the stomach, to pull out the heart, as they have since practised in their horrible sacrifices. Seeing this punishment, and that the Plain was dried, the Lake being emptied, they asked counsel of their god what to do, who commanded them to pass on, the which they did by little and little, until they came to Chapultepec, Chapultepec. a league from Mexico, famous for the pleasantness thereof. They did fortify themselves in these Mountains, fearing the Nations which inhabited that Country, the which were opposite unto them, especially for that one named Copil, son to this Sorceress, left in Malinalco, had blamed and spoken ill of the Mexicans: for this Copil by the commandment of his mother, awhile after followed the Mexicans course, labouring to incense the Tapanecas, and other neighbours against them, even unto the Chalcas: so as they came with a strong Army to destroy the Mexicans. Copil in the mean space stood upon a little Hill in the midst of a Lake, called Acopilco, attending the destruction of his Enemies, and they by the advice of their Idol, went against him, took him suddenly, and slew him, carrying his heart to their god, Metamorphosis. who commanded them to cast it into the Lake, feigning that thereof did grow a plant called Tunal, where since Mexico was built. They came to fight with the Chalcas, and other Nations, having chosen for their Captain, a valiant man, called Vitzilonilti, who in an encounter, was taken and slain by the Enemies. But for all this, they were not discouraged, but fought valiantly; and in despite of their Enemies they broke the squadrons, and carrying their Aged, their Women, and young Children in the midst of their battle, they passed on to Atlacuyavaya, a Town of the Culhuans, Atlacuyavaya▪ whom they found solemnising of a Feast, in which place they fortified. The Chalcas, nor the other Nations did not follow them, but grieved to be defeated by so small a number of men; they being in so great multitudes retired to their Towns. The Mexicans, by the advice of their Idol, sent their Messengers to the Lord of Culhuacan, Of the wars the Mexicans had against them of Culhuacan. Chap. 6. Ticaapan. to demand a place to dwell in, who after he had imparted it to his people, granted them the place of Ticaapan, which signifies white waters, to the end they should all perish there, being full of Vipers, Snakes, and other venomous beasts which bred in a Hill near adjoining. But being persuaded and taught by their Devil, they accepted willingly what was offered, and by their devilish art, tamed these beasts, so as they did them no harm; yea, they used them as meat, eating them with delight and appetite. The which the Lord of Culhuacan seeing, and that they had tilled and sowed the Land, he resolved to receive them into the City, and to contract amity with them. But the god whom the Mexicans did worship (as he is accustomed to do no good, but ill) said unto his Priests, that this was not the place where he would have them stay, and that they must go forth making wars. Therefore they must seek forth a Woman, and name her the Goddess of Discord. Queen of Discord made b● the King of Pride. Whereupon they resolved to send to the King of Culhuacan, to demand his daughter to be Queen of the Mexicans, and mother to their god, who received this ambassage willingly, sending his daughter presently gorgeously attired and well accompanied. The same night she arrived, by order of the murderer whom they worshipped, they killed her cruelly; and having ●layed her artificially as they could do, they did cloth a young man with her skin, and thereupon her apparel, placing him near their Idol, dedicating him for a Goddess and the mother of their god, and ever after did worship it, making an Idol which they called Toccy, which is to say, Toccy. our grand mother. Not content with this cruelty, they did maliciously invite the King of Culhuacan, the father of the young Maid, to come and worship his daughter, who was now consecrated a goddess, who coming with great Presents, and well accompanied with his people, he was led into a very dark Chapel where their Idol was, that he might offer sacrifice to his daughter that was in that place. But it chanced that the Incense that was upon the hearth, according to their custom, kindled in such sort, as he might discern his daughter's hair, and having by this means discovered the cruelty and deceit, he went forth crying aloud, and with all his men he fell upon the Mexicans, forcing them to retire to the Lake, so as they were almost drowned. The Mexicans defended themselves, casting certain little darts, which they used in the wars, wherewith they much galled their enemies. But in the end they got Land, and leaving that place, they coasted along the Lake, very weary and wet; the Women and little Children crying and making great exclamations against them and their god that had brought them into this distress. They were enforced to pass a River that could not be waded thorough, and therefore they advised to make small Boats of their Targets and of Reeds, wherein they passed. Then afterwards, having left Culhuacan, they arrived at Iztacalco, and finally to the place where the Hermitage of Saint Anthony now is, at the entry of Mexico, and to that quarter which they now call Saint Paul. During which time their Idol did comfort them in their travels, and encouraged them, promising great matters. Of the foundation of Mexico. Chap. 7. The time being now come, that the Father of lies should accomplish his promise made to his people, who could no longer suffer so many turnings, travels, and dangers, it happened that some old Priests or Sorcerers, being entered into a place full of water-lillies, they met with a very fair and clear current of water, which seemed to be silver, and looking about, they found the Trees, Meadows, Fish, and all that they beheld to be very white: wondering hereat, they remembered a prophecy of their god, whereby he had given them that for a token of their place of rest, and to make them Lords of other Nations. Then weeping for joy, they returned to the people with these good news. The night following, Vitzliputzli appeared in a dream to an ancient Priest, saying, that they should seek out a Tunal in the Lake, which grew out of a stone (which as he told them, was the same place where by his commandment they had cast the heart of Copil, son to the Sorceress their enemy) and upon this Tunal they should see a goodly Eagle, which fed on certain small birds. When they should see this, they should believe it was the place where their City should be built, the which should surmount all others, and be famous throughout the World. Morning being come, the old man assembled the whole people, from the greatest to the least, making a long speech unto them, how much they were bound unto their god; and of the revelation, which (although unworthy) he had received that night, concluding that all must seek out that happy place which was promised them; which bred such devotion and joy in them all, that presently they undertook the enterprise, and dividing themselves into Bands, they began to search, following the signs of the revelation of the desired place. Amidst the thickest of these water-lillies in the Lake, they met with the same course of water they had seen the day before, but much differing, being not white, but red, like blood, the which divided itself into two streams, whereof the one was of a very obscure azure, the which bred admiration in them, noting some great mystery, as they said. After much search here and there, the Tunal appeared growing on a stone, whereon was a Royal Eagle, with the wings displayed towards the Sun, receiving his heat. About this Eagle were many rich feathers, white, red, yellow, Eagle glorious adored. blue, and green, of the same sort as they make their Images, which Eagle held in his talons a goodly bird. Those which saw it and knew it to be the place foretold by the Oracle, fell on their knees, doing great worship to the Eagle, which bowed the head looking on every side. Then was there great cries, demonstrations, and thanks unto the Creator, and to their great god Vitzliputzli, who was their father, and had always told them truth. For this reason they called the City which they founded ●here, Tenoxtiltan. Tenoxtiltan, which signifies Tunal on a stone, and to this day they carry in their Arms, an Eagle upon a Tunal, with a bird in his tallant, and standing with the other upon the Tunal. The day following, by common consent they made an Hermitage adjoining to the Tunal of the Eagle, Tabernacle for their Devil's Ark. that the Ark of their god might rest there, till they might have means to build him a sumptuous Temple: and so they made this Hermitage of Flags and Turfs covered with straw. Then having consulted with their god, they resolved to buy of their Neighbours, Stone, Timber, Lime, in exchange of Fish, Frogs, and young Kids, and for Ducks, Waterhens, Courlieus, and diverse other kinds of Sea fowls. All which things they did fish and hunt for in this Lake, whereof there is great abundance. They went with these things to the Markets of the Towns and Cities of the Tapanecans, and of them of Tescuco their neighbours▪ and with policy they gathered together by little and little; what was necessary for the building of their City: Stone Chapel. so as they built a better Chapel for their Idol of lime and stone, and laboured to fill up a great part of the Lake with rubbish. This done, the Idol spoke one night to one of his Priests, in these terms; Say unto the Mexicans, Oracle. that the Noblemen divide themselves every one with their Kinsfolks and Friends, and that they divide themselves into four principal quarters, about the house which you have built for my rest, and let every quarter build in his quarter at his pleasure. The which was put in execution: and those be the four principal quarters of Mexico, which are called at this day Saint jean, Saint Mary the round, Saint Paul, and Saint Sebastian. After this, the Mexicans being thus divided into these four quarters, their god commanded them to divide amongst them the gods he should name to them, and that they should give notice to every quarter, principal of the other four particall quarters, where their gods should be worshipped. So as under every one of these four principal quarters, there were many less comprehended, according to the number of the Idols which their god commanded them to worship, which they called Calpultetco, which is as much to say, as God of the quarters. In this manner the City of Mexico Tenoxtiltan was founded, God of the quarters. and grew great. This division being made as aforesaid, some old Men and Ancients held opinion, Of the sedition of those of Tlatelulco, and of the first Kings the Mexicans did choose. Chap. 8. that in the division, they had not respected them as they deserved: for this cause, they and their Kinsfolk did mutiny, and went to seek another residence: and as they went through the Lake, they found a small piece of Ground or Terrasse, which they call Tloteloli, where they inhabited, calling it Tlatellulco, which signifies Place of a Terrasse. This was the third division of the Mexicans, since they left their Country. That of Mechonacan being the first, and that of Malinalco the second. Those which separated themselves and went to Tlatellulco, were famous men, but of bad disposition: and therefore they practised against the Mexicans their neighbours, all the ill neighbourhood they could. They had always quarrels against them, and to this day continues their hatred and old leagues. They of Tenoxtiltan, seeing them of Tlatellulco thus opposite unto them, and that they multiplied, feared that in time they might surmount them: hereupon they assembled in counsel, where they thought it good to choose a King, whom they should obey, and strike terror into their Enemies, that by this means they should be more united and stronger among themselves, and their Enemies not presume too much against them. Being thus resolved to choose a King, they took another advice very profitable and assured, to choose none among themselves, for the avoiding of dissensions, and to gain (by their new King) some other neighbour Nations, by whom they were environed, being destitute of all succours. All well considered, both to pacify the King of Culhuacan, whom they had greatly offended, having slain and slayed the daughter of his predecessor, and done him so great a scorn, as also to have a King of the Mexican blood, of which generation there were many in Culhuacan, which continued there since the time they lived in peace amongst them; they resolved to choose for their King, a young man called Acamapixtli, Acamapixtli first King of the Mexicans. son to a great Mexican Prince, and of a Lady; daughter to the King of Calhuacan. Presently they sent Ambassadors with a great Present to demand this man, who delivered their Ambassage in these terms; Great Lord, we your Vassals and Servants▪ placed and shut up in the Weeds and Reeds of the Lake, alone, and abandoned of an the Nations of the World, led only and guided by our god to the place where we are, which falls in the jurisdiction of your limits of Ascapusalco, and of Tescuco: Although you have suffered us to live and remain there, yet will we not, neither is it reason to live without a Head and Lord to command, correct, and govern us, instructing us in the course of our life, and defending us from our Enemies: Therefore we come to you, knowing that in your Court and House, there are Children of our generation, linked and allied with yours, issued from our entrailes, and yours, of our blood and yours, among the which we have knowledge of a Grandchild of yours and ours, called Acamapixth. We beseech you therefore, to give him us for Lord, we will esteem him as he deserves, seeing he is of the Lineage of the Lords of Mexico, and the Kings of Culhuacan. The King having consulted upon this point, and finding it nothing inconvenient to be allied to the Mexicans, who were valiant men, made them answer, That they should take his grandchild in good time, adding thereunto, that if he had been a woman, he would not have given her, noting the foul fact before spoken of, ending his discourse with these words, Let my grandchild go to serve your god, and be his Lieutenant, to rule and govern his Creatures, by whom we live, who is the Lord of Night, Day, and Winds: Let him go and be Lord of the Water and Land, and possess the Mexican Nation, take him in good time, and use him as my son and grandchild. The Mexicans gave him thanks, all jointly desiring him to marry him with his own hand, so as he gave him to wife, one of the noblest Ladies amongst them. They conducted the new King and Queen with all honour possible, and made him a solemn reception, going all in general forth to see the King, whom they led into Palaces which were then, but mean, and having seated them in Royal Thrones, presently one of the Ancients and an Orator much esteemed amongst them, did rise up, speaking in this manner, My son, our Lord and King, thou art welcome to this poor House and City, amongst these weeds and mud, where thy poor fathers, Grandfathers, and Kinsfolks, endure what it pleaseth the Lord of things created. Remember Lord thou comest hither to be the defence and support of the Mexican Nation, and to be the resemblance of our god Vitzliputzli, whereupon the charge and government is given thee. Thou knowest we are not is our Country, seeing the Land we possess at this day is another's, neither know we what shall become of us to morrow, or another day: Consider therefore▪ that thou comest not to rest or recreate thyself, but rather to endure a new charge under so heavy a burden: wherein thou must continually labour, being slave to this multitude, which is fallen to thy lot, and to all this neighbour people, whom thou must strive to gratify, and give them contentment, seeing thou knowest we live upon their Lands, and within their limits. And ending, he repeated these words; Thou art welcome, Thou and the Queen our Mistress, to this your Realm. This was the speech of the old man, which with other Orations (which the Mexican Histories do celebrate) the Children did use to learn by heart, How Orations were kept in memory. and so they were kept by Tradition, some of them deserve well to be reported in their proper terms. The King answering, thanked them, and offered them his care and diligence in their defence and aid in all he could. After they gave him the Oath, and after their manner set the Royal Crown upon his head, Crown and coronation. the which is like to the Crown of the Dukes of Venice: the name of Acamapixtli their first King, signifies a handful of Reeds, and therefore they carry in their Armouries a hand holding many arrows of Reeds. Of the strange 〈◊〉 the Mexicans paid to them of Azcapuzalco. Chap. 9 The Mexicans happened so well in the election of their new King, that in short time they grew to have some form of a Commonweal, and to be famous among strangers; whereupon their neighbours moved with fear, practised to subdue them, especially the Tapanecans, who had Azcapuzalco for their Metropolitan City, to whom the Mexicans paid tribute, as strangers dwelling in their Land. For the King of Azcapuzalco fearing their power which increased, sought to oppress the Mexicans, and having consulted with his subjects, he sent to tell King Acamapixili, that the ordinary tribute they paid was too little, and that from thenceforth they should bring Fir trees, Sapines, and Willows for the building of the City; and moreover, they should make him a Garden in the water, Garden in the water. planted with diverse kinds of Herbs and Pulses, which they should bring unto him yearly by water, dressed in this manner, without failing; which if they did not, he declared them his enemies, and would root them out. The Mexicans were much troubled at this commandment, holding it impossible: and that this demand was to no other end, but to seek occasion to ruin them. But their god Vitzliputzli comforted them, appearing that night to an old man, commanding him to say to the King his son in his name, that he should make no difficulty to accept of this tribute, he would help them and make the means easy, which after happened: for the time of tribute being come, the Mexicans carried the Trees that were required, and moreover, a Garden made and floating in the water, and in it much Mays (which is their Corn) already grained and in the ear: there was also Indian Pepper, Beets, Tomates, which is a great sappy and savoury grain, French Pease, Figs, Gourds, and many other things, all ripe, and in their season. Such as have not seen the Gardens in the Lake of Mexico, in the midst of the water, will not believe it, but will say it is an enchantment of the Devil whom they worship: How made. But in truth it is a matter to be done, and there hath been often seen of these Gardens floating in the water; for they cast earth upon Reeds and Grass, in such sort as it never wastes in the water; they sow and plant this ground, so as the grain grows and ripens very well, and then they remove it from place to place. But it is true, that to make this great Garden easily, and to have the fruits grow well, is a thing that makes men judge there was the work of Vitzliputzli, whom otherwise they call Patellas, specially having never made nor seen the like. The King of Azcapuzalco wondered much when he saw that accomplished which he held impossible, saying unto his subjects, that this people had a great god that made all easy unto them, and he said unto the Mexicans, that seeing their god gave them all things perfect, he would the year following, New Pharaonicall taxes. at the time of tribute, they should bring in their Garden a wild Duck, and a Heron, sitting on their eggs, in such sort, that they should hatch their young ones as they should arrive, without failing of a minute, upon pain of his indignation. The Mexicans were much troubled and heavy with this proud and strict command: but their god, as he was accustomed, comforted them in the night, by one of his Priests, saying, that he would take all that charge upon him, willing them not to fear, but believe that the day would come, when as the Azcapuzalcos' should pay with their lives this desire of new Tributes. The time being come, as the Mexicans carried all that was demanded of their Gardens, among the Reeds and Weeds of the Garden, they found a Duck and a Heron hatching their eggs, and at the same instant when they arrived at Azcapuzalco their young ones were disclosed. Whereat the King of Azcapuzalco wondering beyond measure, he said again to his people, that these were more than humane things, and that the Mexicans began as if they would make themselves Lords over all those Provinces. Yet did he not diminish the order of this tribute, and the Mexicans finding not themselves mighty enough, endured this subjection and slavery the space of fifty years. In this time the King Acamapixtli died, Acamapixtli dyeth. having beautified the City of Mexico with many goodly buildings, streets, Conduits of water, and great abundance of munition. He reigned in peace and rest forty years, having been always zealous for the good and increase of the Commonweal. As he drew near his end, he did one memorable thing, that having lawful children to whom he might leave the succession of the Realm, yet would he not do it, but chose he spoke freely to the Commonweal, that as they had made a free Election of him, so they should choose him that should seem fittest for their good Government, advising them therein to have a care to the good of the Commonweal, and seeming grieved that he left them not freed from Tribute and subjection, he died, having recommended his wife and children unto them, he left all his people sorrowful for his death. §. II. Of the second King VITZILOVITLI; and of his Successors and their Acts until the Reign of MOTEZUMA their last King. THe Obsequies of the dead King performed, the Ancients, the chief of the Realm, and some part of the people assembled together, to choose a King, where the Ancients propounded the necessity wherein they were, and that it was m●●dfull to choose for chief of their City, a man that had pity of age, of Widows, and Orphans, and to be a Father of the Commonweal: for in very deed they should be the feathers of his wings, the eyebrows of his eyes, and the beard of his face, that it was necessary he were valiant, being needful shortly to use their forces, as their God had prophesied. Their resolution in the end was to choose a son of the Predecessor, using the like good office in accepting his son for Successor, as he had done to the Commonweal, relying thereon. This young man was called Vitz●louitli, which signifieth a rich feather. Vitzilovitli elected King. They set the Royal Crown upon his head, and anointed him, as they have been accustomed to do to all their Kings, with an Ointment they call Disme, being the same unction wherewith they did anoint their Idol. Presently an Orator made an eloquent speech, exhorting him to arm himself with courage, and free them from the travels, slavery and misery they suffered, being oppressed by the Azcapuzalcos': which done, all did him homage. This King was not married, and his Counsel held opinion, that it was good to marry him with the Daughter of the King of Azcapuzalco, to have him a friend by this alliance, and to obtain some diminution of their heavy burden of Tributes imposed upon them, and yet they feared lest he should disdain to give them his Daughter, by reason they were his Vassals: yet the King of Azcapuzalco yielded thereunto, having humbly required him, who with courteous words gave them his Daughter, called Ay●nchiguall, whom they led with great pomp and joy to Mexico, and performed the Ceremony and Solemnity of Marriage, which was to tie a corner of the man's Cloak to a part of the woman's Veil, in sign of the band of Marriage. This Queen brought forth a son, of whose name they demanded advice of the King of Azcapuzalco, Marriage ceremony. Lots and Southsaying▪ and casting Lots as they had accustomed (being greatly given to Southsaying, especially upon the names of their children) he would have his Grandchild called Chimalpopoca, which signifies A Target casting smoke. The Queen his Daughter seeing the contentment the King of Azcupazalco had of his Grandchild, took occasion to entreat him to relieve the Mexicans, of the heavy burden of their Tributes, seeing he had now a Grandchild Mexican, the which the King willingly yielded unto, by the advice of his Counsel, granting (for the Tribute which they paid) to bring yearly a couple of Ducks and some fish, in sign of subjection, and that they dwelled in his Land. The Mexicans by this means remained much eased and content, but it lasted little. For the Queen their Protectrix died soon after: and the year following likewise V●tzilouitli the King of Mexico died, King's death. leaving his son Chimalpop●ca ten years old; he reigned thirteen years, and died thirty years old, or little more. He was held for a good King, and careful in the service of his Gods, whose Images he held Kings to be; and that the honour done to their God, was done to the King who was his Image. For this cause the Kings have been so affectionate to the service of their Gods. This King was careful to win the love of his neighbours, and to traffic with them, whereby he augmented his City, exercising his men in Warlike actions in the Lake, disposing them to that which he pretended, as you shall see presently. The Mexicans for successor to their deceased King did choose his son Chimalpopoca, Of Chimalpopoca the third King, and his cruel death, & the occasion of war which the Mexicans made, Chap. 11▪ by common consent, although he were a child of ten years old, being of opinion that it was always necessary to keep the favour of the King of Azcapuzalco, making his Grandchild King. They then set him in his Throne, giving him the Ensigns of war, with a Bow and Arrows in one hand, and a Sword with Razors (which they commonly use) in the right, signifying thereby (as they do say) that they pretended by Arms to fed themselves at liberty. The Mexicans had great want of water, that of the Lake being very thick and muddy, and therefore ill to drink, so as they caused their infant King to desire of his Grandfather the King of Azcapuzalco, the water of the Mountain of Chapultep●c, which is from Mexico a league, as is said before, which they easily obtained, and by their industry made an Aquaduct of faggoes, weeds and flags by the which they brought water to their City. But because the City was built within the Lake, and the Aquaduct did cross it, it did break forth in many places, so as they could not enjoy the water, as they desired, and had great scarcity: whereupon, whether they did expressly seek it, to quarrel with the Tapanecans, or that they were moved upon small occasion, in the end they sent a resolute Ambassage to the King Azcapuzalco, saying, they could not use the water which he had graciously granted them, and therefore they required him to provide them wood, lime, and stone, and to send his Workmen, that by their means they might make a Pipe of stone and lime that should not break. This message nothing pleased the King, and much less his subjects, seeming to be too presumptuous a message, and purposely insolent, for Vassals to their Lord. The chief of the Counsel disdaining thereat, said It was too bold, that not content with permission to live in another's Land, Quarrel with the Tapanecans. and to have water given them, but they would have them go to serve them: what a matter was that? And whereon presumed this fugitive Nation, shut up in the mud? They would let them know, how fit they were to work, and to abate their pride, in taking from them their Land and their lives. In these terms and choler they left the King, whom they did somewhat suspect, by reason of his Grandchild, and consulted again anew, what they were to do, where they resolved and make a general Proclamation, that no Tapanecan should have any commerce or traffic with any Mexican, that they should not go to their City, nor receive any into theirs, upon pain of death. Whereby we may understand that the King did not absolutely command over his people, and that he governed more like a Consul, or a Duke, than a King; although since with their power, the command of Kings increased, growing absolute Tyrants, as you shall see in the last Kings. The King of Azcapuzalco seeing the resolution of his subjects, which was to kill the Mexicans, entreated them first to steal away the young King his Grandchild, and afterwards do what they pleased to the Mexicans. All in a manner yielded hereunto, to give the King contentment, and for pity they had of the child; but two of the chiefest were much opposite, inferring, that it was bad counsel, for that Chimalpopoca, although he were of their blood, yet was it but by the Mother's side, and that the Fathers was to be preferred, and therefore they concluded that the first they must kill was Chimalpopoca King of Mexico, protesting so to do. The King of Azcapuzalco was so troubled with this contradiction, and the resolution they had taken, that soon after for very grief he fell sick, and died. By whose death the Tapanecans finishing their consultation, committed a notable Treason: for one night the young King of Mexico sleeping without guard, King murdered. or fear of any thing, they of Azcapuzalco entered his Palace, and slew him suddenly, returning unseen. The morning being come, when the Nobles went to salute the King, as they were accustomed, they found him slain with great and cruel wounds; then they cried out and filled all their City with tears: and transported with choler, they presently fell to Arms, with an intent to revenge their King's death. As they ran up and down full of fury and disorder, one of their chiefest Knights stepped forth, labouring to appease them, with a grave admonition: Whither go ye (said he) O ye Mexicans? quiet yourselves, consider that things done without consideration are not well guided, nor come to good end: suppress your grief, considering that although your King be dead, the Noble▪ blood of the Mexicans is not extinct in him. We have children of our Kings deceased, by whose conduct, succeeding to the Realm, you shall the better execute what you pretend, having a Leader to guide your enterprise: go not blindly, surcease, and choose a King first, to guide and encourage you against your enemies: In the mean time dissemble discreetly, performing the Funerals of your deceased King, whose body you set here present, for hereafter you shall find better means to take revenge. By this means the Mexicans passed no farther, but stayed to make the Obsequies of their King, whereunto they invited the Lords of Tescuco, and Culhuacan, reporting unto them this foul and cruel fact, which the Tapanecans had committed, moving them to have pity on them, and incensing them against their enemies, concluding that their resolution was to die, or to be revenged of so great an indignity, entreating them not to favour so unjust a fact of their enemies; and that for their part, they desired not their aid of arms or men, but only to be lookers on of what should pass, and that for their maintenance, they would not stop nor hinder the commerce, as the Tapanecans had done. At these speeches they of Tescuco and Culhuacan made them great shows of good will, and that they were well satisfied, offering them their Cities, and all the Commerce they desired, that they desired, that they might provide victual and Munition at their pleasure, both by land and water. After this, the Mexicans entreated them to stay with them, and assist at the election of their King; the which they likewise granted, to give them contentment. The Electors being assembled, an old man that was held for a great Orator, rose up, who (as the Histories report) spoke in this manner, The light of your eyes, O Mexicans, is darkened, Of the forth King called Izcoalt, and of the war against the Tapanecans. Chap. 12. but not of your hearts: for although you have lost him that was the light and guide of the Mexican Commonweal, yet that of the heart remains: to consider, that although they have slain one man, yet there are others that may supply with advantage, the want we have of him: the Mexican Nobility is not extinguished thereby, nor the blood Royal decayed. Turn your eyes and look about you, you shall see the Nobility of Mexico set in order, not one or two, but many and excellent Princes, Sons to Acamapixtli, our true and lawful King and Lord. Here you may choose at your pleasure, saying, I will this man, and not that. If you have lost a Father, here you may find both Father and Mother: make account O Mexicans, that the Sun is eclipsed and darkened for a time, and will return suddenly. If Mexico hath been darkened by the death of your King, the Sun will soon show, in choosing another King. Look to whom, and upon whom you shall cast your eyes, and towards whom your heart is inclined, and this is he whom your God Vitzliputzli hath chosen. And continuing awhile this discourse, he ended to the satisfaction of all men. In the end, by the consent of this Counsel, Izcoalt was chosen King, which signifies a Snake of Razors, who was Son to the first King Acamapixtli, by a slave of his: and although he were not legitimate, yet they made choice of him, for that he exceeded the rest in behaviour, valour, and magnanimity of courage. All seemed very well satisfied, and above all, these of Tescuco, for their King was married to a sister of Iscoalts. After the King had been crowned and set in his Royal Seat, another Orator stepped up, discoursing how the King was bound to his Commonweal, and of the courage he ought to show in travel, speaking thus, Behold this day we depend on thee, it may be thou wilt let fall the burden that lies upon thy Soldiers, and suffer the old man and woman, the Orphlin and the widow to perish. Take pity of the Infants that go creeping in the Air, who must perish if our enemies surmount us: unfold then, and stretch forth thy Cloak, my Lord, to bear these Infants upon thy shoulders, which be the poor and the common people, who live assured under the shadow of thy wings, and of thy bounty. Uttering many other words upon this subject, the which, (as I have said) they learn by heart, for the exercise of their children, and after did teach them as a Lesson to those that began to learn the faculty of Orators. In the mean time, the Tapanecans were resolute to destroy the Mexicans, and to this end they had made great preparations. And therefore the new King took counsel for the proclaiming of War, and to fight with those that had so much wronged them. But the common people, seeing their Adversaries to exceed them far in numbers and munition for the war, they came amazed to their King, pressing him not to undertake so dangerous a war, which would destroy their poor City and Nation: whereupon being demanded what advice were fittest to take, they made answer, that the King of Azcapuzalco was very pitiful, that they should demand peace, and offer to serve him, drawing the●r forth those Marshes, and that he should give them houses and lands among his subjects, that by this means they might depend all upon one Lord. And for the obtaining hereof, they should carry their God in his Litter for an Intercessor. The cries of the people were of such force (having some Nobles that approved their opinion) as presently they called for the Priests, preparing the Litter and their God, to perform the Voyage. As this was preparing, and every one yielded to this treaty of peace, and to subject themselves to the Tapanecans, a gallant young man, and of good sort, stepped out among the people, who with a resolute countenance spoke thus unto them, What means this O ye Mexicans, are ye mad? How hath so great cowardice crept in among us? Shall we go and yield ourselves thus to the Azcapuzalcans'? Then turning to the King he said, How now my Lord, will you endure this? Speak to the people, that they may suffer us to find out some means for our honour and defence, and not yield ourselves so simply and shamefully into the hands of our enemies. This young man was called Tlacaellec, Nephew to the King, Tlac●ell●●s valour. he was the most valiant Captain and greatest Counsellor that ever the Mexicans had, as you shall see hereafter. Izcoalt encouraged by that his Nephew had so wisely spoken, retained the people, saying they should first suffer him to try another better means. Then turning towards his Nobility, he said unto them, You are all here my Kinsmen, and the best of Mexico, he that hath the courage to carry a message to the Tapanecans, let him rise up. They looked one upon another, but no man stirred nor offered himself to the word. Then this young man Tlacaellec rising, offered himself to go, saying, that seeing he must die, it did import little whether it were to day or to morrow: for what reason should he so carefully preserve himself? he was therefore ready, let him command what he pleased. And although all held this for a rash attempt, yet the King resolved to send him, that he might thereon understand the will and disposition of the King of Azcapuzalco and of his people; holding it better to hasten his Nephew's death, then to hazard the honour of his Commonweal. Tlacaellec being ready, took his way, and being come to the Guards, who had commandment to kill any Mexicans that came towards them, by cunning or otherwise: he persuaded them to suffer him to pass to the King, who wondered to see him, and hearing his Ambassage, which was to demand peace of him under honest conditions, answered, that he would impart it to his subjects, willing him to return the next day for his answer. Then Tlacaellec demanded a passport, yet could he not obtain any, but that he should use his best skill: with this he returned to Mexico, giving his words to the guards to return. And although the King of Azcapuzalco desired peace, being of a mild disposition, yet his Subjects did so incense him, as his answer was open war. The which being heard by the Messenger, he did all his King commanded him, declaring by this ceremony, to give arms, and anointing the King with the unction of the dead, that in his King's behalf he did defy him. Having ended all, the King of Azcapuzalco suffering himself to be anointed and crowned with Feathers, giving goodly arms in recompense to the Messenger, Ceremonies of defiance. wishing him not to return by the Palace gate, whereas many attended to cut him in pieces, but to go out secretly by a little false Postern that was open in one of the Courts of the Palace. This young man did so, and turning by secret ways, got away in safety in sight of the Guards, and there defied them, saying, Tapanecans and Azcapuzalcans', you do your office ill, understand you shall all dye, and not one Tapanecan shall remain alive. In the mean time the Guards fell upon him, where he behaved himself so valiantly, that he slew some of them: and seeing many more of them come running, he retired himself gallantly to the City, where he brought news, that war was proclaimed with the Tapanecans, and that he had defied their King. The defy being known to the Commons of Mexico, they came to the King, according to their accustomed cowardice, Of the battle the Mexicans gave to the Tapanecans, and of the victory they obtained. Chap. 13. demanding leave to depart the City, holding their ruin certain. The King did comfort and encourage them, promising to give them liberty if they vanquished their enemies, willing them not to fear. The people replied. And if we be vanquished, what shall we do? If we be overcome, (answered the King) we will be bound presently to yield ourselves into your hands to suffer death, eat our flesh in your dishes and be revenged of us. It shall be so then (say they) if you lose the victory, and if you obtain the victory, we do presently offer ourselves to be your Tributaries, to labour in your houses, to sow your ground, to carry your arms and baggage when you go to the wars for ever, we and our descendants after us. These accords made betwixt the People and the Nobility (which they did after fully perform, either willingly or by constraint, as they had promised) the King named for his Captain General Tlacaellec: the whole Camp was put in order, and into squadrons, giving the places of Captains to the most valiant of his kinsfolks and friends: then did he make them a goodly speech, whereby he did greatly encourage them, being now well prepared, charging all men to obey the commandment of the General whom he had appointed: he divided his men into two parts, commanding the most valiant and hardy, to give the first charge with him, and that all the rest should remain with the King Izcoalt, until they should see the first assail their enemies. Marching then in order, they were discovered by them of Azcapuzalco, who presently came furiously forth the City, carrying great riches of Gold, Silver, and Arms of great value, as those which had the Empire of all that Country. Izcoalt gave the signal to battle, with a little Drum he carried on his shoulders, The Battle. and presently they raised a general shout, crying, Mexico, Mexico, they charged the Tapanecans, and although they were far more in number, yet did they defeat them, and force them to retire into their City, than advanced they which remained behind, crying Tlacaellec, Victory, Victory, all suddenly entered the City, where (by the King's commandment) they pardoned not any man, no not old men, women, nor children, for they slew them all, and spoiled the City being very rich. Mexicans conquer. And not content herewith, they followed them that fled, and were retired into the craggy rocks of the Sierres or near Mountains, striking and making a great slaughter of them. The Tapanecans being retired to a Mountain east down their Arms, demanding their lives, and offering to serve the Mexicans, to give them Lands and Gardens, Stone, Lime and Timber, and to hold them always for their Lords. Upon this condition Tlacaellec retired his men and ceased the battle, granting them their lives upon the former conditions, which they did solemnly swear. Then they returned to Azcapuzalco, and so with their rich and victorious spoils to the City of Mexico. The day following the King assembled the Nobility and the People, to whom he laid open the accord the Commons had made, demanding of them, if they were content to persist therein: the Commons made answer, that they had promised, and they had well deserved it, and therefore they were content to serve them perpetually. Whereupon they took an oath, which since they have kept without contradiction. This done, Izcoalt returned to Azcapuzalco (by the advice of his Counsel) he divided all the Lands and Goods of the conquered among the conquerors, the chiefest part fell to the King, then to Tlacaellec, and after to the rest of the Nobles, as they best deserved in the Battle. They also gave Land to some Plebeians, having behaved themselves valiantly; too others they distributed the Pillage, making small account of them as of cowards. They appointed Lands in common for the quarters of Mexico, to every one his part, for the Service and Sacrifices of their Gods. Division of spoils. This was the order which afterwards they always kept, in the division of the Lands and spoils of those they had vanquished and subdued. By this means they of Azcapuzalco remained so poor, as they had no Lands left them to labour, and (which was worse) they took their King from them, and all power to choose any other than him of Mexico. Although the chief City of the Tapanecanes, was that of Azcapuzalco, yet had they others with their private Lords, as Tucuba and Cuyoacan. These seeing the storm passed, Of the war and victory the Mexicans had against the City of Cuyoacan. Chap. 14. would gladly that they of Azcapuzalco had renewed the war against the Mexicans, and seeing them daunted, as a Nation wholly broken and defeated, they of Cuyoacan resolved to make war by themselves; to the which they laboured to draw the other neighbour Nations, who would not stir nor quarrel with the Mexicans. In the mean time the hatred and malice increasing, they of Cuyoacan began to ill entreat the women that went to their Markets, mocking at them, and doing the like to the men over whom they had power: for which cause the King of Mexico defended, that none of his should go to Cuyoacan, and that they should receive none of them into Mexico, the which made them of Cuyoacan resolve wholly to war: but first they would provoke them by some shameful scorn, which was, that having invited them to one of their solemn Feasts, after they had made them a goodly Banquet, and feasted them with a great dance after their manner, than sent them for their fruit, women's apparel, forcing them to put it on, and so to return home like women to their City, reproaching them, that they were cowards and effeminate, and that they durst not take arms being sufficiently provoked. Those of Mexico say, that for revenge they did unto them a foul scorn, laying at the gates of their City of Cuyoacan certain things which smoked, by means whereof many women were delivered before their time, and many fell sick. In the end, all came to open war, and there was a battle fought, wherein they employed all their forces, in the which Tlacaellec, by his courage and policy in war, obtained the victory. For having left King Izcoalt in fight with them of Cuyoacan, he put himself in ambush with some of the most valiant Soldiers, and so turning about, charged them behind, and forced them to retire into their City. But seeing their intent was to fly into a Temple which was very strong, Temple. he with three other valiant Soldiers, pursued them eagarly, and got before them, seizing on the Temple and firing it, so as he forced them to fly to the fields, where he made a great slaughter of the vanquished, pursuing them two leagues into the Country, unto a little hill, where the vanquished casting away their weapons, and their arms a cross, yielded to the Mexicans, and with many tears craved pardon of their overweening folly, in using them like women, offering to be their slaves: so as in the end the Mexicanes did pardon them. Of this victory the Mexicans did carry away very rich spoils of Garments, Arms, Gold, Silver, jewels, and rich feathers, with a great number of Captives. In this Battle there were three of the principals of Culhuacan that came to aid the Mexicans, to win honour, the which were remarkable above all. And since being known to Tlacaellec, and having made proof of their fidelity, he gave them Mexican devices, and had them always by his side, where they fought in all places very valiantly. It was apparent that the whole victory was due to the General, and to these three; for among so many captives taken, two third parts were won by these four, which was easily known by a policy they used: for taking a Captive, they presently cut off a little of his hair, and gave it to others, so as it appeared that those which had their hair cut, amonnted to that number, whereby they won great reputation and fame of valiant men. They were honoured as Conquerors, giving them good portions of the spoils and Lands, as the Mexicans have always used to do, which gave occasion to those that did fight, to become famous, and to win reputation by Arms. The Nation of the Tapanecans being subdued, the Mexicans had occasion to do the like to the Suchimilcos', Of the war and victory which the Mexicans had against the Suchimilcos' Ch. 15. who (as it hath been said) were the first of the seven Caves or lineages that peopled this Land. The Mexicans sought not the occasion, although they might presume as Conquerors to extend their limits, but the Suchimilcos' did move them, to their own ruin, as it happens to men of small judgement that have no foresight, who not preventing the mischief they imagined, fall into it. The Suchimilcos' held opinion, that the Mexicans, by reason of their victories past, should attempt to subdue them, and consulted hereon among themselves. Some among them thought it good to acknowledge them for superiors, and to applaud their good fortune, but the contrary was allowed, and they went out to give them battle: which Izcoalt the King of Mexico understanding, he sent his General Tlacaellec against them, with his army: the battle was fought in the same field that divides their limits, which two Armies were equal in men and arms, but very diverse in their order and manner of fight; for that the Suchimilcos' charged all together on a heap confusedly, and Tlacaellec divided his men into squadrons with a goodly order, so as he presently broke his enemies, forcing them to retire into their City, into the which they entered, following them to the Temple whither they fled, which they fired, and forcing them to fly to the Mountains: in the end they brought them to this point, that they yielded with their arm across. Temple filled. The General Tlacaellec returning in great triumph, the Priests went forth to receive him, with their music of Flutes, and giving incense. The chief Captains used other Ceremonies and shows of joy, as they had been accustomed to do, and the King with all the troop went to the Temple to give thanks to their false god. The day following, the King Izcoalt went unto the City of Suchimilco, causing himself to be sworn King of the Suchimilcos': and for their comfort he promised to do them good. In token whereof he commanded them to make a great Causeway stretching from Mezico to Suchimilco, which is four leagues, to the end there might be more commerce and traffic among them. Causey made. Which the Suchimilcos' performed, and in short time the Mexican government seemed so good unto them, as they held themselves happy to have changed their King and Commonweal. Some neighbours pricked forward by envy, or fear, to their ruins, were not yet made wise by others miseries. Cuitlavaca. Cuitlavaca was a City within the Lake: which though the name and dwelling be changed, continueth yet. They were active to swim in the Lake, and therefore they thought they might much indomage and annoy the Mexicans by water, which the King understanding, he resolved to send his Army presently to fight against them. But Tlacaellec little esteeming this war, holding it dishonourable to lead an Army against them, made offer to conquer them with the children only: which he performed in this manner: he went unto the Temple and drew out of the Covent such children as he thought fittest for the action, from ten to eighteen years of age, who knew how to guide their Boats, or Canoes, teaching them certain policies. The order they held in this war, Children in the Covent. was, that he went to Cuitlavaca with his children, where by his policy he pressed the enemy in such sort, that he made them to fly; and as he followed them, the Lord of Cuitlavaca met him and yielded unto him, himself, his City, and his people, Captives sacrificed. and by this means he stayed the pursuit. The children returned with much spoil, and many Captives for their Sacrifices, being solemnly received with a great Procession, Music and Perfumes, and they went to worship their gods, in taking of the earth which they did eat, and drawing blood from the forepart of their legs with the Priests Lancets, with other superstitions which they were accustomed to use in the like solemnities. The children were much honoured and encouraged, and the King embraced and kissed them, and his kinsmen and allies accompanied them. The bruit of this victory ran throughout all the Country, how that Tlacaellec had subdued the City of Cuitlavaca with children: the news and consideration whereof opened the eyes of those of Tescuco, a chief and very cunning Nation for their manner of life: So as the King of Tescuco was first of opinion, that they should subject themselves to the King of Mexico, and invite him thereunto with his City. Therefore by the advice of this Counsel, they sent Ambassadors good Orators with honourable presents, to offer themselves unto the Mexicans, as their Subjects, desiring peace and amity, which was graciously accepted; but by the advice of Tlacaellec he used a Ceremony for the effecting thereof, which was, that those of Tescuco should come forth armed against the Mexicans, where they should fight, and presently yield, which was an act and ceremony of war, without any effusion of blood on either side. Thus the King of Mexico became sovereign Lord of Tescuco, but he took not their King from them, but made him of his Privy Counsel; so as they have always maintained themselves in this manner until the time of Moteçuma the second, during whose reign the Spaniards entered. Having subdued the Land and City of Tescuco, Mexico remained Lady and Mistress of all the Lands and Cities about the Lake, where it is built. Izcoalt having enjoyed this prosperity, Izcoalts death. and reigned twelve years, died, leaving the Realm which had been given him, much augmented by the valour and counsel of his Nephew Tlacaellec. Forasmuch as the election of the new King, belonged to four chief Electors, and to the King of Tescuco, Of the fifth King of Mexico, called Moteçuma, the first of that name. Chap. 16. and the King of Tacubu, by especial privilege: Tlacaellec assembled these six personages, as he that had the sovereign authority, and having propounded the matter unto them, they made choice of Moteçuma, the first of that name, Nephew to the same Tlacaellec. His election was very pleasing unto them all, by reason whereof, they made most solemn feasts, and more stately than the former. Presently after his election they conducted him to the Temple with a great train, where before the divine hearth (as they call it) where there is continual fi●e, they set him in his royal throne, putting upon him his royal ornaments. Being there, the King drew blood from his ears and legs with a Griffons talons, Griffons talons. which was the Sacrifice wherein the devil delighted to be honoured. The Priests, Ancients, and Captains, made their Orations, all congratuling his election. They were accustomed in their elections to make great Feasts and Dances, where they wasted many lights. In this King's time the custom was brought in, Bloody and devilish institution. that the King should go in person to make war in some Province, and bring Captives to solemnize the feast of his Coronation, and for the solemn Sacrifices of that day. For this cause King Moteçuma went into the Province of Chalco, who had declared themselves his enemies: from whence (having fought valiantly) he brought a great number of Captives, whereof he did make a notable Sacrifice the day of his Coronation, although at that time he did not subdue all the Province of Chalco, being a very warlike Nation. Many came to this Coronation from diverse Provinces, as w●●l near as far off, to see the feast, at the which all comers were very bountifully entertained and clad, especially the poor, to whom they gave new garments. For this cause they ●roug●t that day into the City, the King's tributes, with a goodly order▪ which consisted in S●uffes to make Garments of all sorts, Pompous solemnity. in Cacao, Gold, Silver, rich Feathers, great burdens of Cotton, Cucumbers, sundry sorts of P●●s●s, many kinds of Sea fish, and of the fresh water, great store of Fruits, and Venison without number, not reckoning an infinite number of Presents; which other Kings and Lords sent to the new King. All this Tribute marched in order according to the Provinces, and before them the Stewards and receivers, with diverse marks and Ensigns, in very goodly order: so as it was one of the goodliest things of the feast, to see the entry of the Tribute. The King being crowned, he employed himself in the conquest of many Provinces, and for that he was both valiant and virtuous, he still increased more and more, using in all his affairs the counsel and industry of his General Tlacaellec, whom he did always love and esteem very much, as he had good reason. The war wherein he was most troubled and of greatest difficulty, was that of the Province of Chalco, wherein there happened great matters, whereof one was very remarkable; which was, that they of Chalcas, had taken a brother of Moteçumaes in the wars, whom they resolved to choose for their King, ask him very courteously, if he would accept of this charge. He answered (after much importunity, still persisting therein) that if they meant plainly to choose him for their King, they should plant in the Marketplace, a Tree or very high stake, on the top whereof, they should make a little scaffold, and means to mount unto it. The Chalcas supposing it had been some ceremony to make himself more apparent, presently effected it: then assembling all his Mexicans about the stake, he went to the top with a garland of flowers in his hand, speaking to his men in this manner, O valiant Mexicans, these men will choose me for their King, but the gods will not permit, Horrible courage. that to be a King I should commit any treason against my Country, but chose, I will that you learn by me, that it behooveth us rather, to endure death, then to aid our enemies. Saying these words, he cast himself down, and was broken in a thousand pieces, at which spectacle, the Chalcas had so great horror and despite, that presently they fell upon the Mexicans and slew them all with their Lances, as men whom they held too proud and inexorable, saying, they had devilish hearts. It chanced the night following, they heard two Owls making a mournful cry, which they did interpret as an unfortunate sign, and a presage of their near destruction, as it succeeded: for King Moteçuma went against them in person with all his power, where he vanquished them, and ruined all their kingdom: and passing beyond the Mountain Menade, he conquered still even unto the North Sea. Then returning towards the South Sea, he subdued many Provinces; so as he became a mighty King: all by the help and counsel of Tlacaellec, who in a manner conquered all the Mexican Nation. Yet he held an opinion (the which was confirmed) that it was not behooveful to conquer the Province of Tlascalla, that the Mexicans might have a frontier enemy, to keep the youth of Mexico in exercise and alarm: Tlascalla to Mexico, as Carthage to Rome. and that they might have numbers of Captives to Sacrifice to their Idols, wherein they did waste (as hath been said) infinite numbers of men, which should be taken by force in the wars. The honour must be given to Moteçuma, or to speak truly, to Tlacaellec his General, for the good order and policy settled in the Realm of Mexico, as also for the Counsels and goodly enterprises, which they did execute: and likewise for the number of judges and Magistrates, being as well ordered there, as in any Commonweal▪ yea, were it in the most flourishing of Europe. This King did also greatly increase the King's house, giving it great authority, and appointing many and sundry Officers, which served him with great pomp and ceremony. He was no less remarkable touching the devotion and service of his Idols, increasing the number of his Ministers, and instituting new ceremonies, whereunto he carried a great respect. He built that great Temple dedicated to their god Vitziliputzli, Great Temple built. Devilish devotions. whereof is spoken in the other Book. He did Sacrifice at the dedication of this Temple, a great number of men, taken in sundry victories: finally, enjoying his Empire in great prosperity, he fell sick, and died, having reigned twenty eight years, unlike to his successor Ticocic, who did not resemble him, neither in valour, nor in good fortune. The four Deputies assembled in counsel, with the Lords of Tescuco and Tacuba, How Tlacaellec refused to be King, and of the election and deeds of Ticocic. Chap. 17 where Tlacaellec was Precedent in the election, where by all their voices Tlacaellec was chosen, as deserving this charge better than any other. Yet he refused it, persuading them by pertinent reasons, that they should choose another, saying, that it was better, and more expedient to have another King, and he to be his instrument and assistant, as he had been till then, and not to lay the whole burden upon him, for that he held himself no less bound for the Commonweal, then if he were King; seeming to him, though he were not King, yet in a manner, that he commanded Kings, suffering him to carry certain marks, as a Tiara or ornament for the head, which belonged only to themselves: as in a Comedy he deserves most commendation▪ Fit similitude. that represents the personage that imports most. In recompense of his modesty, and for the respect which the Mexican Electors bore him, they demanded of Tlacaellec (that seeing he would not reign) whom he thought most fit: Whereupon he gave his voice to a Son of the deceased King, who was then very young, called Ticocic: but they replied▪ that his shoulders were very weak to bear so heavy a burden. Tlacaellec answered, that his was there to help him to bear the burden, as he had done to the deceased: by means whereof, they took their resolution, and Ticocic was chosen, to whom were done all the accustomed ceremonies. Nostrils pierced. They pierced his nostrils, and for an ornament put an Emerald therein: and for this reason, in the Mexican Books, this King is noted by his nostrils pierced. He differed much from his Father and Predecessor, being noted for a coward, and not valiant. He went to make war for his Coronation, in a Province that had rebelled, where he lost more of his own men than he took captives; yet he returned saying, that he brought the number of captives required for the Sacrifice of his Coronation, King poisoned and so he was crowned with great solemnity. But the Mexicans discontented to have a King so little disposed to war, practised to hasten his death by poison. For this cause he continued not above four years in the Kingdom. But this loss was well repaired by a Brother of the deceased, who was also son to great Moteçuma, called Axayaca, who was likewise chosen by the advice of Tlacaellec, wherein he happened better than before. Now was Tlacaellec very old, who by reason of his age, was carried in a chair upon men's shoulders, Of the death of Tlacaellec, & the deeds of Axayaca the seventh King of the Mexicans. Chap. 18. to assist in counsel when business required. In the end he fell sick, when as the King (who was not yet crowned) did visit him often, shedding many tears, seeming to lose in him his Father, and the Father of his Country. Tlacaellec did most affectionately recommend his children unto him, especially the eldest, who had showed himself valiant in the former wars. The King promised to have regard unto him, and the more to comfort the old man, in his presence he gave him the charge and ensigns of Captain General, with all the preeminences of his Father; wherewith the old man remained so well satisfied, as with this content he ended his days. The Mexicans made his Funeral as the Founder of that Empire, more sumptuous and stately, than they had done to any of their former Kings. And presently after Axayaca (to appease the sorrow which all the people of Mexico showed for the death of their Captain) resolved to make the voyage necessary for his Coronation. He therefore led his Army with great expedition into the Province of Tequantepec, two hundred leagues from Mexico, where he gave battle to a mighty Army, and an infinite number of men assembled together, as well out of that Province, as from their Neighbours, to oppose themselves against the Mexicans. The first of his Camp that advanced himself, to the combat was the King himself, defying his enemies, from whom he made show to fly when they charged him, until he had drawn them into an Ambuscadoe, where many Soldiers lay hidden under straw, who suddenly issued forth, and they which fled, Tiquantepec razed. turned head: so as they of Tiquantepec remained in the midst of them, whom they charged furiously, making a great slaughter of them: and following their victory, they razed their City and Temple, punishing all their Neighbours rigorously. Then went they on farther, and without any stay, Guatulco. conquered to Guatulco, the which is a Port at this day well known in the South Sea. Axayaca returned to Mezico with great and rich spoils, where he was honourably crowned, with sumptuous and stately preparation of Sacrifices, Tributes, and other things, whither many came to see his Coronation. The Kings of Mexico received the Crown from the hands of the King of Tescuco, who had the pre-eminence. He made many other Enterprises, where he obtained great victories, being always the first to lead the Army, and to charge the enemy; by the which he purchased the name of a most valiant Captain: and not content to subdue strangers, he also suppressed his Subjects which had rebelled, which never any of his Predecessors ever could do, or durst attempt. We have already showed how some seditions of Mexico had divided themselves from that Commonweal, and built a City near unto them, which they called Tlatelulco, whereas now Saint jaques is. These being revolted, held a faction apart, and increased and multiplied much, refusing to acknowledge the Kings of Mexico, nor to yield them obedience. The King Axayaca sent to advise them, not to live divided, but being of one blood, and one people, to join together, and acknowledge the King of Mexico: whereupon the Lord of Tlatelulco made an answer full of pride and disdain, defying the King of Mexico, to single combat with himself: and presently mustered his men, commanding some of them to hide themselves in the weeds of the Lake; and the better to deceive the Mexicans, he commanded them to take the shapes of Ravens, Geese, and other Beasts, as Frogs, and such like, supposing by this means to surprise the Mexicans as they should pass by the ways and cawsies of the Lake. Having knowledge of this defy, and of his Adversary's policy, he divided his Army, giving a part to his General, the son of Tlacaellec, commanding him to charge this Ambuscadoe, in the Lake; and he with the rest of his people, by an unfrequented way, went and encamped before Tlatelulco. Presently he called him who had defied him, to perform his promise, and as the two Lords of Mexico, and Tlatelulco advanced, they commanded their Subjects not to move, until they had seen who should be Conqueror, Royal combat. which was done, and presently the two Lords encountered valiantly, where having fought long, in the end the Lord of Tlatelulco was forced to turn his back, being unable to endure the furious charge of the King of Mexico. Those of Tlatelulco seeing their Captain fly, fainted, and fled likewise, but the Mexicans following them at the heels, charged them furiously; yet the Lord of Tlatelulco escaped not the hands of Axayaca; for thinking to save himself, he fled to the top of the Temple, but Axayaca followed him so near, as he seized on him with great force, and threw him from the top to the bottom, and after set fire on the Temple, and the City. Whilst this passed at Tlatelulco, Tlatelulco fired. the Mexican General was very hot in the revenge of those that pretended to defeat him by policy, and after he had forced them to yield, and to cry for mercy, the General said he would not pardon them, until they had first performed the Offices of those figures they represented, and therefore he would have them cry like Frogs and Ravens, every one according to the figure which he had undertaken, else they had no composition: which thing he did to mock them with their own policy. Fear and Necessity be perfect Teachers, so as they did sing and cry with all the differences of voices that were commanded them, to save their lives, although they were much grieved at the sport their enemies made at them. They say that unto this day, the Mexicans use to jest at the Tlatelulcans', which they bear impatiently, when they put them in mind of this singing and crying of beasts. King Azayaca took pleasure at this scorn and disgrace, and presently after they returned to Mexico with great joy. This King was esteemed for one of the best that had commanded in Mexico. He reigned eleven years. Among the four Electors that had power to choose whom they pleased to be King, Of the deeds of Autzol the eight King of Mexico. Chap. 19 The Picture story calls him Tiçocicatzi. Quaxulatlan. there was one endued with many perfections, named Autzol. This man was chosen by the rest, and this election was very pleasing to all the people: for besides that he was valiant, all held him courteous and affable to every man, which is one of the chief qualities required in them that command, to purchase love and respect. To celebrate the Feast of his Coronation, he resolved to make a Voyage, and to punish the pride of those of Quaxulatlan, a very rich and plentiful Province, and at this day the chief of New Spain. They had robbed his Officers and Stewards, that carried the Tribute to Mexico, and therewithal were rebelled. There was great difficulty to reduce this Nation to obedience, lying in such sort, as an arm of the Sea stopped the Mexicans passage: to pass the which Autzol (with a strange device and industry) caused an Island to be made in the water, of faggots, earth, and other matter; by means whereof, both he and his men might pass to the enemy, where giving them battle, he conquered them, and punished them at his pleasure. Then returned he unto Mexico in triumph, and with great riches, to be crowned King, according to their custom. Autzol extended the limits of his Kingdom far, by many Conquests, even unto Guatimal●a, which is three hundred leagues from Mexico. He was no less liberal than valiant for when as the Tributes arrived which (as I have said) came in great abundance, he went forth of his Palace, gathering together all the people into one place, than commanded he to bring all the Tributes, which he divided to those that had need. To the poor he gave Stuffs to make them apparel, and meat, and whatsoever they had need of in great abundance, and things of value, as Gold, Silver, jewels, and Feathers, were divided amongst the the Captains, Soldiers, and Servants of his House according to every man's merit. This Autzol was likewise a great Politician, he pulled down the houses ill built, and built others very sumptuous. It seemed unto him that the City of Mexico had too little water, and that the Lake was very muddy, and therefore he resolved to let in a great course of water, which they of Cuyoacan used. For this cause he called the chief man of the City unto him, being a famous Sorcerer, having propounded his meaning unto him: the Sorcerer wished him to be well advised what he did, being a matter of great difficulty, and that he understood, if he drew the River out of her ordinary course, making it pass to Mexico, he would drown the City. The King supposed these excuses were but to frustrate the effect of his Design, being therefore in choler, he dismissed him home, and a few days after he sent a Provost to Cuyoacon, to take this Sorcerer: who having understanding for what intent the King's Officers came, he caused them to enter his house, and then he presented himself unto them in the form of a terrible Eagle, Famous Sorcerer, or Indian Prote●●. wherewith the Provost and his companions being terrified, they returned without taking him. Autzol incensed herewith sent others, to whom he presented himself in form of a furious Tiger, so as they durst not touch him. The third came, and they found him in the form of a horrible Serpent, whereat they were much afraid. The King moved the more with these doings, sent to tell them of Cuyoacan, that if they brought not the Sorcerer bound unto him, he would raze their City. For fear whereof, or whether it were of his own free will, or being forced by the people, he suffered himself to be led to the King, who presently caused him to be strangled, and then then did he put his resolution in practice, forcing a channel whereby the water might pass to Mexico, whereby he brought a great current of water into the Lake, which they brought with great Ceremonies and Superstitions, having Priests casting Incense along the banks, others sacrificed Quails, and with the blood of them sprinkled the channel banks, others sounding of Cornets, accompanied the water with their Music. One of the chief went attired in a habit like to their Goddess of the water, and all saluted her, saying, that she was welcome. All which things are painted in the Annals of Mexico: which Book is now at Rome in the holy Library, or Vatican, where a Father of our Company, that was come from Mexico, Mexican Annals in the Vatican. did see it, and other Histories, the which he did expound to the Keeper of his Holiness Library, taking great delight to understand this Book, which before he could never comprehend. Finally, the water was brought to Mexico, but it came in such abundance, that it had well-near drowned the City, as was foretold: and in effect it did ruin a great part thereof, but it was presently prevented by the industry of Autzol, who caused an issue to be made to draw forth the water: by means whereof he repayned the buildings that were fallen, with an exquisite work, being before but poor Cottages. Thus he left the City environed with water, like another Venice, and very well built: he reigned eleven years, and ended with the last and greatest Successor of all the Mexicans. §. III. Of the Election of great MOTEZUMA, the last King of Mexico: his pomp and manner of government, prodigious fore-warnings, of his ruin, and the Spanish Conquest. WHen the Spaniards entered New Spain, being in the year of our Lord 151●. Moteçuma second of that name, was the last King of the Mexicans, I say the last, although they of Mexico, after his death, chose another King, yea, in the life of the same Moteçuma, whom they declared an enemy to his Country, as we shall see hereafter. But he that succeeded him, and he that fell into the hands of the marquis de Valle, had but the names and titles of Kings, for that the Kingdom was in a manner all yielded to the Spaniards: so as with reason we account Moteçuma for the last King, and so he came to the period of the Mexicans power and greatness, which is admirable being happened among Barbarians. For this cause, and for that this was the season, that God had chosen to reveal unto them the knowledge of his Gospel, and the Kingdom of jesus Christ, I will relate more as large the Acts of Moteçuma, then of the rest. Before he came to be King, he was by disposition, very grave and stayed, and spoke little, so as when he gave his opinion in the privy Counsel, whereas he assisted, his speeches and discourses made every one to admire him, so as even then he was feared and respected. He retired himself usually into a Chapel, appointed for him in the Temple of Vitzliputzli, where they said their Idol spoke unto him▪ and for this cause he was held very religious and devout. For these perfections then, being most noble and of great courage, his election was short and easy, as a man upon whom all men's eyes were fixed, as worthy of such a charge. Having intelligence of this election, he hid himself in this Chapel of the Temple, whether it were by judgement (apprehending so heavy and hard a burden) as to govern such a people, or rather, as I believe, through hypocrisy, to show that he desired not Empery: In the end they found him, leading him to the place of Council, whither they accompanied him with all possible joy: he marched with such a gravity, as they all said the name of Moteçuma agreed very well with his nature, which is as much to say, as an angry Lord. The Electors did him great reverence, giving him notice, that he was chosen King: from thence he was led before the hearth of their Gods, to give Incense, where he offered Sacrifices in drawing blood from his ears, and the calves of his legs, according to their custom. They attired him with the Royal ornaments, and pierced the gristle of his nostrils, hanging thereat a rich Emerald, a barbarous and troublous custom: but the desire of rule, made all pain light and easy. Being seated in his Throne, he gave audience to the Orations and Speeches that were made unto him, which according unto their custom were eloquent and artificial. The first was pronounced by the King of Tescuco, which being preserved, for that it was lately delivered, King of Tescucos Oration. and very worthy to be heard, I will set it down word by word, and thus he said: The concordance and unity of voices upon thy election, is a sufficient testimony (most noble young man) of the happiness the Realm shall receive, as well deserving to be commanded by thee, as also for the general applause which all do show by means thereof. Mexican greatness. Wherein they have great reason, for the Empire of Mexico doth already so far extend itself, that to govern a World, as it is, and to bear so heavy a burden, it requires no less dexterity and courage, then that which is resident in thy firm and valiant heart, Their opinions of God and 9 Heavens. nor of less wisdom and judgement than thine. I see and know plainly, that the mighty God loveth this City, seeing he hath given understanding to choose what was fit. For who will not believe that a Prince, who before his Reign had pierced the ●ine Vaults of Heaven, should not likewise now obtain those things that are earthly to relieve his people, aiding himself with his best judgement, being thereunto bound by the duty and charge of a King? Who will likewise believe that the great courage which thou hast always valiantly showed in matters of importance, should now fail thee in matters of greatest need? Who will not persuade himself but the Mexican Empire is come to the height of their Sovereignty, seeing the Lord of things created hath imparted so great graces unto thee, Elegant Pros●popoeia. that with thy look only thou breedest admiration in them that behold thee? Rejoice then, O happy Land, to whom the Creator hath given a Prince, as a firm Pillar to support thee, which shall be thy Father and thy defence, by whom thou shalt be succoured at need, Elegant Pros●p●oeia. King's Office. who will be more th●n a brother to his subjects, for his piety and clemenci●. Thou hast a King, who in regard of his estate is not inclined to delights, or will lie stretched out upon his bed, occupied in pleasures and vices, but chose in the midst of his sweet and pleasant sleep, he will suddenly wake for the c●re he must have over thee, and will not feel the taste of the most savoury 〈◊〉, having his spirits transported with the imagination of thy good. Tell me then (O happy Realm) if I have not reason to say that thou oughtest rejoice, having found such a King; And thou noble young man, and our most mighty Lord, be confident, and of a good courage, that seeing the Lord of things created hath given thee this charge, he will also give thee force and courage to manage it: and thou mayest well hope, that he which in times past hath used so great bounty towards thee, will ●pt now deny thee his greater gifts▪ seeing he hath given thee so great a charge, which I wish thee to enjoy many years. King Moteçuma was very attentive to this Discourse: which being ended, they say he was so troubled, that endeavouring thri●e to answer 〈◊〉, he could not speak, being overcome with tears, which joy and content do usually cause, in sign of great humility. In the end being come to himself, he spoke briefly, I were too blind, good King of Tescuco, if I did not know, that what thou hast spoken unto me, proceeded of mere favour, Motezuma answer. is pleaseth you to show me, seeing among so many noble and valiant men within this Realm, you have made choice of the least sufficient: and in truth, I find myself so incapable of a charge of so great importance, that I know not what to do, but to beseech the Creator of all created things, that he will favour me, and I entreat you all to pray unto him for me. These words uttered, he began again to weep. He that in his election made such show of humility and mildness, seeing himself King, How Mote●uma ordered the service of his house, and of the war he made for his Coronation. Chap. 21. Pride before the fall. began presently to discover his aspiring thoughts. The first was, he commanded that no plebeian should serve in his house, nor bear any Royal Office, as his Predecessors had used till then▪ blaming them that would be served by men of base condition, commanding that all the noble and most famous men of his Realm should live within his Palace, and exercise the Offices of his Court, and House. Whereunto an old man of great authority (who had sometimes been his Schoolmaster) opposed himself, advising him▪ to be careful what he did, and not to thrust himself into the danger of a great inconvenience, in separating himself from the vulgar and common people, so as they should not dare to look him in the face, seeing themselves so rejected by him. He answered, that it was his resolution, and that he would not allow the Plebeians thus to go mingled among the Nobles, as they had done, saying, that the service they did, was according to their condition, so as the Kings got no reputation, and thus he continued fir●● in his resolution. He presently commanded his Counsel to dismiss all the Plebeians from their charges and offices, as well those of his Household as of his Court, and to provide Knights, the which was done. After he went in person to an enterprise necessary for his Coronation. At that time a Province lying far off towards the North Ocean, was revolted from the Crown, whither he led the flower of his people, well appointed. There he warred with such valour and dexterity, that in the end he subdued all the Province, and punished the Rebels severely, returning with a great number of Captives for the Sacrifices, and many other spoils. All the Cities made him solemn receptions at his return, and the Lords thereof gave him water to wash, performing the offices of servants, a thing not used by any of his Predecessors. Such was the fear and respect they bore him. In Mexico, they made the Feasts of his Coronation with great preparations of Dances, Comedies, Banquets, Lights, and other inventions for many days. And there came so great a wealth of Tributes from all his Countries, that strangers unknown came to Mexico, and their very enemies resorted in great numbers disguised to see these Feasts, as those of Tlascalla, and Mechonacan: the which Moteçuma having discovered, he commanded they should be lodged and gently entreated, and honoured as his own person. He also made them goodly Galleries like unto his own, where they might see and behold the Feasts. So they entered by night to those Feasts, as the King himself, making their Sports and Masks. And for that I have made mention of these Provinces, it shall not be from the purpose to understand, that the Inhabitants of Mechonacan, Tlascalla, and Tapeaca, would never yield to the Mexicans, but did always fight valiantly against them; yea, sometimes the Mecho●acans did vanquish the Mexicans, as also those of Tapeaca did. In which place, the marquis Don Ferrand Cortes, after that he and the Spaniards were expelled Mexico, pretended to build their first City, the which he called (as I well remember) Segure dela Frontiere: But this peopling continued little: for having afterwards reconquered Mexico, all the Spaniards went to inhabit there. To conclude, those of Tapeaca, Tlascalla, Seg●●a de la Frontiere. and Mechonacan, have been always enemies to the Mexicans; although Moteçuma said unto Cortes, that he did purposely forbears to subdue them; to have occasion to exercise his men of war, and to take numbers of captives. Of the behaviour and greatness of Motezuma. Chap. 22. His proud state. This King laboured to be respected, yea, to be worshipped as a God. No Plebeian might look him in the face; if he did, he was punished with death: he did never let his foot on the ground, but was always carried on the shoulders of Noblemen; and if he lighted, they laid rich Tapestry whereon he did go. When he made any Voyage, he and the Noblemen went as it were in a Park * Or betwixt rails. compassed in for the nonce, and the rest of the people went without the Park, environing it in on every side; he never put on a garment twice, nor did eat or drink in one vessel or dish above once▪ all must be new, giving to his attendants that which had once served him: so as commonly they were rich and sumptuous. He was very careful to have his Laws observed. His liberality. And when he returned victor from any war, he feigned sometimes to go and take his pleasure, than would he disguise himself, to see if his people (supposing he were absent) would omit any thing of the feast or reception: If there were any excess or defect, he then did punish it rigorously. His severity. And also to discern how his Ministers did execute their Offices, he often disguised himself, offering gifts and presents to the judges, provoking them to do in-justice. If they offended, His policy to fifth men. they were presently punished with death, without remission or respect▪ were they Noblemen, or his Kinsmen; yea, his own Brethren. He was little conversant with his people, and seldom seen, retiring himself most commonly to care for the government of his Realm. Besides that, he was a great justicier and very Noble, he was very valiant and happy, by means whereof, he obtained great victories, and came to this greatness, as is written in the Spanish Histories, whereon it seems needless to write mere. I will only have a care hereafter to write what the Books and Histories of the Indies make mention of; the which the Spanish Writers have not observed, having not sufficiently understood the secrets of this Country, the which are things very worthy to be known, as we shall see hereafter. It chanced th●t Mot●çuma having reigned many years in great prosperity, and so puffed up in his conceit, as he caused himself to be served and feared, yea to be worshipped as a God, that the Almighty Lord began to chastise him, and also to admonish him, suffering even the very Devils whom he worshipped, to tell him these heavy tidings of the ruin of his Kingdom, and to torment him by Visions, which had never been seen; wherewith he remained so melancholy and troubled, as he was void of judgement. Quetzacoalt. The Idol of those of Ch●lol●, which they called Quetzacoalt, declared, that a strange people came to possess his Kingdoms. The King of Tescuco (who was a great Magician, and had conference with the Devil) came one day at an extraordinary hour to visit Moteçuma, assuring him that his Gods had told him, that there were great losses preparing for him, and for his whole Realm: many Witches and Sorcerers went and declared as much, amongst which there was one, did very particulary foretell him what should happen: and as he was with him he told him that the pulses of his feet and hands failed him. Moteçuma troubled with these news, commanded all those Sorcerers to be apprehended: but they vanished presently in the Prison, wherewith he grew into such a rage, that he might not kill them▪ as he put their wives and children to death, His cruelty a true effect of the Devil's foretellings. God forewarneth men to bring them to repentance: the Devil to fill them with feats, perfidious and cruel jealousies, superstitious shifts, and to maintain his credit, by his divining, seeking to prove his divinity (all which is here evident) in things which Gods justice lets him know he will do● to punish such impious piety. Prodgies or Devilish Miracles. A Comet by day. destroying their Houses and Families. Seeing himself importuned and troubled with these advertisements, he sought to appease the anger of his Gods: and for that cause he laboured to bring a huge stone, thereon to make great Sacrifices: For the effecting whereof he sent a great number of people with Engines and Instruments to bring it: which they could by no means move, although (being obstinate) they had broken many Instruments. But as they strove still to raise it, they heard a voice joining to the stone, which said they laboured in vain, and that they should not raise it, for that the Lord of things created would no more suffer those things to be done there. Moteçuma understanding this, commanded the Sacrifice to be performed in that place, and they say the voice spoke again: Have I not told you, that it is not the pleasure of the Lord of things created, that it should be done? and that you may well know that it is so, I will suffer myself to be transported a little, then after you shall not move me. Which happened so indeed, for presently they carried it a small distance with great facility, than afterwards they could not move it, till that after many Prayers, it suffered itself to be transported to the entry of the City of Mexico, where suddenly it fell into the Lake, where seeking for it, they could not find it, but it was afterwards found in the same place from whence they had removed it, wherewith they remained amazed and confounded. At the same time there appeared in the Element a great flame of fire, very bright, in the form of a Pyramid, which began to appear at midnight, and went still mounting until the Sun rising in the morning, where it stayed at the South, and then vanished away. It showed itself in this sort the space of a whole year, and ever as it appeared the people cast forth great cries as they were accustomed, believing it was a presage of great misfortune. It happened also that fire took the Temple, when as no body was within it, nor near unto it, neither did there fall any lightning or thunder: whereupon the Guards crying out, a number of people ran with water, but nothing could help, so as it was all consumed; and they say the fire seemed to come forth of pieces of timber, which kindled more by the water that was cast upon it. There was a Comet seen in the day time, running from the West to the East, casting an infinite number of sparkles, and they say the form was like to a long tail, having three heads. The great Lake betwixt Mexico and Tescuco, without any wind, earthquake, or any other apparent sign, began suddenly to swell, and the waves grew in such sort, as all the buildings near unto it fell down to the ground. They say at that time they heard many voices, as of a woman in pain, which said sometimes, O my children, the time of your destruction is come: and otherwhiles it said, O my children, whither shall I carry you that you perish not utterly? There appeared likewise many Monsters with two heads, which being carried before the King, Monsters. suddenly vanished. There were two that exceeded all other Monsters▪ being very strange; the one was, the Fishers of the Lake took a Bird as big as a Crane, and of the same colour, Prodigious Foule. but of a strange and unseen form. They carried it to Moteçuma, who at that time was in the palace of tears and mourning, which was all hanged with black; for as he had many Palaces for his recreation, so had he also others for times of affliction, wherewith he was then heavily charged and tormented, by reason of the threatenings his gods had given him by these sorrowful advertisements. The Fishers came about noon setting this Bird before him, which had on the top of his head a thing bright and transparent, in form of a Looking-glass, wherein he did behold a warlike Nation coming from the East, armed, fighting, and killing. He called his Divines and Astronomers (whereof there was a great number) who having seen these things, and not able to yield any reason of what was demanded of them, the Bird vanished away, so as it was never more seen: whereupon Moteçuma remained very heavy and sorrowful. The other which happened, was a labourer, who had the report of a very honest man; he came unto him, telling him, that being the day before at his work, a great Eagle flew towards him, and took him up in his talents, without hurting him, carrying him into a certain Cave, where it left him; The Eagle pronouncing these words, Most mighty Lord, I have brought him whom thou hast commanded me: This Indian labourer looked above on every side, to whom he spoke, but he saw no man. Then he heard a voice which said unto him, Dost thou not know this man, whom thou seest lying upon the ground? and looking thereon, he perceived a man to lie very heavy asleep, with royal ensigns, flowers in his hand, and a staff of perfumes burning, as they are accustomed to use in that Country: whom the Labourer beholding, knew it was the great King Moteçuma, and answered presently: Great Lord, this resembles our King Motezuma▪ The voice said again, Thou sayest true, behold what he is, and how he lies asleep, careless of the great miseries and afflictions prepared for him. It is now time that he pay the great number of offences he hath done to God, and that he receive the punishment of his tyrannies, and great pride, and yet thou seest how careless he lies, blind in his own miseries, and without any feeling. But to the end thou mayest the better see him, take the staff of perfumes he holds burning in his hand, and put it to his face, then shalt then find him without feeling. The poor labourer durst not approach near him, nor do as he was commanded, for the great fear they all had of this King. But the voice said, Have no fear, for I am without comparison greater than this King 〈◊〉 destroy him, and defend him, do therefore what I command thee. Whereupon the labourer took the staff of perfumes out of the King's hand, and put it burning to his nose, but he moved not, 〈◊〉 showed any feeling. This done▪ the voice said unto him, that seeing he had found the King so sleepy, he should go awake him, and tell him what he had seen. Then the Eagle by the same commandment, took the man in his talents, and set him in the same place where he found him, and for accomplishment of that which he had spoken, he came to advertise him. They say, that Moteçuma looking on his face, found that he was burnt, the which he had not felt till then, wherewith he continued exceeding heavy and troubled. In the foureteenth year of the reign of Moteçuma, Of the news Moteçuma received of the Spaniards arrival in his Country, and of the Ambassage he sent them, Chap. 24. which was in the year of our Lord 1517. there appeared in the North Seas, Ships, and men landing, whereat the Subjects of Moteçuma wondered much, and desirous to learn, and to be better satisfied what they were, they went aboard in their Canoes, carrying many refresh of meats and stuffs to make apparel, upon colour to sell them. The Spaniards received them into their Ships, and in exchange of their victuals and stuffs, which were acceptable unto them, they gave them chains of false Stones, red, blue, green, and yellow, which the Indians imagined to be precious stones. The Spaniards inforning themselves, who was their King, and of his great power, dismissed them, willing them to carry those Stones unto their Lord, saying, that for that time they could not go to him, but they would presently return and visit him. Those of the coast went presently to Mexico with this message, carrying the representation of what they had seen, painted on a cloth, both of the Ships, Men, and Stones which they had given them. Relation or writing by Pictures. King Moteçuma remained very pensive with this message, commanding them not to reveal it to any one. The day following, he assembled his Counsel, and having showed them the painted clothes and the Chains, he consulted what was to be done: where it was resolved to set good watches upon all the Sea coasts, to give present advertisement to the King of what they should discover. The year following, which was in the beginning of the year 1518. they discovered a Fleet at Sea, in the which was the Marquis of Valle Don Fernande Cortes, with his companions, news which much troubled Moteçuma, and conferring with his Counsel, they all said, that without doubt, their great and ancient Lord Queztzal●oalt was come, who had said, that he would return from the East, whither he was gone. The Indians held opinion, Effects of superstitious legends. that a great Prince had in times past left them, and promised to return. Of the beginning and ground of which opinion shall be spoken in another place. They therefore sent five principal Ambassadors with rich presents, to congratulate his coming, saying, they knew well that their great Lord Queztzalcoalt was come, and that his servant Moteç●ma sent to visit him, for so he accounted himself. The Spaniards understood this message by the means of Marina, an Indian woman whom they brought with them which understood the Mexican tongue. Fernande de Cartes finding this a good occasion for his entry, Cortes admits divine worship agreeing more with his covetous designs then Christian religion, which thrived there according to these beginnings. commanded to deck his Chamber richly, and being set in great state and pomp, he caused the Ambassadors to enter, who omitted no shows of humility, but to worship him as their god. They delivered their charge, saying, that his servant Moteçuma sent to visit him, and that he held the Country in his name as his Lieutenant, that he knew well it was the Top●lcin which had been promised them many years since, who should return again unto them. And therefore they brought him such Garments as he was wont to wear, when he did converse amongst them, beseeching him to accept willingly of them, offering him many presents of great value. Cortes receiving the presents, answered, that he was the same they spoke of, wherewith they were greatly satisfied, seeing themselves to be courteously received and entreated by him. To conclude, the day after this Ambassage, all the Captains and Commanders of the Fleet, came unto the Admiral, where understanding the matter, and that this Realm of Moteçuma was mighty and rich, it seemed fit to gain the reputation of brave and valiant men among this people, and that by this means (although they were few) they should be feared and received into Mexico. To this end they discharged all their Artillery from their Ships, which being a thing the Indians had never heard, they were amazed, as if heaven had fallen upon them. Then the Spaniards began to defy them to fight with them: Egregiam vero laudem. but the Indians not daring to hazard themselves, they did beat them and entreat them ill, showing their Swords, Lances, Pertuisans, and other arms, wherewith they did terrify them much. The poor Indians were by reason hereof so fearful and amazed, as they changed their opinion, saying, that their Lord Topilcin came not in this troop, but they were some gods (their enemies) came to destroy them. When as the Ambassadors returned to Mexico, Moteçuma was in the house of audience; but before he would hear them, Needs must they go whom Devil drives. this miserable man commanded a great number of men to be sacrificed in his presence, and with their blood to sprinkle the Ambassadors (supposing by this ceremony) which they were accustomed to do in solemn Ambassages) to receive a good answer. But understanding the report and information of the manner of their Ships, Men, and Arms, he stood perplexed and confounded: then taking counsel thereon, he found no better means, then to labour to stop the entry of these strangers, by Conjurations and Magic Arts. They had accustomed often to use this means, having great conference with the Devil, by whose help they sometimes obtained strange effects. They therefore assembled together all the Sorcerers, Magicians, and Enchanters, who being persuaded by Moteçuma, they took it in charge to force this people to return unto their Country. For this consideration, they went to a certain place which they thought fit for the invocation of their Devils, Protean shifts. and practising their Arts (a thing worthy of consideration) They wrought all they could; but seeing nothing could prevail against the Christians, they went to the King, telling him that they were more than men, for that nothing might hurt them, notwithstanding, all their Conjurations and Enchantments. Then Moteçuma advised him of another policy, that feigning to be very well contented with their coming, he commanded all his Countries to serve these celestial gods that were come into his Land. The whole people was in great heaviness and amazement, and often news came that the Spaniards inquired for the King, of his manner of life, of his house and means. He was exceedingly vexed herewith: some of the people and other Negromanciers advised him to hide himself, offering to place him whereas no creature should ever find him. This seemed base unto him, and therefore he resolved to attend them, although it were dying. In the end he left his Houses and royal Prllaces to lodge in others, leaving them for these gods as he said. I pretend not to entreat of the acts and deeds of the Spaniards, who conquered New Spain, nor the strange adventures which happened unto them, Of the Spaniards entry into Mexico. Chap. 25. nor of the courage and invincible valour of their Captain Don Fernando Cortes: for that there are many Histories and Relations thereof, as those which Fernando Cortes himself did write to the Emperor Charles the fifth, although they be in a plain stile, and far from arrogancy, the which do give a sufficient testimony of what did pass, wherein he was worthy of eternal memory, but only to accomplish my intention: I am to relate what the Indians report of this action, the which hath not to this day been written in our vulgar tongue. Moteçuma therefore, having notice of this Captains victories, that he advanced for his conquest, that he was confederate and joined with them of Tlascalla, his capital enemies, and that he had severely punished them of Cholola his friends, he studied how to deceive him, or else to try him in sending a principal man unto him, attired with the lake ornaments and royal ensigns, the which should take upon him to be Moteçuma, which fiction being discovered to the Marquis by them of Tlascalla (who did accompany him) he sent him back, after a mild and gentle reprehension, in seeking so to deceive him: whereupon Moteçuma was so confounded, that for the fear thereof he returned to his first imaginations and practices, to force the Christians to retire, by the invocation of Conjurers and Witches. And therefore he assembled a greater number than before, threatening them, that if they returned without effecting what he had given them in charge, not any one should escape, whereunto they all promised to obey. And for this cause, all the Devil's officers went to the way of Chalco, Tezcalipuca a Devill-god. by the which the Spaniards should pass, when mounting to the top of a hill, Tezcalipuca, one of their principal gods, appeared unto them, as coming from the Spaniards camp, in the habit of Chalcas, who had his paps bound about eight fold with a cord of reeds, he came like a man beside himself, out of his wits, and drunk with rage and fury. Being come to this troop of Witches and Conjurers, he stayed, and spoke to them in great choler, Why come you hither? what doth Motecuma pretend to do by your means? He had advised himself too late: for it is now determined, that his Kingdom and honour shall be taken from him, with all that he possesseth, for punishment of the great tyrannies he hath committed against his Subjects, having governed not like a Lord, but like a traitor and tyrant. The Enchanters and Conjurers hearing these words, knew it was their Idol, and humbling themselves before him, they presently built him an Altar of Stone in the same place, covering it with flowers which they gathered thereabouts, but he chose, making no account of these things, began again to chide them, saying: What come you hither to do, O ye traitors? Return presently and behold Mexico, that you may understand what shall become thereof. And they say, that returning towards Mexico to behold it, they did see it flaming on fire. Then the Devil vanished away, and they not daring to pass any farther, gave notice thereof to Motezuma, whereat he remained long without speaking, looking heavily on the ground; then he said, What shall we do if god and our friends leave us, and chose, they help and favour our enemies? I am now resolute, and we ought all to resolve in this point, that happen what may, we must not fly nor hide our seluer, or show any sign of cowardice. I only pity the aged and infants, who have neither feet nor hands to defend themselves. Having spoken this, he held his peace, being transported into an ecstasy. In the end, the marquis approaching to Mexico, Motezuma resolved to make of necessity a virtue, going three or four leagues out of the City to receive him with a great majesty, carried upon the shoulders of four Noblemen, under a rich Canapy of Gold and Feathers. When they met, Motezuma descended, and they saluted one another very courteously. Don Fernando Cortes said unto him, that he should not care for any thing, and that he came not to take away his Realm, nor to diminish his authority. Motezuma lodged Cortes, and his companions in his royal Palace, the which was very stately, and he himself lodged in other private houses. This night the Soldiers for joy discharged their Artillery, wherewith the Indians were much troubled, being unaccustomed to hear such Music. The day following, Cortes caused Motezuma and all the Nobles of his Court to assemble in a great Hall, where being set in a high Chair, he said unto them, that he was servant to a great Prince, who had sent them into these Countries to do good works, and that having found them of Tlascalla to be his friends (who complained of wrongs and greevances done unto them daily by them of Mexico) he would understand which of them was in the blame, and reconcile them, Good fishing in troubled waters. that hereafter they might n● more afflict and war one against another: and in the mean time, he and his brethren (which were the Spaniards) would remain still there without hurting them: but chose, they would help them all they could. He laboured to make them all understand this discourse, using his Interpreters and truchmen. The which being understood by the King and the other Mexican Lords, they were wonderfully well satisfied, and showed great signs of love to Cortes and his company. So it is, that by some occasions, many complaints, griefs, and jealousies grew on either side. The which Cortes finding, & that the Indians minds began to be distracted from them, he thought it necessary to assure himself, in laying hand upon King Moteçuma, who was seized on, and his legs fettered. Truly this act was strange unto all men, and like unto that other of his, to have burnt his Ships, and shut himself in the midst of his enemies, Cortes his two strange attempts. there to vanquish or to dye. The mischief was, that by reason of the unexpected arrival of Pamphilo Naruaes' at the true cross, drawing the Country into mutiny, Cortes was forced to absent himself from Mexico, and to leave poor Moteçuma in the hands of his companions, who wanted discretion not had not moderation like unto him: so as they grew to that dissension, as there was no means to pacify it. When as Cortes was absent from Mexico, he that remained his Lieutenant, Of the death of Motezuma, and the Spaniards departure out of Mexico. Chap. 26. resolved to punish the Mexicans severely, causing a great number of the Nobility to be slain at a mask, which they made in the Palace, the which did so far exceed, as all the people mutined, and in a furious rage, took Arms to be revenged and to kill the Spaniards. They therefore besieged them in the Palace, pressing them so near, that all the hurt the Spaniards could do them with their Artillery and Crossbows, might not terrify them, not force them to retire from their enterprise, where they continued many days, stopping their victuals, not suffering any one to enter or issue forth. They did fight with stones, and cast Darts after their manner, with a kind of Lances like unto Arrows, in the which there are four or six very sharp Razors, the which are such (as the Histories report) that in these wars, an Indian with one blow of these Razors, almost cut off the neck of a Horse, and as they did one day fight with this resolution and fury, Indian armies. the Spaniards to make them cease, showed forth Moteçuma, with an other of the chief Lords of Mexico, upon the top of a platform of the house, covered with the Targets of two Soldiers that were with them. The Mexicans seeing their Lord Moteçuma, stayed with great silence. Then Moteçuma caused the Lord to advise them to pacify themselves, and not to war against the Spaniards, seeing that (he being a prisoner) it could little profit him. The which being understood by a young man, called Quicuxtemoc, whom they now resolved to make their King, he spoke with a loud voice to Moteçuma, willing him to retire like a Villain, that seeing he had been such a Coward, as to suffer himself to be taken, they were no more bound to obey him, but rather should punish him as he deserved, calling him Woman for the more reproach, and then he began to draw his Bow and to shoot at him, and the people began to cast stones at him, and to continue their combat. Many say that Moteçuma was then hurt with a stone, whereof he died. The Indians of Mexico affirm the contrary, and that he died as I will show hereafter. Alvaro, and the rest of the Spaniards seeing themselves thus pressed, gave intelligence to Captain Cortes, of the great danger they were in: who having with an admirable dexterity and valour, given order to Naruaes' affairs, and assembled the greatest part of his men, he returned with all speed to succour them of Mexico, where observing the time the Indians rest (for it was their custom in war, Fourth days rest in war. to rest every fourth day) He one day advanced with great policy and courage, so as both he and his men entered the Palace, where as the Spaniards had fortified themselves: they than showed great signs of joy, in discharging their Artillery. But as the Mexicans fury increased (being out of hope to defend themselves) Cortes resolved to pass away secretly in the night without bruit. Having therefore made Bridges to pass two great and dangerous passages, about midnight they issued forth as secretly as they could, the greatest part of his people having passed the first bridge, they were discovered by an Indian woman before they could pass the second, who cried out their enemies fled, at the which voice all the people ran together with a horrible fury: so as in passing the second bridge, they were so charged and pursued, 300. Spaniard's lost. as there remained above three hundred men slain and hurt in one place; where at this day there is a small Hermitage, which they unproperly call of Martyrs. Many Spaniards (to preserve the gold and jewels which they had gotten) perished, and others staying to carry it away, were taken by the Mexicans, and cruelly sacrificed to their Idols. The Mexicans found King Moteçuma dead, and wounded as they say with Poniards, and they hold opinion that that night the Spaniards slew him with other Noblemen. The marquis in his Relation sent to the Emperor, And can you blame him to write the best of himself? writes the contrary, and that the Mexicans killed him that night with a son of Moteçuma, which he led with him amongst other Noblemen, saying, that all the treasure of gold, stones, and silver, fell into the Lake and was never more seen. But how soever, Moteçuma died miserably, and paid his deserts to the just judgement of our Lord of Heaven for his pride and tyranny: his body falling into the Indians power, they would make him no Obsequies of a King, no not of an ordinary person, but cast it away in great disdain and rage. A servant of his having pity of this King's misery (who before had been feared and worshipped as a God) made a fire thereof, and put the ashes in a contemptible place. Returning to the Spaniards that escaped, they were greatly tired and turmoiled, the Indians following them two or three days very resolutely, Succession of superstition. Royal courage. You here hear a jesuit. Gold is a miracle-working God in covetous hearts. Quid. non mortali● pectora cogit Auri sacro fames? this sacerrima fames wrought miracles in all the Spanish Indies▪ and still doth at Saints shrines, and in European pilgrimages, and Purgatory visions, etc. Great is (cried the shrine-makers) Diana of the Ephesians. giving them no time of rest, being so distressed for victuals, as a few grains of Mays were divided amongst them for their meat. The Relations both of the Spaniards and Indians agree, that God delivered them here miraculously, the Virgin Mary defending them on a little Hill, whereat this day three leagues from Mexico, there is a Church built in remembrance thereof, called our Lady of succour. They retired to their ancient friends of Tlascalla, whence (by their aid, and the valour and policy of Cortes) they returned afterwards to make war against Mexico, by Water and Land, with an invention of Brigantines, which they put into the Lake, where after many combats, and above threescore dangerous battles, they conquered Mexico, on Saint Hippolytus day, the 13. of August, 1521. The last King of the Mexicans (having obstinately maintained the wars) was in the end taken in a great Canoe, whereinto he fled, who being brought with some other of the chiefest Noblemen before Fernando Cortes, this petty King with a strange resolution and courage, drawing his dagger, came near to Cortes, and said unto him, Until this day I have done my best endeavour for the defence of my people: now am I no farther bound, but to give thee this dagger to kill me therewith. Cortes answered, that he would not kill him, neither was it his intention to hurt them: but their obstinate folly was guilty of all the misery and afflictions they had suffered, neither were they ignorant how often he had required peace and amity at their hands. He the commanded them to be entreated courteously. Many strange and admirable things chanced in this Conquest of Mexico: for I neither hold it for an untruth, nor an addition, which many write, that God favoured the Spaniards by many miracles. It is most certain by the Relations of many, and by the Histories which are written, that in diverse battles which the Spaniards had, as well in New Spain, as in Peru, the Indians their enemies did see a Horseman in the air, mounted on a white horse, with a Sword in his hand, fight for the Spaniards, whence comes the great reverence they bear at the Indies to the glorious Apostle Saint James. Otherwhiles they did see in some battles, the Image of our Lady, from whom the Christians have received in those parts incomparable favours and benefits, etc. And therefore we ought not to condemn all these things of the first Conquerors of the Indies, as some religious and learned men have done, doubtless with a good zeal, but too much affected. For although for the most part they were covetous men, cruel, and very ignorant in the course that was to be observed with the Infidels, who had never offended the Christians, yet can we not deny, but on their part there was much malice against God and our Men, Si ego (might America say) digna sim hac contumeliâ maximè; At t● (Hispane) indignus qui faceres tamen. which forced them to use rigour and chastisement. Every one may understand by the Relation and Discourse I have written in these Books, as well at Peru, as in New Spain, when as the Christians first set footing, that these Kingdoms and Monarchies were come to the height and period of their power. The Inguas of Peru, possessing from the Realm of Chille beyond Quitto, which are a thousand leagues, being most abundant in gold, silver, sumptuous services, and other things: as also in Mexico, Moteçuma commanded from the North Ocean Sea, unto the South, being feared and worshipped not as a man, but rather as a god. Then was it, that the most high Lord had determined that that stone of Daniel, which dissolved the Realms and Kingdoms of the World, should also dissolve those of this new World. What difference 'twixt Words and Swords, 'twixt Apostles and greedy Soldiers? The Prince of peace sent men not to kill, but to be killed, & came to be a slain Lamb, that the World might be saved; not to slay a World that himself might be a covetous worldly saver and conqueror. Nimrod or Alexander had been fitter Preachers in this kind than Peter and Paul● their examples (not of these) did Cortes and Pizarro follow: and the Christianity of those parts more sm●lls of the Sword than the Word, as the jesuit in books de procuranda Ind. sal. hath showed, as is showed sup. To. 1. l. 2. c. 1. in baiting the Popes Bull. A●gust. lib. 2. the come. euang. c. 36. This was the greatest help of the Spanish conquest. Indian quarrels made that easy which their gold made desirable. diverse Nations which the Spaniards could never conquer to this day. And as the Law of Christ came when as the Roman Monarchy was at her greatness: so did it happen at the West Indies, wherein we see the just providence of our Lord▪ For being then in the World, I mean in Europe, but one head and temporal Lord, as the holy Doctors do note, whereby the Gospel might more easily be imparted to so many People and Nations: Even so hath it happened at the Indies, where having given the knowledge of Christ to the Monarches of so many Kingdoms, it was a means that afterwards the knowledge of the Gospel was imparted to all the people: yea, there is herein a special thing to be observed, that as the Lords of Cusco and Mexico conquered new Lands, so they brought in their own language: for although there were (as at this day) great diversity of tongues, yet the Courtly speech of Cusco, did and doth at this day run above a thousand leagues, and that of Mexico did not extend far less, which hath not been of small importance, but hath much profited in making the preaching easy, at such a time, when as the Preachers had not the gift of many tongues, as in old times. He that would know what a help it hath been for the conversion of this people in these two great Empires, and the great difficulty they have found to reduce those Indians to Chris● which acknowledge no Sovereign Lord, let him go to Florida, Bresil, the Andes, and many other places, where they have not prevailed so much by their preaching in fifty years, as they have done in Peru and new Spain in less than five. If they will impute the cause to the riches of the Country: I will not altogether deny it. Yet were it impossible to have so great wealth, and to be able to preserve it, if there had not been a Monarchy. This is also a work of God in this age, when as the Preachers of the Gospel are so cold and without zeal, and Merchants with the heat of covetousness and desire of command, search and discover new people whither we pass with our commodities; for as Saint Augus●●ne saith, the prophecy of Esay is fulfilled, in that the Church of Christ is extended, not only to the right hand, but also to the left: which is (as he declareth) by humane and earthly means, which they seek more commonly than jesus Christ. It was also a great providence of our Lord, that when as the first Spaniards arrived there, they found aid from the Indians themselves, by reason of their partialities and great divisions. This is well known in Peru, that the division betwixt the two brother's Atahualpa and Guasca, the great King Guanacapa their father being newly dead, gave entry to the marquis Don Francis Pizarre, and to the Spaniards, for that either of them desired his alliance being busied in war one against the other. The like experience hath been in new Spain, that the aid of those of the Province of Tlascalla, by reason of their continual hatred against the Mexicans, gave the victory and signory of Mexico, to the Marquess Fernando Cortes and his men, and without them it had been impossible to have won it, yea, to have maintained themselves within the Country. They are much deceived that so little esteem the Indians, and judge that (by the advantage the Spaniards have over them in their Persons, Horses, and Arms, both offensive and defensive) they might easily conquer any Land or Nation of the Indies. Chille stands yet, or to say better, Arauco and Tuecapel, which are two Cities, where our Spaniards could not yet win one foot of ground, although they have made war there above five and twenty years, without sparing of any cost. For this barbarous Nation, having once lost the apprehension of horse and shot, and knowing that the Spaniards fall as well as other men, with the blow of a stone or of a dart, they hazard themselves desperately, entering the Pikes upon any enterprise. How many years have they levied men in new Spain, to send against the Chychymequos', which are a small number of naked Indians, armed only with bows and arrows? yet to this day they could not be v●●quished, but chose, from day to day they grow more desperate and resolute. But what shall we say of the Chucos, of the Chiraguanas, of the Piscocones, and all the other people of the Andes? Hath not all the flower of Peru been there, bringing with them so great provision of Arms and Men as we have seen? What did they? With what victories returned they? Surely, they returned very happy in saving of their lives, having lost their baggage and almost all their horses. Let no man think (speaking of the Indians) that they are men of nothing; but if they think so, let them go and make trial. We must then attribute the glory to whom it appertains, that is, principally to God, and to his admirable disposition: for if Moteçuma in Mexico, and the Ingua in Peru, had been resolute to resist the Spaniards, and to stop their entry, Cortes and Pizarre had prevailed little in their landing, although they were excellent Captains. It hath also been a great help to induce the Indians to receive the Law of Christ, the subjection they were in to their Kings and Lords, and also the servitude and slavery they were held in by the Devil's tyrannies and insupportable yoke. This was an excellent disposition of the divine Wisdom, the which draws profit from ill to a good end, and receives his good from an others ill, which it hath not sown. It is most certain that no people of the West Indies have been more apt to receive the Gospel, than those which were most subject to their Lords, and which have been charged with the heaviest burdens, as well of Tributes and Services, as of Customs and bloody Practices. All that which the Mexican Kings and those of Peru did possess, is at this day most planted with Christian Religion, and where there is least difficulty in the Government and Ecclesiastical Discipline. Devil insupportable. The Indians were so wearied with the heavy and insupportable yoke of Satan's laws, his sacrifices and ceremonies, whereof we have formerly spoken, that they consulted among themselves, to seek out a new Law, and an other God to serve. And therefore the Law of Christ seemed unto them, and doth at this day seem just, sweet, clean, good, and full of happiness. And that which is difficult in our Law, to believe so high and sovereign Mysteries, hath been easy among them, for that the Devil had made them comprehend things of greater difficulty, and the selfsame things which he had stolen from our evangelical Law, as their manner of Communion and Confession, their adoration of Three in One, and such other like, the which against the will of the Enemy, have holpen for the easy receiving of the Truth by those who before had embraced Lies. God is wise and admirable in all his works, vanquishing the Adversary even with his own weapon, he takes him in his own snare, and kills him with his own sword. Finally, our God (who had created this People, and who seemed to have thus long forgot them) when the hour was come, he would have the same Devils, enemies to mankind, whom they falsely held for gods; should give a testimony against their will, of the true Law, the power of Christ, and the triumph of the Cross, as it plainly appears by the presages, prophecies, signs, and prodigies, here before mentioned, with many others happened in diverse parts, and that the same ministers of Satan, Sorcerers, Magicians, and other Indians have confessed it. And we cannot deny it (being most evident and known to all the World) that the Devil dareth not hiss, and that the Practices, Oracles, Answers, and visible Apparitions, which were so ordinary throughout all this Infidelity, have ceased, whereas the Cross of Christ hath been planted, where there are Churches, and where the Name of Christ hath been confessed. And if there be at this day any cursed minister of his, that doth participate thereof, it is in Caves, and on the tops of Mountains, and in secret places, far from the name and communion of Christians. The Sovereign Lord be blessed for his great mercies, and for the glory of his holy Name; And in truth, if they did govern this people temporally and spiritually, in such sort as the Law of jesus Christ hath set it down, with a mild yoke and light burden, and that they would impose no more upon them than they can well bear, as the Letters Patents of the good Emperor of happy memory do command, and that they would employ half the care they have to make profit of these poor men's sweats and labours, for the health of their souls, it were the most peaceable and happy Christian part of all the World, etc. CHAP. V. Of the ancient superstitions of the Mexicans and Indians of America, gathered out of the fifth Book of JOSEPHUS ACOSTA. FIrst, although the darkness of Infidelity holdeth these Nations in blindness, yet in many things the light of Truth and Reason works somewhat in them. And they commonly acknowledge a supreme Lord and Author of all things, which they of Peru called Vnachocha, and gave him names of great excellence, as Pachacamac, They acknowledge one supreme Deity. or Pachayachachic, which is, the Creator of Heaven and Earth: and Vsapu, which is, admirable, and other like names. Him they did worship, as the chiefest of all, whom they did honour in beholding the Heaven. The like we see amongst them of Mexico, and China, and all other Infidels. Which acordeth well with that which is said of Saint Paul, in the Acts of the Apostles, where he did see the Inscription of an Altar; Ignoto Deo: to the unknown God. Whereupon the Apostle took occasion to preach unto them, saying, He whom you worship without knowing, him do I preach unto you. In like sort, Acts 17. those which at this day do preach the Gospel to the Indians, find no great difficulty to persuade them that there is a High God and Lord over all, and that this is the Christians God, and the true God. And yet it hath caused great admiration in me, that although they had this knowledge, yet had they no proper Name for God, No proper name for God. if we shall seek into the Indian tongue for a word to answer to this Name of God, as in Latin, De●s; in Greek, Theos; in Hebrew, El▪ in Arabike, Alla; but we shall not find any in the 〈◊〉 or Mexican tongues. So as such as preach or write to the Indians, use our Spanish name Dios, fitting it to the accent or pronunciation of the Indian tongues, the which differ much, whereby appears the small knowledge they had of God, seeing they cannot so much as name him, if it be not by our very name▪ yet in truth they had some little knowledge, and therefore in P●ru they made him a rich Temple, which they called Pachacamac, which was the principal Sanctuary o● the Realm. And as it hath been said, this word of Pachacamac, is as much to say, as the Creator, yet in this Temple they used their Idolatries; worshipping the Devil and Figures. They likewise made Sacrifices and Offerings to Viracocha, which held the chief place amongst the worships which the Ki●g● Iugu●● made. Hereof they called the Spaniards Vir●cochas, for that they hold opinion they are the 〈◊〉 of Heaven, and diui●e▪ e●en as others did attribute a Deity to Paul and 〈◊〉 calling the one jupiter, Acts●● ●●. and the other Mercury, so would they offer sacrifices unto them, as unto gods and as the Barbarians of M●lit● (which is Maltè) seeing that the Viper did not hu●● the Apostle, they called him God. NExt to Viracocha, or their supreme God, Of the first kind of Idolatry, upon natural and universal things. Chap. 4. Sun their second God: and then other heavenly Bodies in their order. Temples to the Thunder their third God. jupiter's fulmen. Humane sacrifices. Earth, Sea, Rainbow, Starre● worshipped. that which most commonly they have and do adore amongst the Infidels, is the Sun; and after, those things which are most remarkable in the celestial or elementary nature, as the Mo●ne, Stars, Sea, and Land. The Gui●cas, or Oratories, which the I●guas Lords of Peru had in greatest reverence, next to Viracocha and the Sun, was the Thunder, which they called by three diverse names, Ch●●●●illa, Catuill●, and I●tiillapa, supposing it to be a man in heaven, with a Sling and a Mace, and that it is in his power to cause Raine, Hail, Thunder, and all the rest that appertains to the Region of the Air, where the Clouds engender. It was a Guac● (for so they called their Oratories) general to all the Indians of Peru, offering unto him many sacrifices: and in C●sc●, which is the Court and Metropolitan City, they did sacrifice children unto him, as to the 〈◊〉. They did worship these three, Viracocha, the Sun, and Thunder, after another manner then all the rest, as P●llo writes, who had made trial thereof, they did put as it were a Gauntlet or Glove upon their hands, when they did lift them up to worship them. They did worship the Earth; which they called Pacha●a●a, as the Ancients did the goddess Tellus: and the Sea likewise, which they call Mamacocha, as the Ancients worshipped Thetis, or Neptune. Moreover, they did worship the 〈…〉, which were the Arms and Blazons of the Ingua, with two Snakes stretched out on either side. Amongst the Stars they all did commonly worship that which they called Col●a, and we here Cabrille. They did attribute diverse offices to diverse Stars, and those which had need of their favour did worship them, as the Shepherd did sacrifice to a Star, which they called Vrcuhillay, which they hold to be a Sheep of diverse colours, having the care to preserve their cattle; and they imagine it is that which the Astronomers call Lyra. These Shepherd's worship two other Stars, which walk near unto them, they call them Catuchillay, and Vrcuchillay; and they fayne them to be an Ewe and a Lamb. Others worshipped a Star which they called Machacuay, to which they attribute the charge and power over Serpents, and Snakes, to keep them from hurting of them. They ascribe power to another Star, which they called Ch●g●i●chinchay (which is as much as Tiger) over Tigers, Bears, and Lions, and they have generally believed, that of all the beasts of the earth, there is one alone in heaven like unto them, the which hath care of their procreation and increase. And so they did observe and worship diverse Stars, as those which they called Chacana, Topatarca, Mam●●an, Mirco, Miquiquicay, and many other. So as it seemed they approached somewhat near the propositions of Plato's Idees. The Mexicans almost in the same manner after the supreme God, worshipped the S●nne: And therefore they called H●rnando Cortes (as he hath written in a Letter sent unto the Emperor Charles the fifth) S●nne of the Sun, for his care and courage to compass the Earth. Mexicans worship the Sun etc. But they made their greatest adoration to an Idol, called Vitzliputzli, the which in all this Region they called the most puiffant, and Lord of all things: for this cause the Mexicans built him a Temple, the greatest, the fairest, Vitzliputzlis Temple. the highest, and the most sumptuous of all other. The situation and beauty thereof, may well be conjectured by the ruins which yet remain in the midst of the City of Mexico. But here the Mexicans Idolatry hath been more pernicious and hurtful then that of the I●guas, as we shall see plainer hereafter, for that the greatest part of their adoration and Idolatry, was employed to Idols, and not to natural things, although they did attribute natural effects to these Idols, as Rain, multiplication of cattle, War, and Generation, even as the greeks and Latins have forged Idols of Phoebus, Mercury, jupiter, Minerva, and of Mars. To conclude, who so shall nearly look into it, shall find this manner which the Devil hath used to deceive the Indians, to be the same wherewith he hath deceived the greeks and Romans, and other ancient Gentiles, Idolatrising rite the same to all their Idols with words different. Lares: as Popish mediators of intercession. giving them to understand that these notable creatures, the Sun, Moon, Stars, and Elements, had power and authority to do good or harm to men. Their manner to pray to Viracocha, to the Sun, the Stars, and the rest of their Idols, was to open their hands, and to make a certain sound with their mouths (like people that kissed) and to ask that which every one desired in offering his Sacrifices; yet was there great difference betwixt the words they used in speaking to the great Tici●iracocha, to whom they did attribute the chief power and commandment over all things, and those they used to others, the which every one did worship privately in his house, as Gods or particular Lords, saying, that they were their Intercessors to this great Ticciviracocha. This manner oof worship, opening the hands, and as it were * Adoration h●d the n●me of ad and os: k●ssing the hand with bowing of the body, etc. See Min. Fael. lob 31. kissing, hath something like to that which job had in horror, as fit for Idolaters, saying, If I have kissed my hands with my mouth, beholding the Sun when it shines, or the Moon when it is light, the which is a great iniquity, and to deny the most great God. Of the Idolatry the Indians used to particular things. Chap. 5. THe Devil hath not been contented to make these blind Indians to worship the Sun, Moon, Stars, Earth, and Sea, and many other general things in nature, but he hash passed on further, giving them for God, and making them subject to base and abject things, and for the most part, filthy and infamous: for they worshipped Rivers, Fountains, the mouths of Rivers, entries of Mountains, Rocks or great Stones, Hills and the tops of Mountains, which they call Apachitas, and they hold them for matters of great devotion. To conclude, they did worship all things in nature, which seemed to them remarkable and different from the rest, as acknowledging some particular deity. These showed me in Caxamalca of Nasca a little hill or great mount of Sand, which was the chief Idol or Guaca of the Ancients. I demanded of them what divinity they found in it? They answered, that they did worship it for the wonder, being a very high mount of Sand, in the midst of very thick Mountains of Stone. We had need in the City of Kings, of great store of great wood; for the melting of a Bell, and therefore they cut down a great deformed Tree, which for the greatness and antiquity thereof had been a long time the Oratory and Guaca of the Indians. And they believed there was a certain Divinity in any thing that was extraordinary and strange in his kind, attributing the like unto small Stones and Metals; yea unto roots and fruits of the earth, as the roots they call Papas. There is a strange kind which they call Lallahuas, which they kissed and worshipped. They did likewise worship Bears, Lions, Tigers and Snakes, to th'end they should not hurt them: and such as their gods be, such are the things they offer unto them in their worship. They have used as they go by the way, to caft, in the cross ways, on the hills, and tops of Mountains, which they call Apachitta●, old shoes, Feathers, and Coca chewed, being an herb they use much. And when they have nothing left, Concil. Limensi. 2 p. 2. cap. 99 they cast a Stone as an offering, that they might pass freely, and have greater force, the which they say increaseth by this means, as it is reported in a provincial Counsel of Peru. And therefore they find in the highways great heaps of Stones offered, and such other things. They used another offering no less pleasant and ridiculous, pulling the hair from the eyebrows to offer it to the Sun, Hills, Apachittas, to the Winds, or to any other thing they fear. Such is the miseries that many Indians have lived in, and do to this day, whom the Devil doth abuse like very Babes, with any foolish illusion whatsoever. They report of one of the Kings Inguis, a man of a subtle spirit, who (seeing that all his predecessors had worshipped the Sun) said, that he did not take the Sun to be God, neither could it be, for that God was a great Lord, who with great quiet and leisure performed his works, and that the Stone doth never cease his course, saying, that the thing which laboured so much could not seem to be God. Of another kind of Idolatry upon the dead. Chap. 6. Wisd. 14. They came to the height of Idolatry by the same means the Scripture maketh mention of: first they had a care to keep the bodies of their Kings and Noblemen whole, from any ill scent or corruption above two hundred years. In this sort were their Kings Inguas in Cusco, every one in his Chapel and Oratory, so as the marquis of Canette being Viceroy, to root out Idolatry, caused three or four of their Gods to be drawn out and carried to the City of Kings, which bred a great admiration, to see these bodies (dead so many years before) remain so fair and also whole. Every one of these Kings Inguas left all his Treasure and Revenues, to entertain the place of worship where his body was laid, and there were many Ministers with all his Family dedicated to his service: for no King Successor did usurp the Treasure● and Plate of his Peedecessor, but he did gather all new for himself, and his Palace. They were not content with this Idolatry to dead bodies, but also they made their figures and representations: and every King in his life time caused a figure to be made wherein he was represented, which they called Guaoigui, which signifieth Brother, for that they should do to this Image, during his life and death, as much honour and reverence as to himself. They carried this Image to the wars, and in procession for rain or fair weather, making sundry Feasts and Sacrifices unto them. There have been many of these Idols in Cusco, and in that Territory, but now they say that this Superstition of worshipping of stones hath altogether ceased, or for the most part, after they had been discovered by the diligence of the Licentiate polo, and the first was that of the Inguas Rocha, chief of the faction or race of Hanam Cusco. And we find that among other Nations they had in great estimation and reverence the bodies of their Predecessors, and did likewise worship their Images. THe Indians of Peru believed commonly that the Souls lived after this life, and that the good were in glory, and the bad in pain; Of Superstitions they used to the dead. Chap. 7. Immortality of souls believed but not resurrection of the bodies: as ar. 17. so as there is little difficulty to persuade them to these Articles. But they are not yet come to the knowledge of that point, that the bodies should rise with the Souls. And therefore they did use a wonderful care, as it is said, to preserve the bodies which they honoured after death: to this end their Successors gave them Garments, and made Sacrifices unto them, especially the Kings Inguas, being accompanied at their Funerals, with a great number of servants and women for his service in the other life: and therefore on the day of his decease, they did put to death the woman he had loved best, his Servants and Officers, that they might serve him in the other life. When as the Guanacapa died (who was father to Atagualpa, at what time the Spaniards entered) they put to death above a thousand persons of all ages and conditions, 1000 slain to attend one dead man. for his service to accompany him in the other life, after many songs and drunkenness they slew them; and these that were appointed to death, held themselves happy. They did sacrifice many things unto them, especially young children, and with the blood they made a stroke on the dead man's face, from one ear to the other. This superstition and inhumanity, to kill both men and women, to accompany and serve the dead in the other life, hath been followed by others, and is at this day used amongst some other barbarous Nations. And as polo w●ites, it hath been in a manner general throughout all the Indies. The reverend Beda reports, Superstitions of the old English. Portugal w●le. that before the Englishmen were converted to the Gospel, they had the same custom, to kill men to accompany and serve the dead. It is written of a Portugal, who being captive among the Barbarians, had been hurt with a dart, so as he lost one eye, and as they would have sacrificed him to accompany a Nobleman that was dead, he said unto them, that those that were in the other life, would make small account of the dead, if they gave him a blind man for a companion; and that it were better to give him an attendant that had both his eyes. This reason being found good by the Barbarians, they let him go. Besides this superstition of sacrificing men to the dead, being used but to great Personages, there is another far more general and common in all the Indies, which is, to set meat and drink upon the grave of the dead, imagining they did feed thereon: the which hath likewise been an error amongst the Ancients, as Saint Austin writes, and therefore they gave them meat and drink. At this day many Indian Infidels, do secretly draw their dead out of the Churchyard, and bury them on hills, or upon passages of Mountains, or else in their own houses. They have also used to put Gold and Silver in their mouth, hands, and bosom, and to apparel them with new Garments durable, and well lined under the hearse. They believe that the souls of the dead wandered up and down and endure cold, Purgatoryiancies as in Popish legends. thirst, hunger and travail, and for this cause they make their anniverssaries, carrying them clothes, meat and drink. Having reported what many Nations of Peru have done with their dead, Of the manner of burying the dead among the Mexican and sundry other Nations. Chap. 8. Places of burial. it shall not be from the purpose, to make particular mention of the Mexicans in this point, whose mortuaries were much solemnised, and full of notable follies. It was the office of the Priests and religious of Mexico (who lived there with a strange observance, as shall be said hereafter) to inter the dead, and do their obsequies. The places where they buried them, was in their Gardens, and in the Courts of their own houses: others carried them to the places of sacrifices which were done in the Mountains: others burnt them, and after buried the ashes in their Temples; and they buried them all, with whatsoever they had, of Apparel, Stones and jewels. They did put the ashes of such as were burnt into pots, and with them, the jewels, Stones, and Earrings of the dead, how rich and precious soever. They did sing the Funeral offices, like to answers, and did often lift up the dead bodies, doing many ceremonies. At these mortuaries they did eat and drink; and if it were a person of quality, they gave apparel to all such as came to the interment. When any one died, they laid him open in a chamber, until that all his kinsfolks and friends were come, who brought presents unto the dead, and saluted him as if he were living. And if he were a King or Lord of some town, they offered him slaves to be put to death with him, to the end they might serve him in the other world. They likewise put to death his Priest, or Chaplain (for every Nobleman had a Priest which administered these ceremonies within his house) and then they called him, that he might execute his office with the dead. Chaplain and other Officers killed. They likewise killed his Cook, his Butler, his Dwarves, and deformed men, by whom he was most served: neither did they spare the very brothers, of the dead, who had most served them: for it was a greatness amongst the Noblemen, to be served by their brethren and the rest. Finally, they put to death all of his train, for the entertaining of his house in the other world: and lest poverty should oppress them, they buried with them much wealth, as Gold, Silver, Stones, Curtains of exquisite work, Bracelets of Gold, and other rich pieces. And if they burned the dead, they used the like with all his Servants, and ornaments they gave him for the other world. Then took they all the ashes they buried with very great solemnity. The obsequies continued ten days with songs of plaints and lamentations, and the Priests carried away the dead with so many ceremonies, and in so great number, as they could scarce account them. To the Captains and Noblemen they gave trophies and marks of honour, according to their enterprises and valour employed in the wars and governments; for this effect they had arms and particular blasons. They carried these marks or blazons to the place where he desired to be buried or burnt, marching before the body, and accompanying it, as it were in procession, where the Priests and officers of the Temple went with diverse furnitures and ornaments, some casting incense, others singing, and some sounding of mournful Flutes and Drums, which did much increase the sorrow of his kinsfolks and subjects. The Priest who did the office was decked with the marks of the Idol which the Nobleman had represented; for all Noblemen did represent Idols, and carried the name of some one; and for this occasion they were esteemed and honoured. The order of Knighthood did commonly carry these foresaid marks. He that should be burnt, being brought to the place appointed, they environed him with wood of Pine trees, and all his baggage, than set they fire unto it, increasing it still with goomie wood, until that all were converted into ashes, than came there forth a Priest attired like a Devil, having mouths upon every joint of him, and many eyes of glass, holding a great staff, with the which he did mingle all the ashes very boldly, and with so terrible a gesture, as he terrified all the assistants. Sometimes this Minister had other different habits, according to the quality of the dead. The fourth & last kind of of Idolatry the Indians used, especially the Mexicans to Images and Idols. Chap. 9 Images the fourth kind of Indian Idolatry. There hath been great curiosity at the Indies in making of Idols and Pictures of diverse forms and matters, which they worshipped for Gods, and in Peru they called them Guacas, being commonly of foul and deformed beasts, at the least, such as I have seen, were so. I believe verily that the Devil, in whose honour they made these Idols, was pleased to cause himself to be worshipped in these deformities, and in truth it was found so, that the Devil spoke and answered many of these Guacas or Idols, and his Priests and Ministers came to these Oracles of the father of lies, and such as he is, such were his Counsels and Prophecies. In the Provinces of New Spain, Mexico, Tescuco, Tlascalla, Cholula, and in the neighbour Countries to this Realm, this kind of Idolatry hath been more practised than in any other Realm of the world. And it is a prodigious thing to hear the superstitions rehearsed that they have used in that point, of the which it shall not be unpleasant to speak something. The chiefest Idol of Mexico was, as I have said Vit●iliputzli. It was an image of wood like to a man, set upon a stool of the colour of azure, in a brankard or litter, at every corner was a piece of wood in form of a Serpent's head. The stool signified that he was set in heaven: this Idol had all the forehead Azure, and had a band of Azure under the nose from one ear to another: upon his head he had a rich plume of Feathers, like to the beak of a small Bird, the which was covered on the top with Gold burnished very brown: he had in his left hand a white Target, with the figures of five pine Apples, made of white Feathers, set in a cross: and from above issued forth a crest of gold, and at his sides he had four darts, which (the Mexicans say) had been sent from heaven to do those acts and prowesses which shall be spoken of: In his right hand he had an Azured staff, cut in fashion of a waving snake. All these ornaments with the rest he had, carried this sense as the Mexicans do show the name of Vitziliputzli signifies the left hand of a shining Feather. I will speak hereafter of the proud Temple, the Sacrifices, Feasts and Ceremonies of this great Idol, being very notable things. But at this present we will only show, that this Idol thus richly apparelled and decked, was set upon an high Altar, in a small piece or box, well covered with linen clothes, jewels, Feathers, and ornaments of Gold, with many run●les of Feathers, the fairest and most exquisite that could be found: he had always a curtain before him for the greater veneration. joining to the chamber or chapel of this Idol, there was a piece of less work, and not so well beautified, where there was another Idol they called Tlaloc. These two Idols were always together, for that they held them as companions, and of equal power. There was another Idol in Mexico much esteemed, The Devil's Paenitentiary. which was the god of repentance, and of jubilies and pardons for their sins. They called this Idol Tezcallipuca, he was made of a black shining stone like to jayel, being attired with some Gentile devices after their manner; it had earrings of gold and silver, and through the nether lip a small canon of Crystal, in length half a foot: in the which they sometimes put a green feather, and sometimes an azured, which made it resemble sometimes an Emerald, and sometimes a Turquois: it had the hair broided and bound up with a hairlace of gold burnished, at the end whereof did hang an ●a●e of gold, with two firebrands of smoke painted therein, which did signify the prayers of the afflicted and sinners that he heard, when they recommended themselves unto him. Betwixt the two ears hanged a number of small herons. He had a jewel hanging at his neck, so great that it covered all his stomach: upon his arms bracelets of Gold; at his navel a rich green stone▪ and in his left hand a ●a●ne of precious Feathers, of Green, Azure, and Yellow, which came forth of a Looking-glass of Gold, shining and well burnished, and that signified, that within this Looking-glass he saw whatsoever was done in the world. They called this Glass or Chaston of gold Ir●●ich●aya which signifies his Glass for to look in. In his right hand be held four darts, which signified the chastisement he gave to the wicked for their sins. And therefore▪ they feared this Idol most, least he should discover their faults and offences. At his feast they had pardon of their sins, which was made every four years, as shall be declared hereafter. They held this Idol Tescatlipuca for the god of drought, of famine, barrenness and pestilence: Their Nemesis▪ And therefore they painted him in another form, being set in great majesty upon a stool compassed in with a red Curtin, painted and wrought with the heads and bones of dead men. In the left hand it had a Target with five Pines, like unto pine Apples of Cotton: and in the right a little dare with a threatening countenance, and the arm stretched out, as if he would cast it; Varro makes this difference betwixt Religion and Superstition. Qui Deum non ●ere●tur ut ●atre● timebunt ut h●stem. and from the Target came four darts. It had the countenance of an angry man, and in choler, the body all painted black, and the head full of Quails feathers. They used great superstition to this Idol, for the fear they had of it. In Cholu●a which is a Commonwealth of Mexico, they worshipped a famous Idol which was the god of Merchandise, being to this day greatly given to traffic. They called it Quetzaalcoalt. This Idol was in a great place in a Temple very high: it had about it, Gold, Silver, jewels, very rich Feathers, and habits of diverse colours. It had the form of a man, but the visage of a little Bird, with a red bill; and above a comb full of warts, having ranks of teeth, Indian Mercury. and the tongue hanging out. It carried upon the head, a pointed mitre of painted paper, a scythe in the hand, and many toys of gold on the legs; with a thousand other foolish inventions, whereof all had their significations, and they worshipped it, for that he enriched whom he pleased, as Memnon and Plutus. In truth this name which the Cho●uanos gave to their god, was very fit, although they understood it not: they called it Quetzaalcoalt, signifying colour of a rich Feather, for such is the devil of covetousness. These barbarous people contented not themselves to have gods only, but they had goddesses also, as the Fables of Poets have brought in, and the blind gentility of the greeks and Romans worshipped them. The chief goddess they worshipped was called Tozi, which is to say, our Grandmother, who as the Histories of Mexico report, Goddesses. was daughter to the King of Culhuacan, who was the first they stayed by the commandment of Vitzliputzli, See former Chap. whom they sacrificed in this sort, being his sister; and then they began to stay men in their sacrifices, and to cloth the living with the skins of the sacrificed, having learned that their gods were pleased therwithas also to pull the hearts out of them they sacrificed, which they learned of their god, who pulled out the hearts of such as he punished in Tulla, as shall be said in his place. One of these goddesses they worshipped had a son, who was a great hunter, whom they of Tlascalla afterwards took for a god, and those were enemies to the Mexicans, by whose aid the Spaniards won Mexico. The Province of Tlascalla is very fit for hunting, and the people are much given thereunto. They therefore made a great feast unto this Idol, whom they painted of such a form, as it is not now needful to lose any time in the description thereof. The feast they made was pleasant, and in this sort: They sounded a Trumpet at the break of day, at the sound whereof they all assembled with their Bows, Arrows, Nets, and other instruments for hunting: then they went in procession with their Idol, being followed by a great number of people to a high Mountain, upon the top whereof they had made a bower of leaves, and in the midst thereof an Altar richly decked, whereupon they placed the Idol. They marched with a great bruit of Trumpets, Cornets, Flutes & Drums, and being come unto the place, they environed this Mountain on all sides, putting fire to it on all parts: by means whereof many beasts flew forth, as Stags, Coneys, Hares, Foxes, and Wolves, which went to the top flying from the fire. These hunters followed after with great cries and noise of diverse instruments, hunting them to the top before the Idol, whither fled such a number of beasts, in so great a press, that they leapt one upon another, upon the people, and upon the Altar, wherein they took great delight. Then took they a great number of these beasts, and sacrificed them before the Idol, as Stags and other great beasts, pulling out their hearts, as they use in the sacrifice of men, and with the like ceremony: which done, they took all their prey upon their shoulders, and retired with their Idol in the same manner as they came, and entered the City laden with all these things, very joyful, with great store of music, Trumpets, and Drums, until they came to the Temple, where they placed their Idol with great reverence and solemnity. They presently went to prepare their venison, wherewith they made a banquet to all the people; and after dinner they made their plays, representations, and dances before the Idol. They had a gr●at number of other Idols, of gods and goddesses; They sat down to eat and drink and rose up to play. but the chief were of the Mexican Nation, and the neighbour people as is said. AS we have said that the Kings Inguas of Peru caused Images to be made to their likeness, Of a strange manner of Idolatry practised amongst the Mexicans. Ch. 10 which they called their Guacoes or brothers, causing them for to be honoured like themselves: even so the Mexicans have done of their gods, which was in this sort. They took a captive, such as they thought good, & afore they did sacrifice unto him their Idols; they gave him the name of the Idol, to whom he should be sacrificed, and apparelled him with the same ornaments like their Idol, saying, that he did represent the same Idol. And during the time that this representation lasted, which was for a year in some Feasts, in others six months, and in others less: they reverenced and worshipped him in the same manner, as the proper Idol; and in the mean time he did eat, drink, and was merry. When he went through the streets, the people came forth to worship him, and every one brought him an alms, with children and sick folks, that he might cure them, and bless them, suffering him to do all things at his pleasure, only he was accompanied with ten or twelve men lest he should fly. And he (to the end he might be reverenced as he passed) sometimes sounded upon a small Flute, that the people might prepare to worship him. The feast being come, and he grown fat, they killed him, opened him, and eat him, making a solemn sacrifice of him. It follows that we treat● of their Religion, or rather Superstition, which they use in their Sacrifices, Temples, Ceremonies, and the rest. That which God by his wisdom hath decreed for his honour and service, and for the good and health of man, How the Devil hath laboured to make himself equal unto God, and to imitate him in his Sacrifices, Religion and Sacraments. Chap. 11. the Devil strives to imitate and to pervert, to be honoured, and to cause man to be damned: for as we see the great God hath Sacrifices, Priests, Sacraments, Religious Prophets, and Ministers, dedicated to his divine Service and holy ceremonies: so the Devil hath his Sacrifices, Priests, his kinds of Sacraments, his Ministers appointed, his secluded and feigned holiness, with a thousand sorts of false Prophets. BEginning then with their Temples, even as the great God would have a house dedicated, where his holy name might be honoured, and that it should be particularly vowed to his service; even so the Devil, by his wicked practices, persuaded Infidels to build him proud Temples▪ Of the Temples that were found at the Indies. Chap. 12. and particular Oratories and Sanctuaries. In every Province of Peru, there was one principal Guaca, or house of adoration; and besides it, there was one General throughout all the Kingdom of the Inguas; among the which there hath been two famous and notable, the one which they called Pachamana, is four leagues from Lima, where at this day they see the ruins of a most ancient and great building, out of the which Francis Pizarre and his people drew infinite treasure, of vessels and pots of Gold and Silver, which they brought when they took the Ingua Altagualpa. There are certain memories and discourses which say, that in this Temple the Devil did speak visibly, and gave answers by his Oracle, and that sometimes they did see a spotted Snake: and it was a thing very common and approved at the Indies, that the Devil spoke and answered in these false Sanctuaries deceiving this miserable people. But where the Gospel is entered, and the Cross of Christ planted, the father of lies becomes mute, as Plutarch writes of his time, Flu lib. de tract. Iust. in apol. pro christ. Cur cessaverit Pithias fundere oracula: and justine Martyr treats amply of the silence which Christ imposed to Devils, which spoke by Idols, as it had been before much prophesied of in the holy Scripture. The manner which the Infidel Ministers and Enchanters had to consult with their gods, was as the Devil had taught them. It was commonly in the night, they entered backward to their Idol, and so went bending their bodies and head, after an ugly manner, and so they consulted with him. The answer he made, was commonly like unto a fearful hissing, or to a gnashing which did terrify them; and all that he did advertise or command them, was but the way to their perdition and ruin. There are few of these Oracles found now, through the mercy of God, and great power of jesus Christ. There hath been in Peru another Temple and Oratory, most esteemed, which was in the City of Cusco, where at this day is the Monastery of Saint Dominicke. We may see it hath been a goodly and a stately work, by the pavement and stones of the building, which remain to this day. This Temple was like to the Pantheon of the Romans, for that it was the house and dwelling of all the gods; for the King's Inguas did there behold the gods of all the Nations and Provinces they had conquered, every Idol having his private place, whither they of that Province came to worship it with an excessive charge of things which they brought for his service. And thereby they supposed to keep safely in obedience, those Provinces which they had conquered, holding their gods, as it were in hostage. In this same house was the Pinchao, which was an Idol of the Sun, of most fine Gold, wrought with great riches of Stones, the which was placed to the East, with so great Art, as the Sun at his rising did cast his beams thereon: and as it was of most fine mettle, his beams did reflect with such a brightness, that it seemed another Sun. The Inguas did worship this for their god, and the Pachayacha, which signifies the Creator of Heaven. They say, that at the spoil of this so rich a Temple, a Soldier had for his part this goodly plate of gold of the Sun. And as play was then in request, he lost it all in one night at play, whence came the proverb they have in Peru for great gamesters, saying, that they play the Sun before it riseth. THe Superstitions of the Mexicans, have without comparison been greater than the rest, as well in their ceremonies, Of the proud 〈◊〉 at Mexico. Cham 13. as in the greatness of their Temples, the which in old time the Spaniards called by this word Cuckoe, which word might by taken from the Islanders of Saint Dominique, or of Cuba, as many other words that are in use, the which are neither from Spain, nor from any other language now usual among the Indians, as is Mays, Chico, Vaq●ian●, Chapet●n, and other like. There was in Mexico, this Cuckoe, the famous Temple of Vitzliputzli, it had a very great circuit, and within a fair Court. It was built of great stones, in fashion of Snakes tied one to another, and the circuit was called Coatepantli, which is, a circuit of Snakes: upon the top of every Chamber and Oratory where the Idols were, was a fine Pillar wrought with small stones, black as jet, set in goodly order, the ground raised up with white and red, which below gave a great light. Upon the top of the Pillar were battlements very artificially made, wrought like Snails, supported by two Indians of stone, sitting, holding Candlesticks in their hands, the which were like Croisants garnished and enriched at the ends, with yellow and green feathers and long fringes of the same. Within the circuit of this Court, there were many Chambers of religious men, and others that were appointed for the service of the Priests and Popes, for so they call the sovereign Priests which serve the Idol. This Court is so great and spacious, Mexican Popes. as eight or ten thousand persons did dance easily in round, holding hands, the which was an usual custom in that Realm, although it seem to many incredible. There were four Gates or Entries, at the East, West, North, and South; at every one of these Gates began a fair Causeway of two or three leagues long. There was in the midst of the Lake where the City of Mexico is built, four large Cawseys in cross, which did much beautify it; upon every Portall or Entry, was a God or Idol, having the visage turned to the Causeway, right against the Temple gate of Vitzliputzli. There were thirty steps of thirty fathom long, and they divided from the circuit of the Court by a street that went betwixt them; upon the top of these steps there was a walk of thirty foot broad, all playstered with chalk, in the midst of which walk was a palisado artificially made of very high Trees, planted in order a fathom one from another. These Trees were very big, and all pierced with small holes from the foot to the top, and there were rods did run from one Tree to another, to the which were chained or tied many dead men's heads. Upon every rod were twenty Sculls, and these ranks of Sculls continue from the foot to the top of the Tree. This palisado was full of dead men's Sculls from one end to the other, the which was a wonderful mournful sight and full of horror. These were the heads of such as had been sacrificed▪ for after they were dead, and had eaten the flesh, the head was delivered to the Ministers of the Temple, which tied them in this sort until they fell off by morsels; and then had they a ●are to se● others in their places. Upon the top of the Temple were two Stones or Chapels, and in them were the two Idols, which I have spoken of, Vitziliputzli, and his companion Tlal●●. These Chapels were carved and graven very artificially, and so high, that to ascend up to it, there was a stair of stone of sixscore steps. Before these Chambers or Chapels, there was a Court of forty foot square, in the midst whereof, was a high stone of five hand breadth, pointed in fashion of a Pyramid, it was placed there for the sacrificing of men; for being laid on their backs, it made their bodies to bend, and so they did open them and pull out their hearts, as I shall show hereafter. There were in the City of Mexico, eight or nine other Temples, the which were joined one to another within one great circuit, and had their private Stairs, their Courts, their Chambers, and their Dortoires. The entries of some were to the East, some to the West, others to the South, and some to the North. All these Temples were curiously wrought, and compassed in with diverse sorts of Battlements and Pictures, with many figures of stones, being accompanied and fortified with great and large Spurs or Platforms. They were didicated to diverse gods: but next to the Temple of Vitziliputzli, was that of Tescalipuca, which was the god of Penance and of Punishments, very high and well built. There were four steps to ascend: on the top was a Flat or Table of sixscore foot broad, and joining unto it was a Hall hanged with Tapestry and Curtains of diverse colours and works. The Door thereof being low and large, was always covered with a veil, and none but the Priests might enter in. All this Temple was beautified with diverse Images and Pictures most curiously; for that these two Temples were as the Cathedral Churches; and the rest in respect of them as Parishes and Her●●●●ges: they were so spacious, and had so many Chambers, that there were in them places for the Ministry, Colleges, Schools, and Houses for Priests, whereof we will entreat hereafter. The Devil countervailing the use of the Church of God, hath placed in the order of his Priests, Of the Priests and their offices. Ch. 14. The Devil had his Popes or Vicars at Mexico for the new World, as at Rome for the old▪ and now for both. Midnight Matins. some greater or superiors, and some less, the one as Acolites, the other as Levites, and that which hath made me most to wonder, was, that the Devil would usurp to himself the service of God; yea, and use the same name: for the Mexicans in their ancient tongue called their high Priests P●p●s, as they should say Sovereign Bishops, as it appears now by their Histories. The Priests of Vitzliputzli succeeded by Lineages of certain quarters of the City, deputed for that purpose, and those of other Idols came by election, or being offered to the Temple in their infancy. The daily exercise of the Priests was to cast Incense on the Idols, which was done four times in the space of a natural day. The first at break of day, the second at noon, the third at Sun setting, and the fourth at midnight. At midnight all the chief officers of the Temple did rise, and in stead of Bells, they sounded a long time upon Trumpets, Cornets, and Flutes very heavily, which being ended, he that did the office that week, stepped forth, attired in a white Robe after the Dalmatic manner, with a Censor in his hand full of coal●s, which ●ee took from the hearth burning continually before the Altar; in the other hand he had a Purse full of Incense, which he cast into the Censor, and as he entered the place where the Idol was, he incensed it with great reverence, than took he a cloth, with the which he wiped the Altar and the Curtains. This done, they went all into a Chapel, and there did a certain kind of rigorous and austere penance, beating themselves, and drawing of blood, as I shall show in the Treatise of Penance, which the Devil hath taught to his Creatures; and hereof they never sailed at these Matins at midnight. None other but the Priests might intermeddle with their sacrifices, and every one did employ himself according to his dignity and degree. They did likewise preach to the people at some feasts, as I will show when we treat thereof. They had Revenues, and great Offerings were made unto them. I will speak hereafter of their Unction in consecrating their Priests. In Peru the Priests were entertained of the Revenues and Inheritance of their god, which they called Chacaras, which were many, and also very rich. Of the Monastery of Virgins which the Devil hath invented for his service. Chap. 15. There were in Peru many Monasteries of Virgins (for there are no other admitted) at the least one in every Province. In these Monasteries there were two sorts of women, one ancient, which they called Mamacomas, for the instruction of the young; and the other was of young Maidens, placed there for a certain time, and after they were drawn forth, either for their gods or for the Ingua. They called this House or Monastery Aclaguagi, which is to say, the House of the Chosen. Every Monastery had his Vicar or Governor called Appopanaca, who had liberty and power to choose whom he pleased, of what quality soever, being under eight years of age, if they seemed to be of a good stature and constitution. Vestal Virgins, or Nuns of Peru. These Virgins thus shut up into these Monasteries, were instructed by the Momacomas, in diverse things needful for the life of man, and in the customs and ceremonies of their gods; and afterwards they took them from thence, being above fourteen, sending them to the Court with sure guards, whereof some were appointed to serve the Guacas and Sanctuaries, keeping their Virg●nities for ever: some others were for the ordinary sacrifices that were made of Maidens, and other extraordinary sacrifices, they made for the health, death, or wars of the Ingua; and the rest served for Wives and Concubines to the Ingua, and unto other his Kinsfolks and Captains, unto whom he gave them, which was a great and honourable recompense: This distribution was used every year. These Monasteries possessed Rents and Revenues for the maintenance of these Virgins, which were in great numbers. It was not lawful for any father to refuse his daughters when the Appopanaca required them for the service of these Monasteries. Yea, many fathers did willingly offer their daughters, supposing it was a great merit to be sacrificed for the Ingua. If any of these Momacomas or Acllas were found to have trespassed against their honour, it was an inevitable chastisement to bury them alive, or to put them to death by some other kind of cruel torment. The Devil hath even in Mexico had some kind of religious women, although their possession was but for one year, and it was in this sort: Within this great circuit whereof we have spoken, which was in the principal Temple, there were two Houses like Cloisters, the one opposite to the other, one of Men, the other of Women: In that of women, they were Virgins only, of twelve or thirteen years of age, which they called the Maids of Penance. They were as many as the men, and lived chastely and regularly, as Virgins dedicated to the service of their god. Their charge was, to sweep and make clean the Temple, and every morning to prepare meat for the Idol and his Ministers, of the Alms the religious gathered. The food they prepared for the Idol were small loaves in the form of hands and feet, as of Marchpane: and with this bread they prepared certain sauces which they cast daily before the Idol, and his Priests did eat it, Dan. 14. as those of Baal, that Daniel speaketh of. These Virgins had their hair cut, and then they let them grow for a certain time: they rose at midnight to the Idols Matins, which they daily celebrated, performing the same exercises the Religious did. They had their Abbesses who employed them to make cloth of diverse fashions for the ornament of their Idols and Temples. Their ordinary habit was all white, without any work or colour. They did their penance at midnight, sacrificing and wounding themselves, and piercing the top of their ears, they laid the blood which issued forth upon their cheeks: and after (to wash off the blood) they bathed themselves in a Pool which was within their Monastery. They lived very honestly and discreetly; and if any were found to have offended, although but lightly, presently they were put to death without remission, saying, she had polluted the House of their god. They held it for an augure and advertisement, that some one of the Religious, Man, or Woman, had committed a fault, when they saw a Rat or a Mouse pass, or a Bat in the Chapel of their Idol, or that they had gnawed any of the veils, for that they say, a Rat or a Bat would not adventure to commit such an indignity, if some offence had not gone before, and then they began to make search of the fact, and having discovered the Offender or Offenders, of what quality soever they presently put them to death. None were received into this Monastery, but the daughters of one of the six quarters, named for that purpose: and this profession continued, as I have said, the space of one whole year: during the which time, their fathers, and they themselves had made a vow to serve the Idol in this manner, and from thence they went to be married. I do not know that in Peru there is any proper houses for men, Of the Monasteries of religious men, that the Devil heath invented for superstition. Chap. 16. Indian shaved Friars, & their show of sanctity, wi●h poverty, chastity, etc. but for the Priests and Sorcerers, whereof there is an infinite number. But it seemeth, that in Mexico the Devil hath set a due observation: for within the circuit of the great Temple there were two Monasteries, as before hath been said, one of Virgins, whereof I have spoken, the other of young men secluded of eighteen or twenty years of age, which they called religious. They wear shaved crowns, as the Friars in these parts, their hair a little longer, which fell to the midst of their ear, except the hinder part of the head, which they let grow the breadth of four fingers down to their shoulders and which they tied up in tresses. These young men that served in the Temple of Vitzliputzli lived poor and chastely, and did the Office of Levites, ministering to the Priests and chief of the Temple, their Incense, Lights, & garments; they swept and made clean the holy places, bringing Wood for a continual fire to the hearth of their god, which was like a lamp that still burnt before the Altar of their Idol. Besides these young men, there were other little boys, as novices, that served for manual uses, as to deck the Temple with boughs, roses, & reeds, give the Priest's water to wash with, give them their razors to sacrifice, and go with such as begged alms to carry it. All these had their superiors, who had the government over them, they lived so honestly, as when they came in public, where there were any women, they carried their heads very low, with their eyes to the ground, not daring to behold them: they had linen garments, and it was lawful for them to go into the City four or six together, to ask Alms in all quarters: and when they gave them none, it was lawful to go into the Corn fields, and gather the ears of Corn, or clusters of Mays, which they most needed, the Master not daring to speak, nor hinder them. They had this liberty, because they lived poorly, and had no other revenues, but Alms. There might not be above fifty live in penance, rising at midnight to sound the Cornets and Trumpets to awake the people. Every one watched the Idol in his turn, lest the fire before the Altar should die: they gave the Censor, with the which the Priest at midnight incensed the Idol, and also in the morning at noon, & at night. They were very subject and obedient to their superiors, and passed not any one point that was commanded them. And at midnight after the Priest had ended his censing, they retired themselves into a secret place, apart, sacrificing, and drawing blood from the calves of their legs with sharp bodkins: with this blood they rubbed their temples, and under their ears: and this sacrifice finished, they presently washed themselves in a little pool appointed to that end. These young men did not anoint their heads and bodies with any Petum, as the Priests did: their garments were of course white linen cloth they do make there. These exercises and strictness of penance continued a whole year, during which time they lived with great austerity and solitariness. It hath been said that the Priests and religious of Mexico, rose at midnight, Of Penance, & the strictness the Indians have used at the Devil's persuasion. Ch. 17. and having cast Incense before the Idol, they retired themselves into a large place, where there were many Lighs; and sitting down, every one took a point of Manguay, which is like unto an awl or sharp bodkin, with the which, or with some other kinds of Launcets or Razors, they pierced the calves of their legs near to the bone, drawing forth much blood, with the which they anointed their temples, and dipped these bodkins or lancets in the rest of the blood, than set they them upon the battlements of the Court, sticked in gloabes or bowls of straw, that all might see and know the penance they did for the people: they do wash off the blood in a lake appointed for that purpose, which they call Ezapangue, which is to say, water of blood. There were in the Temple a great number of bodkins or lancets, for that they might not use one twice. Moreover, these Priests and Religious men, used great Fast, Their severe Fasts. of five or ten days together, before any of their great Feasts, and they were unto them as our four Ember weeks: they were so strict in continence, that some of them (not to fall into any sensuality) slit their members in the midst, and did a thousand things to make themselves unable, Monsters of Will-worship. lest they should offend their gods. They drunk no Wine, and slept little, for that the greatest part of their exercises were by night, committing great cruelties and martyring themselves for the Devil, and all to be reputed great fasters and penitents. They did use to discipline themselves with cords full of knots, and not they only, but the people also used this punishment and whipping, in the procession and feast they made to the Idol Tezcalipuca, the which (as I have said before) is the god of penance; for than they all carried in their hands new cords of the thread of Manguey a fathom long, with a knot at the end, and wherewish they whipped themselves, giving great lashes over their shoulders. The Priests did fast five days before this Feast, eating but once a day, and they lived apart from their wives, not going out of the Temple during those five days, they did whip themselves rigorously in the manner aforesaid. In Peru to solemnize the feast of the Yta, which was great, all the people fasted two days; during the which, they did not accompany with their Wives, neither did they eat any meat with Salt or Garleeke, nor drink Chica. They did much use this kind of fasting for some sins, and did penance, whipping themselves with sharp stinging Nettles, and often they struck themselves over the shoulders with certain stones. This blind Nation, by the persuasion of the Devil, did transport themselves into craggy Mountains, where sometimes they sacrificed themselves, casting themselves down from some high Rock. Of the Sacrifices the Indians made to the Devil, & whereof. Chap. 18. Sacrifices of things insensible. Sacrifices of beasts. We may draw all the Sacrifices the Infidels use into three kinds, one of insensible things; another of beasts, and the third of men. They did use in Peru to sacrifice Coca, which is an herb they esteem much, of Mays, which is their Wheat, of coloured feathers, and of Chaquira, which otherwise they call Mollo, of shells or Oysters, and sometime Gold and Silver, being in figures of little beasts. Also of the fine stuff of Cumbi, of carved and sweet wood, and most commonly Tallow burnt. They made these Offerings or Sacrifices for a prosperous wind, and fair weather, or for their health, and to be delivered from some dangers and mishaps. Of the second kind, their ordinary Sacrifice was of Cuyes, which are small beasts like Rabbits, the which the Indians eat commonly. And in matters of importance, or when they were rich men, they did offer Pacos, or Indian sheep, bare, or with Wool, observing curiously the numbers, colours, and times. The manner of killing their Sacrifices, great or small, which the Indians did use according to their ancient Ceremonies, is the same the Moors use at this day, the which they call Alqulble, hanging the beast by the right forelegge, turning his eyes towards the Sun, speaking certain words, according to the quality of the Sacrifice they slew: for if it were of colour, their words were directed to Chuquilla, and to the Thunder, that they might want no water: if it were white and smooth, they did offer it to the Sun with certain words: if it had a fleece, they did likewise offer it him with some others, that he might shine upon them, and favour their generation: If it were a Guanaco, which is grey, they directed their sacrifice to Viracocha. In Cusco they did every year kill and sacrifice with this Ceremony, a shorn sheep to the Sun, and did burn it, clad in a red Waistcoat, and when they did burn it, they cast certain small baskets of Coca into the fire, which they call Vilcaronca; for which Sacrifice, they have both men and beasts appointed which serve to no other use. They did likewise sacrifice small Birds, although it were not so usual in Peru as in Mexico, where the sacrificing of Quails was very ordinary. Sacrifices of Birds. Those of Peru did sacrifice the Birds of Puna, (for so they call the Desert when they should go to the Wars, for to weaken the forces of their adversary's Guacas.) They called these Sacrifices Cuzcovicca, or Contevicca, or Huallavicca, or Sophavicca, and they did it in this manner: they took many kinds of small Birds of the Desert, and gathered a great deal of a thorny wood, which they call Yanlli, the which being kindled, they gathered together these small Birds. This assembly they called Quico, then did they cast them into the fire, about the which the Officers of the Sacrifice went with certain round stones carved, whereon were painted many Snakes, Lions, Toads, and Tigers, uttering this word Vsachum, which signifies, Let the victory be given unto us, with other words, whereby they said the forces of their enemies Guacas were confounded. Black sheep. And they drew forth certain black sheep, which had been kept close some days without meat, the which they called Vrca, and in killing them they spoke these words; As the hearts of these beasts be weakened, so let our enemies be weakened. And if they found in these sheep that a certain piece of flesh behind the hear were not consumed by fasting and close keeping, Extispicia. Black Dogs. they then held it for an ill Augur. They brought certain black Dogs, which they call Appuros, and slew them, casting them into a Plain, with certain Ceremonies, causing some kind of men to eat this flesh, the which Sacrifices they did, Fasting till stars appeared. lest the Ingua should be hurt by poison: and for this cause they fasted from morning until the stars were up, and then they did glut and defile themselves like to the Moors. This Sacrifice was most fit for them to withstand their enemy's Gods: and although at this day a great part of these customs have ceased, the wars being ended, yet remains there some Relics, by reason of the private or general quarrels of the Indians, or the Caciques, or in their Cities. Shel-offerings. They did likewise offer and sacrifice shells of the Sea, which they call Mollo, and they offered them to the Fountains and Springs, saying, that these shells were daughters of the Sea, the mother of all waters. They gave unto these shells sundry names, according to the colour, and also they use them to diverse ends. They used them in a manner in all kind of Sacrifices, and yet to this day they put beaten shells in their Chica, for a superstition. Finally, they thought it convenient to offer Sacrifices of every thing they did sow or raise up. There were Indians appointed to do these Sacrifices to the Fountain, Springs, and Rivers which passed through the Towns, or by the their Charcas, which are their Farms, which they did after Seed time, that they might not cease running, but always water their grounds. The Sorcerers did conjure, to know what time the Sacrifices should be made, which being ended, they did gather of the contribution of the people, what should be sacrificed, and delivered them to such as had the charge of these Sacrifices. They made them in the beginning of Winter, at such time as the Fountains, Springs, and Rivers, did increase by the moistures of the weather, which they did attribute to their Sacrifices. They did not sacrifice to the Fountains and Springs of the Deserts. To this day continues the respect they had to Fountains, Springs, Pools, Brooks, or Rivers, which pass by their Cities or Charcas, even unto the Fountains and Rivers of the Deserts. They have a special regard and reverence to the meeting of two Rivers, and there they wash themselves for their health, anointing themselves first with the flower of Mays, or some other things, adding thereunto diverse Ceremonies, the which they do likewise in their Baths. THe most pitiful disasster of rhis poor people, is their slavery unto the Devil, Of the Sacrifices they made of men. Cham 19 sacrificing men unto him, which are the Images of God. In many Nations they had used to kill (to accompany the dead, as hath been declared) such persons as had been agreeable unto him, and whom they imagined might best serve him in the other World. Besides this, they used in Peru, to sacrifice young children of four or six years old unto ten: and the greatest part of these Sacrifices were for the affairs that did import the Ingua, as in sickness for his health: and when he went to the wars for victory, or when they gave the wreath to their new Ingua, which is the mark of a King, as here the Sceptre and the Crown be. In this Solemnity they sacrificed the number of two hundred children, from four to ten years of age, which was a cruel and inhuman spectacle. Two hundred children sacrificed. The manner of the Sacrifice was to drown them and bury them with certain representations and ceremonies: sometimes they cut off their heads anointing themselves with the blood from one ear to another. They did likewise sacrifice Virgins, some of them that were brought to the Ingua from the Monasteries, as hath been said. In this case there was a very great and general abuse: If any Indian qualified, or of the common sort, were sick, and that the Divine told him confidently that he should dye, they did then sacrifice his own son to the Sun, or to Virachoca, Pa●ricide. desiring them to be satisfied with him, and that they would not deprive the father of life. This cruelty is like to that the holy Scripture speaks of which the King of Moab used in sacrificing his firstborn Son upon the wall, in the sight of all Israel, to whom this act seemed so mournful, as they would not press him any further, but returned to their houses. ALthough they of Peru have surpassed the Mexicans in the slaughter and Sacrifice of their Children (for I have not read nor understood that the Mexicans used any such Sacrifices) yet they of Mexico have exreeded them, yea all the Nations of the World, Of the horrible Sacrifices of men which the Mexicaas used. Chap, 20. in the great number of men which they had sacrificed, and in the horrible manner thereof. And to the end we may see the great misery wherein the Devil holds this blind Nation, I will relate particularly the custom and inhuman manner which they have observed: First the men they did sacrifice were taken in the wars, neither did they use these solemn Sacrifices but of Captives: so as it seems therein they have followed the custom of the Ancients. For as some Authors say, Captives only sacrificed. Victima & hostia. they called the Sacrifice Victima, for this reason, because it was of a conquered thing: they also called it Hostia quasi ab host, for that it was an Offering made of their enemies, although they have applied this word to all kinds of Sacrifices. In truth the Mexicans did not sacrifice any to their Idols, but Captives, and the ordinary wars they made, was only to have Captives for their Sacrifices: and therefore when they did fight, they laboured to take their enemies alive, and not to kill them, to enjoy their Sacrifices. And this was the reason which Moteçuma gave to the Marquis du Val, when he asked of him, why being so mighty, and having conquered so many Kingdoms. he had not subdued the Province of Tlascalla, which was so near? Moteçuma answered him, that for two reasons he had not conquered that Province, although it had been easy, if he would have undertaken it: the one was for the exercise of the youth of Mexico, lest they should fall into idleness and delight: the other and the chief cause why he had reserved this Province, was, to have Captives for the Sacrifices of their Gods. Manner of humane (immane) sacrificing. The manner they used in these Sacrifices, was, they assembled within the Palissadoe of dead men's Skulls (as hath been said) such as should be sacrificed, using a certain Ceremony at the foot of the Palissadoe, placing a great guard about them. Presently there stepped forth a Priest, attired with a short Surplice full of tassels beneath, who came from the top of the Temple with an Idol made of Paste of Wheat and Mays mingled with Honey, which had the eyes made of the grains of green glass, and the teeth of the grains of Mays, he descended the steps of the Temple with all the speed he could, and mounted on a great stone planted upon a high Terrasse in the midst of the Court. This stone was called Qua●xicalli, which is to say, the stone of Eagle, whereon he mounted by a little Ladder, which was in the forepart of the Terrasse, and descended by another stair on the other side, still embracing his Idol. Then did he mount to the place where those were that should be sacrificed, showing this Idol to every one in particular, saying unto them; this is your God. And having ended his show, he descended by the other side of the stairs, and all such as should dye, went in procession unto the place where they should be sacrificed, where they found the Ministers ready for that Office. The ordinary manner of sacrificing was▪ Bloody Rites. to open the stomach of him that was sacrificed, and having pulled out his heart half alive, they tumbled the man down the stairs of the Temple, which were all embrued and defiled with blood: And to make it the more plain, six Sacrificers being appointed to this dignity, came into the place of Sacrifice, four to hold the hands and feet of him that should be sacrificed, the fifth to hold his head, and the sixth to open his stomach, and to pull out the heart of the sacrificed. They called them Chachalmua, which in our Tongue is as much, as the Ministers of holy things. It was a high dignity, and much esteemed amongst them, wherein they did inherit and succeed as in a Fee-simple. The Minister who had the Office to kill, which was the sixth amongst them, was esteemed and honoured as the Sovereign Priest and Bishop, whose name was different, according to the difference of times and Solemnities. Their habits were likewise diverse when they came forth to the Sacrifice, according to the diversity of times. The name of their chief dignity was Papa and Topilzin, Their Papa. their Habit and Robe was a red Curtain after the Dalmatic fashion, with tassels below, a Crown of rich Feathers, green, white, and yellow upon his head, and at his ears like pendants of Gold, wherein were set green stones, and under the lip upon the midst of the beard he had a Piece like unto a small Canon of an azured stone. These Sacrificers came with their faces and hands coloured with a shining black. The other five Priests. The other five had their hair much curled, and tied up with Laces of Leather, bound about the midst of the head: upon their forehead they carried small Roundelets of Paper painted with diverse colours, and they were attired in a Dalmatic Robe of white, wrought with black. With this attire they represented the very figure of the Devil, so as it did strike fear and terror into all the people, to see them come forth with so horrible a representation. The Sovereign Priest carried a great Knife in his hand, of a large and sharp flint: another Priest carried a collar of wood wrought in form of a Snake: All six put themselves in order, joining to this Pyramidal stone, whereof I have spoken, being directly against the door of the Chapel of their Idol. This stone was so pointed, as the man which was to be sacrificed, being laid thereon, upon his back, did bend in such sort, as letting the Knife but fall upon his stomach it opened very easily in the midst. When the Sacrificers were thus in order, they drew forth such as had been taken in war, which were to be sacrificed at that Feast, and being accompanied with a guard of men all naked, they caused them to mount up these large stairs in rank, to the place where the Ministers were prepared: and as every one of them came in their order, the six Sacrificers took the Prisoner, one by one foot, another by the other, and one by one hand, another by the other, casting on his back upon this pointed stone, where the fifth of these Ministers put the collar of wood about his neck, and the High Priest opened his stomach with the Knife, Devilish dexterity. Fume of the heart offered to the Sun. with a strange dexterity and nimbleness, pulling out his heart with his hands, the which he showed smoking unto the Sun, to whom he did offer this heat and fume of the heart, and presently he turned towards the Idol and did cast the heart at his face, than did they cast away the body of the sacrificed, tumbling it down the stairs of the Temple, the stone being set so near the stairs, as there were not two foot space betwixt the stone and the first step, so as with one spurn with their foot, they cast the body from the top to the bottom. In this sort one after one they did sacrifice all those that were appointed. Being thus slain, and their bodies cast down, their Masters, or such as had taken them, went to take them up, and carried them away: then having divided them amongst them, they did eat them, celebrating their Feast and Solemnity. There were ever forty or fifty at the least thus sacrificed, for that they had men very expert in taking them. The neighbour Nations did the like, imitating the Mexicans in the Customs and Ceremonies of the Service of their Gods. Of other kinds of Sacrifices of men which the Mexicans used. Chap. 21. Flaying Sacrifices. THere was another kind of Sacrifice which they made in diverse feasts, which they call Racaxipe Velitzli, which is as much as the flaying of men. They call it so, for that in some Feasts they took one or more slaves, as they pleased, and after they had flayed him, they with that skin apparelled a man appointed to that end. This man went dancing and leaping thorough all the houses and Market places of the City, every one being forced to offer something unto him: and if any one failed, he would strike him over the face with a corner of the skin, defiling him with the congealed blood. This invention continued until the skin did stink: during which time, such as went, gathered together much alms, which they employed in necessary things for the Service of their Gods. In many of these Feasts they made a Challenge, betwixt him that did sacrifice, and him that should be sacrificed thus: they tied the slave by one foot to a Wheel of stone, Challenge-sacrifices. giving him a Sword and Target in his hands to defend himself: then presently stepped forth he that sacrificed him; armed with another Sword and Target: if he that should be sacrificed defends himself valiantly against the other, and resisted him, he then remained freed from the Sacrifice, winning the name of a famous Captain, and so was reputed: but if he were vanquished, they then sacrificed him on the stone whereunto he was was tied. It was another kind of Sacrifice, when as they appointed any slave to be the representation of the Idol, saying that it was his Picture: They every year gave one slave to the Priests, Idols-Idol-sacrifice. that they might never want the lively Image of their Idol. At his first entry into the Office, after he had been well washed, they attired him with all the ornaments of the Idol, giving him the same name. He was that whole year reverenced and honoured as the Idol itself, and had always with him twelve men for his Guard, lest he should fly, with which Guard they suffered him to go freely and where he would: and if by chance he fled, the chief of the Guard was put in his place to represent the Idol, and after to be sacrificed. This Indian had the most honourable lodging in all the Temple, where he did eat and drink, and whither all the chief Ministers came to serve and honour him, carrying him meat after the manner of great Personages. When he went through the streets of the City, he was well accompanied with Noblemen, he carried a l●●tle Flute in his hand, which sometimes he sounded, to give them knowledge when he passed: then presently the women came forth with their little children in their arms, which they presented unto him, saluting him as God. All the rest of the people did the like: at night they put him in a strong Prison or Cage, le●t he should fly; and when the Feast came, they sacrificed him, as hath been said. By these and many other means hath the Devil abused and entertained these poor wretches, and such was the multitude of those that had been sacrificed by this infernal cruelty, Incredible numbers sacrificed. as it seems a matter incredible, for they affirm there were some days five thousand or more, and that there were above twenty thousand sacrificed in diverse places. The Devil to entertain this murder of men, used a pleasant and strange invention, which was, when it pleased the Priests of Satan they went to their Kings, telling them how their Gods died for hunger, Devil hungry for man's flesh. and that they should remember them. Presently they prepared themselves, and advertised one another, that their Gods required meat, and therefore they should command their people to be ready to go to the Wars; and thus the people assembled, and the companies appointed went to field, where they mustered their forces; and all their quarrel and fight was to take one another for sacrifice, striving on either side to take what Captives they could, so as in these battles they laboured more to take, then to kill, for that all their intention was to take men alive, to give them to their Idols to eat, for after that manner brought they their Sacrifice unto their Gods, And we must understand, that never King was crowned until he had subdued some Province, from the which he brought a great number of Captives for the Sacrifices of their Gods, so as it was an infinite thing to see what blood was spilt in the honour of the Devil. MAny of these Barbarians were now wearied and tired with such an excessive cruelty, How the Indians grew weary, and could not endure the cruelty of Satan. Chap. 22. in shedding so much blood, and with so tedious a Tribute, to be always troubled to get Captives, for the feeding of their Gods, seeming unto them a matter insupportable; yet left they not to follow and execute their rigorous Laws, for the great awe the Ministers of these Idols kept them in, and the cunning wherewith they abused this poor people. But inwardly they desired to be freed from so heavy a yoke. And it was a great providence of God; that the first which gave them knowledge of the Law of Christ, found them in this disposition: for without doubt it seemed to them a good Law, and a good God, to be served in this sort. Hereupon a grave religious man in New Spain told me, that when he was in that Country he had demanded of an ancient Indian, a man of quality, for what reason the Indians had so soon received the Law of jesus Christ, and left their own, without making any other proof, trial, or dispute thereon, for it seemed they had changed their Religion, without any sufficient reason to move them. The Indian answered him, Believe not Father, that we have embraced the Law of Christ so rashly as they say: for I will tell you, that we were already weary and discontented with such things as the Idols commanded us, and were determined to leave it, and to take another Law. But when as we found that the Religion that you preached had no cruelties in it, and that it was fit for us, and both just and good, we understood and believed that it was the true Law, and so we received it willingly. Which answer of this Indian agrees well with that we read in the first Discourse, that Fernand Cortes sent to the Emperor Charles the fifth, wherein he reports, that after he had conquered the City of Mexico, being in Cuyoacan, there came Ambassadors to him from the Province and Commonwealth of Mechoacan requiring him to send them his Law, and that he would teach them to understand it, because they intended to leave their own, which seemed not good unto them, which Cortes granted, and at this day they are the best Indians, and the truest Christians that are in New Spain. The Spaniards that saw these cruel Sacrifices, resolved with all their power to abolish so detestable and cursed a butchering of men, and the rather, for that in one night before their eyes they saw threescore or threescore and ten Spaniards sacrificed, which had been taken in a battle given at the Conquest of Mexico: Spaniard's sacrificed. and another time they found written with a Coal in a Chamber in Tezcusco these words; here such a miserable man was Prisoner with his Companions whom they of Tezcusco did sacrifice. There happened a very strange thing upon this subject, and yet true, being reported by men worthy of credit, which was, that the Spaniards beholding these Sacrifices, having opened and drawn out the heart of the lusty young man, and cast him from the top of the stairs (as their custom was) when he came at the bottom, he said to the Spaniards in his Language, Knights, they have slain me, A man speaks after his heart is out. the which did greatly move our men to horror and pity. It is no incredible thing, that having his heart pulled out, he might speak, seeing that Galen reports that it hath often chanced in the Sacrifice of beasts, after the heart hath been drawn out, and cast upon the Altar, the beasts have breathed, yea, Galen, lib. 2. the Hi●. & Platon. placit. cap. 4. they did bray and cry out aloud, and sometimes did run. In the first month, which in Peru they called Rayme, and answereth to our December, they made a most solemn feast, How the Devil hath laboured to imitate and counterfeit the Sacraments of the holy Church. Chap. 25. Indian Communion. called Capacrayme, wherein they made many sacrifices and ceremonies, which continued many days: during the which, no stranger was suffered to be at the Court which was in Cusco. These days being past, they then gave liberty to strangers to enter, that they might be partakers of the feasts and sacrifices, ministering to them in this manner. The Mamacoma of the Sun, which were a kind of Nuns of the Sun, made little loaves of the flower of Mays, died and mingled with the blood of white Sheep, which they did sacrifice that day; then presently they commanded that all strangers should enter, who set themselves in order, and the Priests which were of a certain Lineage, descending from Linquiyupangui, gave to every one a morsel of these small loaves, saying unto them, that they gave these pieces, to the end they should be united and confederate with the Ingua, and that they advised them not to speak nor think any ill against the Ingua, but always to bear him good affection, for that this piece should be a witness of their intentions and will, and if they did not as they ought, he would discover them and be against them. They carried these small loaves, in great Platters of gold and silver appointed for that use, and all did receive and eat these pieces, thanking the Sun infinitely for so great a favour which he had done them, speaking words and making signs of great contentment and devotion: protesting that during their lives, they would neither do nor think any thing against the Sun nor the Ingua: and with this condition they received this food of the Sun, the which should remain in their bodies for a witness of their fidelity which they observed to the Sun and to the Ingua their King. This manner of devilish communicating they likewise used in the tenth month, called Coyarayme, which was September, in the solemn feast which they called Cytua, doing the like ceremonies. And besides this Communion (if it be lawful to use this word in so devilish a matter) which they imparted to all strangers that came, they did likewise send of these loaves to all their Guacas, Sanctuaries, or Idols of the whole Realm, and at one instant they found people of all sides, which came expressly to receive them, to whom they said (in delivering them) that the Sun had sent them that, in sign that he would have them all to worship and honour him, and likewise did send them in honour of the Caciques. Some perhaps will hold this for a fable and a fiction: yet is it most true, that since the Ingua Yupangi (the which is he that hath made most Laws, Customs, and Ceremonies, as Numa did in Rome) this manner of Communion hath continued, until that the Gospel of our Lord jesus Christ thrust out all these superstitions, giving them the right food of life, which unites their souls to God: who so would satisfy himself more amply, let him read the Relation which the Licenciate polo did write. In what manner the Devil hath laboured in Mexico to counterfeit the feast of the holy Sacrament used in the Popish Church. Chap. 24. IT is a thing more worthy admiration, to hear speak of the Feast and solemnity of the Communion which the Devil himself, the Prince of Pride, ordained in Mexico, the which (although it be somewhat long) yet shall it not be from the purpose to relate as it is written by men of credit. The Mexicanes in the month of May, made their principal Feast to their god Vitziliputzli, and two days before this Feast, the Virgins whereof I have spoken (the which were shut up and secluded in the same Temple, and were as it were Religious women) did mingle a quantity of the seed of Beets with roasted Mays, and then they did mould it with honey, making an Idol of that paste, in bigness like to that of wood, putting in stead of eyes, grains of green glass, of blue, or white; and for teeth, grains of Mays, set forth with all the ornament and furniture that I have said. This being finished, all the Noblemen came and brought it an exquisite and rich garment, like unto that of the Idol, wherewith they did attire it. Being thus clad and decked, they did set it in an azured Chair, and in a Litter to carry it on their shoulders. The morning of this feast being come, an hour before day, all the Maidens came forth attired in white, with new ornaments, the which that day were called the sisters of their god Vitzliputzli, they came crowned with Garlands of Mays roasted and parched, being like unto Azahar or the flower of Orange, and about their necks they had great chains of the same, which went bauldrickwise under their left arm. Their cheeks were died with vermilion, their arms from the elbow to the wrist, were covered with red Parrots feathers. And thus attired, they took the Idol on their shoulders, carrying it into the Court, where all the young men were, attired in garments of an artificial red, crowned after the same manner, like unto the women. When as the Maidens came forth with the Idol, the young men drew near with much reverence, taking the Litter wherein the Idol was, upon their shoulders, carrying it to the foot of the stairs of the Temple, where all the people did humble themselves, laying earth upon their heads, which was an ordinary ceremony which they did observe at the chief feast of their gods. This ceremony being ended, all the people went in Procession with all the diligence and speed they could, going to a Mountain which was a league from the City of Mexico, called Chapulteper, and there they made sacrifices. Presently they went from thence with like diligence, to go to a place near unto it, which they called Atlacuyavaya, where they made their second station: and from thence they went to another Burgh or Village a league beyond Cuyoacan, from whence they parted, returning to the City of Mexico, not making any other station. They went in this sort above four leagues in three or four hours, calling this Procession Ypayna Vitzliputzli. Being come to the foot of the stairs, they set down the Brancard or Litter with the Idol, tying great Cordes to the arms of the Brancard, then with great observance and reverence, they did draw up the Litter with the Idol in it to the top of the Temple, some drawing above, and others helping below, in the mean time there was a great noise of Flutes, Trumpets, Cornets, and Drums. They did mount it in this manner, for that the stairs of the Temple were very steep and narrow, so as they could not carry up the Litter upon their shoulders, The Devil liking that unchristian, Antichristian prodigious opinion of transubstantiation, and the consequents, elevation, adoration, reservation, Corpus Christi mad solemnities and idolatrous processions, with rites beyond any former paganism, in disgrace of the true Sacrament, falsely calling this their Idol an unbloody sacrifice, which hath cost so many thousands their blood in fire and otherwise (the Papists at once disputing of Christ's natural body and despiting and renting his mystical body) hath found nothing fitter to transport into the Indies, nothing more contrary to sense, reason, religion, humanity, or wherein more to triumph over mankind in all these, than this brutish opinion and bloody solemnity, here described. Communicating. Idol. sermon. Of Confessors and Confession which the Indians used. Chap. 25. Reserved eases as in Papal penance. while they mounted up the Idol, all the people stood in the Court with much reverence and fear. Being mounted to the top, and that they had placed it in a little Lodge of Roses, which they held ready, presently came the young men, which strewed many flowers of sundry kinds, wherewith they filled the Temple both within and without. This done, all the Virgins came out of their Covent, bringing pieces of paste compounded of Beets, and roasted Mays, which was of the same paste whereof their Idol was made and compounded, and they were of the fashion of great bones. They delivered them to the young men, who carried them up and laid them up, and laid them at the Idols feet, wherewith they filled the whole place, that it could receive no more. They called these morsels of paste, the flesh and bones of Vitzliputzli. Having laid abroad these bones, presently came all the Ancients of the Temple, Priests, Levites, and all the rest of the Ministers, according to their Dignities and Antiquities, for herein there was a strict order amongst them, one after another, with their va●les of diverse colours and works, every one according to his Dignity and Office, having Garlands upon their heads, and Chains of flowers about their necks: after them came their gods and goddesses whom they worshipped, of diverse figures, attired in the same livery; then putting themselves in order about those morsels and pieces of paste, they used certain ceremonies with singing and dancing. By means whereof they were blessed and consecrated for the flesh and bones of this Idol. This ceremony and blessing (whereby they were taken for the flesh and bones of the Idol) being ended, they honoured those pieces in the same sort as their god. Then came forth the Sacrificers, who began the sacrifice of men, in the manner as hath been spoken, and that day they did sacrifice a greater number than at any other time, for that it was the most solemn feast they observed. The sacrifices being ended, all the young Men and Maids came out of the Temple attired as before, and being placed in order and rank one directly against another, they danced by Drums the which sounded in praise of the Feast, and of the Idol which they did celebrate. To which song all the most ancient and greatest noblemen did answer, dancing about them, making a great circle as their use is, the young Men and Maids remaining always in the midst. All the City came to this goodly spectacle, and there was a commandment very strictly observed throughout all the Land, that the day of the feast of the Idol Vitziliputzli, they should eat no other meat, but this paste with honey, whereof the Idol was made. And this should be eaten at the point of day, and they should drink no water not any other thing till after noon: they held it for an ill sign, yea for sacrilege, to do the contrary: but after the ceremonies ended, it was lawful for them to eat any thing. During the time of this ceremony, they hid the water from their little children, admonishing all such as had the use of reason, not to drink any water; which if they did, the anger of God would come upon them, and they should die, which they did observe very carefully and strictly. The ceremonies, dancing, and sacrifice ended, they went to unclothe themselves, and the Priests and Superiors of the Temple took the Idol of paste, which they spoiled of all the ornaments it had, and made many pieces, as well of the Idol itself as of the Tronchons which were consecrated, and then they gave them to the Communion, beginning with the greater, and continuing unto the rest, both Men, Women, and little Children; who received it with such tears, fear, and reverence, as it was an admirable thing, saying, that they did eat the flesh and bones of God, wherewith they were grieved. Such as had any sick folks demanded thereof for them, and carried it with great reverence and veneration. All such as did communicate, were bound to give the tenth of this seed, whereof the Idol was made. The solemnity of the Idol being ended, an old man of great authority stepped up into a high place, and with a loud voice preached their Law and Ceremonies. THe father of lies would like wise counterfeit the (Romish) Sacrament of Confession, and in his Idolatries seek to be honoured with ceremonies very like to the manner of Christians. In Peru they held opinion, that all diseases and adversities came for the sins which they had committed: for remedy whereof they used sacrifices: moreover, they confessed themselves verbally, almost in all Provinces, and had Confessors appointed by their Superiors to that end, there were some sins reserved for the Superiors. They received penance, yea sometimes very sharply, especially when the Offender was a poor man, and had nothing to give his Confessor. This office of Confessor was likewise exercised by Women. The manner of these Confessors Sorcerers whom they call Ychu●ri or Ychuri, hath been most general in the Provinces of Collasu●●. They hold opinion, that it is a heinous sin to conceal any thing in confession. The Ychuiri or Confessors discovered by lots, or by the view of some beast Hides, if any thing were concealed, and punished them with many blows with a stone upon the shoulders, until they had revealed all, then after they gave him penance, and did sacrifice. They do likewise use this confession, when their children, wives, husbands, or their Caciques be sick, or in any great exploit. And when their Ingua was sick, all the Provinces confessed themselves, chiefly those of the Province of Collao. The Confessor, were bound to hold their Confessions secret, but in certain cases limited. The sins that they chiefly confessed, was first to kill one another out of war, then to steal, to take another man's wife, to give poison or sorcery to do any harm▪ and they held it to be a grievous sin, Sins of omission. to be forgetful in the reverence of their Guacas, or Oratories, not to observe the Feasts, or to speak ill of the Ingua, and to disobey him. They accused not themselves of any secret acts and sins. But according to the report of some Priests, after the Christians came into that Country, they accused themselves of their thoughts. The Ingua confessed himself to no man, but only to the Sun, that he might tell them to Virachoca, and that he might forgive them. After the Ingua had been confessed, he made a certain bath to cleanse himself in a running River, saying these words: I have told my sins to the Sun, receive them, O thou River, and carry them to the Sea, where they may never appear more. Others that confessed, used likewise these baths, with certain ceremonies very like to those the Moors use at this day, which they call Guadoy, and the Indians call them Opacuna. When it chanced that any man's children died, he was held for a great sinner, saying, that it was for his sins that the son died before the father. And therefore those to whom this had chanced, after they were confessed, were bathed in this bath called Opacuna, as is said before. Then some deformed Indian, crooke-backt, and counterfeit by nature, came to whip them with certain Nettles. If the Sorcerers or Enchanters by their lots and divinations, affirmed that any sick body should die, the sick man makes no difficulty to kill his own son, though he had no other, hoping by that means to escape death, saying, Wicked effect of devilish divinations. that in his place he offered his son in sacrifice. And this cruelty hath been practised in some places, even since the Christians came into that Country. In truth it is strange, that this custom of confessing their secret sins, hath continued so long amongst them, and to do so strict penances, as, to fast, to give apparel, gold and silver, to remain in the Mountains, and to receive many stripes upon the shoulders. Penances. Our men say, that in the Province of Chiquito, even at this day they meet with this plague of Confessors o● Ychuris, where as many sick persons repair unto them: but now, by the grace of God, this people begins to see clearly the effect and great benefit of our Confession, whereunto they come with great devotion. I will report the manner of a strange confession the Devil hath invented at japon, as appears by a Letter that came from thence, which saith thus: There are in Ocaca very great and high and steep Rocks, japon confession. which have pricks or points on them, above two hundred fathom high. Amongst these Rocks there is one of these pikes or points so terribly high, that when the Xama●usis (which be Pilgrims) do but look up unto it, they tremble, and their baire stairs, so fearful and horrible is the place. Upon the top of this point there is a great rod of Iron of three fathom long, placed there by a strange device, at the end of this rod is a balance ●yed, whereof the scarles are so big, as a man may sit in one of them: and the Goquis (which be Devils in humane shape) command these Pilgrims to enter therein one after another, not leaving one of them: then with an engine or instrument which moveth, by means of a wheel, they make this rod of Iron whereon the balance is hanged, to hang in the air, one of these Xama●usis being set in one of the scales of the balance. And as that wherein the man is set hath no counterpoise on the other side, it presently hangeth down, and the other riseth until it meets with and toucheth the rod: then the Goquis telleth them from the Rock, that they must confess themselves of all the sins they have committed, to their remembrance, and that with a loud voice, to the end that all the rest may hear him. Then presently he beginneth to confess, whilst some of the standers by do laugh at the sins they do hear; and others sigh, and at every sin they confess, the other scale of the balance falls a little, until that having told all his sins, it remains equal with the other, wherein the sorrowful penitent sits: then the Goquis turns the wheel, and draws the rod and balance unto him, and the Pilgrim comes forth; then enters another, until all have passed. A japonois reported this after he was christened, saying, that he had been in this pilgrimage, and entered the balance seven times, where he had confessed himself publicly. He said moreover, that if any one did conceal any sin, the empty scale yielded not: and if he grew obstinate after instance made to confess himself, refusing to open all his sins, the Goquis cast him down from the top, where in an instant he is broken into a thousand pieces. Yet this Christian, Of the abominable Unction which the Mexican Priests and other Nations used, and of their witch cra●ts. Chap. 26. who was called john, told us, that commonly the fear and terror of this place is so great to all such as enter therein, and the danger they see with their eyes, to fall out of the balance, and to be broken in pieces, that seldom there is any one but discovers all his sins. This place is called by another name Sangenotocoro, that is to say, the place of Confession. The Priests of the Idols in Mexico were anointed in this sort; they anointed the body from the foot to the head, and all the hair likewise, which hung like tresses, or a Horse mane, for that they applied this Unction wet and moist. Their hair grew so, as in time it hung down to their hams, so heavily, that it was troublesome for them to bear it, Haire-superstition. for they did never cut it, until they died, or that they were dispensed with for their great age, or being employed in governments or some honourable charge in the Commonwealth. They carried their hair in tresses, of six fingers breadth, which they died black with the fume of Sapine, of Fir trees, or Rosin; for in all Antiquity it hath been an offering they made unto their Idols, and for this cause it was much esteemed and reverenced They were always died with this tincture from the foot to the head, so as they were like unto shining Negroes, and that was their ordinary Unction: yet when as they went to sacrifice and give Incense in the Mountains, or on the tops thereof, or in any dark and obscure Caves, where their Idols were, they used an other kind of unction very different, doing certain ceremonies to take away fear, and to give them courage. This unction was made with diverse little venomous beasts, as Spiders, Scorpions, Palmers, Salamanders and Vipers, the which the Boys in the Colleges took and gathered together, wherein they were so expert, as they were always furnished when the Priests called for them. The chief care of these Boys was, to hunt after these beasts; if they went any other way, and by chance met with any of these beasts, they stayed to take them, with as great pain, as if their lives depended thereon. By the reason whereof the Indians commonly feared not these venomous beasts, making no more account than if they were not so, having been all bred in this exercise. To make an ointment of these beasts, they took them all together, and burned them upon the hearth of the Temple, which was before the Altar▪ until they were consumed ●o ashes: then did they put them in Mortars with much Tobacco or Petum (being an herb that Nation useth much, to benumb the flesh, that they may not feel their travail) with the which they mingle the ashes, making them lose their force; they did likewise mingle with these ashes, Scorpions, Spiders, and Palmer's alive, mingling all together, then did they put to it a certain seed being ground, which they call Ololuchqui, whereof the Indians make a drink to see visions, Vision ointment. for that the virtue of this herb is to deprive man of sense. They did likewise grind with these ashes black and hairy worms, whose hair only is venomous, all which they mingled together with black, or the fume of Rosin, putting it in small pots, which they set before their god, saying it was his meat. And therefore they called it a divine meat. Like lips, like Lettuce. By means of this ointment they became Witches, and did see and speak with the Devil. The Priests being sl●bbered with this ointment, lost all fear, putting on a Spirit of cruelty. By reason whereof they did very boldly kill men in their sacrifices, going all alone in the night to the Mountains, and into obscure Caves, contemning all wild beasts, and holding it for certain and approved, that both Lions, Tigers, Serpents, and other furious beasts which breed in the Mountains, and Forests, fled from them, by the virtue of this Petum of their god. And in truth, though this Petum had no power to make them fly, yet was the Devil's picture sufficient whereinto they were transformed. This Petum did also serve to cure the sick, and for children: and therefore all called it the divine Physic: and so they came from all parts to the Superiors and Priests, as to their Saviour's, that they might apply this divine physic, wherewith they anointed those parts that were grieved. They said that they felt hereby a notable ease, which might be, for that Tobacco and Ololuchqui have this property of themselves, Benumbing force of Tobacco. to benumb the flesh, being applied in manner of an emplaster, which must be by a stronger reason being mingled with poisons, and for that it did appease and benumb the pain, they held it for an effect of health, and a divine virtue. And therefore ran they to these Priests as to holy men, who kept the blind and ignorant in this error, persuading them what they pleased, and making them run after their inventions and devilish ceremonies, their authority being such, as their words were sufficient to induce belief as an article of their Faith. And thus made they a thousand superstitions among the vulgar people, in their manner of offering Incense, in cutting their hair, tying small flowers about their necks, and strings with small bones of Snakes, commanding them to bathe at a certain time; and that they should watch all night at the hearth, lest the fire should die, that they should eat no other bread but that which had been offered to their gods, that they should upon any occasion repair unto their Witches, Divinations. who with certain grains told fortunes, and divined, looking into Keelers and Pails full of water. The Sorcerers and Ministers of the Devil used much to besmear themselves. There were an infinite number of these Witches, Diviners, Enchanters, and other false prophets. There remains yet at this day of this infection, although they be secret, not daring publicly to exercise their sacrileges, devilish ceremonies and superstitions, but their abuses and wickedness are discovered more at large and particularly in the confessions made by the Prelates of Peru. There is a kind of Sorcerers amongst the Indians allowed by the Kings Inguas, Strange Sorcerers. which are as it were soothsayers, they take upon them what form and figure they please, flying far through the air in a short time, beholding all that was done. They talk with the Devil, who answereth them in certain stones or other things which they reverence much. They serve as Conjurers, to tell what hath passed in the farthest parts, before any news can come. As it hath chanced since the Spaniards arrived there, that in the distance of two or three hundred leagues, they have known the Mutinies, Battles, Rebellions, and Deaths, both of Tyrants, and of those of the King's party, and of private men, the which have been known the same day they chanced, or the day after, a thing impossible by the course of nature. To work this divination, they shut themselves into a house, and became drunk until they lost their senses, a day after they answered to that which was demanded. Some affirm they use certain Unctions. The Indians say, that the old women do commonly use this office of witchcraft, and specially those of one Province, which they call Coaillo, and of another Town called Manchey, and of the Province of Guarochiri. They likewise show what is become of things stolen and lost. There are of these kinds of Sorcerers in all parts, to whom commonly do come the Anaconas, and Cyva, which serve the Spaniards, and when they have lost any thing of their Masters, or when they desire to know the success of things past or to come, as when they go to the Spaniards Cities for their private affairs, or for the public, they demand if their voyage shall be prosperous, if they shall be sick, if they shall die, or return sat, if they shall obtain that which they pretend: and the Witches or Conjurers answer, Yea, or No, having first spoken with the Devil, in an obscure place: so as these Anaconas do well hear the sound of the voice, but they see not to whom these Conjurers speak, neither do they understand what they say. They make a thousand ceremonies and sacrifices to this effect, with the which they mock the Devil and grow exceeding drunk, for the doing whereof, they particularly use an herb called Villea, the j●yce whereof they mingle with their Chica, or take it in some other sort. Of other Ceremonies a●d Customs of th● Indians, which are like unto ours. Chap. 27. Mexican Baptism. THe Indians had an infinite number of other ceremonies and customs, which resembled to the ancient Law of Moses, and some to those which the Moors use, and some approached near to the Law of the Gospel, as their Baths or Opacuna, as they call them: they did wash themselves in water, to cleanse them from their sins. The Mexicans had also amongst them a kind of Baptism, the which they did with ceremony, cutting the ears and members of young children new borne, counterfeiting in some sort the Circumcision of the jews. This ceremony was done principally to the sons of Kings and Noblemen: presently upon their birth the Priests did wash them, and did put a little Sword in the right hand, and in the left a Target. And to the Children of the vulgar sort, they put the marks of their offices, and to their Daughter's instruments to spin, knit, and labour. This ceremony continued four days, being made before some Idol. Marriage ceremonies. They contracted marriage after their manner, whereof the Licenciate polo hath written a whole Treatise, and I will speak somewhat thereon hereafter. In other things their customs and ceremonies have some show of reason. The Mexicans were married by the hands of their Priests in this sort. The Bridegroom and the Bride stood together before the Priest, who took them by the hands, ask them if they would marry; then having understood their wills, he took a corner of the veil wherewith the woman had her head covered, and a corner of the man's gown the which he tied together on a knot, and so led them thus tied to the Bridegroom's house, where there was a hearth kindled, and then he caused the wife to go seven times about the hearth, and so the married couple sat down together, and thus was the marriage contracted. The Mexicans were very jealous of the integrity of their wives: so as if they found they were not as they ought to be (the which they knew either by signs or dishonest words) they presently gave notice thereof to their fathers and kinsfolks of their wives, to their great shame and dishonour, for that they had not kept good guard over them. When they went to the house they made an Inventory of all the man and wife brought together, of provisions for the house, of land, of jewels and ornaments, which Inuentories every father kept, for if it chanced they made any divorce (as it was common amongst them when they agree not) they divided their goods according to the portion that every one brought, every one having liberty in such a case, to marry whom they pleased: and they gave the Daughters to the Wife, and the Sons to the Husband. It was defended upon pain of death, not to marry again together, the which they observed very strictly. And although it seem that many of their ceremonies agree with ours, yet differ they much for the great abomination they mingle therewithal. It is common and general to have usually one of these three things, either Cruelty, Filthiness, or Sloth: for all their ceremonies were cruel and hurtful, as to kill men and to spill blood; or filthy and beastly, as to eat and drink to the name of their Idols, and also to piss in the honour of them, carrying them upon their shoulders, to anoint and besmear themselves filthily, and to do a thousand sorts of villainies, which were at the least, vain, ridiculous, and idle, and more like the actions of children, then of men. Whereas the temporal power was greatest, there superstition hath most increased, as we see in the Realms of Mexico and Cusco, where it is incredible to see the number of Idols they had: 300. Mexican Idols. Mangos mangled devotions. for within the City of Mexico there were above three hundred. Mango Ingua Yupangui, amongst the Kings of Cusco, was he that most augmented the service of their Idols, inventing a thousand kinds of sacrifices, feasts, and ceremonies. The like did King Iscoalt in Mexico, who was the fourth King. There was also a great number of superstitions and sacrifices in other Nations of the Indians, as in the Province of Guatimala, at the Lands in the new Kingdom, in the Province of Chille, and others that were like Commonwealths and Commonalties. But it was nothing in respect of Mexico and Cusco, where Satan was as in Rome, or in his jerusalem. The Inguas Lords of Peru, had two kinds of Feasts. Some were ordinary, which fell out in certain months of the year: and others extraordinary, Feasts celebrated by them of Cusco▪ and n●w the Deuil● would imitate the mystery of the holy Triniti●. Chap. 28. Rayme feast. which were for certain causes of importance, as when they did crown a new King, when they began some war of importance, when they had any great need of water or drought, or other like things. For the ordinary Feasts, we must understand, that every month of the year they made Feasts, and diverse Sacrifices, and although all of them had this alike, that they offered a hundred sheep: yet in colour, and in form they are very diverse. In the first month which they call Rayme, which is the month of December, they made their first Feast, which was the principal of all others, and for that cause they called it Capacrayme, which is to say, A rich and principal Feast. In this Feast they offered a great number of sheep and Lambs in Sacrifice, and they burnt them with sweet wood, than they caused Gold and Silver to be brought upon certain sheep, setting upon them three Images of the Sun, and three of the Thunder, the Father, the Son, and the Brother. In these Feasts they dedicated the Inguas children, putting Guaras', or Ensigns upon them, and they pierced their ears: then some old man did whip them with slings, and anointed their faces with blood, all in sign that they should be true Knights to the Ingua. No stranger might remain in Cusco during this month, and this Feast, but at the end thereof they entered, and they gave unto them pieces of the paste of Mays with the blood of the Sacrifice, which they did eat in sign of confederation with the Ingua, as hath been said before. It is strange that the Devil after his manner hath brought a Trinity into Idolatry, for the three Images of the Sun called Apomti, Churunti, Indian Trinity. and Intiquaoqui which signifieth Father and Lord Sun, the Son Sun, and the Brother Sun. In the like manner they named the three Images of Chuquilla, which is the God that rules in the Region of the Air, where it Thunders, Rains and Snowes. I remember, that being in Cuquisaca, an honourable Priest showed me an information, which I had long in my hands, where it was proved that there was a certain Guaca or Oratory, whereas the Indians did worship an Idol called Tangatanga, which they said was one in three, and three in one. Coming then to the Feast of the second month, which they called Camey, besides the Sacrifices which they made, Camey-feast. they did cast the ashes into the River, following five or six leagues after, praying it to carry them into the Sea, for that the Virochoca should there receive this present. In the third, fourth and fifth month, they offered a hundred black sheep, speckled, and grey, with many other things, which I omit for being too tedious. The sixth month is called Hatuncuzqui Aymorey, which answereth to May, in the which they sacrificed a hundred sheep more, of all colours: in this Moon and month, which is when they bring May from the fields into the house, they made a Feast, which is yet very usual among the Indians, and they do call it Aymorey. Aymorey-feast. This Feast is made coming from the Chacra or Farm unto the house, saying certain Songs, and praying that the Mays may long continue, the which they call Mamacora. They take a certain portion of the most fruitful of the Mays that grows in their Farms, the which they put in a certain Granier which they do call Pirua, with certain Ceremonies, watching three nights: they put this Mays in the richest garments they have, and being thus wrapped and dressed, they worship this Pirua, and hold it in great veneration, saying it is the Mother of the Mays of their Inheritances, and that by this means the Mays augments and is preserved. In this month they make a particular Sacrifice, and the Witches demand of this Pirua, if it hath strength sufficient to continue until the next year: and if it answers No, than they carry this Mays to the Farm to burn, whence they brought it, according to every man's power; then make they another Pirua, with the same Ceremonies, saying, that they renew it, to the end the Seed of Mays may not perish, and if it answers that it hath force sufficient to last longer, they leave it until the next year. This foolish vanity continueth to this day, and it is very common amongst the Indians to have these Piruas, and to make the Feast of Aymorey. The seventh month answereth to june, and is called Aucaycuzqui Intiraymi, in it they made the Feast that is called Intiraymi, in the which they sacrificed a hundred sheep called Guanacoes, and said it was the Feast of the Sun. In this month they made many Images of Quinua wood carved, Intiraymi-feast. all attired with rich garments, and they made their dance which they do call Cayo. At this Feast they cast flowers in the high ways, and thither the Indians came painted, and their Noblemen had small plates of Gold upon their beards, and all did sing; we must understand that this Feast falleth almost at the same time, Corpus Christi day resembled when as the Christians observe the Solemnity of the holy Sacrament, which doth resemble it in some sort, as in dancing, singing and representations. And for this cause there hath been, and is yet among the Indians (which celebrated a Feast somewhat like to ours of the holy Sacrament) many Superstitions in celebrating this ancient Feast of Intiraymi. The eight month is called Chahua Huarqui, in the which they did burn a hundred sheep more, all grey, of the colour of Viscacha, according to the former order, which month doth answer to our july. The ninth month was called Yapaguis, in which they burned an hundred sheep more, of a Chestnut colour; and they do likewise kill and burn a thousand Cuyes, to the end that neither the Frost, the Air, the water▪ nor the Sun should hurt their Farms: and this month doth answer unto August. The tenth month was called Coyarami, in the which they burned a hundred white sheep that had fleeces. In this month which answereth to September, Situa-feast. they made the Feast called Situa, in this manner. They assembled together the first day of the Moon before the rising thereof: and in seeing it they cried aloud, carrying Torches in their hands, and saying, Let all harm go away, striking one another with their Torches. They that did this, were called Panconcos: which being done, they went to the common Bath, to the Rivers and Fountains, and every one to his own Bath, setting themselves to drink four days together. In this month the Mamacomas of the Sun made a great number of small Loaves with the blood of the Sacrifices, and gave a piece to every stranger; yea, they sent to every Guaca throughout the Realm, and to many Curacas, in sign of confederation and loyalty to the Sun and the Ingua, as hath been said. The Baths, drunkenness and some Relics of this Feast Situa, remain even unto this day, in some places, with the Ceremonies a little different, but yet very secretly, for that these chief and principal Feasts have ceased. The eleventh month Homaraymi Punchaiquis, wherein they sacrficed a hundred sheep more. And if they wanted water, to procure rain, they set a black sheep tied in the midst of a Plain, pouring much Chica about it, and giving it nothing to eat until it rained, which is practised at this day in many places, in the time of our October. The twelfth and last month was called Aymara, wherein they did likewise sacrifice a hundred sheep, and made the Feast called Raymicantara Raquis. In this month which answered to our November, they prepared what was necessary for the Children that should be made Novices, the month following, the Children with the old men made a certain show, with rounds and turnings: and this Feast was called Ituraymi, which commonly they make when it raines too much, or too little, or when there is a plague. Among the extraordinary Feasts which were very many, the most famous was that which they called Ytu. This Feast Ytu hath no prefixed time nor season, but in time of necessity. To prepare themselves thereunto, all the people fasted two days, during the which they did neither company with their wives, nor eat any meat with Salt or Garlic, nor drink any Chica. All did assemble together in one place, where no stranger was admitted, nor any beast: they had Garments and Ornaments, which served only for this Feast. They marched very quietly in Procession, their heads covered with their Ve●les, sounding of Drums, without speaking one to another. This continued a day and a night; then the day following they danced and made good cheer for two days and two nights together, saying, that their Prayer was accepted. And although that this Feast is not used at this day, with all this ancient Ceremony, yet commonly they make another which is very like, which they call Ayma, with Garments that serve only to that end, and they make this kind of Procession with their Drums, having fasted before, then after they make good cheer, which they usually do in their urgent necessities. And although the Indians forbear to sacrifice beasts, or other things publicly, which cannot be hidden from the Spaniards, yet do they still use many Ceremonies that have their beginnings from these Feasts and ancient Superstitions: for at this day they do covertly make this Feast of Ytu, at the dances of the Feast of the Sacrament, in making the dances of Lyamallama, and of Guacon, and of others, according to their ancient Ceremonies. Of the feast of jubilee which the Mexicans celebrated. Chap. 29. THe Mexicans have been no less curious in their Feasts and Solemnities, which were of small charge, but of great effusion of man's blood. We have before spoken of the principal Feast of Vitziliputzli, after the which the Feast of Tezcalipuca was most solemnised. This Feast fell in May, and in their Calendar they called it Tozcolt: it fell every four year with the feast of Penance, where there was given full indulgence and remission of sins. In this day they did sacrifice a Captive which resembled the Idol Tezcalipuca, it was the nineteenth day of May: upon the Even of this Feast, the Noblemen came to the Temple, bringing a new Garment like unto that of the Idol, the which the Priest put upon him, having first taken off his other Garments, which they kept with as much, or more reverence than we do our Ornaments. There were in the Coffers of the Idol many Ornaments, jewels, Earrings, and other Riches, as Bracelets, and precious Feathers which served to no other use, but to be there, and was worshipped as their God itself. Besides the Garment wherewith they worshipped the Idol that day, they put upon him certain ensigns of Feathers, with fans, shadows and other things, being thus attired and furnished, they drew the Curtayn or Veil from before the door, to the end he might be seen of all men: then came forth one of the chief of the Temple, attired like to the Idol, carrying flowers in his hand, and a Flute of earth▪ having a very sharp sound, and turning towards the East, he sounded it, and then looking to the West, North and South he did the like. And after he had thus sounded towards the four parts of the World (showing that both they that were present and absent did hear him) he put his finger into the Ai●e, and then gathered up earth, which he put in his mouth, and did eat it in sign of adoration. The like did all they that were present, and weeping, they fell flat to the ground, invocating the darkness of the night, and the winds, entreating them not to leave them, nor to forget them, or else to take away their lives, and free them from the labours they endured therein. thieves, Adulterers, and Murderers, and all other offenders had great fear and heaviness, whilst this Flute sounded; so as some could not dissemble nor hide their offences. By this means they all demanded no other thing of their God, but to have their offences concealed, pouring forth many tears, with great repentance and sorrow, offering great store of Incense to appease their Gods. The courageous and valiant men, and all the old Soldiers, that followed the art of War, hearing this Flute, demanded with great devotion of God the Creator, of the Lord for whom we live, of the Sun, and of other their Gods, that they would give them victory against their enemies, & strength to take many Captives, there with to honour their Sacrifices. This Ceremony was done ten days before the Feast: During which ten days the Priest did sound this Flute, to the end that all might do this worship in eating of earth, and demand of their Idol what they pleased: they every day made their Prayers, with their eyes lift up to Heaven, and with sighs and groan, as men that were grieved for their sins and offences. Although this contrition was only for fear of the corporal punishment that was given them, and not for any fear of the eternal, for they certainly believed there was no such severe punishment in the other life. No fear but of temporal punishment. And therefore they offered themselves voluntarily to death, holding opinion that it is to all men an assured rest. The first day of the Feast of this Idol Tezcalipuca being come, all they of the City assembled together in a Court, to celebrate likewise the Feast of the Calendar, whereof we have already spoken, which was called Toxcoalth, which signifies A dry thing: which Feast was not made to any other end, but to demand rain, in the same manner that we solemnize the Rogations: and this Feast was always in May, which is the time that they have most need of rain in those Countries. They began to celebrate it the ninth of May, ending the nineteenth. The last day of the Feast the Priests drew forth a Litter well furnished with Curtains and Pendants of diverse fashions. This Litter had so many arms to hold by as there were Ministers to carry it. All which came forth besmeered with black and long hair, half in tresses with white strings, and attired in the livery of the Idol. Upon this Litter they set the personage of the Idol, appointed for this Feast, which they called the resemblance of their God Tezcalipuca, and taking it upon their shoulders, they brought it openly to the foot of the stairs: then came forth the young men and Maidens of the Temple, carrying a great cord wreathed of chains of roasted Mays, with the which they environed the Litter, and putting a chain of the same about the Idols neck, and a Garland upon his head. They called the cord Toxcalt, signifying the drought and barrenness of the time. The young men came wrapped in red Curtains, with Garlands and chains of roasted Mays. The Maids were clothed in new Garments, wearing chains about theirs necks of roasted Mays; and upon their heads Mytres made of rods covered with this Mays, they had their feet covered with feathers, and their arms and cheeks painted. They brought much of this roasted Mays, and the chief men put it upon their heads, and about their necks, taking flowers in their hands. The Idol being placed in his Litter, they strewed round about a great quantity of the boughs of Manguey, the leaves whereof are large and pricking. This Litter being set upon the religious men's shoulders, they carried it in Procession within the circuit of the Court, two Priests marching before with Censors, giving often Incense to the Idol; and every time they gave Incense, they lifted up their arms as high as they could to the Idol, and to the Sun, saying, that they lifted up their Prayers to Heaven, even as the smoke ascended on high. Then all the people in the Court turned round to the place whither the Idol went, every one carrying in his hand new coards of the thread of the Manguey., a fathom long, with a knot at the end, and with them they whipped themselves upon the shoulders▪ even as they do here upon holy Thursday. All the walls of the Court and Battlements were full of boughs and flowers, so fresh and pleasant, as it did give a great contentment. This Procession being ended, they brought the Idol to his usual place of abode. Then came a great multitude of people with flowers, dressed in diverse sorts, wherewith they filled the Temple and all the Court, so as it seemed the ornament of an Oratory. All this was put in order by the Priests, the young men administering these things unto them from without. The Chapel or Chamber where the Idol remained was all this day open without any Veil. This done, every one came and offered Curtines, and pendants of Sandally, precious Stones, jewels, Incense, sweet wood, Grapes, or ears of Mays, Quailes: and finally, all they were accustomed to offer in such solemnities. When as they offered Quails (which was the poor man's offering) they used this ceremony, they delivered them to the Priests, who taking them, pulled off their heads, and cast them at the foot of the Altar, where they lost their blood, and so they did of all other things which were offered. Every one did offer meat and fruit according to their power, the which was laid at the foot of the Altar, and the Ministers gathered them up, and carried them to their Chambers. This solemn offering done, the people went to dinner, every one to his village or house, leaving the feast suspended until after dinner. In the mean time, the young Men and Maidens of the Temple, with their ornaments, were busied to serve the Idol, with all that was appointed for him to eat: which meat was prepared by other women, who had made a vow that day to serve the Idol. And therefore such as had made this vow, came by the point of day, offering themselves to the Deputies of the Temple, that they might command them what they would have done, the which they did carefully perform. They did prepare such variety of meats, as it was admirable. This meat being ready, and the hour of dinner come, all these Virgins went out of the Temple in procession, every one carrying a little basket of bread in her hand, and in the other, a dish of these meats; before them marched an old man, like to a steward, with a pleasant habit, he was clothed in a white Surples down to the calves of his legs, upon a doublet without sleeves of red leather, like to a jacket, he carried wings instead of sleeves, from the which hung broad ribbons, at the which did hang a small Calibasse or pumpion, which was covered with flowers, by little holes that were made in it, and within it were many superstitious things. This old man thus attired, marched very humbly and heavily before the preparation, with his head declining: and coming near the foot of the stairs, he made a great obeisance and reverence. Then going on the one side, the Virgins drew near with the meat, presenting it in order one after another, with great reverence. This service presented, the old man returned as before, leading the Virgins into their convent. This done, the young men and ministers of the Temple, came forth and gathered up this meat, the which they carried to the Chambers of the chief Priests of the Temple, who had fasted five days, eating only once a day, and they had also abstained from their wives, not once going out of the Temple in these five days. During the which they did whip themselves rigorously with cords; they did eat of this divine meat (for so they called it) what they could, was it Lawful for any other to eat thereof. All the people having dined, they assembled again in the court to see the end of the feast, whither they brought a captive, which by the space of a whole year, had represented the Idol, being attired, decked, and honoured, as the Idol itself, and doing all reverence unto him, they delivered him into the hands of the sacrificers, who at that instant presented themselves, taking him by the feet and hands. The Pope did open his stomach, and pull out his heart, than did he lift up his hand as high as he could, showing it to the Sun, and to the Idol, as hath been said. Having thus sacrificed him that represented the Idol, they went into a holy place appointed for this purpose, whither came the young Men and Virgins of the Temple, with their ornaments, the which being put in order, they danced and sung with Drums and other instruments, on the which the chief Priests did play and sound. Then came all the Noblemen with ensigns and ornaments like to the young men, who danced round about them. They did not usually kill any other men that day, but him that was sacrificed, yet every fourth year they had others with him, which was in the year of jubilee and full pardons. After Sun set, every one being satisfied with sounding, eating, and drinking, the Virgins went all to their convent, they took great dishes of earth full of bread mixed with honey, covered with small panniers, wrought and fashioned with dead men's heads and bones, and they carried the collation to the Idol, mounting up to the Court, which was before the door of the Oratory: and having set them down, they retired in the same order as they came, the steward going still before. Presently came forth all the young men in order, with canes or reeds in their hands, who began to run as fast as they could to the top of the stairs of the Temple, who should come first to the dishes of the collation. The Elders or chief Priests observed him that came first, second, third, and fourth, without regarding the rest. This collation was likewise all carried away by the young men, as great Relics. This done, the four that arrived first were placed in the midst of the Ancients of the Temple, bringing them to their chambers with much honour, praising them, and giving them ornaments; and from thence forth they were respected and reverenced as men of mark. The taking of this collation being ended, and the feast celebrated with much joy and noise, they dismissed all the young men and maids which had served the Idol; by means whereof they went one after another, as they came forth. All the small children of the Colleges and Schools, were at the gate of the court, with bottoms of rushes and herbs in their hands, which they cast at them, mocking and laughing, as of them that came from the service of the Idol: they had liberty then to dispose of themselves at their pleasure, and thus the Feast ended. Of the Feast of Merchants, which those of Cholutecas did celebrate. Ch. 30 ALthough I have spoken sufficiently of the service the Mexicans did unto their gods; yet will I speak something of the feast they called Quetzacoalt, which was the god of riches, the which was solemnised in this manner. Forty days before the Merchants bought a slave well proportioned, without any fault or blemish, either of sickness or of hurt, which they did attire with the ornaments of the Idol, that he might represent it forty days. Before his clothing they did cleanse him, washing him twice in a lake, which they called the lake of the gods; and being purified, they attired him like the Idol. During these forty days, he was much respected for his sake whom he represented. By night they did imprison him (as hath been said) lest he should fly, and in the morning they took him out of prison, setting him upon an eminent place, where they served him, giving him exquisite meats to eat. After he had eaten, they put a chain of flowers about his neck, and many nosegays in his hand. He had a well appointed guard, with much people to accompany him. When he went through the City, he went dancing and singing through all the streets, that he might be known for the resemblance of their god, and when he began to sing, the women and little children came forth of their houses to salute him, and to offer unto him as to their god. Two old men of the Ancients of the Temple, came unto him nine days before the feast, and humbling themselves before him, they said with a low and submiss voice, Sir, you must understand that nine days hence the exercise of dancing and singing doth end, and thou must then dye; and then he must answer, ●n a good hour. They call this ceremony, Neyola Maxiltleztli, which is to say, the advertisement: and when they did thus advertise him, they took very careful heed whither he were said, or if he danced as joyfully as he was accustomed, the which if he did not as cheerfully as they desired, they made a foolish superstition in this manner. They presently took the sacrificing razors, the which they washed and cleansed from the blood of men, which remained of the former sacrifices. Of this washing they made a drink mingled with another liquor made of Cacao, giving it him to drink; they said that this would make him forget what had been said unto him, and would make him in a manner insensible, returning to his former dancing and mirth. They said moreover, that he would offer himself cheerfully to death, being enchanted with this drink. The cause why they sought to take from him this heaviness, was, for that they held it for an ill augure, and a foretelling of some great harm. The day of the Feast being come, after they had done him much honour, sung, and given him incense, the sacrificers took him about midnight and did sacrifice him, as hath been said, offering his heart unto the Moon, the which they did afterwards cast against the Idol, letting the body fall to the bottom of the stairs of the Temple, where such as had offered him took him up, which were the Merchants, whose feast it was. Then having carried him into the chiefest man's house amongst them, the body was dressed with diverse sauces, to celebrate (at the break of day) the banquet and dinner of the feast, having first bid the Idol good morrow, with a small dance, which they made whilst the day did break, and that they prepared the sacrifice. Then did all the Merchants assemble at this banquet, especially those which made it a traffic to buy and sell slaves, who were bound every year to offer one, for the resemblance of their god. This Idol was one of the most honoured in all the Land: and therefore the Temple where he was, was of a great authority. Stately Temple. There were threescore stairs to ascend up unto it, and on the top was a Court of an indifferent largeness, very finely dressed and plastered, in the midst whereof, was a great round thing like ●nto an Oven, having the entry low and narrow: so as they must stoop very low that 〈◊〉 enter unto it. This Temple had Chambers and Chapels as the rest, where there were convents of Priests, young Men, Maids, and Children, as hath been said: and there was one Priest alone resident continually, the which they changed weekly: For although there were in every one of these Temples, three or four Curates or Ancients, yet did every one serve his week without parting. Drums used in stead of Bels. His charge that week (after he had instructed the children) was to strike up a Drum every day at the Sunne-setting, to the same end that we are accustomed to ring to Evensong. This Drum was such as they might hear the house sound thereof throughout all the parts of the City, than every man shut up his merchandise, and retired unto his house, and there was so great a silence, as there seemed to be no living creature in the Town. In the morning when as the day began to break, they began to sound the Drum, which was a sign of the day beginning, so as travellers and strangers attended this signal to begin their journeys, for till that time it was not lawful to go out of the City. There was in this Temple a Court of reasonable greatness, in the which they made great dances, and pastimes, with games or comedies the day of the Idols feast; for which purpose there was in the midst of this court a Theatre of thirty foot square very finely decked and trimmed, the which they decked with flowers that day, with all the art and invention that might be, being environed round with Arches of diues flowers and feathers, and in some places there were tied many small Birds, Coneys, and other tame beasts. After dinner all the people assembled in this place, and the Players presented themselves and played Comedies, Comedies. some counterfeit the deaf, and the rheumatic, others the lame, some the blind, and without hands, which came to seek for cure of the Idol, the deaf answered confusedly, the rheumatic did cough, the lame halted, telling their miseries and griefs, wherewith they made the people to laugh; others come forth in the form of little beasts, some were attired like Snails, others like Toads, and some like Lizards: then meeting together, they told their offices, and every one retiring to his place, they sounded on small flutes, which was pleasant to hear. They likewise counterfeited Butterflies and small Birds of diverse colours, and the children of the Temple represented these forms, than they went into a little Forest planted there for the nonce, where the Priests of the Temple drew them forth with instruments of music. In the mean time they used many pleasant speeches, some in propounding, others in defending, wherewith the assistants were pleasantly entertained. This done, they made a Mask or Mummery with all these personages, and so the Feast ended: the which were usually done in their principal Feasts. CHAP. VI Civil Customs and Arts of the INDIANS taken out of ACOSTAS' 6. book. I Will first show in what sort the Mexicans counted and divided their year, their months, Of the supputation of times and the Kalende●●h Mexicans used. Cham 2. their Calendar, their computations, their worlds and ages. They divided the year into eighteen months, to which they gave twenty days, wherein the three hundred and threescore days are accomplished, not comprehending in any of these Months the five days that remain, and make the year perfect. Mexican year & 18. months. But they did reckon them apart, and called them the days of nothing: during the which, the people did not any thing, neither went they to their Temples, but occupied themselves only in visiting one another, and so spent the time: the sacrificers of the Temple did likewise cease their sacrifices. These five days being past, they began the computation of the year, whereof the first month and beginning was in March, when the leaves began to grow green, New years day. Their Calendar. although they took three days of the month of February; for the first day of their year was, as it were, the six and twentieth day of February, as appeareth by their Calendar, within the which ours is likewise comprehended and contained with a very ingenious Art, which was made by the ancient Indians that knew the first Spaniards. I have seen this Calendar, and have it yet in my custody, which well deserveth the sight, to understand the discourse and industry the Mexican Indians had. Every one of these eighteen months had his proper name, and his proper picture, the which was commonly taken of the principal Feast that was made in that month, or from the diversity of times, which the year caused in that month. They had in this Calendar certain days marked and distinguished for their feasts. And they accounted their weeks by thirteen days, marking the days with a Zero or cipher, which they multiplied unto thirteen, Week of 13. days, or years. See this in the Mexican Chronicle in their own figures. and then began to count, one, two, etc. They did likewise mark the years of these wheels, with four signs or figures, attributing to every year a peculiar sign, whereof one was of a House, another of a Conie, the third of a Reed, and the fourth of a Flint. They painted them in this sort, noting by those figures the year that did run, saying of so many Houses, of so many Flints, of such a Wheel, happened such a thing. For we must understand that their wheel, which was an age, contained four weeks of years, every week containing thirteen years, which in all made fifty two years. In the midst of this wheel they painted a Sun, from the which went four beams or lines in cross to the circumference of the wheel, and they made their course, even as the circumference was divided into four equal parts, every one with his line, having a distinct colour from the rest, and the four colours were, Greene, Blue, Red, and Yellow: every portion of these four had thirteen separations which had all their signs or particular figures, of a House, a Conie, a Reed, or a Flint, noting by every sign a year, and upon the head of this sign they painted what had happened that year. And therefore I did see in the Calendar mentioned the year when the Spaniards entered Mexico, marked by the picture of a man clad in red, after our manner, for such was the habit of the first Spaniard, whom Fernando Cortes sent, at the end of the two and fifty years, which finished the wheel. They used a pleasant ceremony, which was, the last night they did break all their vessels and stuff, and put out their fire, and all the lights, saying, that the world should end at the finishing of one of these wheels, and it might be at that time: for (said they) seeing the world must then end, what need is there to provide meat to eat, and therefore they had no further need of Vessels nor fire. Upon this conceit they passed the night in great fear, saying, it might happen there would be no more day, and they watched very carefully for the day; when they saw the day begin to break, they presently beat many Drums, and sounded Cornets, Flutes, and other instruments of joy and gladness, saying, that God did yet prolong the time with another age, which were fifty two years. And then began another wheel. The first day and beginning of this age they took new fire, New Age. and bought new Vessels to dress their meat, and all went to the high Priest for this new fire, having first made a solemn Sacrifice, and given thanks for the coming of the day, and prolongation of another age. This was their manner of accounting their years, months, weeks, and ages. How the Kings Inguas accounted the years and months. ALthough this supputation of times practised amongst the Mexicans, be ingenious enough and certain, for men that had no learning; yet in my opinion they wanted discourse and consideration, having not grounded their computation according unto the course of the Moon, nor distributed their months accordingly, wherein those of Peru have far surpassed them: for they divided their year into as many days, perfectly accomplished as we do here, and into twelve months or Moons, Better computation of times in Peru. in the which they employed and consumed the eleven days that remained of the Moon, as Polo writes. To make the computation of their year sure and certain, they used this industry; upon the Mountains which are about the City of Cusco (where the King's Inguas held their Court, being the greatest sanctuary of those Realms, and as we should say another Rome) there were twelve Pillars set in order, and in such distance the one from the other, as every month one of these Pillars did note the rising and setting of the Sun. They called them Succanga, by means whereof they taught and showed, the Feasts, 12. Pillars of the Sun. and the seasons fit to sow and reap, and to do other things. They did certain sacrifices to these Pillars of the Sun. Every month had his proper name, and peculiar Feasts. They began the year by januarie as we do. But since, a King Ingua called Pachacuto, which signifies a reformer of the Temple, began their year by December, by reason (as I conjecture) that then the Sun returneth from the last point of Capricorn, which is the tropic nearest unto them. I know not whether the one or the other have observed any Bisexte, although some hold the contrary. The weeks which the Mexicans did reckon, were not properly weeks, being not of seven days: the Inguas likewise made no mention thereof which is no wonder, seeing the count of the week is not grounded upon the course of the Sun, as that of the year, nor of the Moon, as that of the month; but among the Hebrews it is grounded upon the creation of the world, as Moses reporteth; and amongst the greeks and Latins upon the number of the seven Planets, of whose names the days of the week have taken their denomination; yet was it much for those Indians, being men without books and learning, to have a year, seasons, and feasts, so well appointed as I have said. Letter's were invented to signify properly the words we do pronounce, even as words (according to the Philosopher) are the signs and demonstrations of man's thoughts and conceptions. That no Nation of ●he Indies hath been found to have had the use of Letters. Chap. 4 And both the one and the other (I say the letters and words) were ordained to make things known. The voice of such as are present, and letters for the absent, and such as are to come. Signs and marks which are not properly to signify words, but things, cann●t be called, neither in truth are they letters, although they be written, for we cannot say that the picture of the Sun is a writing of the Sun, but only a picture; and the like may be said of other signs and characters, which have no resemblance to the thing, but serve only for memory: for he that invented them, did not ordain them to signify words, but only to note the thing: neither do they call those characters, letters, or writings, as indeed they are not, but rather cyphers, or remembrances, as those be which the Spherists or Astronomers do use, to signify diverse signs or planets of Mars, Venus, jupiter, etc. Such characters are cyphers, and no letters: for what name soever Mars may have in Italian, France, or Spanish, this character doth always signify it, the which is not found in letters: Three ways of remembrance to posterity; letters, as we have; pictures, as the Mexicans characters, as in China. Such fool●s did that wise counsel make the Christian Church, in decreeing Images not only to be books for such as cannot read●, but objects of worship to learned and unlearned. for although they signify the thing, yet is it by means of wo●ds. So as they which know not the thing, understand them not: as for example, the greeks nor the Hebrews, cannot conceive what this word Sol doth signify, although they see it written▪ for that they understand not the Latin word: so as writing and letters are only practised by them, which signify words therewith. For if they signify things mediately, they are no more letters nor writings, but cyphers and pictures: whereby we may observe two notable things. The one, that the memory of Histories and Antiquities may be preserved by one of these three means, either by letters and writings, as hath been used amongst the Latins, greeks, Hebrews, and many other Nations; or by painting, as hath been used almost throughout all the world, for it is said in the second Nicene Counsel, Painting is a Book for fools which cannot read: or by cyphers and characters, as the cipher signifies the number of a hundred, a thousand and others, without noting the word of a hundred, or a thousand. The other thing we may observe thereby, is that which is propounded in this Chapter, which is, that no Nation of the Indies discovered in our time, hath had the use of letters and writings, but of the other two sorts, Images, and figures. The which I observe, not only of the Indies of Peru, and New Spain, but also of jappon, and China. It is difficult to understand how the Chinois can write proper names in their tongue, especially of strangers, being things they have never seen, and not able to invent figures proper unto them. I have made trial thereof being in Mexico with the Chinois, willing them to write this proposition in their language, joseph Acosta is come from Peru, and such like: whereupon the Chinese was long pensive, but in the end he did write it, the which other Chinois did after read, although they did vary a little in the pronunciation of the proper name. For they use this device to write a proper name: they seek out some thing in their tongue, that hath resemblance to that name, and set down the figure of this thing. And as it is difficult among so many proper names, to find things to resemble them in the prolation, so is it very difficult and troublesome to write such names. Upon this purpose, Father Allonso Sanchez told us, that when he was in China, being led into diverse Tribunal Seats, from Manderin to Manderin, they were long in putting his name in writing in their Caphas, yet in the end they did write it after their manner, and so ridiculously, that they scarce came near to the name: and this is the fashion of Letters and Writings which the Chinois used. That of the japponois approached very near, although they affirm that the Noblemen of jappon that came into Europe, did write all things very easily in their Language, were they of our proper names: yea, I have had some of their Writing showed me, whereby it seems they should have some kind of Letters, although the greatest part of their Writings, be by the Characters and figures, as hath been said of the Chinois. An Indian of Peru or Mexico, that hath learned to read & write, knows more than the wisest Mandarin that is amongst them: for that the Indian with four and twenty Letters which he hath learned, will write all the words in the World: and a Mandarin with his hundred thousand Letters, will be troubled to write some proper name, as of Martin, or Alonso, and with greater reason he shall be less able to write the names of things he knows not. So as the writing in China, is no other thing but a manner of painting or ciphering. Of the fashion of Letters and writings which the Mexicans used. Chap. 7. WE find among the Nations of New Spain a great knowledge and memory of antiquititie; and therefore searching by what means the Indians had preserved their Histories, and so many particularities, I learned, that although they were not so subtle and curious as the Chinois, and those of jappon, yet had they some kind of Letters and Books amongst them, whereby they preserved (after their manner) the deeds of their Predecessors. In the Province of Yucatan, where the Bishopric is, which they call de Honduras, there were Books of the leaves of Trees, folded and squared, after their manner, in the which the wise Indians contained the distribution of their times, Books of leaves of trees here folium & liber, or codex, from the rind in which the Ancients writ. Blind zeal. the knowledge of the Planets, of beasts and other natural things, with their Antiquities, a thing full of great curiosity and diligence. It seemed to some Pendant that all this was an Enchantment and Magic Art, who did obstinately maintain, that they ought to be burnt, so as they were committed to the fire. Which since not only the Indians found to be ill done, but also the curious Spaniards, who desired to know the secrets of the Country. The like hath happened in other things: for our men thinking that all was but Superstition, have lost many memorial of ancient and holy things, which might have profited much. This proceedeth of a foolish and ignorant zeal, who not knowing, nor seeking to know what concerned the Indians, say preiudicately, that they are all but Witchcrafts, and that all the Indians are but Drunkards, incapable to know or learn any thing. For such as would be curiously informed of them, have found many things worthy of consideration. One of our company of jesuits, a man very witty and well experienced, did assemble in the Province of Mexico, the Ancients of Tescuco, of Talla, and of Mexico, conferring at large with them, who showed unto him their Books, Histories and Calendars, things very worthy the sight, because they had their figures and Hierogliphics, whereby they represented things in this manner: Such as had form or figure, were represented by their proper Images, and such as had not any, were represented by Characters that signified them, and by this means they figured and writ what they would. And to observe the time when any thing did happen, they had those painted Wheels, for every one of them contained an Age, which was two and fifty years, as hath been said; and of the side of those Wheels, they did paint with figures and Characters right against the year, the memorable things that happensd therein. As they noted the year when as the Spaniards entered their Country, they painted a man with a Hat and a red jerkin, upon the sign of a Reed, which did rule then, and so of other accidents. But for that their Writings and Characters were not sufficient as our Letters and Writings be, they could not so plainly express the words, but only the substance of their conceptions. And forasmuch as they were accustomed to rehearse Discourses and Dialogues by heart, compounded by their Orators and ancient Rhethoricians, and many Caphas made by their Poets (which were impossible to learn by their Hieroglyphics and Characters) the Mexicans were very curious to have their Children learn those Dialogues and compositions by heart. For the which cause they had Schools, and as it were, Colleges or Seminaries, where the Ancients taught Children these Orations, and many other things, which they preserved amongst them by tradition from one to another, as perfectly, as if they had been written; especially the most famous Nations had a care to have their children (which had any inclination to be Rhetoritians, and to practise the Office of Orators) to learn these Orations by heart: So as when the Spaniards came into their Country, and had taught them to read and write our Letters, many of the Indians than wrote these Orations, as some grave men do witness that had read them. Which I say, for that some which shall happily read these long and eloquent Discourses in the Mexican History, will easily believe they have been invented by the Spaniards, and not really taken and reported from the Indians. But having known the certain truth, they will give credit (as reason is) to their Histories. They did also write these Discourses after their manner, by Characters and Images: and I have seen for my better satisfaction, the Pater noster, Auie Maria, and Symbol, or general Confession of our Faith, written in this manner by the Indians. Confession by picture. And in truth whosoever shall see them, will wonder thereat. For, to signify these words, I a Sinner do confess myself, they painted an Indian upon his knees, at a religious man's feet, as one that confesseth himself: and for this, To God most mighty, they painted three faces with their Crowns, like to the Trinity, and To the glorious Virgin Marie, they painted the face of our Lady, and half the body of a little child: and for Saint Peter and Saint Paul, heads with crowns, and a Key with a Sword: and whereas Images failed, they did set Characters, as Wherein I have sinned, etc. whereby we may conceive the quickness of spirit of these Indians, seeing this manner of writing of our Prayers and matters of Faith hath not been taught them by the Spaniards, neither could they have done it, if they had not had an excellent conception of that was taught them. And I have seen in Peru, a confession of sins brought by an Indian, written in the same sort with Pictures and Characters, painting every one of the ten Commandments, after a certain manner, where there were certain marks like cyphers, which were the sins he had committed against the Commandments. I nothing doubt but if any of the most sufficient Spaniards were employed to make memorials of the like things by by their Images and marks, they would not attain unto it in a whole year, no not in ten. BEfore the Spaniards came to the Indies, they of Peru had no kind of writing, Of Registers and the manner of reckoning which the Indians of Peru used. Chap. 8. either Letters, Characters, cyphers, or Figures, like to those of China and Mexico: yet preserved they the memory of their Antiquities, and maintain an order in all their affairs, of Peace, War, and Policy, for that they were careful observers of Traditions from one to another, and the young ones learned, and carefully kept, as a holy thing, what their Superiors had told them, and taught it with the like care to their Posterity. Besides this diligence, they supplied the want of Letters and Writings, partly by painting, as those of Mexico, (although they of Peru were very gross and blockish) and partly, and most commonly by Quippos. Quippos. These Quippos are Memorials or Registers, made of Bows, in the which there are diverse knots and colours, which do signify diverse things, and it is strange to see what they have expressed and represented by this means: for their Quippos serve them instead of Books of Histories, of Laws, Ceremonies, and accounts of their affairs. There were Officers appointed to keep these Quippos, the which at this day they call Quipocamayos, the which were bound to give an account of every thing, as Notaries and Registers do here. Therefore they fully believed them in all things, for according to the variety of business, as Wars, Policies, Tributes, Ceremonies and Lands, there were sundry Quippos or branches, in every one of the which there were so many knots little and great, and strings tied unto them, some Red, some Green, some Blue, some White; and finally, such diversity, that even as we derive an infinite number of words from the four and twenty Letters, applying them in diverse sorts, so do they draw innumerable words from their knots, and diversity of colours. Which thing they do in such a manner, that if at this day in Peru, any Commissary come at the end of two or three years, to take information upon the life of any Officer, the Indians come with their small reckonings verified, saying, that in such a Village they given him so many Eggs which he hath not paid for, in such a house a Hen, in another, two burdens of grass for his Horse, and that he hath paid but so much money, and remaineth debtor so much. The proof being presently made with these numbers of knots and handfuls of coards, it remains for a certain testimony and register. I did see a handful of these strings, wherein an Indian woman carried written a general confession of all her life, and thereby confessed herself, as well 〈◊〉 I could have done it in written Paper. I asked her what those strings meant that differed from the rest: she answered me, Writing with small stones. they were certain circumstances which the sin required to be fully confessed. Beside these Quippos of thread, they have another, as it were a kind of writing with small stones, by means whereof, they learn punctually the words they desire to know by heart. It is a pleasant thing to see the old and the impotent (with a Wheel made of small stones) learn the Pa●er noster, with another the Aue Maria, with another the Creed; and to remember what stone signifies, Which was conceived by the Holy Ghost, and which, Suffered under Pontius Pilate. It is a pleasant thing to see them correct themselves when they do err; for all their correction consisteth only in beholding of their small stones. One of these Wheels were sufficient to make me forget all that I do know by heart. There are a great number of these Wheels in the Churchyards for this purpose. But it seems a kind of Witchcraft, to see another kind of Quippos, which they make of grains of Mays, for to cast up a hard account, wherein a good Arithmetician would be troubled with his Pen to make a division: to see how much every one must contribute: they do draw so many grains from one side, Accounts by grains of May●. and add so many to another, with a thousand other inventions. These Indians will take their grains, and place five of one side, three of another, and eight of another, and will change one grain of one side, and three of another: So as they finish a certain account, without erring in any point: and they sooner submit themselves to reason by these Quippos, what every one ought to pay, than we can do with the Penne. Hereby we may judge if they have any understanding, or be brutish: for my part, I think they pass us in those things, whereunto they do apply themselves. Of the order the Indians hold in their Writings. Ch. 9 IT shall be good to add hereunto what we have observed, touching the Indians Writings: for their manner was not to write with a continued line, but from the top to the bottom, or in circlewise. The Latins and greeks do write from the left hand unto the right, which is the vulgar and common manner we do use. The Hebrews chose began at the right to the left, and therefore their Books began where ours did end. The Chinois write neither like the greeks nor like the Hebrews, but from the top to the bottom, for as they be no Letters but whole words, diverse manners of writing. and that every figure and Character signifieth a thing, they have no need to assemble the parts one with another, and therefore they may well write from the top to the bottom. Those of Mexico, for the same cause did not write in line, from one side to another, but contrary to the Chinois, beginning below, they mounted upward. They used this manner of writing, in the account of their days, and other things which they observed: Yet when they did write in their Wheels or Signs, they began from the midst where the Sun was figured, and so mounted by their years unto the round and circumference of the Wheel. By words, Pictures, and these Memorials, the Kings were often advertised of that which passed. For this cause there were men of great agility, which served as Curriers, to go and come, whom they did nourish in this exercise of Running from their youth, labouring to have them well breathed, that they might run to the top of a high Hill without weariness. And therefore in Mexico they gave the Prize to three or four that first mounted up the stairs of the Temple, as hath been said in the former Book. And in Cusco, when they made their Solemn Feast of Capacrayme, the Novices did run who could fastest up the Rock of Ynacauri. And the exercise of running is general; much used among the Indians. When as there chanced any matter of importance, they sent unto the Lords of Mexico, the thing painted, whereof they would advertise them, as they did when the first Spanish ships appeared to their sight, and when they took Topanchan. In Peru they were very curious of Footmen, and the Ingua had them in all parts of the Realm, as ordinary Posts called Chasquis, whereof shall be spoken in his place. diverse forms of government. Many Nations of the Indies have not endured any Kings, or absolute and sovereign Lords, but live in Commonalties, creating and appointing Captains and Princes, for certain occasions only, to whom they obey during the time of their charge; then after they return to their former estates. The greatest part of this New World (where there are no settled Kingdoms, nor established Commonweals, neither Princes nor succeeding Kings) they govern themselves in this manner, although there be some Lords and principal men raised above the common sort. In this sort the whole Country of Chille is governed, where the A●racanes, those of Teucapell and others, have so many years resisted the Spaniards. And in like sort all the new Kingdom of Granado, that of Guatimalla, the Lands, all Florida, bresil, Luson, and other Countries of great circuit: but that in some places they are yet more barbarous, scarcely acknowledging any head, but all command and govern in common, having no other thing, but will, violence, industry and disorder, so as he that most may most commands. They have only found two Kingdoms or settled Empires, that of the Mexicans in New Spain, and of the Inguas in Peru. It is not easy to be said, which of the two was the mightiest Kingdom, Whether the Mexican or Peru Kingdom was greater. for that Moteçuma, exceeded them of Peru, in Buildings, and in the greatness of his Court: but the Inguas, did likewise exceed the Mexicans, in treasure, riches, and greatness of Provinces. In regard of Antiquity, the Monarchy of the Inguas, hath the advantage, although it be not much, and in my opinion, they have been equal in feats of Arms and Victories. It is most certain, that these two Kingdoms have much exceeded all the Indian Provinces, discovered in this New World, as well in good order and government, as in power and wealth, and much more in Superstition and Service of their Idols, having many things like one to another But in one thing they differed much, for among the Mexicans, the succession of the Kingdom, was by election, as the Empire of the Romans, and that of Peru, was hereditary, and they succeeded in blood, as the Kingdoms of France and Spain. THe Ingua which ruled in Peru, being dead, his lawful Son succeeded him, and so they held him that was borne of his chief Wife, Of the government of the Kings and Inguas of Peru. Chap. 12. Incestuous Marriages. whom they called Coya. The which they have always observed since the time of an Ingua, called Yupangui, who married his sister: for these Kings held it an honour to marry their Sisters. And although they had other Wives and Concubines, yet the succession of the Kingdom appertained to the Son of Coya. It is true, that when the King had a legitimate Brother, he succeeded before the Son, and after him his Nephew, and Son to the first. The Curacas, and Noblemen, held the same order of succession in their goods and Offices. And after their manner they made excessive Ceremonies, and obsequies for the dead. Being dead, they presently held him for a God, making Sacrifices unto him, Images and such like. By this means, there was infinite Treasure in Peru: for every one of the Inguas, had laboured to have his Oratory and Treasure surpass that of his Predecessors. The mark or ensign, Diadem. whereby they took possession of the Realm, was a red roll of Wool, more than fine silk, the which hung in the midst of his forehead: and none but the Ingua alone might wear it, for that it was as a Crown and Royal Diadem: yet they might lawfully wear a Roll hanging on the one side, near unto the ear, as some Noblemen did, but only the Ingua might carry it in the midst of his forehead. At such time as they took this Roll or Wreath, they made solemn Feasts, and many Sacrifices, with a great quantity of vessel of Gold, and Silver, a great number of small forms or Images of sheep, made of Gold and Silver, great abundance of the stuffs of Cumby, well wrought, both fine and courser, many shells of the Sea of all sorts, many feathers, and a thousand sheep, which must be of diverse colours. Then the chief Priest took a young Child in his hands, of the age of six or eight years, pronouncing these words with the other Ministers speaking to the Image of Viracocha, Lord we offer this unto thee, that thou mayest maintain us in quiet, and help us in our wars, maintain our Lord the Ingua in his greatness and estate, that he may always increase, giving him much knowledge to govern us. There were present at this Ceremony and Oath, men of all parts of the Realm, and of all Guacas and Sanctuaries. And without doubt, the affection and reverence which this people bare to their Kings Inguas, was very great, for it is never found that any one of his subjects committed Treason against him, for that they proceeded in their governments, not only with an absolute power, but also with good order and justice, suffering no man to be oppressed: The Ingua placed Governors in diverse Provinces, amongst the which, some were Superiors, Exact justice. and did acknowledge none but himself, others were of less command, and others more particular, with so goodly an order, and such gravity, as no man durst be drunk, nor take an ear of Mays from his Neighbour. These Inguas held it for a Maxim, that it was necessary to keep the Indians always in action: and therefore we see it to this day, long caws●es and works of great labour, No idleness permitted. the which they say were made to exercise the Indians, lest they should remain idle. When he conquered any new Province, he was accustomed presently to send the greatest part, and the chie●e of that Country into other Provinces, or else to his Court, Transmigration. and they call them at this day in Peru, Mitimas, and in their places he sent others of the Nation of Cusco, especially the O●eiones, which were as Knights of an ancient house. They punished faults rigorously. And therefore such as have any understanding hereof, hold opinion, that there can be no better government for the Indians, nor more assured, then that of the Inguas. TO relate more particularly what I have spoken before, you must understand, Of the distribution the Inguas made of their Vassals. Chap. 13. Governors. that the distribution which the Inguas made of their vassals, was so exact and distinct, as he might govern them all with great facility, although his Realm were a thousand leagues long: for having conquered a Province, he presently reduced the Indians into Towns and Commonalties, the which he divided into bands, he appointed one to have the charge over every ten Indians, over every hundred another, over every thousand another, and over ten thousand another, whom they called Humo, the which was one of the greatest charges. Yet above all in every Province, there was a Governor of the house of the Inguas, whom all the rest obeyed, giving unto him every year particular account of what had passed, that is, of such as were borne, of those that were dead and of their troops and grain. The Governors went every year out of Cusco, where they remained, and returned to the great Feast of Rayme, at the which, Tribute yearly paid at Cusco. they brought the tribute of the whole Realm to the Court; neither might they enter but with this condition. All the Kingdom was divided into four parts, which they called Tahuantinsuyo, that is, Chinchasuyo, Fourfold provincial partition. Collasuyo, And●suyo, and Condesuyo, according to the four ways which went from Cusco, where the Court was resident, and where the general assemblies of the Realm were made. These ways and Provinces being answerable unto them, were towards the four quarters of the world, Collasuyo to the South, Chinchasuyo to the North, Condesuyo to the West, and Andesuyo to the East. In every Town and Village, there were two sorts of people, which were of Hanansaya, and Vrinsaya, which is as much to say, as those above, and those below. When they commanded any work to be done, or to furnish any thing to the Ingua, the Officers knew presently how much every Province, Town, and Family, aught to furnish: so as the division was not made by equal portions, but by Cottization, according to the qualities and wealth of the Country. So as for example, if they were to gather a hundred thousand Fanegues of Mays, they knew presently how much every Province was to contribute, were it a tenth, a seventh, or a fifth part. The like was of Towns and Villages, Aillos●, or Lineages. The Quipocamayos, which were the Officers and Intendants, kept the account of all with their strings and knots, without failing, setting down what every one had paid, even to a Hen, or a burden of wood, and in a moment they did see by diverse Registers what every one ought to pay. THe Edifices and Buildings which the Inguas made in Temples, Fortresses, ways, Of the Edifices and manner of building of the Inguas. Chap. 14. Country houses, and such like, were many in number, and of an excessive labour, as doth appear at this day by their ruins and remaynders, both in Cusco, Tyaguanaco, Tambo, and other places, where there are stones of an unmeasurable greatness: as 〈◊〉 cannot conceive how they were cut, brought and set in their places. There came great numbers of people from all Provinces, to work in these Buildings and Fortresses, which the Ingua caused to be made in Cusco, or other parts of the Realm. As these Works were strange, and to amaze the beholders, wherein they used no Mortar nor Cement, neither any Iron, or Steel, to cut, and set the stones in work. They had no Engines or other Instruments to carry them, Neat art in joining huge stones. and yet were they so artificially wrought, that in many places they could not see the joints: and many of these stones are so big, that it were an incredible thing, if one should not see them. At T●●guanaco, I did measure a stone of thirty eight foot long, of eighteen broad, and six thick. And in the wall of the Fortress of Cusco, which is of Moallon, there are stones of a greater bigness. And that which is most strange, these stones being not cut nor squared to join, but chose, very unequal one with another in form and greatness, yet did they join them together without Cement, after an incredible manner. All this was done by the force of men, who endured their labour with an invincible patience. For to join one stone with another, they were forced to handle and try many of them often, being uneven. The Ingua appointed every year what numbers of people should labour in these stones and buildings, and the Indians made a division amongst them, as of other things, so as no man was oppressed. Although these Buildings were great, yet were they commonly ill appointed and unfit, almost like to the Mosquites or Buildings of the Barbarians. They could make no Arches in their Edifices, nor Mortar or Cement to build them withal: when they saw Arches of wood built upon the River of Xaura, Arches. the Bridge being finished, and the wood broken down, they all began to run away, supposing that the Bridge which was of stone should presently fall; but when they found it to stand firm, and that the Spaniards went on it, the Cacique said to his companions; It is reason we should serve these men, who in truth seem to be the children of the Sun. Bridges. The Bridges they made were of Reeds pleited, which they tied the banks with great stakes, for that they could not make any Bridges of stone or wood. The Bridge which is at this day upon the current of the great Lake Chiquitto in Collao is admirable; for the course of that water is so deep, as they cannot settle any foundation, and so broad, that it is impossible to make an Arch to pass it: so as it was altogether impossible to make a Bridge either of wood or stone. But the wit and industry of the Indians invented a means to make a firm and assured Bridge being only of straw, Straw Bridge. which seemeth fabulous, yet is it very true: For as we have said before, they did bind together certain bundles of Reeds, and Weeds, which do grow in the Lake that they call Torora, and being a light matter that sinks not in the water, they cast it upon a great quantity of Reeds, then having tied those bundles of Weeds to either side of the River, both men and beasts go over it with ease: passing over this Bridge I have wondered, that of so common and easy a thing, they had made a Bridge, better, and more assured than the Bridge of Boats from Sevill to Triane. I have measured the length of this Bridge, and as I remember, it was above three hundred foot; and they say that the depth of this Current is very great: and it seems above, that the water hath no motion, yet they say, that at the bottom it hath a violent and very furious course. And this shall suffice for Buildings. THe Inguas riches was incomparable, for although no King did inherit the riches and treasure of his Predecessor, Of the Inguas revenues, and the order of Tributes they imposed upon the Indians. Chap. 15. yet had he at command, all the riches of his Realms, aswell Silver and Gold, as the stuff of Cumbi, and cattle, wherein they abounded, and their greatest riches of all, was their innumerable number of vassals, which were all employed as it pleased the King. They brought out of every Province what he had chosen for tribute. The Chicas sent him sweet and rich woods; the Lucanas sent Brancars to carry his Litter; The Chumbilbicas, Dancers; and so the other Provinces sent him what they had of abundance, besides their general Tribute, whereunto every one contributed. The Indians that were noted to that end, laboured in the mines of Gold and Silver, which did abound in Peru, whom the Ingua entertained with all they needed for their expenses: and whatsoever they drew of Gold and Silver, was for him. By this means there were so great treasures in this Kingdom, as it is the opinion of many, that what fell in the hands of the Spaniards, (although it were very much, as we know) was not the tenth part of that which they hid and buried in the ground, the which they could never discover, notwithstanding all the search covetousness had taught them. But the greatest wealth of these barbarous people, was, that their vassals were all slaves, whose labour they used at their pleasure: and that which is admirable, they employed them in such sort, as it was no servitude unto them, All slaves and none. but rather a pleasing life. But to understand the order of Tributes which the Indians paid unto their Lord, you must know, that when the Ingua conquered any Cities, he divided all the Land into three parts, the first was, for Religion and Ceremonies, so as the Pachayachaqui, which is the Creator, and the Sun, the Chuquilla, which is the Thunder, the Pachamana, and the dead, and other Guacas and Sanctuaries, had every one their proper Lands, the fruits whereof were spoilt and consumed in Sacrifices, Lands sacred. and in the nourishing of Ministers and Priests; for there were Indians appointed for every Guaca, and Sanctuary, and the greatest part of this revenue was spent in Cusco, where was the universal and general sanctuary, and the rest in that City, where it was gathered: for that after the imitation of Cusco, there were in every City, Guacas, and Oratories of the same order, Order in their Religion. and with the same functions, which were served after the same manner and ceremonies to that of Cusco, which is an admirable thing, and they have found it by proof in above a hundred Towns, some of them distant above two hundred leagues from Cusco. That which they sowed or reaped upon their Land, was put into houses, as granaries or storehouses, built for that effect, and this was a great part of the Tribute which the Indians paid. I cannot say how much this part amounted unto, for that it was greater in some parts then in other, and in some places it was in a manner all: and this part was the first they put to profit. The second part of these Lands and inheritances was for the Ingua, wherewith he and his household were entertained, with his kinsfolks, Noblemen, Garrisons and Soldiers. Royal demesnes. And therefore it was the greatest portion of these tributes, as it appeareth by the quantity of Gold, Silver, and other Tributes, which were in houses appointed for that purpose, being longer and larger than those where they keep the revenues of the Guacas. They brought this Tribute very carefully to Cusco, or unto such places where it was needful for the Soldiers, and when there was store, they kept it ten or twelve years, until a time of necessity. The Indians tilled and put to profit the Inguas Lands, next to those of the Guacas; during which time they lived and were nourished at the charges of the Ingua, of the Sun, or of the Guacas, according to the Land they laboured. But the old men, women, and sick folks were reserved and exempt from this Tribute, and although whatsoever they gathered upon those Lands were for the Ingua, the Sun, or the Guacas, yet the property appertained unto the Indians and their successors. The third part of these Lands were given by the Ingua for the Commonalty, and they have not yet discovered, whither this portion were greater, or less, Lands of the commonalty in common. then that of the Ingua or Guacas. It is most certain they had a care and regard, it might be sufficient for the nourishment of the people. No particular man possessed any thing proper to himself of this third portion, neither did the Indians ever possess any, if it were not by special grace from the Ingua: and yet might it not be engaged nor divided amongst his heirs. No propriety of Lands. They every year divided these Lands of the commonalty, in giving to every one, that which was needful for the nourishment of their persons and families. And as the family increased or diminished, so did they increase or decrease his portion, for there were measures appointed for every person. The Indians paid no tribute of that which was apportioned unto them: Their Tribute▪ what. For all their tribute was to till and keep in good order the Lands of the Ingua, and the Guacas, and to lay the fruits thereof in their storehouses. When the year was barren, they gave of these fruits thus reserved to the needy, for that there is always superabundance. The Ingua did likewise make destribution of the cattle as of the Lands, which was to number and divide them; cattle distributed then to appoint the pastures and limits, for the cattle belonging to the Guacas, and to the Ingua, and to every Town: and therefore one portion of their revenues was for religion, another for the Ingua, and the third for the Indians themselves. The like order was observed among the hunters, being forbidden to take or kill any females. The troops of the Inguas and Guacas, Hunter lawe● were in great numbers and very fruitful, for this cause they called them Kapaëllama, but those of the common and public, were few in number and of small value, and therefore they called them Bacchallama. The Ingua took great care for the preservation of cattle, for that it hath been, and is yet, all the wealth of the Country, and as it is said, they did neither sacrifice any females, nor kill them, Provisions for cattle. neither did they take them when they hunted. If the mangy or the scurvy which they call Carache take any beast, they were presently commanded to bury it quick, lest it should infect others. They did shear their cattle in their season, and distributed to every one to spin and weave Stuffs for the service of his Family. They had searchers to examine if they did employ themselves in these works, and to punish the negligent. They made Stuffs of the wool of the Inguas cattle, Negligence punished. for him and for his family, one sort very fine, which they called Cumbi, and another grosser, which they likewise called Abasca. There was no certain number of these Stuffs and garment, appointed, but what was delivered to every one. The wool that remained was put into the storehouses, whereof the Spaniards found them full, and with all other things necessary for the life of man. There are few men of judgement but do admire at so excellent & well settled a government, seeing the Indians (being neither religious, nor Christians) maintained after their manner, this perfection, nor to hold any thing proper, and to provide for all their necessities, entertaining with such abundance matters of Religion, & that which concerned their King & Lord. THe Indians of Peru had one perfection, which was, to teach their children all arts and occupations necessary for the life of man; for that there were no particular Tradesmen, Of Arts and offices which the Indians did exercise. Ch. 16. All men of all trades▪ as amongst us, Tailors, Shoemakers, Weavers, and the rest, but every one learned what was needful for their persons and houses, and provided for themselves. All could weave and make their garments, and therefore the Ingua furnishing them with wool, gave them clothes. Every man could till the ground, and put it to profit, without hiring of any labourers. All built their own houses, and the women, which understood most were not brought up in delights, but served their Husbands carefully. Other Arts and Trades which were not ordinary and common for the life of man, had their proper Companies and workmen, as Goldsmiths, Painters, Potters, Watermen, and players of Instruments. There were also Weavers and workmen for exquisite works, which the Noblemen used: but the common people, as hath been said, had in their houses all things necessary, having no need to buy. This continues to this day, so as they have no need one of another for things necessary: touching his person and family, as shoes and garments, and for their house, to sow and reap, and to make Iron works, and necessary instruments. It is worthy observation, Diversity of head-tire. although the Indians be simple in their manner and habits, yet do we see great diversity amongst the Provinces, especially in the attire of their head, for in some places they carried a long piece of cloth, which went often about, in some places a large piece of cloth, which went but once about, in some parts as it were little mortars or hats, in some others as it were high and round Bonnets, and some like the bottom of sacks, with a thousand other differences. Uniformity of habit. They had a strait and inviolable law, that no man might change the fashion of the garments of his Province, although he went to live in another. This the Ingua held to be of great importance for the order and good government of his Realm, and they do observe it to this day, though not with so great a care as they were accustomed. THere were many Posts and couriers which the Ingua maintained throughout his Realm, whom they called Chasquis, Of the Posts and Chasquis the Indians did use. Chap. 17. and they carried commandments to the Governors, and returned their advices and advertisements to the Court. These Chasquis were placed at every course, which was a league and a half one from another in two small houses, where were four Indians of every Country, and they were changed monthly. Having received the packet or message, they ran with all their force until they had delivered it to the other Chasquis, such as were to run, being ready and watchful. They ran fifty leagues in a day and night, although the greatest part of that Country be very rough. They served also to carry such things as the Ingua desired to have with speed. Therefore they had always Sea-fish in Cusco, of two days old or little more, although it were above a hundred leagues off. Since the Spaniards entered, they have used of these Chasquis, in time of seditions, whereof there was great need. Don Martin the Viceroy appointed ordinary Posts at every four leagues, to carry and recarry dispatches, which were very necessary in this Realm, though they run not so swiftly as the ancients did, neither are there so many, yet they are well paid, and serve as the ordinaries of Spain, to whom they give Letters which they carry four or five leagues. EVen as such as had done any good service in war, or in the government of the Commonweal were honoured and recompensed with public charges, Of the justice, Laws and punuishments which the Inguas have established, and of their marriages Chap. 18. with Lands given them in proper, with arms and titles of honour, and in marrying wives of the Inguas lineage: Even so they gave severe punishments to such as were disobedient and offenders. They punished murder, theft, and adultery, with death, and such as committed incest with ascendants or descendants in direct line, were likewise punished with death. But they held it no adultery to have many wives or concubines, neither were the women subject to the punishment of death, being found with any other, but only she that was the true and lawful wife, with whom they contracted marriage; Adultery. for they had but one whom they did wed and receive with a particular solemnity and ceremony, which was in this manner: The Bridegroom went to the Bride's house, Marriage solemnity. and led her from thence with him, having first put an Ottoya upon her foot. They call the shoe which they use in those parts Ottoya, being open like the Franciscan Friars. If the Bride were a maid, her Ottoya was of Wool, but if she were not, it was of Reeds. All his other wives and concubines did honour and serve this as the lawful wife, who alone after the decease of her husband carried a mourning weed of black, for the space of a year; neither did she marry until that time were passed; and commonly she was younger than her husband. The Ingua himself with his own hand gave this woman to his Governors and Captains: and the Governors or Caciques, assembled all the young men and maids, in one place of the City, where they gave to every one his wife with the aforesaid ceremony, in putting on the Ottoya, and in this manner they contracted their marriages. If this woman were found with any other than her husband, she was punished with death, and the adulterer likewise: and although the husband pardoned them, yet were they punished, although dispensed withal from death. They inflicted the like punishment on him that did commit incest with his Mother, Grandmother, Daughter, or Grandchild: for it was not prohibited for them to marry together, or to have of their other kinsfolk for concubines; only the first degree was defended, neither did they allow the brother to have the company of his sister, Incest forbidden. wherein they of Peru were very much deceived, believing that their Inguas and Noblemen might lawfully contract marriage with their sisters, yea by father and mother: for in truth it hath been always held unlawful among the Indians, and defended to contract in the first degree; which continued until the time of Top● Ingua Yupangui father to Guaynacapa, and grandfather to Atahualpa, at such time as the Spaniards entered Peru; for that Topa Ingua Yupangui, was the first that broke this custom, marrying with Mamaoello, his sister by the father's side, decreeing that the Inguas might marry with their sisters by the fathurs' side, and no other. This he did, and by that marriage he had Guaynacapa, and a daughter called Coya Cussillimay: finding himself at the point of death, he commanded his children by father and mother to marry together, and gave permission to the Noblemen of his Country, to marry with their sisters by the father's side. And for that this marriage was unlawful, and against the law of nature, God would bring to an end this Kingdom of the Inguas, during the reign of Guascar Ingua, and Atahualpa Ingua, which was the fruit that sprang from this marriage. Who so will more exactly understand the manner of marriages among the Indians in Peru, let him read the Treatise Polo hath written at the request of Don jeronimo Loaisa Archbishop of Kings: which Polo made a very curious search, as he hath done of diverse other things at the Indies. BY the commandment of Don Philip the Catholic King, Of the Original of the Inguas Lords of Peru, with their Conquests and Victories. Chap. 19 they have made the most diligent and exact search that could be, of the beginning, customs, and privileges of the Inguas, the which was not so perfectly done as was desired: for that the Indians had no written Records: yet the have recovered that which I shall write, by means of their Quippos and Registers. First there was not in Peru in old time, any King or Lord to whom all obeyed, but they were Commonalties, as at this day there is in the Realm of Chille, and in a manner, in all the Provinces which the Spaniards have conquered in those Western Indies, except the Realm of Mexico. You must therefore understand, that they have found three manner of Governements at the Indies. The first and best, was a Monarchy, as that of the Inguas, and of Moteçum●, although for the most part they were tyrannous. The second was of Commonalties, where they were governed by the advice and authority of many, which are as it were Counsellors. Thele in time of war, made choice of a Captain, to whom a whole Nation or Province did obey, and in time of peace, every Town or Commonalty did rule and govern themselves, having some chief men whom the vulgar did respect, and sometime (though not often) some of them assemble together about matters of importance, to consult what they should think necessary. The third kind of Government, is altogether barbarous, composed of Indians without Law, without King, and without any certain place of abode, but go in troops like savage beasts. As far as I can conceive, the first Inhabitants of the Indies, were of this kind, as at this day a great part of the Bresillians, Chiraguanas, Chunchos, Yscycingas, Pilcocones, and the greatest part of the Floridians', and all the Chichimaquas in new Spain's Of this kind the other sort of government by Commonalties was framed, by the industry and wisdom of some amongst them, in which there is some more order, holding a more stayed place, as at this day those of Auracano, and of Teucapell in Chille, and in the new Kingdom of Grenado, the Moscas, and the Ottomittes in new Spain: and in all these there is less fierceness and incivility, & much more quiet than in the rest. Of this kind, by the valour & knowledge of some excellent men, grew the other government more mighty and potent, which did institute a Kingdom and Monarchy. It appears by their Registers, Continuance of their Monarchy. that their Government hath continued above three hundred years, but not fully four, although their Signiory for a long time, was not above five or six leagues compass about the City of Cusco: their original and beginning was in the valley of Cusco: where by little and little they conquered the Lands which we call Peru, passing beyond Quitto, unto the river of Pasto towards the North, stretching even unto Chille, towards the South, which is almost a thousand leagues in length. It extended in breadth unto the South Sea towards the West, and unto the great champains which are on the other side of the Andes, where at this day is to be seen the Castle which is called the Pucara of the Ingua, the which is a fortress built for the defence of the frontier towards the East. The Inguas advanced no farther on that side, for the abundance of water, Marshes, Lakes, and Rivers, which run in those parts. These Inguas passed all other Nations of America, in policy and government, Strife 'twixt Inguas and Canaries. and much more in valour and arms, although the Canaries which were their mortal enemies, and favoured the Spaniards, would never confess it, nor yield them this advantage: so as even at this day, if they fall into any discourse or comparisons, and that they be a little chased and incensed, they kill one another by thousands upon this quarrel, which are the most valiant, as it hath happened in Cusco. The practice and means which the juguas had to make themselves Lords of all this Country, was in feigning that since the general deluge (whereof all the Indians have knowledge) the world had been preserved, restored, and peopled by these Inguas, and that seven of them came forth of the Cave of Pacaricambo, by reason whereof, all other men ought them tribute and vassalage, as their progenitors. Besides they said and affirmed, that they alone held the true religion, and knew how God should be served and honoured: and for this cause they should instruct all men. It is a strange thing, the ground they give to their customs and ceremonies. There were in Cusco above four hundred Oratories, as in a holy land, and all places were filled with their mysteries. 400. Oratori●● in Cusco. As they continued in the conquests of Provinces, so they brought in the like ceremonies and customs. In all this Realm the chief Idols they did worship, were Viracocha, Pachayachachic, which signifies the Creator of the World, and after him, the Sun. And therefore they said, that the Sun received his virtue and being from the Creator, as the other Idols do, and that they were intercessors to him. Of the first Ingua, and his Successors. Chap. 20. THe first man which the Indians report to be the beginning and first of the Inguas, was Mangocapa, whom they imagine, after the deluge, to have issued forth of the Cave of Tambo, which is from Cusco about five or six leagues. They say that he gave beginning to two principal Races or Families of the Inguas, the one was called Hanancusco, and the other Vrincusco: of the first came the Lords which subdued and governed this Province, and the first whom they make the Head and Stem of this Family, was called Ingaroca, who founded a Family or A●llo, as they call them, named Viçaquiquirao. This although he were no great Lord, was served notwithstanding in vessel of gold and silver. And dying, he appointed that all his treasure should be employed for the service of his Body, and for the feeding of his Family. His Successor did the like: and this gr●w to a general custom, as I have said, that no Ingua might inherit the goods and house o● his Predecessor, but did build a new Palace. In the time of this Inguaroca, the Indians had Images of gold; and to him succeeded Yaguarguaque, a very old man: they say, he was called by this name, which signifies tears of blood, for that being once vanquished and taken by his Enemies, for grief and sorrow he wept blood. He was buried in a Village called Paullo, which is upon the way to Omasugo: he founded a Family called Aocuillipanaca. To him succeeded his son Viracocha Ingua, who was very rich, and made much vessel of gold and silver: he founded the Lineage or Family of Cocopanaca. Gonçales Piçarre sought out his body, for the report of the great treasure buried with him, who after he had cruelly tormented many Indians, in the end he found it in Xaquixaquana, whereas they said Piçarre was afterwards vanquished, taken, and executed by the Precedent Guasca. Gonçales Piçarre caused the body of Viracocha Ingua to be burnt; the Indians did afterwards take the ashes, the which they preserved in a small vessel, making great sacrifices thereunto, until polo did reform it, and other Idolatries which they committed upon the bodies of their other Inguas, the which he suppressed with an admirable diligence and dexterity, drawing these bodies out of their hands, being whole, and much imbalmed, whereby he extinguished a great number of Idolatries which they committed. The Indians took it ill, that the Ingua did entitle himself Viracocha, which is the name of their God: and he to excuse himself, gave them to understand, that the same Viracocha appeared to him in his dream, commanding him to take this name. To him succeeded Pachacuti Ingua Yupangui, who reigned seventy years, and conquered many Countries. The beginning of his conquests, was by means of his eldest brother, who having held the government in his father's time, and made war by his consent, was overthrown in a battle against the Changuas, a Nation which inhabits the Valley of Andaguayllas', thirty or forty leagues from Cusco, upon the way to Lima. This elder brother thus defeated, retired himself with few men. The which Ingua Yupangui, his younger brother seeing, devised and gave forth, that being one day alone and melancholy, Viracocha the Creator spoke to him, complaining, that though he were universal Lord and Creator of all things, and that he had made the Heaven, the Sun, the World, and Men, and that all was under his command, yet did they not yield him the obedience they ought, but chose did equally honour and worship the Sun, Thunder, Earth, and other things, which had no virtue but what he imparted unto them: giving him to understand, that in heaven where he was, they called him Viracocha Pachayachachic, which signifieth universal Creator; and to the end the Indians might believe it to be true, he doubted not although he were alone, to raise men under this title, which should give him victory against the Changuas, although they were then victorious, and in great numbers; and make himself Lord of those Realms, for that he would send him men to his aid invisibly, whereby he prevailed in such sort, that under this colour and conceit, he began to assemble a great number of people, whereof he made a mighty Army, with the which he obtained the victory, making himself Lord of the whole Realm, taking the government from his father and brother. Then afterwards he conquered and overthrew the Changuas, and from that time commanded that Viracocha should be held for universal Lord, and that the Images of the Sun and Thunder, should do him reverence and honour: And from that time they began to set the Image of Viracocha above that of the Sun and Thunder, and the rest of the Guacas. And although this Ingua Yupangui had given Farms, Lands, and cattle to the Sun, Thunder, and other Guacas, yet did he not dedicate any thing to Viracocha, saying, that he had no need, being universal Lord and Creator of all things. He informed his Soldiers after this absolute victory of the Changuas, that it was not they alone that had conquered them, but certain bearded men, whom Viracocha had sent him, and that no man might see them but himself, which were since converted into stones; it was therefore necessary to seek them out, whom he would know well. By this means he gathered together a multitude of stones in the Mountains, whereof he made choice, placing them for Guacas, or Idols, they worshipped and sacrificed unto; they called them Pururaucas, and carried them to the war with great devotion, believing for certain, that they had gotten the victory by their help. The imagination and fiction of this Ingua was of such force, that by the means thereof he obtained goodly victories: He founded the Family called Yuacapanaca, and made a great Image of gold, which he called Indijllapa, which he placed in a Brancard of gold, very rich, and of great price, of the which gold the Indians took great store to carry to Xaxamalca, for the liberty and ransom of Atahulpa, when the marquis Francis Piçarre held him prisoner. The Licenciate Polo found in his house in Cusco, his servants and Mamacomas, which did service to his memory, and found that the body had been transported from Patallacta to Totocache, where the Spaniards have since founded the Parish of Saint Blaise. This body was so whole and preserved with a certain Rosin, that it seemed alive, he had his eyes made of a fine cloth of gold, so artificially set, as they seemed very natural eyes, he had a blow with a stone on the head, which he had received in the wars, he was all grey and hairy, having lost no more hair then if he had died but the same day, although it were seventy and eight years since his decease. The foresaid Polo sent this body with some others of the Inguas, to the City of Lima, by the Viceroys command which was the marquis of Canette, and the which was very necessary to root out the Idolatry of Cusco. Many Spaniards have seen this body with others in the Hospital of Saint Andrew, which the marquis built, but they were much decayed. Don Philip Caritopa, who was grandchild or great grandchild to this Ingua, affirmed that the treasure he left to his Family was great, which should be in the power of the Yanaconas, Amaro, Toto, and others. To this Ingua succeeded Topaingua Yupangui, to whom his son of the same name succeeded, who founded the Family called Cupac Aillo. TO this latter Ingua succeeded Guaynacapa, which is to say, A young man, rich and valiant, Of the greatest and most famous Ingua called Guaynacapa. Ch. 22. and so was he in truth, more than any of his Predecessors, or Successors. He was very wise, planting good orders throughout his whole Realm, he was a bold and resolute man, valiant, and very happy in war. He therefore obtained great victories, and extended his Dominions much farther than all his Predecessors had done before him; he died in the Realm of Quitto, the which he had conquered, four hundred leagues distant from his Court. The Indians opened him after his decease, leaving his heart and entrailes in Quitto, the body was carried to Cusco, the which was placed in the renowned Temple of the Sun. We see yet to this day many Cawseys, Buildings, Fortresses, and notable works of this King: he founded the Family of Teme Bamba. This Guaynacapa was worshipped of his subjects for a god, being yet alive, Guaynacapa worshipped for a god. as the old men affirm, which was not done to any of his Predecessors. When he died, they slew a thousand persons of his household, to serve him in the other life, all which died willingly for his service, insomuch that many of them offered themselves to death, besides such as were appointed: his riches and treasure was admirable. And forasmuch as the Spaniards entered soon after his death, the Indians laboured much to conceal all, although a great part thereof was carried to Xaxamalca, for the ransom of Atahulpa his son. Some worthy of credit, His 300. sons etc. affirm that he had above three hundred sons and grandchildren in Cusco. His mother called Mama●ella was much esteemed amongst them. Polo sent her body with that of Guaynacapa very well imbalmed to Lima, rooting out infinite Idolatries. To Guaynacapa succeeded in Cusco a son of his called Titocussigualpa, who since was called Guaspar Ingua, his body was burned by the Captains of Atahualpa, who was likewise son to Guaynacapa, and rebelled in Quitto against his brother, marching against him with a mighty Army. It happened that Quisquits and Chilicuchi, Captains to Atahualpa, took Guaspar Ingua in the City of Cusco, being received for Lord and King (for that he was the lawful successor) which caused great sorrow throughout all his Kingdom, especially in his Court. And as always in their necessities they had recourse to sacrifices, finding themselves unable to set their Lord at liberty, aswell for the great power the Captains had that took him, as also, for the great Army that came with Atahualpa, they resolved (some say by the commandment of this Ingua) to make a great and solemn sacrifice to Viracocha Pachayachachic, which signifieth universal Creator, desiring him, that since they could not deliver their Lord, he would send men from Heaven to deliver him from prison. And as they were in this great hope, upon their sacrifice, news came to them, that a certain people come by Sea, was landed, and had taken Atahualpa prisoner. Hereupon they called the Spaniards Viracochas, believing they were men sent from God, Spaniard's esteemed men sent from God. as well for the small number they were to take Atahualpa in Xaxamalca, as also, for that it chanced after their sacrifice done to Viracocha, and thereby they began to call the Spaniards Viracochas, as they do at this day. And in truth, if we had given them good example, and such as we ought, the Indians had well applied it, in saying they were men sent from God. It is a thing very well worthy of consideration, how the greatness and providence of God, disposed of the entry of our men at Peru, which had been impossible, Peru could not have been conquered but ●y division of themselves. were not the dissension of the two Brethren and their Partisans, and the great opinion they had of Christians, as of men sent from Heaven, bound (by the taking of the Indians Country) to labour to win souls unto Almighty God. THe rest of this subject is handled at large by the Spanish Writers in the Histories of the Indies, Of the last Successors Inguas. Chap. 23. and for that it is not my purpose, I will speak only of the succession of the Inguas. Atahualpa being dead in Xaxamalca, and Guascar in Cusco, and Francis Piçarre with his people having seized on the Realm, Mangocapa son to Guaynacapa besieged them in Cusco very straightly: but in the end he abandoned the whole Country, and retired himself to Vilca Bamba, where he kept himself in the Mountains, by reason of the rough and difficult access, and there the Successors Inguas remained, until Amaro, who was taken and executed in the market place of Cusco, to the Indians incredible grief and sorrow, seeing justice done upon him publicly whom they held for their Lord. After which time, they imprisoned others of the Lineage of these Inguas. I have known Don Charles, grandchild to Guaynacapa, and son to Polo, who was baptised, and always favoured the Spaniards against Mangocapa his brother, when the marquis of Canette governed in this Country Sarritopaingua, went from Vilcabamba, and came upon assurance to the City of Kings, where there was given to him the Valley of Yucay, and other things, to whom succeeded a daughter of his. Behold the succession which is known at this day of that great and rich Family of the Inguas, whose reign continued above three hundred years, wherein they reckon eleven Successors, until it was wholly extinguished. In the other Lineage of Vrincusco, Pedigree of Vrincusco. which (as we have said before) had his beginning likewise from the first Mangocapa, they reckon eight Successors in this sort: To Mangocapa succeeded Cinchoraca, to him Capac Yupangui, to him Lluqui Yupangui, to him Mayraca paest Tarcogumam, unto whom succeeded his son, whom they name not, to this son succeeded Don jean Tambo, Maytapanaça. This sufficeth for the original and succession of the Inguas, that governed the Land of Peru, with that that I have spoken of their Laws, Government, and manner of Life. Of the manner of the Mexicans Commonweal. Chap. 24. ALthough you may see by the History written of the Kingdom, succession, and beginning of the Mexicans, their manner of Commonweal and Government, yet will I speak briefly what I shall think fit in general to be most observed: whereof I w●ll discourse more amply in the History. The first point whereby we may judge the Mexican government to be very politic, is the order they had and kept inviolable in the election of their King: for since their first, called Acamapach, unto their last, which was Moteçuma, the second of that name, there came none to the Crown by right of succession, but by a lawful Nomination and Election. This election in the beginning was by the voice of the Commons, although the chief men managed it. Since in the time of Iscoalt the fourth King, by the advice and order of a wise and valiant man, called Tlacael, there were four certain Electors appointed, which (with two Lords or King's subject to the Mexican, the one of Tescuco, and the other of Tucuba) had power to make this election. They did commonly choose young men for their Kings, because they went always to the wars, and this was in a manner the chief cause why they desired them so. They had a special regard that they should be fit for the wars, and take delight and glory therein. After the election they made two kinds of feasts, the one in taking possession of the Royal Estate, for the which they went to the Temple, making great ceremonies and sacrifices upon the Hearth, called Divine, where there was a continual fire before the Altar of the Idol, and after some Rhetoricians practised therein, made many Orations and Speeches. The other feast, and the most solemn, was at his Coronation, for the which he must first overcome in battle, and bring a certain number of Captives, which they must sacrifice to their gods; he entered in triumph with great pomp, making him a solemn reception, aswell they of the Temple, who went all in procession, sounding on sundry sorts of instruments, giving Incense, and singing like secular men, as also the Courtiers, who came forth with their devices to receive the v●ctorious King. Royal Diadem. See the picture story. The Crown or royal Ensign was before like a Mitre, and behind it was cut, so as it was not round, for the forepart was higher, and did rise like a point. The King of Tescuco had the privilege to crown the King of Mexico. In the beginning when the Mexicans were but poor and weak, the Kings were very moderate in their expenses and in their Court, but as they increased in power, they increased likewise in pomp and state, until they came to the greatness of Moteçuma, House of living Creatures. who if he had had no other thing but his house of Beasts and Birds, it had been a proud thing, the like whereof hath not been seen: for there was in this house all sorts of fish, birds of Xacamamas, and beasts, as in an other Noah's Ark; for Sea fish, there were Pools of salt-water; and for River fish, Lakes of freshwater; birds that do prey were fed, and likewise wild beasts in great abundance: there were very many Indians employed for the keeping of these beasts: and when he found an impossibility to nourish any sort of fish, fowl, or wild beast, he caused the Image or likeness to be made, richly cut in precious stones, silver, or gold, in marble, or in stone: and for all sorts of entertainments, he had his several Houses and Palaces, some of pleasure, others of sorrow and mourning, and others to treat of the affairs of the Realm. There was in this Palace many Chambers, His Palaces. according to the quality of the Noble men that served him, with a strange order and distinction. THe Mexicans have been very curious, to divide the degrees and dignities amongst the noble men and Lords, Of the Titles and Dignities the Indians used. Chap. 25. Four Electors. that they might distinguish them to whom they were to give the greatest honour. The dignity of these four Electors was the greatest, and most honourable, next to the King, and they were chosen presently after the King's election. They were commonly brothers, or very near Kinsmen to the King, and were called Tlacohecalcalt, which signifies Prince of darts, the which they cast, being a kind of arms they use much. The next dignity to this, were those they do call Tlacatecati, which is to say, Circumcisers or Cutters of men. Men-cutters. The third dignity were of those which they called Ezuahuacalt, which signifies, A shedder of blood. All the which Titles and Dignities were exercised by men of war. There was another, a fourth entitled, Bloud-shedders. Tlilancalqui, which is as much to say, as, Lord of the black house, or of darkness, by reason of certain Ink wherewith the Priests anointed themselves, and did serve in their Idolatries. Lord of darkness. All these four Dignities were of the great Counsel, without whose advice the King might not do any thing of importance: and the King being dead, they were to choose another in his place out of one of those four Dignities. Besides these, there were other Counsels and Audiences, and some say there were as many as in Spain, and that there were diverse Seats and jurisdictions, Other Officers. See the picture history. with their Counsellors and judges of the Court, and others that were under them, as Corrigidors, chief judges, Captains of justice, Lieutenants, and others, which were yet inferior to these, with a very goodly order. All which depended on the four first Princes that assisted the King. These four only had authority and power to condemn to death, and the rest sent them instructions of the Sentences they had given. By means whereof they gave the King to understand what had passed in his Realm. There was a good order and settled policy for the Revenues of the Crown, for there were Officers divided throughout all the Provinces, as Receivers and Treasurers, which received the Tributes and Royal Revenues. And they carried the Tribute to the Court, at the least every month; which Tribute was of all things that do grow or engender on the Land, or in the water, aswell of jewels and Apparel, as of Meat. They were very careful for the well ordering of that which concerned their Religion, Superstition, and Idolatries: and for this occasion there were a great number of Ministers, to whom charge was given to teach the people the custom and ceremonies of their Law. Priests and Teachers of the Law. Hereupon one day a christian Priest made his complaint that the Indians were no good Christians, and did not profit in the Law of God; an old Indian answered him very well to the purpose, in these terms: Let the Priest (said he) employ as much care and diligence to make the Indians Christians, as the Ministers of Idols did to teach them their ceremonies; for with half that care they will make us the best Christians in the world, for that the Law of jesus Christ is much better; but the Indians learn it not, for want of men to instruct them. Wherein he spoke the very truth, to our great shame and confusion. THe Mexicans gave the first place of honour to the profession of Arms, How the Mexicans made war, and of the Orders of knighthood. Chap. 26. and therefore the Noblemen are their chief Soldiers, and others that were not noble, by their valour and reputation gotten in wars, came to Dignities and Honours, so as they were held for Noblemen. They gave goodly recompenses to such as had done valiantly, who enjoyed privileges that none else might have, the which did much encourage them. Their Arms were of Razors of sharp cutting flints, which they set on either side of a staff, which was so furious a weapon, as they affirmed that with one blow, they would cut off the neck of a Horse. Their Arms. They had strange and heavy Clubs, Lances, fashioned like Pikes, and other manner of Darts to cast, wherein they were very expert; but the greatest part of their combat was performed with stones. For defensive arms they had little Rondaches or Targets, and some kind of Morions or Headpieces environed with feathers. They were clad in the skins of Tigers, Lions, and other savage beasts. They came presently to hands with the Enemy, and were greatly practised to run and wrestle, for their chief manner of combat, was not so much to kill, as to take Captives, the which they used in their sacrifices, as hath been said. Moteçuma set Knighthood in his highest splendour, ordaining certain military orders, as Commanders, with certain marks and ensigns. The most honourable amongst the Knights, were those that carried the crown of their hair tied with a little red Ribbon, having a rich plume of feathers, from the which, Eagle-order. did hang branches of feathers upon their shoulders, and rolls of the same. They carried so many of these rolls, as they had done worthy deeds in war. The King himself was of this order, as may be seen in Chapultepec, where Moteçuma and his sons were attired with those kinds of feathers, cut in the Rock, the which is worthy the sight. There was another order of Knighthood, which they called the Lions and the Tigers, the which were commonly the most valiant and most noted in war, they went always with their Marks and Armouries. There were other Knights, Order of Lions and Tigers. Grey Knights. as the Grey Knights, the which were not so much respected as the rest: they had their hair cut round about the ear. They went to the war with marks like to the other Knights, yet they were not armed, but to the girdle, and the most honourable were armed all over. All Knights might carry gold and silver, and wear rich Cotton, use painted and gilt vessel, and carry shoes after their manner: but the common people might use none but earthen vessel, Knight's pri●●lidges. neither might they carry shoes, nor attire themselves but in Nequen, the which is a gross stuff. Every order of these Knights had his lodging in the Palace noted with their marks; the first was called the Prince's lodging, the second of Eagles, the third of Lions and Tigers, and the fourth of the grey Knights. The other common officers, were lodged underneath in meaner lodgingss: if any one lodged out of his place, he suffered death. THere is nothing that gives me more cause to admire, nor that I find more worthy of commendations and memory, Of the great order and diligence the Mexicans used to instruct their youth. Chap. 27. than the order and care the Mexicans had to nourish their youth: for they knew well, that all the good hope of a Commonweal, consisted in the nurture and institution of youth, whereof Plato treats amply in his books De Legibus: and for this reason they laboured and took pains to sequester their children from delights and liberties (which are the two plagues of this age) employing them in honest and profitable exercises. For this cause there was in their Temples, See the picture story. Colleges. a private house for children, as Schools, or Colleges, which was separate from that of the young men and maids of the Temple, whereof we have discoursed as large. There were in these Schools a great number of children, whom their fathers did willingly bring thither, and which had teachers and masters to instruct them in all commendable exercises, to be of good behaviour, to respect their superiors, to serve and obey them, giving them to this end, certain precepts and instructions. And to the end they might be pleasing to Noblemen, they taught them to sing and dance, and did practise them in the exercise of war; some to shoot an Arrow, to cast a dart or a staff burnr at the end, and to handle well a Target and a Sword. They suffered them not to sleep much, to the end they might accustom themselves to labour in their youth, and not be men given to delights. Besides the ordinary number of these children, there were in the same Colleges, other children of Lords and Noblemen, the which were instructed more privately. They brought them their meat and ordinary from their houses, Their employments and trials. and were recommended to ancients and old men to have care over them, who continually did advise them to be virtuous and to live chastely; to be sober in their diet, to fast, and to march gravely, and with measure. They were accustomed to exercise them to travel, and in laborious exercises: and when they see them instructed in all these things, they did carefully look into their inclination: if they found any one addicted unto war, being of sufficient years, they sought all occasions to make trial of them, sending them to the war, under colour to carry victuals and munition to the Soldiers, to the end they might there see what passed, and the labour they suffered. And that they might abandon all fear, they were laden with heavy burdens, that showing their courage therein, they might more easily be admitted into the company of Soldiers. By this means it happened, that many went laden to the Army, and returned Captains with marks of honour. Some of them were so desirous to be noted, as they were either taken, or slain: and they held it less honourable to remain a prisoner. And therefore they sought rather to be cut in pieces, then to fall captives into their enemy's hands. See how Nobleman's children that were inclined to the wars were employed. The others that had their inclination to matters of the Temple; and to speak after our manner, to be Ecclesiastical men, having attained to sufficient years, they were drawn out of the college, and placed in the Temple, in the lodging appointed for religious men, and then they gave them the order of Ecclesiastical men. There had they Prelates and Masters, to teach them that which concerned their profession, where they should remain being destined thereunto. These Mexicans took great care to bring up their children: if at this day they would follow this order, in building of houses & colleges for the instruction of youth, The bane of Plantations is expectation of present and external gain. without doubt Christianity should flourish much amongst the Indians. Some godly persons have begun, and the King with his Counsel have favoured it: but for that it is a matter of no profit, they advance little, and proceed coldly. We have not discovered any Nation at the Indians, that live in commonalties, which have not their recreations, Plays and dances. Military games. in plays, dances, and exercises of pleasure. At Peru I have seen plays in manner of combats, where the men of both sides were sometimes so chafed, that often their Paella (which was the name of this exercise) fell out dangerous. I have also seen diverse sorts of dances, wherein they did counterfeit and represent certain trades and offices, as shepherds, labourers, fishers, and hunters, and commonly they made all those dances, with a very grave sound and pale: there were other dances and masks, which they called Guacones, whose actions were pure representations of the devil. There were also men that dance on the shoulders one of another, Idol games Exo. 32. a thing usual to Heathens, as their Comedies, etc. manifest. Music. as they do in Portugal, the which they call Paellas. The greatest pars of these dances, were superstitions, and kinds of Idolatries: for that they honoured their Idols and Guacas in that manner. For this reason the Prelates have laboured to take from them these dances, all they could: but yet they suffer them, for that part of them are but sports of recreation: for always they dance after their manner. In these dances, they use sundry sorts of instruments, whereof, some are like Flutes, or little Canons, others like Drums, and others like Cornets: but commonly they sing all with the voice, and first one or two sing the song, than all the rest answer them. Some of these songs were very wittily composed, containing Histories, and others were full of superstitions, and some were mere follies. Our men that have conversed among them, have laboured to reduce matters of our holy faith to their tunes, the which hath profited well: for that they employ whole days to rehearse and sing them, for the great pleasure and content they take in their tunes. They have likewise put our compositions of Music into their Language, as Octaves, Songs, and Rondels, the which they have very aptly turned, and in truth it is a goodly and very necessary means to instruct the people. In Peru, they commonly call Dances Tagui, in other Provinces, Areittos, and in Mexico, Mittottes. There hath not been in any other place, any such curiosity of Plays and Dances, as in New Spain, where at this day we see Indians so excellent Dancers, as it is admirable. Some dance upon a Cord, some upon a long and straight stake, in a thousand sundry sorts; others with the soles of their feet and their hams, do handle, Curious Dancers. cast up and receive again a very heavy block, which seems incredible but in seeing it. They do make many other shows of their great agility, in leaping, vaulting, and tumbling, sometimes bearing a great and heavy burden, sometimes enduring blows able to break a bar of Iron. But the most usual exercise of recreation among the Mexicans is the solemn Mittotte, Great agility. and that is a kind of dance they held so brave and so honourable, that the King himself danced, but not ordinarily, as the King Don Pedro of Arragon with the Barber of Valencia. This Dance or Mittotte, was commonly made in the Courts of the Temple, and in those of the King's houses, which were more spacious. They did place in the midst of the Court two Instruments, one like to a Drum, and the other like a Barrel made of one piece, and hollow within, which they set upon the form of a man, a beast, or upon a Pillar. These two Instruments were so well accorded together, that they made a good harmony and with these Instruments they made many kinds of Airs and Songs. They did all sing and dance to the sound and measure of these Instruments, with so goodly an order and accord, both of their feet and voices, as it was a pleasant thing to behold. In these Dances they made two Circles or Wheels, the one was in the midst near to the Instruments, wherein the Ancients and Noblemen did sing and dance with a soft and slow motion; and the other was of the rest of the people round about them, but a good distance from the first, wherein they danced two and two more lightly, making diverse kinds of paces, with certain leaps to the measure. All which together made a very great Circle. They attired themselves for these Dances with their most precious apparel and jewels, every one according to his ability, holding it for a very honourable thing: for this cause they learned these Dances from their infancy. And although the greatest part of them were done in honour of their Idols, yet was it not so instituted, as hath been said, hut only as a recreation and pastime for the people. Therefore it is not convenient to take them quite from the Indians, but they must take good heed they mingle not their superstitions amongst them. I have seen this Mittotte, in the Court of the Church of Topetzotlan, a Village seven leagues from Mexico: and in my opinion, it was a good thing to busy the Indians upon Festival days, seeing they have need of some recreation: and because it is public, and without the prejudice of any other, there is less inconvenience, then in others which may be done privately by themselves, if they took away these. To the Reader. REader, I here present unto thee the choicest of my jewels. My travelling fancis hath invited many Readers to many my labours in strange births already. Q●ae regio in terris nostri non plena laboris? japonian and China rarities so remote from our world, are near to our work, and their characters communicated here to the Reader; not their arts alone. Thou hast here also Indostan, Arabike, Persian, Turkish, add other Letters, and not only the transcript from their languages. As for translations and collections, thou hast them here also out of the Hebrew, Ancient and Modern Greek, Abassine, Tartarian, Russian, Polonian, Egyptian, and innumerable other Nations Christian, jewish, Mahometan, Ethnic, Civil, Barbarian and Savage, innumerable ways diversified. Yet all these in letters, or characters. In hieroglyphical mystical pictures the ancient Egyptians and Ethiopians, have by way of Emblems obscurely and darkly delivered their obscure mysteries, uncertain, waxenly, pliant conceits to the world; some of which our Pilgrimage hath mentioned. But a History, yea a Politic, Ethic, ecclesiastic, Oeconomike History, with just distinctions of times, places, acts and arts, we have neither seen of theirs, nor of any other Nation, but of this, which our light and slight apprehensions term not barbarous alone, but wild and savage. Such an one we here present, a present thought fit for him whom the senders esteemed the greatest of Princes, and yet now presented to thy hands before it could arrive in his presence. For the Spanish Governor having with some difficulty (as the Spanish Preface imports) obtained the Book of the Indians, with Mexican interpretations of the Pictures (but ten days before the departure of the Ships) committed the same to one skilful in the Mexican language to be interpreted; who in a very plain stile and verbatim performed the same, using also some Morisco words, as Al●aqui and Mezquitas (for Priest and Temples) import. This History thus written, sent to Charles the fifth Emperor, was together with the Ship that carried it taken by F●enchmen of war, from whom Andrew Thevet the French Kings Geographer, obtained the same: after whose death, Master Hakluyt (than Chaplain to the English Ambassador in France) bought the same for 20. French crowns, and procured Master Michael Lock in Sir Walter Raleighs name to translate it. It seems that none were willing to be at the cost of cutting the Pictures, and so it remained amongst his papers till his death, whereby (according to his last will in that kind) I became possessor thereof, and have obtained with much earnestness the cutting thereof for the Press. The rather was I eagerly vehement herein, as being a thing desired by that most industrious Antiquary, judicious Scholar, Religious Gentleman, Sir. Hen. Spelman. our ecclesiastic Secular, the Church's champion, Sir Henry Spelman, Knight; whom for honour's sake I name, that his name may honour our ruder lines; a name so fitting to the Man, as one which ●an, in regard of his wise spell and science in divine & humane learning, and is ready, with main courage and alacrity to show himself the Church's Man, and to exhibit himself in deed whatsoever any man can spell, out of Spel-man. The commending from such a friend (let the Muses impetrate pardon for so bold a name) was a commanding unto me, which here I again commend to Him and thee. It is divided into three parts; the first being the Annals and Mexican Chronicle: the second, their Exchequer or the Accounts of their several Tributes paid them from the Nations and people's tributary, whereby may be seen the Natural riches of those parts peculiarly sorted: the third the Mexican Oeconomie and Policy in war and peace, religious and secular, their private and public rites from the grave of the womb, to the womb of the grave. Obscure places I have explained (besides what before in Acosta thou hast read) comparing the translation with the original, adding many of mine own: and perhaps there is not any one History of this kind in the world comparable to this, so fully expressing so much without Letters; hardly gotten, and easily lost, that thou mayst here find it. CHAP. VII. The History of the Mexican Nation, described in pictures by the Mexican Author explained in the Mexican language; which exposition translated into Spanish, and thence into English, together with the said Picture-historie, are here presented. §. I. The Mexican Chronicle. HEre beginneth the History and foundation of the City of Mexico, founded and inhabited by the Mexicans, who at that time were called Meçiti; whose original beginning of being Lords, and their acts and lives are declared briefly in this History, according as it is signified and set out successively by the pictures and paintings following. In the year 1324. after the coming of our Lord and Saviour jesus Christ, the Mexican people first arrived at the place of the City of Mexico, and because they liked well the greatness and the situation of that place, after that they had travailed in their journeys, and wandered many years from Country to Country, & in some of them had made their abode, for some years, being come from far Countries in following their journeys, and not being contented with the other places where they had made their abode, they came and settled themselves in the place of Mexico. The which place at that time was all drowned with water, and was covered with great bogs and banks of moorish shegs and bulrushes, which they call Tuli, and it had Carrizales, and great plaits of dry ground covered with shrubs, bushes, and briers like woods. And through all the space of that place there went a spring & stream of fair clear water which was free from all sedges and bushes, which water stream went through it crosswise, in manner of Saint Andrew's cross, as it is showed in the picture: and about the middle of that place of that water-streame, the Meçiti found a great rock of stone, and growing thereon a great Tree or bush called Tunal, wherein a great Eagle Candal had her haunt and abode for her food, so as all about that place was scattered full of bones and feathers of diverse Birds and Fowls of diverse colours. And they having gone throughout all that place and Country thereabout, and finding it very fruitful and full of wild beasts, wild Foules, Birds, and Fishes, and things of the water, wherewith to sustain themselves and to profit themselves in their business in dealing with the Towns thereabouts, and finding the watercourses of that place so commodious, and that their Neighbours could not trouble nor hurt them, and for other things and causes to their good liking they determined to pass no further on their journeys in travelling, but to settle themselves and dwell still. And according to their determination, they did settle themselves there effectually. And made themselves a strong City of defence with banks and walls about the waters, and on the plaits of ground among the ●egges and Bushes of Tulis and Carrizales. And for a beginning of that their seat and habitation, it was determined by them, to give name and title to that place, call it Tenultitlan. By reason and cause of the Tunal growing out of the Rock (for Tenuchtitlan interpreted in our Castilian Spanish Tongue is Tunal growing upon a Rock.) The army of the Mexican people had with them for chief Governors ten persons named, Ocelopan, Quapan, Acacitli, Ahuexolt, Te●uch, T●cincuh, 〈◊〉, Xocoyol, Xuihcaqui, Atototl, as it is showed in the Pictures. And having so settled themselves, they did choose Tenuch for their chief Governor and Lord to govern them, as a person especially chosen thereto and fit for it, having in him all parts and ability to exercise Lordship. And they appointed the other chief Governors, that they should be Agents and Captains, Governors under him. And after some years were passed of their dwelling in that place, and the people multiplied, the City likewise was named Mexico, so named and derived of the Mexicans, calling it the place of settling of the Mexican people. And when the people were some what multiplied like bold and warlike people, they took beginning of courageous minds in prevailing over their Neighbours, and so showed themselves in force of arms, whereby they subdued and made tributary to them two Towns next adjoining to Mexico, named Colhuacan, and Tenaincan; as likewise is set forth in the pictures: Tenuchtitian. Mexican Lords Tenuch chosen chief Lord. Mexico. Colhuacan and Tenayncan subdued. the which doings passed in the time of the government of the chief Lord Tenuch, which was the space of fifty one years, at the end whereof he died. Concerning the Pictures of blue in the margins of this History, it is to be understood that every several space or partition doth signify one year, and they be the numbering of years: it is to be understood that every several space or partition signify the one several year, and so they accounted & numbered every year severally, proceeding by the number of rundles or pricks therein contained, beginning at one, and proceeding to thirteen rundles. And from thence they began again at the beginning in their account from one point or rundle, and so accordingly they did proceed in numbering again, till they came to thirteen. And although that in the partitions or spaces severally there be diverse several figures, yet the principal account of numbering is that account of the pictures or rundles therein contained. And although the names of the years that they give to every partition from the number of the first point till the thirteenth be to some purpose▪ yet for to advertise the Reader thereof; here is made by itself a declaration of the names, with their interpretations. In the order and rule of the partitions which are numbered for years, that partition where there is a branch with a foot like a flower, it doth signify a bitter and unfortunate year which the Mexicans had, and did fear, saying that their predecessors time out of mind did give them warning that such years which befell every two and fiftieth year were dangerous, and unfortunate, and bitter years, because that in such years there were floods generally, and likewise darkness of the eclipse of the Sun, and universal earthquakes. And likewise in such years they made great sacrifice and ceremonies to their gods, and gave themselves to repentance, and did abstain from all vices against the very day and hour of such a year. In the which day generally they put out all their lights and fires till that day were passed; and being passed they kindled new lights being had out of a Mountain by a Priest. This is a week of years after the Mexican computation (all coloured blue, the Mexican names written over in red) the first of which they call Setuchtli, that is, one Conie: the second Omeacalt, or two Canes: the third Yeytecpatl, three Flints: the fourth Macuilituchtli, which signifieth four houses: the fifth Criquacenacatl, that is five Coneys: the sixth, six Canes: the seventh, seven Flints: the eight, eight Houses: the ninth, nine Coneys: the tenth, ten Canes: the eleventh, eleven Flints: the twelfth, twelve Houses: the thirteenth, thirteen Coneys. A B C D E F G H I K L M N O P Q R S T This Picture presents the number of 51. years: that is, the time of Tenuchs' reign: in this wheel or square (which, as all the like representing years are in the original picture coloured blue) The pictures of men signify the ten Lords or Governors before mentioned; their names are inscribed in the original pictures, which here we ●aue by the letters annexed directly to a following gloss. A. Acacitli. B Quapan. C Ocelopan. D Aguexo●l. E T●cineuh. F Tenuch. G Xominitl. H Xocoyol. I Xu●caqui. K Atotl. L Tenochtitlan, representing the arms which they used in the conquest of that place, which they so entitled is M the Tunal (painted green) growing out of a Rock. N the Eagle. O their settling or habitation. P the people of Colhuacan Q Tenayncan: both which Nations R Tenuch conquered by force of ●rmes, as appeareth S their subjection or bringing under. T is the blue square and Saint Andrew's cross. The former relation doth more fully lay open these things. A B C D G H I E F In this figure is represented the reign of their second Lord or King Acamapich. A is the time of his reign 21. years. B Acamapichtli the successor. C His target and arrows instruments of war, by force whereof he subdued these four towns or peoples figured D Quaunahuac. G Mizquic. H Caitlahuac. I Xochimilco. E is the same Acamapichtli as a conqueror. F by four faces and ensigns showing the men of those four Towns (to each of which is added like ensign) subdued. This picture therefore doth in figures signify, that which we in letters thus; IN the year 1377. in the said Government and Lordship succeeded Acamapichtli. And during his Lordship he subdued and conquered by force of arms the four Towns contained and named in the pictures here before, which are these: Quauhnahnac, Misquic, Cuitla●aac, and Xochimilco, the which were tributaries to him, acknowledging their subjection. In the years that the said Acamapich lived in the said Lordship: his inclination and use was to have many wives, the which were daughters of all the principal men of Mexico, by whom he had many sons which were the beginning and increase of many Caciques, and Captains, and warlike people, by means of whom the City of Mexico was enlarged and augmented in great might, as is signified hereafter in the discourses by the pictures, with their declarations. The two pictures with their titles & names of Acamapich be one same thing to diverse effects, for the first showeth his beginning and succession of the said Lordship, and the second showeth the year after his succession in the said Lordship, when he began to conquer and subdue the said four Towns. And in the said Lordship he had his course one and twenty years, at the end whereof the said Acamapich died and departed this present life, the which said departure was in the year 1398. A B C D H I K L M E G F A 21. years. B Town and People of Toltitlan. C Quauztitlan. D Chalco. H Tulancinco. I Xaltocan. K Otunpa. L Acolma. M Tezcuco. E The Cutter hath set letters to diverse figures whereof I can give no interpretation: and such is this, except perhaps it signifieth that in his seventh year he began his conquests. For I do here interpret diverse in which the Spanish is silent, if the conjecture seem easier. F is King Huiçilihuitl. G the instruments of war. IN the year 1396. in the said Lordship succeeded Huiçilihuitl son of Acamapich, and during the time of his reign in his Lordship, he conquered by force of arms eight Towns, which are contained in the pictures here before, with the names of the same Towns entitled, the which were made tributary to the Mexican Lordship acknowledging servitude. The said Huiçilihuitl was valiant in wars, and inclined to have many wives by whom he had many sons, wherewith the power of the Mexicans was augmented. The time of the Lordship and life of the said Huiçilihuitl therein was 21. years, at the end whereof he died and departed this present life, according as by the pictures of blue are numbered. A B C D E F G H I A ten years. B Chimalpupuca. C Target and Darts, to intimate his forcible conquest of D Tequixquiac and E Chalco. F showeth his death. G the Town of Chalco in rebellion. H the four Canoas' and I the five men abovesaid of Mexico, which the Rebels slew. You see this King and every other both King and Town distinguished by special Arms or Scutcheons, with other particulars, which here and in all the rest I leave to each Readers own industry and search. IN the year 1470. after the death of Huicilihuitl succeeded Chimalpupuca in the said Lordship of Mexico, son of the said Huicilihuitl, and during his time he subdued by force of arms the Towns of Tequixquiac, and Chalco, which Chalco is a great Town and acknowledging servitude: they paid tribute to the Lordship of Mexico, according as the pictures do show. And having the said Towns thus in subjection, at the end of certain years the said Town of Chalco, being mighty, rebelled against the Mexicans, and in the rebellion there grew danger to the Mexicans, insomuch that they slew five of them, and broke them four Canoas', according as here is signified by the pictures. The time of the life and Lordship of the said Chimalpupuca was ten years, at the end whereof he died, according as is numbered by the blue pictures in the margin. And likewise the said Chimalpupuca, in the time of his life had many wives and sons; for it was accounted a matter of reputation. A F B C D G H I K L M N O The explanation of the first Table A 13. years. Yzcoatci. F by force of Arms (signified by this Target and Darts) subdued the Towns and Territories of B Azcapucalco. C Coyvacan. D Teocalhucyacan. G Guagua●an. H Tlacopan. I Atlacuihuayan. K Mixcoac. L Quauximalpan. M Quauhtitlan. N Tupan. O Acolhuacan. IN the year 1427. in the said Dominion of Mexico, after the death of Chimalpopuca, succeeded Yzcoatçi, Son of Acamapich, which had been Lord of Mexico, and during his time he conquered by force of Arms four & twenty Towns which are here pictured, which Towns he made subject to the Lordship of Mexico, at one invasion which he made; for he was as valiant and warlike in Arms as the said Acamapich, and was a man of good judgement, and wise in many matters, and by his good industries he subdued the said Towns which gave him tribute, and did acknowledge servitude. The said Yzcoatçi had many Concubines, by whom he had seven Sons and Daughters and he reigned in the said Lordship thirteen years at the end whereof the said Yzcoatçi died and departed this present life. In the other Table (in the original being another Page) follow A Mizquic B Cuitlahuac. C Xochinuilcopu. D Chalco. E Quauhtlatoa the Lord of Tlatilulco; the Town also added. F Huicilapan. G Quauhnahuac. H Cuecalan. I Caqualpan. K Iztepec L Xiuhtepec. M Yoalan. N Tepequacnilco. A B C D E F G H I K L M N IN the year 1440. after the death of Yzcoatçi succeeded Gueguemoteçuma in the Lordship of Mexico, the Son of Guiçilihuitl which had been Lord of Mexico: and during his time, he conquered by force of Arms three and thirty Towns according as they are pictured in that compass where the Picture of Gueguemoteçuma standeth. And having subdued them to the said Lordship of Mexico, they paid him tribute, acknowledging their subjection. This Gueguemoteçuma was a very severe and grave Lord, and given to virtue, and was a man of a good nature and understanding, and an enemy to all evil vices: and being of a good inclination, set down Orders and Laws in his Commonwealth, and to all his Servants how they ought to live, and also ordained grievous penalties for the breach of them: which penalties were executed without any remission upon those that broke the Laws. He was not cruel, but rather gentle, and desirous of the welfare of his Subjects, not vicious in women; he had two Sons, he was very temperate in drinking, for in all his life time he was never seen to be drunk as the natural Indians which are extremely inclined to drunkenness, but rather he commanded him to be corrected and punished that committed such a fact. And by his severity and justice and good example of life, he was feared and reverenced of all his Subjects, all his life time, which was the space of nine and twenty years. At the end whereof he died, and passed out of this present life. A nine and twenty years. C Huehuemotecçuma. D by force of Arms subdued B Lord Atonal and his Town Coayxtlahuacan. E Mamalhuaztepec. F Tenanco. G Tetuchtepec. H Chiconquianhco. I Xiuhtepec. K Totolapan. L Chalco. M Quauhnahuac. N Atlatlanhca. O Huaxtepec. A C D B E F G H I K L M N O In the second Table. A Yauhtepec. B Tepuztlan. C Tepatzcince. D Yacapichtlan. E Yoaltepec. F Tlachco. G Tlalcocauhtitlan. H Tepequacuilco. I Quiyanteopan. K Chontalcoatlan. L. Hucipuchtlan. M Atotonilco. N Axocopan. O Tulan. P Xilotepec. Q Yzquincuitlapilco. R Atotonilco. S Tlapacoyan. T Chapolixitla. V Tlatlauhquitepec. X Cuetlaxtlan. Y Quanhtochco. A B C D E F G H I K L M N O P Q R S T V X Y IN the year 1479. after the death of Gueguemotezuma, succeeded in the Lordship of Mexico Axayacaci son of Teçoçomoetliquieto, which was the son of Yzcoalt Lord of Mexico. And during the time that the said Axayacaci was Lord, he conquered and won by force of arms seven and thirty Towns, as hereafter are pictured and named. Amongst which Towns he subdued under his Lordship by force of arms the Town of Tlatilulco, a thing of great importance. Moquihuix was Lord of Tlatilulco at that time, who being a mighty person of great strength and of a proud nature, See the story before in Acosta. began to give occasion of dissension and wars to the Lords of Mexico, having heretofore held them for friends: by occasion whereof he had great encounters and battles, wherein the said Moquihuix Lord of Tlatilulco died in throwing himself down from a Cuckoe (or a high Mezcita, or Temple) for he seeing himself so hard beset in the battle, being almost overcome, entered into a Mizcita to save himself, because he would not be taken prisoner. And an Alfaqui (or Priest) which was in the Mezquito, Tlatilulco subdued b●fore as Acosta saith the Mexicans were subject to them. or Temple, reproving him for it and imputing cowardice unto him, he threw himself down as aforesaid. At which time the Mexicans had the victory. And thenceforth the Town of Tlatilulco was subject to the Lord of Mexico, paying tribute and acknowledging subjection. Axayacaci was very valiant and warlike in arms, and was viciously given to women, having had many wives and sons: he was also proud and warlike, whereby all his subjects feared him extremely: he did maintain and hold for good all the Laws and Ordinances that his predecessor Gueguemotizuma had made, according as hath been mentioned in his History; and he continued the space of twelve years in the said Lordship of Mexico, at the end whereof he died and departed out of this present life. A B C A twelve years. B Axayacaci. C by armed force subdued these Towns following (not as before expressed in picture) Tlatilulco, Atlapulco, Xalatlanhio, Tlacotepec, Motopec, Capulnac, Ocoy●●ac, Quanhpanoayan, Xochiacan, Teotenanco, Caliymayan, Cinacantepec, Tulucan, Xiquipilco, Tenancinco, Tepeyacac, Tlaximaloyan, Oztoma, Xacotitlan, Ocuilan, Oztoticpac, Matlatlan, Cuezcomatlyacac, Tecalco, Cuetlaxtlan, Puxcauhtlan, Alcuilizapan, Tlaolan, Mixtlan, Cuecaloztoc, Tetzapotitlan, Miquizetlan, Tamuoc, Taupatel, Tuchpan, Tenexticpac, Quauhtlan. IN the year 1482. after the end and death of Axayacaci, succeeded in the Lordship of Mexico, Tiçoçicatzi, Ticocicatzi. son of the said Axayacaci, and during the time of his reign he conquered and got by force of arms fourteen Towns. The said Tiçoçicatzi was very valiant and warlike in arms, Title Tlacatecatl that is, Great Captain. and before that he succeeded in the Lordship of Mexico, he had done dangerous feats of valiantness in his own person in the wars, whereby he obtained the title of Tlacatecatl, which they esteemed for a Title of great honour and estate: and it was a degree whereby that the Lordship of Mexico being vacant, he which had the same degree and title succeeded in the place of the same Dominion of Mexico, which title in like manner his Predecessors, Brothers, and Father, and Grandfather had, whereby they came to be Lords of Mexico. Also the said Ticocicatzi by the estate and authority of the said Lordship of Mexico, had many Wives and Sons which he had by them, and he was a grave and severe man in commanding and was feared and reverenced of his Subjects, he was likewise inclined to good and virtuous things, and was good for his Commonwealth. He commanded the Laws and Statutes to be kept and approved for good, that his Predecessors had amplified and kept since the time of Gueguemotezuma. And he was zealous in punishing and chastening the evil vices and offence, that his Subjects committed. And so the Mexican Commonwealth was well ordered and governed the time of his life, which was the space of five years, at the end whereof he died and departed this present life. A B C A Five years. B Ticocicatzi C by arms subdued these Towns, Tonahymoquezayan, Toxico, Ecatepec, Zilan, Tecaxic, Tuluca, Yancuitlan, Tlapan, Atezcahuacan, Mazatlan, Xochiyetla, Tamapachco, Ecatlyquapochco, Miquetlan. IN the year 1486. after the death of Tizizocatzi, succeeded Ahuizozin, brother to his Predecessor Tizozicatzi, in the Signory of Mexico. And during the time of his Lordship, he conquered by force of arms five and forty Towns, according as hereafter are pictured and named. The said Ahuizozin was like to his Predecessor and Brother Tizizocatzi in valiantness and feats of war, whereby he got the title of Tlacatecatl, which signifieth a great Captain, and from the same title he came to be Lord of Mexico. The said Ahuizozin was by nature of a good inclination, and given to all virtue, and likewise in the course of his life he had his Commonwealth ruled and governed well, and he fulfilled and kept the Laws and Statutes that his Predecessors had maintained since the time of Gueguemotezuma. And as the state of the Lordship of Mexico was brought to great Majesty, and had the greatest part of this New Spain subject, acknowledging their service, and by the great and rich tributes which they gave the said Mexican Lordship, came to much renown and mightiness. And he like a mighty and great minded Prince, gave great things and preferments to his servants, and he was temperate of condition and merciful, whereby his servants loved him exceedingly, and yielded him great reverence. And likewise he had many wives, and children by them, because it was a thing adjoined to the Lordship, and a point of great estate. He was of a merry condition, whereby his servants did feast him continually in his life time with great and diverse kinds of feasts, and music, and songs, and instruments, as well in the night as in the day: for in his place the Musicians and Singers never ceased with many Instruments of music. The course of his life in that Signiory was sixteen years, at the end whereof he died and passed out of this present life. A B C A sixteen years. B Ahuizozin. C conquered by arms the towns following, Tziccoac, Tlappan, Molanco, Amaxtlan, Zapotlan, Xaltepec, Chiapan, Tototepec, Xochtlan, Xolochiuhylan, Cozaquan●tenanco, Coçohuipilecan, Coy●acac, Acatepec, Huexolotlan, Acapulco, Xiu●huacan, Apancalecan, Tecpatepec, Tepechiapco, Xicochimalco, Xiuhteczacatlan, Tequantepec, Coyolapan, Yztactlalocan, Teocuitlatlan, Huehaetlan, Quanhxayacatitlan, Yzhuatlan, Comitlan, Nan●zintlan, Huipilan, Cahualan, Ystatlan, Huiztlan, Xolotlan, Quanhnacaztlan▪ Macatlan, Ayanhtochivitlatla, Quanhtlan, Cu●calcuitlapila, Mapachtep●c, Quauhpilolan, Tlaco●●pec, Mizquitlan. IN the year 1502. after the end and death of Ahuiçoçin, succeeded in the Lordship of Mexico, Motezuma. Motezuma. Mexico was now grown into great Majesty, Renown, and Authority: and he by his gravity and severity enlarged exceedingly the State and Dominion of Mexico, yea a great deal more than his Predecessors. Motexzeuma was the son of Axayaçaçi, which had been Lord of Mexico, and before he came to the said Lordship he had the deserts of a worthy Captain and a valiant man in wars, whereby he had the title of Tlacatecatl, and so he succeeded in the Lordship of Mexico, as is before rehearsed, and being in the said Lordship he did greatly increase the Mexican Empire, bearing the rule over all the Towns in this New Spain, His weal and greatness. insomuch that they gave and paid him great tributes of much riches and val●e: He was feared very much of all his servants, and likewise of his Captains and Principals, insomuch that not one when they had any business with him, for the great reverence they had him i●, Majesty. durst for fear look him in the face, but that they held down their eyes and their head low and inclined to the ground, and many other extraordinary respects and ceremonies they did unto him for the Majesty he represented unto them, not mentioned here for avoiding of tediousness. After M●t●zuma had succeeded in the said Lordship, he conquered four and forty Towns hereafter named; Conquests. and he subdued them under his Lordship and Empire, and in their acknowledging of servitude all the continuance of his life, they paid him many and great tributes, as hereafter by their pictures and declarations is made manifest. Wisdom and learning. Moteçuma was by nature wise, and an ginger, and a Philosopher, subtle and skilled generally in all arts, aswell of wars as all other matters temporal. And for his gravity and estate he had of his Lordship the beginning of an Empire, according as his servants did reverence him with great honour and power, that in comparison of him, not one of his predecessors came to half so much estate and Majesty. Laws. The Statutes and Laws of his Predecessors, since the time of Gueguemoteçuma until his time, he commanded to be kept and wholly fulfilled with great zeal. And because he was a man so wise, by his good nature he ordained and made other Statutes and Laws which he thought defective for the execution of the former, not abrogating any, all which were for the welfare and good government of his Commonwealth and Subjects. He was inclined to keep many houses and women, Many women, some wives, some Concubines. which were daughters of the Lords his Subjects and Confederates; and by them he had many children; and to have so many wives was for to set forth his Majesty the more, for they hold it for a point of great estate. Among which the daughters of the Lords of great authority he held for lawful wives, according to their rights and ceremonies, and them he kept within his Palaces and dwelling houses; and the children that came of them were had in reputation as more lawful children than the others which he had by the other women. See before in Acosta, and after in Gom●ra mor● large relations of Mutezuma, in a wild kind of state and majesty, equalling in many things, in some exceeding most Princes of the elder world. First notice of the Spaniards. It were a large history to tell the order he had in keeping of them, and conversation with them. And because this present history is but brief, it is left unrehearsed. The quantity, value, and number of the tributes and kinds of things that his subjects did pay for tribute unto him, shall be seen and understood hereafter, as by the pictures and declarations is signified. And he made a strait order that the tributes which they paid him, should be fulfilled according as they were levied by him; for the fulfilling whereof he had in all his subject-townes his Calpixques and Factors, which were as Governors, that ruled, commanded, and governed them; and he was so much feared that none durst disobey nor transgress his will and commandment, but that they were kept and wholly fulfilled, because he punished and corrected the rebels without remission. And in the sixteenth year of the reign of Motezuma, the Mexicans had knowledge of certain Spaniards, which were discoverers of this New Spain, that at the end of twelve months there should come a fleet of Spaniard● to overcome and conquer this Country; and the Mexicans kept account thereof, and they found it to be true, for at the end of the said twelve months was the arrival of the said fleet at a Haven of this New Spain, in the which fleet came Don Ferdinando Cortes, Marques del Valle, which was the seventeenth year of the reign of Motezuma; and in the eighteenth year he made an end of the continuance of his Lordship and Reign: in the which year he died and departed this present life. At the time when Motezuma came to his government, he was five and thirty years old little more or less, Mutezumas death. so that at his decease he was three and fifty years of age. And straightway in the year after his death, this City of Mexico, and other Towns adjoining, were overcome and pacified by the said Marquis del Valle, and his Confederates. And so this New Spain was conquered and pacified. A The number of 19 years (18. years of his reign, and that other which followed in his Successor, wherein Mexico was conquered, as you may see in the next chapter) B the fourth year of his reign in which he began his conquest. C Motezuma. D the instruments of war by which he conquered Ach●otlan, Zozolan, Nochiztlan, Tecutepec, Zulan, Tlaniztlan, Huilotepec, Yepatepoc, Yztactlalocan, Chich●●ualtatacala, Tecaxic, Tlachinolticpac, Xoconochco, Zi●acantlan, Huiztlan, Piaztlan, Molanco, Zaquantepec, Piptyoltepec, Hucyapan, Tecpatlan, Amatlan, Caltepec, Pantepec, Teoazinco, Tecozauhtla, Teochiapan, Zacatepec, Tlachquiyanhco, Malinaltep●c, Quimichtepec, Yzquintepec, Zenzontepec, Quetzaltepec, Cuezcomayxtlahuacan, Huexolotlan, Xalapan, Xaltianhnizco, Yoloxonecuila, Atepec, Mictlan, Yztitlan, Tliltepec, Comalt●pec. A B C D These towns were governed by the Casiques & Principals of Mexico, appointed by the Lords of Mexico, for the good defence and government of the natural people, and for the security of the Towns, that they should not rebel, as also for the charge they had to gather, and command to be gathered the Rents and Tributes, that they were bound to give and pay to the Dominion of Mexico. Citlal●epec, Quanhtochco, Mixcoatl, Tlacatectli a Governor, Zo●pan●●, X●ltocan, Tlacatectli a Governor, Acalhuacon, Tlacochtectli a Governor, Huaxac, Yzteyocan, Coatitlan, Huixachtitlan, Tlacatectl● a Governor, Tlacochtectli a Governor, Zozolan, Poetepec, Coatlayancham, Acolnahuas, Puputlan, Yztacolco, Chalcoatenco, Tlacochtectly a Governor, Tlacatecatl a Governor, Oztoma, Atzacan, Atlan, Omequuh, Tezcacoacatl a Governor, Tlilancalqui a Governor, Xoconochco, Tecapotitlan. §. II. The second part of this Book containing the particular Tributes which every Town subdued paid unto the Lords of Mexico. HEre follow pictured and entitled the kinds of things, that they of Tlatilulco (which at this day is called by the Spaniards, Saint james) did pay in tribute to the Lords of Mexico, and the said tribute summed here, is that which followeth. They were charged for tribute, always to repair the Church called Huiznahuac. Item, forty great Baskets (of the bigness of half a Bushel) of Cacao ground, with the Meal of Maiz (which they called Chianpinoli) and every Basket had sixteen hundred Almonds of Cacao. Item, other forty Baskets of Chianpinoli. Item, eight hundred burdens of great Mantles. Item, eighty pieces of Armour, of slight Feathers, and as many Targets of the same Feathers, of the devices & colours as they are pictured. All the which tribute, except the said arms and targets they gave every 24. days, and the said arms and targets they gave for tribute but once in the whole year. The said tribute had his beginning since the time of Qua●htlatoa and Moquihuix, which were Lords of Tlatilulco. The Lords of Mexico, which first enjoined to those of Tlatilulco, to pay tribute, and to acknowledge their subjection, were Yzcoatçi and Axiacaçi. A the Temple of Huiznahuac. B 20. baskets of Cacao meal (the Ear and Meal figured) C 20. more of the same. C 20. D 20. E 20. baskets of Chiaupinoli. F 40. pieces of Arms of this device. G 40. of this device (like the former, but that is white with black streaks, this yellow) H I are each 400. burdens (the ●are signed 400.) of Mantles. K These four like unto flowers do signify four days, every flower 20. days, as they of Tlatilulco did tribute the things pictured and entitled by taxation of the Lords of Mexico. I. 40, Targets of this device (to express the difference of colours in each particular were too tedious.) N Tlatilulco. The names of Quauhtlatoa and Moquihuix Lords of Tlatilulco are added, because in their times it began; as also of Tenuxtitlan, Izcoaci and Apayacan to intimate that these two Lords of Mexico or Tenuxtitlan subdued them. The Pictures of them (as of many Towns before) were omitted: being but such descriptions of men and Towns as you have seen already. THe Towns pictured in the two Pieces following, and summed here be twenty three Towns as appeareth by their Titles, and they had a chief Governor appointed by the Lords of Mexico, called Petlacalcatl, although nevertheless, every Town had his Calpixque, which is at it were a Steward or Bailiff, whose charge was to gather the Rents & tributes that the said Towns did tribute to the Dominion of Mexico, and all the said Stewards came to the said Petlacalcatl as their Governor, and the things and kinds that the said towns did tribute, are these which follow, 2400. burdens of great Mantles of twisted Yarn. Eight hundred burdens of little Mantles, rich attire, of the colours as they are pictured. Four hundred burdens of Maxtlac, which served for little clothes. Four hundred burdens of Huipiles and Nagnas, all the which they gave for tribute every six months. Item, They gave five pieces of Armour, of rich Feathers, and as many Targets of the colours and devices as they are pictured. Item, They did tribute seventy pieces of Armour of Feathers of small account, and as many Targets of the colours and devices as they are pictured. Item, They tributed one Troxes of Frisoles, and another Troxe of Chian, and another Troxe of Mayz, and another of Gu●utli, which is the seed of Bletlos. All the which things of the said Armour and Targets, and Troxes of Frisoles, and the other seeds the said Towns did pay for tribute once every year. Petlacalcatl a Governor (the pictures of men and towns are here and in the following omitted, being no other than as you have already seen) The towns are Xaxalpan, Yopico, Tepetlacalco, Tecoloapan, Tepochpan, Tequemecan, Huiçilo Puchco, Colhuaçinco, Cozotlan, Tepepulan, Olac, Acapan, Cuitlahuac, Tezcacoa, Mezquis, Aochpanco, Tzapotitlan, Xico, Toyac, Tecalco, Tlacoxiuloco, Nextitlan. A 400. burdens of Maxtlac of this work, which be little clothes. B 400. burdens of Naguas, and Huipiles of this work. C 400. burdens of great Mantles. D 400. burdens of great Mantles. E 400. burdens of great Mantles. F 400. burdens of little Mantles, of this work each division of several colours. Red, Blue, Yellow, Greene. G 400. burdens of little Mantles of this work. H 400. burdens of great Mantles. I 400. burdens of great Mantles. K 400. burdens of great Mantles. L A piece of Armour of this device of rich Feathers yearly. M A Target of rich Feathers of this device. N A piece of Armour of this device of rich Feathers yearly. O A Target of rich Feathers of this device. P A piece of Armour of rich Feathers of this device yearly. Q A Target of rich Feathers of this device. R A piece of Armour of rich Feathers, of this device yearly. S A Target of rich Feathers of this device. A A piece of Armour of rich feathers of this device yearly. B A Target of rich feathers of this device. C 20. pieces of Armour of this device yearly they were of red feathers. D 20. Targets of feathers of this device. E 20. pieces of Armour of feathers of this device yearly. F 20. Targets of feathers. G 20. pieces of Armour of this device, blue, of light feathers yearly. H 20. Targets of feathers of this device. I A Troxe of Frisoles and Chiau, one of the one kind and, and another of the other kind. K A Tro●e of Maiz and another of Guautli, which is seed of Bletl●●. THese Towns pictured and named, ensuing and summed here, are six and twenty towns, wherein from the time of their conquests by the Lords of Mexico, they had set Calpixques, as it were Bailiffs in every of them, and in the principal Town a Governor bare rule above all the rest, because he should maintain them in peace and justice, and make them perform their tributes, and that they should not rebel. The tributes that all the said towns hereafter contained, did pay together, are these which follow. Two thousand burdens of great Mantles twisted. Item, 1200. burdens of Canahuac, which be rich Mantles, wherewith the Lords and Casiques were clothed of the colours as they are pictured. Item, 400. burdens of Maxtlactl, which be little clothes. Item, 400. burdens of Hui●piles and Naguas, all the which they paid for tribute twice a year. Item, they gave more tribute three pieces of Armour garnished with rich feathers, and as many Targets of the colours and devices as they are pictured, the which they gave in the space of one year. Item, one hundred pieces of Armour garnished with feathers of small value, and as many Targets of the devices and colours as they are hereafter pictured, the which they tributed once a year. Item, four great Troxes of wood, full, the one of Frisoles, and another of Chian, and another of Maiz, and another of Guantli, which is the seed of Blethos. Every Troxe might contain four or five thousand Hanegas, the which they tributed once a year. Acolmecalt. Calipixque. Acolhuacan, Huiçi●●●, Tololçinco, Tlachyahnalco, Tepechpa, Aztaquemeca, Teacalco, Tonanitla, Zenpoalan, Tepetla●z●oc, Achnatepec, Tiçatep, Co●tlan, Yxquenecan, Matixco, Teneazcalapan, Tyzaincan, Tepetlapan, Caliahualco, Tecoyncan, Tlaquilpan, Quauhque●ecan, Epaçuincan, Ameyalco, Quauhyocan, Ecatepec. A 400. burdens of Mantles of this colour (red) and work (edged Blue, Greene, Red, and Yellow) B 400. bundles ●f Mantles of this work (Black and White) C Twenty pieces of Arms of rich feathers of this work. A Following two Troxes of Frisoles and Chi●n. B two Troxes, the one of Maiz, the other of Hua●●li (their corn.) The rest are omitted in Picture, being resembled as the former, and for the History you have it before. THe towns pictured and named, and numbered here are sixteen towns, the which towns did pay for tribute to the Lords of Mexico, the things pictured and entitled. And because they should be well ruled and governed, the Lords of Mexico had set Calpixques in every town, and above all them for Governor, a principal man of Mexico; the Calpixques also were men of Mexico: which was done by the said Lords for the security of the towns, that they should not rebel, and also because they should minister justice, and live in policy. And the said Tributes that the said towns gave as appeareth by the said Pictures, and summed here, are those which follow. First, they did tribute twelve hundred burdens of great Mantles of twisted Yarn. Item, Eight hundred burdens of small white Mantles, of the apparel which they did wear. Item, Twelve hundred burdens of small white Mantles, richly wrought, which is apparel that the Lords and Casiques did wear. Item, Four hundred burdens of Maxilactle, which are small clothes that they wear. Item, Four hundred burdens of Huipiles and Naguas, which is apparel for women, all the which they tribute twice a year; so that they gave tribute every six months. Item, They did tribute eight pieces of Armour, and as many Targets garnished with rich feathers of diverse colours as they are pictured, the which they paid for tribute once a year. Item, Four great Troxes of wood, full of Maiz and Frisoles, and Chian, and Hua●tli, which is the seed of Blethos, every Troxe might contain 5000. Hanegas or Bushels, the which they did tribute once a year. Item, Eight Reams of Paper, of the Country, which they tributed twice a year; so that in all it was every year sixteen thousand sheets of Paper. Item, In every tribute 2000 Xicharas, or drinking Cups, which they gave twice a year. The Towns were Quauhnahuac, Teocalcinco, Chimalco, Huiccilapan, Acatlicpac, Xochitepec, Miacatla, Molotla, Coatlan, Xiuhtepec, Xoxoutla, Amacoztitlan, Yztlan, Ocpayucan, Yztepec, Atlicholoayan. A Eight thousand sheets of Paper, of the Country. B Four hundred Xicaras, or Cup-dishes of this work. C Four hundred of this work. D Four hundred of this work. E Four hundred of this work. F Four hundred of his work. The colours are Yellow and Red. The rest need no presenting in Picture, being but as formerly is seen. THe towns following, and numbered here are six and twenty, which did pay tribute of the things pictured and entitled to the Lords of Mexico, and likewise there was resident a Governor, and Mexican Calipixque, as in the other towns afore mentioned, which were ordained by the Lords of Mexico. And the tributes that they paid, appearing by the Pictures are these which follow. First, they did tribute 400. burdens of Maxilactle, which are little clothes. Item, 400. burdens of Naguas & Huipiles, apparell for women. Item, 2400. burdens of great Mantles, of twisted yarn. Item, 800. burdens of rich Mantles, that the Lords and Principals of Mexico were clothed with, of the colours as they are pictured. Item, 2000 Xicaras varnished, of the colours as they be pictured. Item, 8000. Reams of Paper of the Country, all the which they gave in every tribute, which was every six months. Item, They tributed 40. pieces of Armour, and as many Targets garnished with slight feathers died of diverse colours, as appeareth by the Pictures. Item, Six pieces of Armour, and as many Targets garnished with rich feathers of the devices and colours as they be pictured. Item, Four great Troxes of wood like those aforesaid, full of Maiz and Frisoles, and Chian, and Guautli, all the which they tributed once a year. The town's names are Huaxtepec, Xoxhimilcaçinco, Quauhtlan, Achuchuecp●n, Anenequilco, Oli●tepec, Quauhnitlyxco, Zoupanco, Hu●zilapan, Tlaltitcapan, Coacalco, Yzamatitla Tepoztlan, Yanhtepec, Yacappichtla, Tlayacapan, Xaloztoc, Tecpazino, Nepopoalco, Atlatlanca, T●tolapan, Amilzinco, Atlhuelic. ABCDE are each of them four hundred Xicaras or Cup-dishes. F Eight thousand sheets of Paper, the Pictures of the rest are omitted. THe Towns pictured and named here are seven, which paid tribute to the Lords of Mexico, as in the other parts aforesaid have been mentioned, and the things they tributed are these that follow. First, Four hundred burdens of Mantles of rich works; and four hundred burdens of plain Mantles, of the colour as they be pictured. Item, Four thousand Petates, which are Mats, and other four hundred backs with their seats made of Segs and other Herbs, the which they did tribute every six months. Item, Two pieces of Armour, and as many Targets garnished with rich Feathers of the devices and colours as they be pictured. Item, Forty pieces of Armour, and as many Targets, garnished with slight Feathers. Item, Four great Troxes of wood of the bigness of those aforesaid, full of Maiz, Frisoles, Chian and Guautly, which they gave for tribute once a year. The Towns are Quauhtitlan, Tehuiloyocan, Ahuexoyocan, Xalapan, Tepoxaco, C●●●c●mo huacan, Xiloçinco. A Four hundred burdens of Mantles of this work (coloured with Red, Yellow, etc.) B Four hundred burdens of Mantles of this work (Black and White.) C Four hundred burdens of this work (all White.) D Four thousand Mats & four thousand Backs: the number is intimated by the figures following, somewhat like ears of Corn, each of which signifieth four hundred. THe Towns pictured and named are ten, which did pay tribute to the Lords of Mexico, as afore said, and the things that they did tribute do follow. A Four hundred Pots of thick Honey of Magues: this is for the noue●● figure pictured, the rest not, being as the former in their form. THe number of the Towns ensuing, a●● seven, and they did tribute to the Lords of Mexico, after the order declared in the parts aforesaid; and the things which they did tribute are those which follow. First, Four hundred burdens of Mantles of rich works▪ which was apparel that the Lords and Caciques did put on. Item, Four hundred burdens of white Mantles, with their borders of white and black. Item, Eight hundred burdens of great Mantles of twisted Yarn. Item, Four hundred burdens of Chalk; all the which they did tribute every six months. Item, they did tribute two pieces of Armour garnished with rich Feathers, and two Targets, as appeareth by the devices and pictures. Item, Forty pieces of Armour, and as many Targets garnished with slight Feathers, as appeareth by the pictures, devices and titles. Item, Four great Troxes of wood, of the bigness of those before, the one full of Maiz, another of Frisoles, another of Clian, and another of Guantli; all of the which they did tribute once a year. The Towns are Atotonilco, Guapalcalco, Quecalmacan, Acocolco, Tehuchuec, Otlazpan, Xalac. A 400. burdens of Chalk or Lime: the mark on the top signifieth 400. the figure is the form of their burden. Other figures need not be presented. THe number of the Towns following, are nine, according as they be pictured and named. And they paid tribute as followeth. First, four hundred burdens of Mantles of rich works, which the Lords and Casiques did put on. Item, Four hundred burdens of white Mantles, with their edge of white and black. Item, eight hundred burdens of white Mantles of Enequen. Item, Four hundred Pots of thick Honey of Maguez. All the which they tributed every six months. Item, Two pieces of Armour, and as many Targets, garnished with rich Feathers, of the colours and devices as they be pictured & entitled. Item, threescore pieces of Armour, and as many Targets, garnished with slight Feathers, of the colours and devices as they be entitled and pictured. Item, Four great Troxes of wood, of the bigness aforesaid full, the one of Mays, and another of Frisoles, another of Chian, and another of Guautly. All the which they tributed once a year. The Towns are Hu●ypuchtla, Xalac, Tequix●●iac, 〈◊〉, Xical●●●can, X●m●yocan, Acayocan, Tezcatepetonco, Atocpan. A 400. Pots of Honey of Maguez, paid every six months. THe number of the Towns following be six: and they paid tribute as followeth. First, Eight hundred burdens of rich Mantles apparel that the Lords of Mexico did clothe themselves with, as appear in the said side by the pictures and titles. Item, One thousand six hundred burdens of white Mantles of Enequen; all the which they did tribute to the Lords of Mexico every six months. Item, Four pieces of Armour, and as many Targets, garnished with rich Feathers of the colours and devices as they are pictured and entitled. Item, Four great Troxes of wood, of the bigness of the other, full of Maiz, Frisoles, Chian, and Guautly. All the which they did tribute once a year. The Towns are Atoionilco, Acaxochitla, Xuachquecaloyan, Hueyapan, Itzihuinquilocan, Tulancingo. A Four hundred burdens of rich Mantles of this work. B Four hundred burdens of rich Mantles of this work. C Two troxes, one of Mays, the other of Chian. D Two troxes, the one of Frisoles, the other of Guantli Other pictures are omitted, being like the former. THe number of the Towns are seven: and they paid tribute as followeth. First, 400. burdens of very rich Naguas and Huipiles, which is apparel for women. Item, 400. burdens of rich Mantles, Lords apparel. Item, 400. burdens of Naguas wrought. Item, 800. burdens of rich Mantles. Item, 400. burdens of rich small Mantles. Item, 400. burdens of Mantles drawn through the middle with red: all the which they tributed every six months. Item, A living Eagle, two, three, or more, according as they could find them. Item, two pieces of Armour and two Targets, garnished with rich feathers, of the device and colour as they are pictured. Item, Four great Troxes of wood, full of Maiz, Frisoles, Chian, and Guautli: all the which they tributed once a year. The town's names are Xilotepec, Tlachco, Tzayanalquilpa, Mychnaloyan, Tepetitlan, Acaxochytla, Tecocauhtlan. A 400. burdens of very rich Naguas and Huipiles. B 400. burdens of rich Mantles of this work. C 400. burdens of Naguas of this work. D 400. burdens of rich Mantles of this work. E 400. burdens of rich Mantles of this work. F A live Eagle that they brought in every tribute, sometimes three, other times four, and other times more or less. THe number of the Towns following are thirteen. And they paid tribute as followeth. First, 800. burdens of rich small Mantles of this work, as they be pictured. Item, 800. burdens of small, of E●●quen: all the which they did tribute every six months. Item, A piece of Armour and a Target garnished with rich feathers. Item, Forty pieces of Armour and as many Targets garnished with slight feathers: the which Armour they tributed once a year. Item, Four great Troxes of wood of the bigness aforesaid, full of Maiz, Frisoles, Chian, and Guautly, which likewise they tributed once a year. Item, 1200. burdens of wood, which they tributed every four days. Item, 1200. great Beams of Timber, which they tributed every four days. Item, 2400. great Board's or Planks, which they tributed every four days. The Towns are, Qua●●●ocan, Tecpa, Chapolnoloyan, Tlalatlauco, Ac●xochic, Ameyalco, Ocotepec, Huizquilocan, Coatepec, Quauhpanoayan, Tlalachco, Chichciquauhtla, Huitziçilapan. A 400. burdens of wood. A 400. burdens of wood. A 400. burdens of wood. B 400. great beams▪ or pieces of timber B 400. great beams. B 400. great beams. C 400. great planks of timber: C 400. great planks of timber. C 400. great boards of timber. D 400. quarters of timber. D 400. quarters of timber. D 400. quarters of timber. THe number of the towns pictured are twelve. And they tributed as followeth. First, 400. burdens of cotton-wool, Mantles white with an edge of Greene, Yellow, Red, and Olive colour. Item, 400. burdens of Mantles of Enequen, wrought and spotted, with Red, White and Black. Item, 1200. burdens of white Mantles of Enequen: all the which they tributed every six months. Item, two pieces of Armour, and as many Targets garnished with rich feathers of the colours and devices as they are pictured. Item, twenty pieces of Armour, with as many Targets, garnished with slight feathers of the colours and devices as they are pictured. Item, six great Troxes of wood of the bigness aforesaid, full of Frisoles, Maiz, Chian, and Guautly: All the which they tributed once a year. The town's names are Tuluca, Calixtlahuacan, Xicaltepec, Tepetl●uiacan, Mytepec, Capulteopan, Metepec, Cacalomaca, Calymayan, Teotevanco, Zepemaxalco, Zoqui●zinco. A 400. burdens of Cotton-wooll-mantles of this work. B 400. burdens of Mantles of Enequen, of this work. C Two Troxes, the one of Maiz, and the other of Chian. D Two Troxes of Frisoles & Guautly. E Two Troxes, the one of Maiz, and the other of Chian. THe number of the towns entitled and pictured, are six. And they paid tribute as followeth. Item, 400. burdens of cotton-wool Mantles rich, of the work as they be pictured. B. Item, 400. rich Mantles of Enequen, of this work pictured. C. Item, 2000 Loaves of fine white Salt refined & made in long moulds, as letter D each of which signify 400. (as the Ear above declares.) It was spent only for the Lords of Mexico, all the which they tributed every six months. Item, a piece of Armour with a Target of rich feathers, of the colours and devices as they be pictured. Item, Twenty pieces of Armour, and as many Targets garnished with slight feathers of the devices and colours as they are pictured. Item, Four great Troxes of wood, of the bigness of those before full of Maiz, Frisoles, Chian, and Guautly. All the which they tributed once a year. The Towns, Ocuilan, Tenantinco, Tequaloyan, Tenatinho, Coatepec, Zincozcar. Item, 400. burdens of wrought Mantles of Enequen, all the which they tributed every six months. Item, They tributed once a year eight great Troxes of wood, of the bigness aforesaid, two of Maiz, two of Frisoles, two of Chian, and two of Guautly. The towns were Malynalco, Zonpahnacan, Xocotitlan. THe number of the Towns following are ten, of a hot Country, and they paid tribute as followeth. First, 400. burdens of rich Mantles made of cotton-wool, of the work as they be pictured. Item, 400. burdens of Naguas and Huipiles. Item, 1200. burdens of white Mantles of smooth and safe Enequen. All the which they did tribute every six months. Item, 200. pots of Bees Honey. Item, 1200. Xicaras varnished Yellow. Item, 400. Baskets of white Copale for perfumes. Item, 8000. lumps of unrefined Copale, wrapped in the leaves of a Palm tree. All the which they tributed every 400. days. Item, Two pieces of Armour, and as many Targets garnished with rich feathers, of the device and colour as they are pictured. Item, Two great Troxes of wood of the bigness of those aforesaid, full, the one of Maiz, and the other of Chian. All the which they do tribute once a year. The Towns are Tlachco, Acamylixtlahuacan, Chontalcoatlan, Teticpac, Nochtepec, Teotliztocan, Tlamacazapan, Tepexahnalco, Tzicapuçalco, Tetenanco. A 200. pots of Honey, the mark over each pot signifieth the number of twenty. B 400. Baskets of copal refined. C 8000. lumps of copal unrefined, wrapped in the leaves of a Date Tree: the upper Figure signifieth the copal, the later (like a Purse with three Tassels or Targets annexed) is the Character of eight thousand, as before in the sheets of Paper is seen. THe number of the Towns of the hot Country pictured, are fourteen Towns. And they paid tribute as followeth, First, 400. burdens of quilted Mantles. Item, 400. burdens of Mantles striped with black and white. Item, 400. burdens of rich Mantles. Item, 400. burdens of Naguas and Huipiles. Item, 400. burdens of white Mantles. Item, 1600. burdens of great Mantles. All the which they did tribute every six months. Item, They tributed 100 Hatchets of Copper. Item, 1200. Xicaras of yellow varnish. Item, 200. pots of Bees Honey. Item, 400. little baskets of white copal for Perfumes. Item, 8000. lumps of copal unrefined, which was spent likewise for Perfumes. All the which they tributed every four days. Item, Two pieces of Armour, with their Targets garnished with rich feathers of this device, as they be pictured. Item, Twenty pieces of Armour with their Targets, garnished with slight feathers. Item, Five strings of rich Beadstones, which they call Chalchihuitl. Item, Four great Troxes of wood, of the bigness of those before full of Maiz, Frisoles, Chian, and Guautly; all the which they tributed once a year. The Town's names are Tepequacuilco, Chilapan, Ohnapan, Huitzoco, Tlachimalacac, Yoallan, Cocolan, Atenanco, Chilacachapan, Telogoapan, Oztoma, Ychcliteopan, Alahuiztlan, Cueçalan. A The Hatchets, the form below, the number above each signifying 20. B 400. little Baskets of white copal, C Five strings of stones. D 8000. lumps of copal unrefined. E 200. Pots of Honey. First, sixteen hundred burdens of great Mantles, listed with Orange-tawnie, as is seen in the letters ABCD each marked 400. Item, 1400 burdens of great Mantles of twisted yarn. Item, 400. burdens of Cacao, of brown colour, as in letter E. Item, 400. packs of cotton-wool, marked Letter F. Item, 400. Conchas, which are red shells of the Sea, (marked GH. each 400.) after the fashion of Veneras, all the which they tributed every six months. The towns are Cihnatlan, Colima, Panotlan, Nochcoc, Yztapan, Petlatlan, Xihnacan, Apancalecan, Coçohnipilecan, Coyucac, Zacatulan, Xolochuthyan. Item, Twenty Xicaras full of Gold in powder, and every Xicara might contain two handfuls, with both hands letter D. Item, ten Plates of Gold of four fingers broad, and three quarters of a yard long, and as thick as Parchment figured here, ABC, all the which they tributed once a year. The town's names Tlapan, Xocatlan, Ychcatepecpan, Amaxac, Ahuacatla, Acocozpan, Yoalan, Ocoapan, Huitzamela, Acuitlapan, Malynaltepec, Totomixtlahuacan, Tetenanco, Chipetlan. First, 400. burdens of great Mantles. Item, 100 pots of Bees honey. Item, Twenty pans of Tecoçahuitl, which is a yellow varnish wherewith they painted themselves (here figured, Letter A) which they tributed every six months. Item, A piece of Armour with a Target garnished with rich feathers, which they tributed once a year. The Towns are, Tlalcocauhtitlan, Tolymany, Quauhtecoma, Ychcatlan, Tepoztitlan, Achnaçiçinco, Mitzinco, Cacatla. THe Towns pictured and Entitled in the second partition, are six, and they being of a hot Country, tributed as followeth. First, 400. burdens of great Mantles. Item, Forty great Bells of Copper. Item, Four Copper Hatchets: both represented in the Picture, C Bells D Hatchets. Item, One hundred Pots of Bee's Honey: all the which they tributed every six months. Item, A piece of Armour with a Target of rich Feathers. Item, A little Pan full of small Turkess Stones: figured letter B. All the which they tributed once a year. Turkey stones. The Town's names are Quianhte●pan, Olynalan, Quanhtecomatla, Qualac, Ychcatla, Xala. THe Towns pictured and entitled in the third partition, are six Towns of the hot Country; and they did tribute as followeth. First, 400. burdens of great Mantles. Item, 100 Pots of Bee's Honey, which they tributed every six months. Item, A piece of Armour with his Target garnished with rich Feathers, of the device and colour as it is pictured. Item, Forty Plates of Gold, of the bigness of a Cake, and a finger thick, figured letter E. Cold. Each Cake with his vane intimating twenty. Item, Ten half faces of rich blue Turkey Stones. Turkey stones. Item, A great Truss full of the said Turkey Stones; figured letter F. All the which they tribute● once a year. The six Towns are Yoaltepec, Xhnacalco, Tzi●acaapan, Patlanalan, Yxicayan, Ychçaatoyac. THe number of the Towns following are six, and they paid tribute as followeth. First, 800. burdens of great Mantles, which they tributed every six months. Item, they tributed two pieces of Armour with their Targets garnished with rich Feathers of the colours as they are pictured. Item, Eight great Troxes, of the bigness of those before, full of Maiz, Frizoles, Chian, and Guautly. Item, Four great Troxes of wood, of the said bigness, full of Maiz, All the which they tributed once a year. The Towns are Chalco, Tecmilco, Tepuztlan, Xocoyoltepec, Malynaltepec, Quauxumulco. THe number of the Towns of the hot Countries pictured in the next partition are two and twenty: and in every Town there was placed Mexican calpixques, and the same order, rule, and government as in the other Towns and Provinces heretofore declared. And so is it to be understood was the state and government of all the other Towns hereafter named, though for brevity's sake it is not rehearsed any more. And the things which these Towns did pay for tribute to the Lords of Mexico, are these following. First, They tributed 4000 burdens of Lime. Item, 4000 burdens of Massy Cane Staffs, which they called Otlatl. Item, 8000. burdens of Canes, whereof the Mexicans made Darts for the wars. Item, 800. Dear Skins. Item, 8000. burdens of Acayatl, which are Perfumes which the Indians use for the mouth. Item, 200. Cacaxtles, which are frames like to Panels, wherewith the Indians carry burdens on their backs: all the which they tributed every four days. Item, Four great Troxes of wood of the measures and greatness of those before declared, full, two with Maiz and two with Frisoles, the which they tributed once a year. The Town's names are Tepeacan, Quechulac, Tecamachalco, Acatzinco, Tecolco, Yccohinanco, Quauhtinchan, Chictlan, Quatlatlanhcan, Tepixic, Ytzucan, Quauhquechulan, Teonochtitlan, Huechuetlan, Tetenanco, Coat-Teopantlan, zinco, Xpatlan, Nacochtlan, Chiltecpintlan, Oztotlapechco, Atczcah●acan. A A Target and Club which they used for a Sword, garnished with Razors points. B 4000 burdens of Lime. C 800. Dear skins. D 4000 burdens of Cane Staffs. E 8000. burdens of Canes to make Darts. F 8000. burdens of Acayetl. G 200. Cacaxtles. THe number of the Towns of the warm and temperate Countries pictured and entitled in the next figures are eleven: and that which they did tribute followeth. First, 400. burdens of quilted Mantles of rich work. Item, 400. burdens of Mantles striped red and white. Item, 400. burdens of Mantles striped red and black. Item, 400. burdens of Maxtlaetl, which served the Indians for little clothes, or girdles. Item, 400. burdens of Guipiles, and Naguas. All the which they tributed to the Lords of Mexico every six months. Item, They tributed two pieces of Armour, and as many Targets, garnished with rich Feathers, of the colours and devices as they are pictured; letter A. Item, Two strings of the Beadstones of Chalchihnitl; rich Stones, green: letter B. Item, 800. hands full of large and rich green Feathers, which they call Quecaly, letter D. Item, A piece of Tlalpilony of rich Feathers, which served for a royal Banner, of the fashion pictured: letter F. Item, Forty sacks of Grain, which they call the Grain of Cochinilla: Letter C. Item, Twenty Xicaras of Gold in dust, Cochinilla. Gold. of the finest: letter E. All the which they tributed once a year. The Town's names are Coayx tlahuacan, Texopan, Tamaçoladan, Zancuitlan, Tepuzcululan, Nochiztlan, Xaltepec, Tamaçolan Mictlan, Coaxomalo, Cuicatla. THe number of the Towns of warm and temperate Countries, pictured and entitled in the next division, are eleven Towns: And they tributed as followeth. THe number of the Towns of warm and temperate Countries, pictured and entitled in the next figure, are two and twenty. And the things which they did tribute to the Lords of Mexico, are these that follow. First, they did tribute 1600. burdens of rich Mantles, apparel which the Lords and Casiques did wear. Item, 800. burdens of Mantles listed with red, white, and green. Item, 400. burdens of Naguas and Huipiles: all the which they tributed every six months. Item, They tributed a piece of Armour with a Target garnished with rich feathers, with this device of a Bird and colours as are pictured letter A. Item, Target of gold. a Target of gold, letter B. Item, a device for Armour like a wing of rich yellow feathers, letter O. Item, a Diadem of gold of the fashion as is pictured letter D. Item, a border of gold for the head of a hand breadth, and of thickness as parchment, letter E. Item, two strings of Beads, and a collar of gold FG. Item, three great rich stones of Chalchihnitl HIK. Emerald stones. Item, three strings of round beads rich stones of Chalchihnitl. LMN. Item, four strings of beads of Chalchihnitl, rich stones. Item, twenty Beçotes of clear Amber garnished with gold, Amber. Crystal. letter T. Item, other twenty Beçotes of Beriles or crystal V. Item, 80. handfuls of green rich feathers, which they call Queçaly W. Item, four pieces of green rich feathers like hands full, garnished with yellow rich feathers PQRS. Item, 8000. hands full of rich Turquesed feathers a. Item, 8000. hands full of rich red feathers b. Item, 8000. hands full of rich green feathers c. Item, 100 Pots or Cauters of fine liquid Amber d. Item, 200. burdens of Cacao, letter Z. Item, 1600. round lumps like balls of Oly, which is a gum of trees, and casting the said balls on the ground, they do leap up very high, letter X. all the which they tributed once a year. The Towns are Tochtepec, Xayaco, Otlahtlan, Coçamaloapan, Mixtlan, Michapan, Ay●tzintepec, Michtlan, Teotilan, Oxitlan, Tzynacanoztoc, Tototepec, Chinantlan, Ayoçintepec, Cuezcomatitlan, Puetlan, Teteutlan, Yxmatlatlan, Ayotlan, Toztlan, Tlacotlalpan. THe number of the Towns of the warm Countries, pictured and entitled in the next partition are eight. And the things which they tributed to the Lords of Mexico, are these that follow. First, two great strings of Chalchihnitl rich stones. Item, 1400. handfuls of rich feathers blue, red, green, turkesed, red and green, as they are pictured in six handfuls, ABCDEF. Item, Four whole skins of birds of rich turkesed feathers, with murry breasts, of the colours as they are pictured G. Item, other four whole skins of the said birds L. Item, 800. handfuls of rich yellow feathers HIM. Item, 800. hands full of large rich green feathers, which they call Queçaly IN. Item, Two Beçotes of clear Amber garnished with gold KO. Item, 200. burdens of Cacao PR.. Item, Forty Tigers skins QS. Item, 800. rich Tecomates wherein they drink Cacao TU. Item, Two great pieces of clear Amber of the bigness of a brick WX. All which they tributed every six months. Amber. The Town's names are Xoconochco, Oyotlan, Coyoacan, Mapachtepec, Macatlan, Huiztlan, Acapetlatlan, Huehuetlan. THe number of the Towns of warm and temperate Countries in the next picture, are seven. And the things that they tributed to the Lords of Mexico, are these that follow. First, 400. burdens of great Mantles, which they tributed every six months. Item, Twenty burdens of Cacao. Cotton wool. Item, 1600. Packs of Cotton wool (represented ABCD. each marked four hundred) all the which they tributed once a year. The Towns are Quanhtochco, Teuhçoltzapotlan, Tototlan, Tuchconco, Ahnilyzapan, Quauhtetelco, Ytzteyocan. First, 400. burdens of Guipiles & Naguas, which is women's apparel A. Item, 400. burdens of Mantles half quilted C. Item, 400. burdens of little Mantles, with a white & black edge B. Item, 400. burdens of Mantles of four Bracas every Mantell, half listed with black & white, and half after the fashion of network of black and white D. Item, 400. burdens of great white Mantles, of four Bracas every Mantell. Item, 160. burdens of very rich Mantles wrought, apparel for the Lords & Casiques. Item, 1002 burdens of Mantles listed more with white then with black: all the which they tributed every six months. Item, Two ri●h pieces of Armour with their targets garnished with rich feathers, according as they are pictured. Item, A string of Chilchihnitl rich stones K. Item, 400. handful of rich large green feathers, which they call Queçaly E. Item, Twenty Beçotes of Beriles or Crystal shadowed blue, and set in gold F. Item, Twenty Beçotes of clear Amber garnished with gold G. Crystal. Amber. Item, 200. burdens of Cacao H. Item, a Quezalclalpilons of rich green feathers of Quezaly, which served to the Lords of Mexico for a Royal Ensign, of the making as it is pictured I. All the which they tributed once a yeer●. The Towns are Cuetlaxtlan, Mictlanquauhtla, Tlapanicytlan, Oxichan, Acozpan, Teoziocan. THe number of the Towns, contained, pictured, and entitled in the next division, are seven Towns. And the things which they tributed to the Lords of Mexico, are these that follow. First, 400. burdens of Mantles listed black and white A. Item, 800. burdens of great white Mantles, the which they tributed every six months. Item, They tributed once a year two pieces of Armour with their Targets, garnished with rich feathers of the device and sorts as they are pictured. B Armour. C Shield▪ The Towns are Tlapacoyan, Xolo●ochitlan, Xochiquauhtitlan, Tuchtlan, Coapan, Azi●apan, Acaçacatla. First, 1600. burdens of Mantles listed black and white A. Item, 8000. loaves or lumps of liquid Amber for perfumes, which they call Xochiococotl (B is 8000. C the lump of Amber) all which they tributed every six months. Item, They tributed two pieces of Armour with their Shields, garnished with rich feathers, of the fashion as they are pictured, which they tributed once a year. The Towns are Tlatlauhquitepec, At●nco, Tezuitlan, Ayutuchco, Yayanquitlalpa, Xonoctla, Teotlalpan, Ytztepec, Yxcoyamec, Yaonahuac, Caltepec. THe number of the Towns pictured and entitled in the next side are seven Towns. And the things which they tributed to the Lords of Mexico, are these which follow. CTzicoac, Molanco, Cozcatecutlan, Yehoatlan and Xocogocan, paid these tributes to the Lords of Mexico. First, 400. burdens of white Mantles with their edge of red, blue, green and yellow. Item, 400. burdens of Maxtlactle, which are lesser clothes B. Item, 800. burdens of great white Mantles of three bracas every Mantell. Item, 400. burdens of Naguas and Huipiles, which is woman's apparel, A. All the which they tributed every six months. Item, they tributed two pieces of Armour with their Shields decked with rich Feathers of the fashion that they are pictured. Item, 800. packs of Cotten, DE. All the which they tributed once a year. Item, 400 burdens of Axi dried C. §. III. The third part of this Book containeth the private behaviour in Marriages, education of Children, and Trades; with the Marshal, ecclesiastic, and Civil policy of the MEXICAN people. A Relation of the manner and custom that the natural Mexicans had when either a Boy or Girl was borne unto them. The use and ceremonies in giving names to their children, and afterwards to dedicate and offer them either to the Church, or else to the wars, according as by the pictures is signified, and briefly declared. The Woman being delivered, they laid the child in a Cradle, according as is pictured, & four days after the birth of the child the Midwife took it in her arms naked, & brought it forth to the yard of the child wife's house; and in the yard were prepared Bulrushes or Sedges, which they call Tule, A kind of Baptism with the naming of their children. and they set upon them a little pan of water, wherein the said Midwife washed the said child: after it is washed, three Boys, which are set by the said Bulrushes, eating toasted Maiz, mingled with sodden Frisoles, which they ●alled Yxicue food, the which food made A The woman that is delivered. B These four Roses signify four days wherein the Midwife brought forth the child that was lately borne to wash. C The cradle with the child. D The Midwife. E The signs, instruments, and the bond (Shield and Darts) FGH the three Boys which name the child. I The Bulrushes with the pan of water. K The Broome. L The Spindle and the Distaff. M The Basket. N The high Priest. O The child in his cradle which his Parents offer in the Temple. P The Master or Teacher of boys and young men. Q The child's Father. R The child's Mother. ready, was set in a little pan before the said Boys, that they might eat it. And after the said bathing or washing, the said Midwife advertised the said Boys, that they should with a loud voice give a new name unto the child that she had so washed, and the name that they gave it was that which the Midwife would impose. When the child was brought forth to wash, if it be a man child they bring him forth with his sign in his hand, and the sign is the Instrument wherewith his Father did exercise himself, as well in the Military art, as other arts, as of a Goldsmith, a Graver, or any other office whatsoever: And after they had done all the aforesaid, the Midwife brings the child to his Mother. And if it be a woman-child, the sign wherewith they bring her to wash, is a Distaff, a Spindle, a Basket, and a handful of Broome; which are the things wherewith she should exercise her self, being of age thereto. And the bond of the manchild with a Shield and Darts for a sign which he brings with him when they bring him for to wash; they offer it to that part and place where are likely to happen wars with his enemies, where they bury it under ground. And so likewise of the woman-child, her bond they buried under the Metate, which is a stone to grind Cakes upon. And after the aforesaid, at the end of twenty days, the child's Parents went with the child to the Temple or Mixquita, which they called Calmecac, Presentation in the Temple and in the presence of the Priests they presented the child with his offering of Mantles, and Mastelles and some meat: And after the child being brought up by his Parents, and being of age, they committed the child to the high Priest of the said Temple, because there he might be taught that hereafter he might be a Priest. And if the child's Parents were determined that he (being of age) should serve in warlike affairs, then strait way they offered him to the Master thereof, making him a promise of him (the Master of Boys and young men they called Tea●hcauch or Telp●chtlato) which offering was made with his present of meat and other things for the celebrating thereof. And the child being of age, they committed him to the said Master. THe declaration of the pictures contained in the division following, wherein is declared at what age, and in what manner the natural Parents did give counsel to their children, how they ought to live, as successively is pictured in four partitions, and so the four partitions of this side are declared in order which are these that follow. 1 The first partition, wherein is declared how that the Parents corrected, their children, in giving them good counsel when they were three years of age; and the portion of meat that they gave them every meal was half a cake of bread. 2 The second partition wherein is pictured in what things the Parents did instruct their children when they were of the age of four years, and how they began to exercise them to serve in small things. And the portion of meat which they gave them at a meal, was a whole Cake. A The Boy his Father. B Three years of age. C The Boy. D Half a Cake. E The Girl her Mother. F Half a Cake. G A Girl of three years of age. H The Father of the Boy. I A Boy of four years of age. K A Cake. L The Mother of the Girl. M A Cake. N A Girl of four year of age. * A Spindle with a lock of cotton wool lying on a Mat. 3 The third partition, wherein is showed that the Parents did exercise their children in bodily labour at five years of age, in loding their Sons with Wood and other things in small burdens, of small weight, and to carry packs of small weight to the Tyangues, or Market place. And they exercised their Daughters of that age, in showing them how they should handle the Spindle and Distaff for to spin. And their allowance of meat was a whole Cake of Bread. 4 The fourth partition, wherein is pictured how the Parents instructed their children of six years old, and exercised and occupied them in bodily service, that they might profit their Parents in some thing, as in the Tyangues, which are Market-places that they might gather from the ground, the corns of Maiz and Frisoles that were spilt there by him, and other small things that the buyers and others had left and spilt there. And this was the Boys work. But the Girls were put to spin and to do other profitable services, because in time to come, by means of the said services and occupations, they should not spend their time idly, and should avoid evil v●ces that are wont to grow through idleness. And the allowance of meat that they gave to their children was a Cake and a half of Bread. O The Father of the Boys. P Two Boys of five years of age▪ Q A Cake. R A Cake. S The Mother of the Girl holding the Spindle and Rock. T A Cake. V A Girl of five years old. W The Father of the two Boys. Two Boys of six years old. X A Cake and a half. Y The mother of the Girl. Z A Cake and a half. A Girl of six years old spinning Cotten wool. A Declaration of the figure following, wherein is showed, at what age and in what things the natural people of Mexico did instruct their children, and in what manner they corrected them, that they should avoid all idleness, and always should be exercised in some profitable things, as successively is pictured in four partitions. 1 The first partition, wherein is pictured how the Parents use their children of seven years old that is the men children they applied them in giving them their fishing Nets. And the Mothers did exercise their Daughters in spinning and in giving them good counsel that they should always apply and occupy their time in doing some thing for to avoid idleness. And the allowance of meat that they gave to their children at every meal was a Cake and a half of Bread. A The Father of the Boys. B These seven spots of blue signify seven years. CF A Cake and a half. D A Boy of seven years old, whose Father showeth him how he should fish with the net he hath in his hand. E The mother of the children. G A Girl of seven years old, whose mother is teaching her to spin. 2 The second partition: Wherein is pictured, how the Parents did chasten their children of the age of eight years, in laying before them with terrors and fears the thorns of Magu●●, that in being negligent and disobedient to their Parents they should be chastened with the said thorns, and so for very fear they wept▪ as by the pictures of this partition is signified. And their allowance for a meal, which they gave them by measure, was a Cake and a half. 3 The third partition: Wherein is pictured, how the parents punished their children of nine years of age, because they were disobedient and rebellious to their fathers, they did chastise them with the said thorns of Maguez, binding them naked hand and foot, they thrust the said thorns into their body and shoulders. And they pricked only the wrists and hands of the Girls with the said thorns▪ as in the said partition is pictured. And their allowance every meal was a Cake and a half of bread. 4 The fourth partition: Wherein is pictured, how the parents chastised their children of ten years of age, that is, being rebellious they did chastise them in beating them with a cudgel, and threatening them otherwise as in the fourth partition is pictured. And the allowance which they had given them at a meal, was a Cake and a half. H The father of the children contained in this row. I These eight spots signify eight years. KN a cake and a half. L a Boy of eight years old, whose father is threatening him that he be not unhappy, because he will chastise him in thrusting thorns of Maguez into his body. M The mother of the children contained in this row. LO Thorns of Maguez. P a Girl of eight years old, whom her mother threateneth her with thorns of Maguez, that she be not unhappy. Q The father of the children contained in this side. RW a Cake and a half. S These nine spots signify nine years. T a Boy of nine years old, because he is incorrectible, his father thrusteth thorns of Maguez into his body. V The mother of the children contained in this row. X a Girl of nine years old, that for her negligence and idleness, her mother did chastise her in pricking her hands with thorns of Maguez. Y These ten spots signify ten years. X The father of the children contained in this row. ZB a cake and a half. A The mother of the children contained in this row. & a Boy of ten years old, whom his father is chastising with a cudgel staff. C a Girl of ten years, whom her mother is chastising in beating her with a cudgel staff. 1. A Declaration of the first partition of the picture following. The Boy or Girl of eleven years old, which would not be reform with words nor stripes, their parents did chastise, giving them into the Nose the smoke of Axi, which was a grievous and cruel torment, to the intent they should be reform and not be vicious persons and vagabonds, but should employ and spend their time in profitable things. And to the children of that age they gave bread, which are cakes, by measure, only a cake & a half at a meal, because they should not be gluttons. 2 In the second partition; The Boy or Girl of the age of twelve years, which would not receive quietly counsel nor correction at their Father's hands; the Father took that Boy and tied him hand and foot naked, and stretched him on the ground in a dirty wet place, where he ●ay so a whole day, because he should be chastised and feared thereby. And the Girl of that age, her Mother made her serve, so that in the night before it were day she should sweep all the house and the street, and that always she might be occupied in bodily service. And so likewise their Parents gave them meat by measure a Cake and a half every meal. 3 In the third partition, the Boy or Girl of thirteen years old, their Fathers employed in bringing wood from the Mountain, and with a Canoa-boat to bring boughs and other herbs for the service of the house. And the Girls should grind and make Cakes and other mea●es for their Parents. And they gave their children meat by measure, two Cakes every meal. 4 In the fourth partition; The Boy or Girl of fourteen years old, their Parents did employ in fishing in Lakes and Rivers with his Canoa. And the Girl was set to weave yarn of whatsoever sort for apparel. And they gave them to eat two Cakes by measure. A These eleven spots of blue signify eleven years. B The father of the children. C a Boy of eleven years old, whose father is chastising him, smoking him at the Nose with Axi dried. D a Cake and a half. E a fume or smoke of Axi or Pepper, which the Cutter hath not so well expressed. F The mother of the children. G a Girl of eleven years old, whose mother is chastising her smoking her at the Nose with Axi. H a Cake and a half. I a perfume of Axi. K The father of the children. L twelve years. M a Cake and a half. N a Boy of twelve years old, tied hand and foot and laid a whole day on the wet and moist ground. O The mother of the children. P This picture signifieth the night. Q a Cake and a half. R a Girl of twelve years old that is sweeping in the night time. S The father of the children. T Thirteen years. V a Boy of thirteen years old laden with Sedges. W a Boy of thirteen years which carrieth Sedges in his Canoa. X a Canoa with burdens of Z Canes or Tule. Y Two cakes. Aa The mother of the children. Bb a Girl of thirteen years, which is grinding and making of Cakes, and dressing meat. Cc Two Cakes. Dd a Porringer. Ee Comaly Ff Two Cakes. Gg a pot of boiled meat. Hh Fourteen years. two The father of the children. Kk Ll a Boy of fourteen years which goeth a fishing with his Canoa. Mm Two Cakes. Nn The mother. Oo a Girl of fourteen ye●res weaving. Pp Two Cakes. Qq The cloth that she weaveth. 1 THat which is pictured in the first partition, doth signify that the Father having two sons young men, of years able to serve, brought them to the two houses that are pictured, either to the Master's house that did teach and instruct young men, or else to the Temple, according as the youths were inclined, and so committed them either to the high Priests, or else to the Master of Boys to the end they might be taught; the youths being fifteen years of age. 2 In the second partition is pictured, the manner and law they had and kept in their Marriages that they made lawfully. The celebration thereof was, that an Amantesa (which is a Broker) carried the Bride on her back at the beginning of the night, and there went with them four women with Torches of Pinetree rosined burning, wherewith they lighted her. And being come to the Bridegroom's house, the Parents of the Bridegroom came out to the Court of the house to receive her, and they carried her into a Hall or some place where the Bridegroom tarried for her. And the betrothed folks were set on a Mat with their seats near a pan of fire, and they tied the one to the other with a corner of their apparel; and made a perfume of Copale to their gods, and two old men and two old women were present as witnesses. Then the married folk dined, and afterwards the old folks. And when dinner was done, the old men and women separated the married folk by themselves, giving them good counsel how they should behave themselves and live, and how they should maintain the charge and calling they had taken upon them, that they might live with quietness. A The father of the two youths. B a youth of fifteen years old committed to an high Alfaqui or Priest. C Tlam●●●zqui, which is an high Priest. D a Temple or Mezquita, which they called Calmecac. E a youth of fifteen years, whose father putteth him to a Master to be taught. F Tacheauh, a Master. G a house where youths are taught and brought up in. H Fifteen years. I An old man. K The hearth. Copale. L The woman. M The man. N An old woman. * The perfume. O The Mat. P The meat. Q The meat. R An old man. S A Cauter or pot of pulque. T The Cup. V An old woman. W The Bride. X These go lighting the Bride, whom they go to leave at the Bridegroom's house in the beginning of the night. Y Amanteza which carrieth the Bride on her back. Z These go lighting of the Bride at the beginning of the night. 1 a torch of Pinetree. 2 a torch. 3 torches of Pinetree. 4 torches of Pinetree. 1 WHen they entered to be Priests, the elder Priests occupied them straightway in bodily services for their Temples, that afterwards they might be skilful when they were chief Priests, that after the same order as they had served, they might bring up the other Novices that should be after them. These Priests are all painted in ash-colour: Other men in an olive or tawny. 2 In the second partition is declared wherein the young men were occupied and did serve, that thenceforth when they were of years, they might be skilful to take charge and command other youths like themselves, that they should not go idle nor become vagabonds, but that they should always apply themselves to things of virtue. 3 In the third partition is declared likewise the correction and chastising▪ that the chief Priests did to the Novice-priests, which were forgetful and negligent in their services, and for other faults as they committed chastising them according, as is showed by the pictures. 4 In the fourth partition▪ is declared how the Captains and warlike men exercised the young men which were of age thereto in warlike affairs, according as their fathers did recommend them. A Tlamacazque, A novice Priest that is charged to sweep. B A novice Priest that cometh from the wood laden with boughs for to dress the Temple. C A novice Priest laden with thorns of Maguez, for to draw blood with all to offer sacrifice to the devil. D A novice Priest which is laden with green cane● for the Temple for to make S●ates and Toe. E A youth which is laden with a great log to keep fire in the Temple. F Youths which are laden with logs of wood for to keep fire in the Temple. G A youth laden with boughs for to dress the Temple. H This chief Priest is punishing the novice Priest because he was negligent in his office. I The novice Priest. K The chief Priest. L The novice Priest. M Another elder Priest. They are punishing this novice Priest, pricking him with thorns of Magues throughout his body, because he was a rebel and disobedient and negligent in that he was commanded to do. N This house signifieth that if the novice Priest went to his house to sleep three days they punished, as is above pictured and declared. O Tequigna, which is a valiant Warrior. P The youth. Q The father of the youth that offereth his son to the valiant Warrior, to exercise him in warlike affairs, and to carry him to the wars. R The youth who is public servant to the valiant man that goeth to the war with him, carrying his baggage on his back with his own Armour. S Teovina, a valiant man that goeth armed to the wars. 1 HEreis declared how the chief Priests did exercise and occupy themselves in the night time, whereof some occupied themselves in going to the Mountains, to offer sacrifice to their Gods, others in Music, and others were observers of time by the Stars of the Element, and others in other things of their Temples. 2 In the second partition is declared the punishment they did use to the young men, according as the Pictures do represent. The which was executed according to the Laws and Statutes of the Lords of Mexico. 4 The punishment that the Beadles Telpuchtlatos did use to the vicious young men, which went about like Vagabonds according to their Laws, and the rest pictured and declared in the same partition. A chief Priest which goeth in the night with his fire burning to a Mountain to do penance. And he carrieth in his hand a purse of Capaly, which is Perfume to offer Sacrifice to the Devil. And at his back Poison in a vessel for the same Sacrifice, and he carrieth his boughs to beset the place of Sacrifice. And hath after him a novice Priest, which carrieth other things for the Sacrifice. B A novice Priest. C A chief Priest, which is playing on the Teponaztly, which is an Instrument of Music, and he exerciseth himself thereon in the night. D This Picture with eyes doth signify the night. E This Picture with eyes doth signify the night. F A chief Priest which is looking on the stars of the Element by night, to see what hour it is in the night, which is his charge and office. G A young man that goeth to war, laden with stuff and instruments of Armour. H Telpuchtlato. I The youth. K The woman. I. Telpuchtlato The two Telpuchtlato, do signify Beadles to rule youths, that when any youth did fall in love with any woman, they chastised the young man, throwing burning fire brands at him, and parted their love. M A chief Priest whose office is to sweep the Temples, or command them to be swept. N A chief Priest. O The novice Priest. P The woman. Q A chief Priest. The declaration of the pictures of these two chief Priests is, that if the novice Priest was negligent or had access to any woman, or fell in love, the chief Priests did chastise him, thrusting thorns of Pinetree made like pricks in all his body. R Telpuchtlato, a Beadle. S The young man. T Teach●auh, the Beadle. By these Pictures is declared that if a young man went about like a Vagabond, the two Beadles did correct him in powling and ●●●dging his head with fire. V A young man that is occupied in carrying stones with his Canoa to repair the Temple. X The Temple. This Picture expresseth the Priest's employments. A A novice Priest occupied in carrying of stones in his Canoa, for the reparation of the Temple. B The Temple called Ayauhcaly. C A novice Priest that goeth to the war with a chief Priest carrying his package. D A chief Priest that goeth to war, for to enforce and boulden the Warriors, and to do other Ceremonies in the Wars. Their Arms, which signs of Arms were made of more authority from degree to degree, according as the worthiness of the man of war was known, and the number of the Captives that they took. As is showed sufficiently in the Pictures with their signs and Arms, and fashions of attire, and the degrees whereby they came to be valiant men in Wars. The first degree. E Tecutlyas, Constable and justice of the Lords of Mexico. F An Officer that followeth the Tecutly, as his Sergeant. G A Temple called Sihnateo●aly. H The high way or street with a bridge of wood. I A young man, who if he took any Prisoner in the Wars, they gave him for reward a Mantle of the fashion, of thi● quadrant with his followers, in a token of his valiantness. K The above said Teeth, in these Pictures signify, that he is occupied in repairing the streets and bridges that go to the Temple. L A Captive. M This valiant man all in red, because he took two enemies, they rewarded him with the fashion of Armour he hath on, and more (N) the square Mantle of Orange-tawnie with a red twist▪ in token of his valiantness. O A Captive. P This valiant Champion with a reward of the device he hath on, and this (Q) Mantle of rich wo●ke for a token that he took three enemies in the Wars. R A Prisoner. S This valiant Champion with the device he● hath on, and the square Mantle. T Of two colours (black and Orange-tawnie) with a list, in token that he had taken four enemies in the Wars. V A Captive. W This valiant man with the device of Armour that he hath and his second name Etonti for his valiantness, and because he took five or six en●mies in the Wars, the which valiant man is he that is above contained, who had his beginning of one enemy he took in the wars, and so from degree to degree, he hath come to this degree. X A Captive. Y This valiant man called Quagchil, with the device of Armour that he hath on, showing that he had taken five at the Wars of Gue●o, besides that in other Wars he took many of his enemies. Z A Captive. & And this valiant man named Tlacatecatl, with the fashion of the apparel he hath on, and his tassel and device of rich feathers, do show that he had done all the valiant acts afore pictured and declared, and is known to have more title of valiantness of person then are pictured. 1 THe chief Priests did exercise warlike affairs, & according as they proved in valiant acts, and as the number of the Captives were that they took, so the Lords of Mexico gave them titles of honour, and Blasons of Arms with devices of their valiantness, as is showed by the Pictures, and by the Armour they have on. In the third partition are the titles of honour, which they obtained by the exercise of war, whereby they came to a higher degree, the Lord of Mexico making them Captains and Generals of the Soldiers. And those of the one side served for Messengers and Executioners of that which the Lords of Mexico determined and commanded, aswel in things touching the Commonwealth of Mexico, as also in other towns of their dominions. A A Priest that captived one enemy in the wars. B The same Priest aforesaid, because he took two enemies in the wars, he is rewarded with the device of Armour he hath on. C The aforesaid Priest, because through his valiantness he took three enemies, he is rewarded with the device of Armour he hath on. P P P Captives. D The same Priest abovesaid, because he t●oke four enemies in the war, for a token of his valiantness, he is rewarded with the device of Armour he hath on, black and white. E The same Priest because he took five of his enemies in wars, for a token of his valiantness, he is rewarded with the device of Armour he hath on, all red. F The same Priest for that he took six enemies in the wars, for a token of his force and valour, the Lord of Mexico rewarded 〈◊〉 w●th the device of Arm●u● he hath on. His person yellow, feathers green, target red, green, yellow. G Quauhnochtli, an Officer which put Mandates in execution. H Tlilancalqui, another kind. I Atenpanecatl, a third sort. K Ezguagacatl, a fourth sort. These four in this row did serve for Messengers and Executioners of that which the Lords of Mexico determined and did command. L Tlacochcalcatl. M Tezcacoacatl. N Tycocyahuacatl. O Tequiltecatl. These four on this row are valiant men in war, and Captains of the Armies of the Mexicans and persons which executed the charge of Generals over the Mexicans Armies. THe Casique (that is, a Lord of a Town) because he rebelled against the Lordship of Mexico by the Executioners afore contained, had a rope cast about his neck wherewith for his rebellion, he was condemned by the Lords of Mexico to die, and his wife and children to be taken and brought prisoners to the Court of Mexico. And for the accomplishing of the condemnation the officers are executing the penalties wherein he was condemned, as is signified by the pictures. 2 He together with his servants and town are condemned to be destroyed. And so the Executioners, by the commandment of the Lords of Mexico, are giving him to understand of the said condemnation, in token whereof they mark him with the signs that ●hey set on his head, and the Target that they present him with, because he should not be ignorant of 〈◊〉 ●●struction. And the pictures of men with mortal wounds, do signify that they were Merchants and Occupiers of Mexico, which came with things to the Country and Town of the said Casique; and the servants of the Casique assaulted them on the highway, killing them and taking away the merchandise they carried, which was the occasion of the destruction of the Town. 3 In the third partition: The four Officers or Ambassadors of the Lords of Mexico, do signify that they have warned the said Casique contained in the second partition before this, as is abovesaid, at the returning of the Executioners towards Mexico, there came out to the highway certain servants of the said Casique to misse-use them, shooting arrows at them in token of war. A Huiznahuatlan, officer and executioner as a Sergeant. B Executioner. C Casique. D Executioner. E The wife of the Casique imprisoned, with a yoke of Iron about her neck. F The son of the Casique taken prisoner with a yoke of Iron. G The servant of the Casique. H The merchant. I a bundle of merchandise. K The merchant. L The servant of the Casique. M Executioner. N Executioner. O Casique. P An Executioner or Ambassador of the Lord of Mexico. Q An Executioner or Ambassador of the Lord of Mexico. R a servant of the Casique. S An Executioner or Ambassador of the Lord of Mexico. T An Executioner or Ambassador of the Lord of Mexico. V a servant of the Casique. W a servant of the Casique which shooteth at the Ambassadors of the Lords of Mexico, for more occasion of war. 1 THe Tequichna signifieth Spies, sent to the Town of the Casique by the Lord of Mexico, that in the night time they might go and walk it secretly unknown to their enemies, to advertise and give warning unto the Soldiers, where they should enter with the battle. And so the Tequichna go round about the Town, Houses, Market place, and Church, at the time that they of the Town are asleep and at rest, for to find a place where they may give the onset with the less trouble and resistance. 2 A de●l●ration of the pictures in the second partition. The Mexican that is pictured and at his should ●s a Target and Darts, doth signify the Mexicans being moved to destroy a certain Town by wars, because they had rebelled against the Lordship of Mexico. And the other three that are pictured and set over against the Mexicans are servants of the Casique, which do signify that the whole Town of the Casique being afraid of the wars and destruction that the Mexicans would bring upon them, they come to Mexico to entreat a peace, submitting themselves for servants of Mexico, and protesting to acknowledge the Lordship, by means whereof they receive them in friendship and for their servants, laying aside that which was determined by their counsel. The four valiant men pictured and entitled, with their Spears in their hands, and made ready for the wars, and the devices of Armour that they have on, do signify that they are Captains of the Mexicans armies. A Tequihna. B Tequihna. C Tianguas, a Marquet place. D●equihna ●equihna. FE houses. F Tequihna. G a Temple. H Tequihna. I Tequihna. K T●quihna. L Tequihna. ● This partition 〈…〉 is the town of the Casique afore-contayned. MNO these three are serua●●s of the Casique. P Mexicans. Q a Target and Darts. R Captain Tlacatecatl. S Captain Tlacochcalcatl. T Captain 〈◊〉. V Captain Ticocyahudcatl. 1 HE that is set and at his back a woman spinning, signifieth that it is his wife new married, and because he had taken the state of matrimony upon him, having been a Messenger with the rest that are pictured before him, which are five, named Tetpuchtly, which are Messengers likewise. The married man giveth them a reason why he leaveth the charge of a Messenger by reason of his marriage, and that he will rest and leave off his service past. And to please them more, and that they should grant his request, he maketh them a banquet in giving them well to eat and drink, and moreover the present that bee giveth them is a handful of perfumes, a copper Hatchet and two Mantles, as by the pictures of these things are entitled. And by this solemnity the married man is free from the said Office. 2 In the second partition: He that is set down and entitled, doth signify the Lord of Mexico, that when any Messenger Telpuchtly pictured in the partition before this had given a good account of his office, and having taken upon them the state of marriage, the Lords of Mexico from that they were but Messengers, did promote them to a be●ter title and degree, in so much that he made them Tequihna, which is signified by the pictures and titles of Tequihna, with their Spears and Fans, giving them authority to be his Ambassadors and Officers in the wars, which they held for an office of great honour. 3 The Alcaldes do signify justices, appointed by the Lords of Mexico, that they should hear matters aswell Civil as Criminal. And the pictures of men and women which are before them, are Pleaders and Suitors which do ask justice. And the four pictures that are entitled Teeth, that are behind the Alcaldes, are principal young men that join with the Alcaldes in their audience, to learn and instruct themselves in matters of judgement, and afterwards to succeed in the Offices of the Alcaldes. From these Alcaldes, there was an appellation before the counsel Chamber of Moteçuma, as hereafter is pictured. AAAAA The Telpuchtly or young men which are officers or messengers. B Two mantles. C a handful of perfumes. D Tamales or bread. E a copper hatchet. F a boiled hen. G Xicara with Cacao to drink. H Telpuchtly married I The wife of the married Telpuchtly K The Lord of Mexico. L Tequihna. N Tequibna. OOO Tectly. P Tectly Mixcoatlaylotlac a justice like an Alcalde. Q Ezguagacatl Alcalde. R Acatlyacapanecatl Alcalde. S Tequixquinahuacatl Alcalde. T These six pictures three of men and three of women, are pleaders and suitors which ask justice of the Alcaldes. THe fashion of the Counsel Chambers of the Lord or King of Mexico, and of his Royal Houses and Courts, and the steps where they entered in, and the Throne and Seat of Moteçuma, and in the spaces of every thing is declared and entitled what they signify, and so in this declaration it is not repeated. But that in one Counsel Chamber, when that by way of offence they were aggrieved, and having a just cause not being sentenced and determined by the Alcaldes, then by degree of appellation they appealed from the Alcaldes before the Counsel. And if it were a matter of importance they appealed from the Counsel Chamber before Moteçuma the King himself, where the matter was concluded. In the Chamber, that is entitled, The Counsel Chamber of war, were provided Captains and Armies for the wars, as was appointed by Moteçuma. A The Throne and Majesty of Moteçuma where he sat on Court-dayes, and on judgement. B Moteçuma. C a house where the Lords of T●nay●ca, Chienauhtla, and Colhuacan, were lodged that were friends and confederates of Moteçuma. D a house where the chief Lords of Tezcucoytacuba were lodged that were Moteçuma his friends. EFG The Court of the royal houses of Moteçuma. HK These lines that go upward are the steps to the Courts of the royal houses of Moteçuma. I The counsel chamber of war. K The counsel chamber of Moteçuma. L These four are as Auditors of the counsel of Moteçuma, wise men. M Pleaders and Suitors that in the degree and appellation from the Alcaldes, do present themselves and appear before the Auditors of the counsel of Moteçuma. THe father and the son that sit against each other face to face, signify that the father giveth his son good counsel, that he be not vicious, laying before him for example, that those which come to virtue come afterwards in credit with the Lords and Casiques; In that they give them honest offices, and do use them to be their Messengers, and they do admit Musicians and Singers unto their feasts and weddings for the credit they bear. 2 The pictured in the house, where they mean to talk and provide for public affairs, and the Steward that sitteth therein, doth signify that there are before him weeping, because it hath happened unto them to be occupied in bodily labour, that the Coas and Guacales do represent. And the Steward is giving them good counsel, and exhorting them to flee idleness, is the cause that they come to be thieves and players at the Ball, and players at Patol, after the manner of Dice, from which Games do spring theft for to satisfy and fulfil such vices. 3 The Carpenter, Lapidane, Painter, Goldsmith, and garnisher of feathers, signify that those Artificers teach their sons their occupation from their childhood, that when they are men they might follow their Trade, and spend their time in things of virtue, giving them counsel that of idleness cometh evil vices, and so evil tongues, tale-bearing, drunkenness, and thievery, and many other evil vices. A a Messenger. BCD The father counselleth his son to apply himself to all virtue. E One having a guest, entertaineth a Musician. FGI a house where they me●t for public affairs. H The Petlacalcatl. KM Coa and Guacal. LN Touthes. O a vagabond. P a player at the ball. Q a Thief. R a player at Patol or Dice after their manner. S a Carpenter. T The Carpenter's son. V a Lapidary. W The Lapidaries son. X a Painter Y The Painter's son. Z a Goldsmith. & The Goldsmith's son. Aa An ill tongued man and tale-bearer. Bb An artificer that garnisheth with feathers, Cc The artificers son. Dd a drunkard. Ee a drunkard and thief, the last work like a halter seems to signify the evil ends which such come to. The particular punishments follow in the next picture. A These two Pictures signify that the young men that were drunk with Wine, died for that according to the Law. B A young man that was drunk. C A young woman if she were drunk with Wine was killed here according to the Laws of Mexico. D A Thief, they stoned him to death according to the Laws of the Lords of Mexico. E These two Pictures laid and covered with clothes, do show that if any man had carnal dealing with a married woman, they stoned them both to death, according to the Laws of the Lords of Mexico. F An old man of threescore and ten years, hath licence to drink Wine and to be drunk aswell publicly as secretly because he is so old, and hath Sons and Nephews, at which years Wine and drunkenness was not forbidden them. G An old woman, wife to the old man above pistured, had privilege to be drunk as well as her Husband, because she had children, and children's children and to all those of the like age, drunkenness was not forbidden them. CHAP. VIII. Conquest of Mexico and New Spain by HERNANDO CORTES. HErnando a Gomara his third part of the Conquest of the West Indies, translated into English by T. Nicolas. Cortes was borne at Medellin in Andulozia, a Province of Spain, Anno 1485. When he was nineteen years old, he sailed to the Island of Saint Domingo, where Ouando the Governor kindly entertained him. He went to the conquest of Cuba in the year 1511. as Clerk to the Treasurer, under the conduct of james Velasques, who gave unto him the Indians of Manicorao, where he was the first that brought up Kine, Sheep and Mares, and had herds and flocks of them: and with his Indians he gathered great quantity of Gold, so that in short time he was able to put in two thousand Castlins for his stock, with Andres de Duero, a Merchant. At this time Christopher Morante had sent (Anno 1517.) Francis Hernandes de Cordova, who first discovered Xucatan, whence he brought nothing (except the relation of the Country) but stripes: whereupon james Velasques in the year 1518. sent his Kinsman john de Grijalua, with two hundred Spaniards b Of this voyage▪ Read P. Martyr's fourth Decade: and Gomara part. 1. & of all which follows in this Chapter. P. Ma●t. Dec. 5. Gom. ubi supra. and Cortes his own large narration to the Emperor, ap. Ramus. Vol. 3. in four ships: he traded in the River of Tavasco, and for trifles returned much Gold, and curious works of feathers, Idols of Gold, a whole harness or furniture for an armed man of Gold thin beaten, Eagles, Lions, and other pourtratures found in Gold, etc. But while Grijalua deferred his return, Velasques agreed with Cortes to be his partner in the Discovery, which he gladly accepted, and procured licence from the Governors in Domingo, and prepared for the Voyage. Velasques afterward used all means to break off, in so much that Cortes was forced to engage all his own stock, and credit, with his friends in the Expedition, and with five hundred and fifty Spaniards in eleven ships, set sail the tenth of February 1519. and arrived at the Island of Acusamil. The Inhabitants at first fled, but by the kind entertainment of some that were taken, they returned, and received him and his with all kind offices. They told him of certain bearded men in Yucatan, whither Cortes sent; and one of them, Geronimo de Aguilar came unto him, who told him, that by shipwreck at jamaica, their Carvel being lost, twenty of them wandered in the Boat without sail, water or bread, thirteen or fourteen days, in which space the violence of the current had cast them on shore in a Province called Maija, where, as they traveled, seven died with famine; and their Captain Valdinia and other four were sacrificed to be Idols by the Cacike, or Lord of the Country, and eaten in a solemn Banquet, and he with six other were put into a Coop or Cage, to be fattened for another Sacrifice. But breaking Prison, they escaped to another Cacike, enemy to the former, where all the rest died, but himself, and Gonsalo Gu●rrer a Mariner. He had transformed himself into the Indian cut, boring his nose full of holes, his ears jagged, his face and hands painted; married a Wife, and became a Captain of name amongst the Indians, and would not return with this Aguilar. Cortes with this new Interpreter passed up the River Tavasco, called of the former Discoverer, Grijalua; where the Town that stood thereon, refusing to victual him, was taken and sacked. The Indians herewith enraged, assembled an Army of forty thousand, but Cortes by his Horse and Ordnance prevailed; Indian simplicity. the Indians thinking the Horse and Rider had been but one creature, whose gaping and swiftness was terrible unto them, whereupon they submitted themselves. When they heard the Horses neigh, they had thought the Horses could speak, and demanded what they said: the Spaniards answered, These Horses are sore offended with you, for fight with them, and would have you corrected: the simple Indians presented Roses and Hens to the beasts, desiring them to eat, and to pardon them. Cortes purposed to discover further Westward, because he heard that there were Mines of Gold, having first received their Vassalage to the King his Master, to whom (he said) the Monarchy of the Universal did appertain. These were the first Vassals the Emperor had in New Spain. They named the town, where these things were done, Victory, before called Potonchan, containing near five and twenty thousand houses, which are great, made of Lime, and Stone, Potonchon called Victory. and Brick, and some of mud-wals and rafters, covered with straw; their dwelling is in the upper part of the house, for the moistness of the soil. They did eat man's flesh sacrificed. The Spaniards sailed Westward, and came to Saint john de Vlhua, where Tendilli the Governor of the Country, came to him with four thousand Indians. He did his reverence to the Captain, burning Frankincense (after their custom) and little straws, touched in the blood of his own body: and then presented unto him victuals and jewels of Gold, and other curious works of feathers; which Cortes requited with a Collar of Glass, and other things of small value. A woman-slave, given him at Potonchan, understood their language, and she with Aguilar, were his Interpreters. Cortes professed himself the servant of a great Emperor, which had sent him thither, whose power he so highly extolled, that Teudilli marvelled, thinking there had been no such Prince in the World, as his Master and Sovereign, the King of Mexico, whose Vassal he was, named, Mutezuma. To him he sent the representations of these bearded men, and their Horses, Apparel, Weapons, Ordnance, and other Rarities, painted in Cotton-clothes, their ships and numbers. These painted Cottons he sent by Posts, which delivered them from one to another with such celerity, that in a day and night the message came to Mexico, which was two hundred and ten miles distant. Cortes had demanded, whether Mutezuma had Gold? Teudilli affirmed, and Cortes replied, That he and his fellows had a disease of the heart, Spanish incurable sickness. whereunto Gold was the best remedy. Mutezuma sent him many Cotton-clothes of diverse colours, many tuffes of Feathers, two Wheels, the one of Silver, with the sign of the Moon, and the other of Gold, made like the Sun;- which they hold for Gods, and give unto them the colours of the Metals most like them. Each Wheel was two yards and a half broad. These with other parts of the Present were esteemed worth twenty thousand Ducats. Mutezuma also professed joy, to hear of so great a Prince, & so strange people, & promised provision of all necessaries, but was very unwilling that Cortes should come to see him, as he pretended. Yet Cortes persisted in that his desire of seeing Mutezuma, that he might further acquaint himself with the knowledge of those parts. The silly Indians having never seen such strange sights, came daily to the Camp to see them and when they heard the Ordnance discharged, they fell down flat, thinking the Heavens had fall'n: the ships they thought were the God of the Air, called Quezalcovolt, which came with the Temples on his back, for they daily looked for him. Amongst the rest, or rather aloof off from the rest, were certain Indians of differing habit, higher than the other, and had the gristles of their Noses slit, hanging over their mouths, and Rings of jet and Amber hanging thereat: their neither lips also bored, and in the holes, Rings of Gold and Turkesse-stones, which weighed so much, that their lips hung over their chins, leaving their teeth bare. This ugliness they accounted gallantry, and such uncouth deformity to be the only bravery. And thou Gallant, Note for fashion-mongers. that readest and deridest this madness of Fashion, if thine eyes were not dazzled with lightness (light I cannot call it) of selfe-reflected Vanity, mightest see as Monsterlike fashions at home, and a more fashionly Monster of thyself; thy clothes and oaths, thy gestures and vestures, make thy naked Deformity worse than their thus deformed nakedness: both in deed seem to have received some hellish Character (if there may be bodily representation) of that old Serpent in these new fashions, striving who shall shape himself, nearest to that misse-shapen ugliness, wherein the Indian-jagges himself out of humane lineaments, the other swaggers himself further out of all Civil and Christian ornaments. But these Fashion-mongers have made me almost out of my fashion, and to forget myself, in remembering their forgetfulness. These Indians of this Newcut, Cortes caused to come to him, and learned that they were of Zempoallan, a City distant thence a day's journey, Zempoallan. whom their Lord had sent to see what Gods were come in those Teucallis, that is Temples (so, it seemeth, they called the ships:) which held no conversation with the other Indians, as being not subject to Mutezuma, but only as they were holden in by force. He gave them certain toys, and was glad to hear that the Indians of Zempoallan, and other their Neighbours were not well affected to Mutezuma, but ready, as far as they durst, to entertain all occasions of war with him. Panuco. He sailed from thence to Panuco, and passed the River farther, till he came to a little Town, where was a Temple, with a little Tower, and a Chapel on the top ascended by twenty steps, in which they found some Idols, many bloody Papers, and much man's blood, of those which had been sacrificed, the block also whereon they cut open those Sacrifices, and the Razors made of flint, wherewith they opened their breasts, which struck the Spaniards with some horror and fear. They passed a little further, and there having taken possession, in the Emperor's name, of the whole Country, they founded the Town De la vera Crux, Cortes resigning his authority, and Officers being elected; Vera Crux. and lastly, all with general consent appointing Cortes their Captain. Cortes went forward to Zempoallan, where he was solemnly received and lodged in a great house of lime and stone, whited with plaster, that shined in the Sun, as if it had been Silver; so did the Siluer-conceits of the Spaniards imagine, the desire of that Metal having made such an impression in their imagination, that they told Cortes before he came at it, they had seen a house with walls of Silver. Here, and at Chiaviztlan, Cortes incited them to rebel against Mutezuma, and to become servants to the Spaniards, which they did: and he underhand so wrought, that Mutezuma took him for his friend. All his intent was to fish in troubled waters, and to set them both by the ears, that he might watch opportunity to benefit himself. His own people rebelled, some of whom he chastised with the halter and the whip for example to the rest: and after caused all his ships to be sunk closely, that they should not mind any return. He left 150. man for the guard of the new Town, under Pedro de Henrico, and with 400. Spaniards, fifteen Horses, and six Pieces of Artillery, and 1300 Indians, they went from Zempoallan, and came to Zaclotan, the Lord whereof was Olintler the subject of Mutezuma, who to testify his joy, and to honour Cortes, commanded fifty men to be sacrificed, whose blood they saw, new and fresh. They carried the Spaniards on their shoulders, sitting on Beeres, such as whereon they use to carry dead men. He bragged as much of the power of Mutezuma, as their Spaniards of their Emperor. He said he had thirty Vassals, each of which was able to bring into the field an hundred thousand men of War, Bloody Sacrifices. and sacrificed 20000. men yearly to the gods: in this he somewhat exceeded; the other was true, although some years, the Sacrifices also were thought to amount to 50000. This Town was great, and had thirteen Temples, in each of which were many Idols of stone, of diverse fashions, before whom they sacrificed Men, Doves, Quails, & other things with great perfumes and veneration. Here Mutezuma had 5000. Soldiers in Garrison. Cortes passed from thence to Mexico by the Frontiers of Tlaxcallon, which were enemies to Mutezuma, whom he might easily have overcome, but reserved, partly for the exercise of his Subjects to the War, partly for the Sacrifices to his gods. These joined an hundred and fifty thousand men against Cortes, taking him for Mutezuma's friend: and yet every day sent him Guinney-cockes and Bread, partly to espy his strength, and partly in a bravery, lest their glory should be obscured in the conquest of men already starved. But when in many skirmishes and fights they could not prevail against that handful of Spaniards, they thought they were preserved from harm by enchantments: and sent him three presents with this message; That if he were that rigorous god which eateth man's flesh, he should eat those five slaves which they brought him, and they would bring him more: if he were the meek and gentle god, behold Frankincense, and Feathers: if he were a mortal man, take here Fowl, Bread, and Cherries. At last they made peace with him, and submitted their City to him. Their City Tlaxcallan was great, Tlaxcallan a great City. planted by a River's side, which issued into the South-Sea. It had four Streets, each of which had their Captain in the time of War. The government was an Aristocraty, hating Monarchy no less than tyranny. It had eight and twenty Villages, and in them an hundred and fifty thousand Households, very poor, but good warriors. They had one Marketplace so spacious, that thirty thousand persons in a day came thither to buy and sell by exchange: for money they had none. Mutezuma had sent before to Cortes, and promised tribute to the Emperor, whatsoever should be imposed; only he would not have him come to Mexico. And now he sent again, that he should not trust that new friendship with the beggarly Nation of Tlaxcallan; and they again counselled him not to adventure himself to Mutezuma. Cortes held his determination for Mexico, and being accompanied with many of the Tlaxcantlexas, he went to Chololla, a little from whence Mutezuma had prepared an Army to entrap him in the way; but he finding the treachery, Chololla. it redounded upon the Cholollois, the same day they had thought to have executed the same upon him. For this end they had sacrificed ten children, five males, and as many females, three years old, to Quezalcovatl their god, which was their custom when they began their Wars. He out-going them in their own art of subtlety, entrapped their Captains in Counsel, and sent his Army to spoil the City, where were slain thousands. There were twenty Gentlemen, and many Priests which ascended up to the high tower of their Temple, which had an hundred and twenty steps, where they were burned, together with their gods and Sanctuary. This City had twenty thousand Households within the Walls, and as many in the Suburbs. It showed outward very fair and full of Towers, Store of Temples and devotions. for there were as many Temples as days in the year, and every one had his Tower. The Spaniards counted four hundred Towers. It was the City of most devotion in all India, whither they traveled from many places far distant in Pilgrimage. Their Cathedral Temple was the best and highest in all New-Spaine, with an hundred and twenty steps up to it. Their chief god was Quezalcovatl, god of the Air, who was (they say) founder of their City being a Virgin, of holy life and great penance. He instituted fasting, and drawing of blood out of their ears and tongues, and left precepts of Sacrifices. He never ware but one garment of Cotten, white, narrow, and long, and upon that a Mantle, beset with certain red crosses. They have certain green stones which were his, and are kept for great relics: one of them is like an Ape's head. Eight leagues from Chololla is the hill Popocatepec, Popocatepec a burning Hill. or smoake-hill, which the Earth seemeth to have erected as a Fort to encounter and assault the Air: now with smoky mists endeavouring to choke his purer breath, another while with violent flames, and natural fireworks threatening to join league with his elder and superior brother to disinherit him: sometimes with showers of ashes and embers, as it were, putting out the eyes, and sometimes with terrible and dreadful thunders, rending the ears of that Airy Element; always (such is the event of war) hurting and wasting itself, to indamage the enemy. The Indians thought it a place of Purgatory, whereby tyrannical and wicked Officers were punished after their death, and after that purgation passed into glory. The Spaniards adventured to see it, but two only held on their journey, and had there been consumed, had they not by a Rock been shadowed from the violent eruption of the fire which then happened. It chanced that the Earth, weary it seemeth of the war, as having spent her store and munition, agreed on a truce which continued ten years: but in the year 1540 it broke forth into more violent hostility then before, quaking and renting itself with unbridled passion: and whereas the Air had always a snowy Garrison about her high tops and frontiers, to cool and quench her fiery showers, yet these did but kindle a greater flame, the ashes whereof came to Huexozinco, Quelaxcopon, Tepiacac, Chololla and Tlazcallan, and other places, ten, or as some say, fifteen leagues distant, and burned their herbs in their Gardens, their fields of Corn, Trees and clothes that they laid a drying. The Vulcan, Crater, or mouth whence the fire issued, is about half a league in compass. The Indians kissed their garments (an honour done unto their gods) which had adventured themselves to this dreadful spectacle. Cortes drawing near to Mexico, Mutezuma feared, saying, These are the people which our gods said should come and inherit this Land. He went to his Oratory, Mutezumas religion. and there shut up himself alone, abiding eight days in prayer and fasting, with sacrifice of many men, to aslake the fury of his offended deities. The Devil bids him not to fear, and that he should continue those bloody Rites, assuring him that he should have the gods Vitziliputzli and Tesca●lipuca to preserve him, saying, That Quezalcovatl permitted the destruction at Chololla, for want of that bloody sacrifice. Cortes passed a Hill six miles in height, where, by the difficulty of the passage, and of the cold (being always covered with Snow) the Mexicans might easily have prevented his passing further. Hence he espied the Lake, whereon Mexico and many other great Towns did stand, Ixtacpallapan a Town of 10000 households, Coyocan of six thousand, Vizilopuchtli of five thousand. These Towns are adorned with many Temples and Towers, that beautify the Lake. From Iztacpalapan to Mexico is two Leagues, all on a fair causey, with many draw-bridges, thorough which the water passeth. Mutezuma received Cortes with all solemnity on the eight of November 1519. into this great City, excusing himself of former unkindnesses the best he could. Of his house, and Majesty, and the divine conceit the people had of him, we shall speak after more fully, as also of the Temples, Priests, Sacrifices and other remarkable things of Mexico. Mutezuma provided all things necessary for the Spaniards and Indians that attended them: even beds of flowers were made, in place of litter for their Horses. But Cortes disquieted with those thoughts which commonly attend Ambition (discontent in the present, hopes and fears of the future) used the matter so, that he took Mutezuma prisoner, and detained him in the place appointed for the Spaniards lodging, with a Spanish Guard about him, permitting him otherwise to deal in all private or public affairs, as before. Hereupon Cacama, Lord of Texcuco, Nephew to Mutezuma, rebelled, but by treachery of his own people was presented prisoner to Mutezuma. He, after this summoned a Parliament, where he made an Oration unto his Subjects, saying, a The like speech he had made at first to Cortes, who easily wrought on that advantage, applying this Tradition to the Spaniards, Cortes Narrat. That He and his Predecessors were not Naturals of the Country, but his Forefathers came from a far Country; and their King returned again; and said, he would send such as should rule them. And he hath now sent these Spaniards, saith he. Hereupon he counselled them to yield themselves Vassals to the Emperor, which they did at his command, though with many tears on his part and theirs, at this farewell of their liberty. Mutezuma presently gave to Cortes, in the name of tribute, a great quantity of Gold and other jewels, which amounted to sixteen hundred thousand Castlins of Gold, besides Silver. Cortes had hitherto a continual victory in Mexico without any fight: but news was brought him of Pamphilo de Naruaes', who was sent with eighty Horse, and some hundreths of Spaniards by Velasques, to interrupt the proceedings of Cortes: who leaving two hundred men in Mexico, with two hundred and fifty other came suddenly in the night, and took Naruaes' prisoner, and returned to Mexico with Naruaes' his Company, now his followers also, where he found his men exceedingly distressed by the Citizens for a murder committed in the great Temple at a solemn Feast, wherein a religious dance they were slain, for the rich garments and jewels they ware, by the Spaniards. Cortes came in good time for the relief of his men: and Mutezuma caused the Mexicans to bridle their rage, which presently was renewed; Mutezuma● death. and when Mutezuma, was again by his Guardians, the Spaniards, caused to speak to the people, a blow of a stone on his Temples wounded him, whereof three days after he died. Cortes had some thousands of the Tlaxoltecas to help him, but was driven to fly from Mexico with all his Spaniards and Indians, which he did closely in the night, but yet an alarm was raised, and the Bridges being broken, much slaughter of his people was made by the Mexicans, and all his treasure in manner lost. They pursued after him also, and had two hundred thousand in the field: when it was Cortes his good hap to slay the Sandardbearer, whereupon the Indians forsook the field. This battle was fought at Otumpan. At Tlazcallan, he and his were kindly entertained; they had prepared before 50000. men to go to Mexico for his help, and now they promised him all offices of loyalty and service. With their help he subdued Tepeacac; and built certain Brigandines, or Frigates, which were carried many leagues on the backs of those Indians, and there fastened and finished, without which he could never have won Mexico. In Tezcuco certain Spaniards had been taken, sacrificed and eaten, which Cortes now revenged on them. Eight thousand men had carried the loose pieces and timber of this Navy, guarded with twenty thousand Tlaxcallans, and a thousand Tamemez, or Porters (which carried victuals) attend. They calked them with Tow, and for want of Tallow and Oil, they used Man's Grease, of such as had been slain in the Wars. For so the Indians used, to take out the Grease of their Sacrifices. Cortes had here nine hundred Spaniards, of which fourscore and six were Horsemen, three cast pieces of Iron, fifteen small pieces of Brass▪ and a thousand weight of Powder, and 100000. Indian Soldiers on his side. He made a sluice or trench above twelve foot broad, and two fathom deep, half a league long, in which 40000. men wrought fifty days. He launched his Vessels, and soon overcame all the Canoas' of the Lake, of which were reckoned in all five thousand. The Spaniards broke the Conduits of sweet water, wherewith the City was wont to be served. Quabutimoc, now the new King of Mexico, receiving encouragement from the Devilish Oracle, caused to break down the Bridges, and to exercise whatsoever wit or strength could do in defence of his City, sometimes conquering, sometimes (as is doubtful chance of war) conquered. Cortes had in Tezcuco ordained a new King, a Christian Indian, of the royal blood, who much assisted him in this siege. The Spaniards being Lords of the Lake, and of the Causeyes, by help of their Galliots and Ordinance, they fired a great part of the City. One day the Mexicans had gotten some advantage, and thereupon celebrated a Feast of Victory. The Priests went up into the Towers of Tlatelulco, their chief Temple, and made there perfumes of sweet Gums, in token of victory, and sacrificed forty Spaniards (which they had taken captives, opening their breasts, and plucking out their hearts) sprinkling their blood in the Air; their fellows looking on, and not able to revenge it. They slew likewise many Indians, & four Spaniards of Aluarado's company, whom they ate in the open sight of the Army. The Mexicans danced, drank themselves drunk, made bonfires, struck up their Drums, and made all solemn expressings of joy. Dread, Disdain, and all the Furies that Passion or Compassion could conjure up, had now filled the Spaniards hearts and their Indian partakers: and Cortes, that hitherto had hoped to reserve some part of the City, now did the utmost that Rage aed Revenge could effect, helped no less within with Famine and Pestilence, then with Sword and Fire without. At last Mexico is razed, the Earth and Water sharing betwixt them what the Fire had left, and all which had sometime challenged a lofty inheritance in the Air. Their King also was taken; all that mighty State subverted. And as the Mexicans before had prophesied, That the Tlaxantleca's should again build the City, if conquered, for them; if conquerors, for the Spaniards: It was rebuilded with a hundred thousand houses, fairer and stronger than before. The Siege lasted three Months, and had therein two hundred thousand Indians, nine hundred Spaniards, fourscore Horses, seventeen Pieces of Ordinance, thirteen Galliots, and six thousand Canoas'. Fifty Spaniards were slain, and six Horses: of the Mexicans, a hundred thousand, besides those which died of Hunger and Pestilence. This was effected Anno 1521. on the thirteenth day of August, which for that cause is kept festival every year. For the Description of the Country wherein Mexico is situate. Cortes in his second Narration to the Emperor saith, it is environed with hills: (He telleth of some hills also in his journey, wherein diverse of his people died with cold) in the midst is a plain of 70. leagues compass, and therein two Lakes which extend the circuit of 50. leagues; the one salt, which ebbeth and floweth (an argument for Patritius his opinion, that saltness is a chief cause of that vicissitude of ebbing and flowing, in the Ocean) the other fresh: When the water of the Salt Lake increaseth, it runneth l●ke a violent stream into the fresh Lake, which when it decreaseth, is repaired again by the like issue of this into the former. Nunno di Gusmau b N. di Gus. ap. Ram. vol. 3. hath written his expedition into Mechoacan and other Countries of New-Spaine 1530. subduing and taking possession for the Emperor: He found some of them Sodomites, others Sacrificers of men's flesh, and some closely practising this butchery after they had professed themselves Christians▪ none of them which durst look a Horse in the face, but were afraid that that Beast would eat them. The several peoples by him reckoned, would here be tedious to name: which we may say of the like made by Godoy and Aluarado c Lit. P. Aluarado & Dieg. Godoy ap. Ram. vol. 3. . Of the Customs of the Ancient Mexicans, one of Cortes his Gentlemen hath written a Treatise d Relat. del Temistitan ca extant in Ramusius. wherein are described their City, Temples, Rites of Sacrifice, and the like, as after followeth out of him and others. CHAP. IX. Larger Relations of things most remarkable observed by the Spaniards at their first coming: Cholollas holies; Popocatepecs ashes. Mutezumas multiforme magnificence and majesty. Mexican City and Temple, with other antiquities gathered out of the Third part of the History of Francis Lopez * This part of Lopez was long since translated and published by Tho. Nichols. I have here in diverse places amended it by the Italian translation of Agostino di Cravaliz: for the Spanish original I have not. de Gomara. CHololla is a City as Tlaxcallan, and hath but one person who is Governor and general Captain, chosen by the consent of all the Citizens. It is a City of twenty thousand households within the walls, and in the suburbs as much more. It showeth outwards very beautiful, and full of Towers, for there are as many Temples as days in the year, and every Temple hath his Tower. Our men counted four hundred Towers. The men and women are of good disposition, well favoured, and very witty. The women are Goldsmiths and also Carvers, the men are warriors, and light fellows, and good Masters for any purpose: they go better apparelled then any other Indians yet seen. They wear for their upper garment, cloaks like unto Moriscos, but after another sort. All the Country round about them is fruitful and errable ground, well watered, and so full of people, that there is no waste ground, in respect whereof, there are some poor which beg from door to door. The Spaniards had not seen any beggars in that Country before they came thither. Chololla is a City of most devotion and religion in all India, it is called the Sanctuary, or holy place among the Indians, and thither they traveled from many places far distant in Pilgrimage, and for this cause there were so many Temples. Their Cathedral Temple was the best and highest of all the New Spain, with a hundred and twenty steps up unto it, The greatest Idol of all their gods was called Quezalcovately, God of the Air, who was (say they) the founder of their City, being a Virgin of holy life, and great penance. He instituted fasting, and drawing of blood out of their ears and tongues, and left a precept, that they should sacrifice but only Quails, Doves, and other foul. He never ware but one garment of Cotten, which was white, narrow, and long, and upon that a mantle beset with certain red crosses. They have certain green Stones which were his, and those they keep for relics. One of them is like an Ape's head. Here they abode twenty days, and in this mean while there came so many to buy and sell, that it was a wonder to see. And one of the things that was to be seen in those fairs, was the earthen vessel, which was exceeding curious and fine. The hill called Popocatepec. THere is a hill eight leagues from Chololla, called Popocatepec, which is to say, a hill of smoke, for many times it casteth out smoke and fire. Cortes sent thither ten Spaniards, with many Indians, to carry their victual, and to guide them in the way. The ascending up was very troublesome, and full of craggy rocks, They approached so nigh the top, that they heard such a terrible noise which proceeded from thence, that they durst not go unto it, for the ground did tremble and shake, and great quantity of ashes which disturbed the way: but yet two of them who seemed to be most hardy, and desirous to see strange things, went up to the top, because they would not return with a sleeveless answer, and that they might not be accounted cowards, leaving their fellows behind them, proceeding forwards. The Indians said, what mean these men? for as yet never mortal man took such a journey in hand. These two valiant fellows passed through the Desert of Ashes, and at length came under a great smoke very thick, and standing there a while, the darkness vanished partly away, and then appeared the vulcan and concavity, which was about half a league in compass, out of the which the air came abounding, with a great noise, very shrill, and whistling, in such sort that the whole hill did tremble. It was to be compared unto an Oven where Glass is made. The smoke and heat was so great, that they could not abide it, and of force were constrained to return by the way that they had ascended: but they were not gone far, when the vulcan began to lash out flames of fire, ashes, and imbers, yea and at the last, stones of burning fire: and if they had not chansed to find a Rock, where under they shadowed themselves, undoubtedly they had there been burned. When with good tokens they were returned where they left their fellows, the other Indians kissed their garments as an honour due unto gods. They presented unto them such things as they had, and wondered much at their fact. The simple Indians thought, that that place was an infernal place, Purgatory▪ where all such as governed not well, or used tyranny in their offices, were punished when they died, and also believed, that after their purgation, they passed into glory. This Vulcan is like unto the Vulcan of Sicilia, it is high and round, and never wanteth snow about it, and is seen afar off in the night, it lasheth out flames of fire. There is near about this Hill many Cities, and Huexoxinco is one of the nighest. In ten years' space this strange hill of working did expel no vapour or smoke: but in the year 1540 it began again to burn, and with the horrible noise thereof, the Neighbours that dwelled four leagues from thence were terrified, for the especial strange smokes that then were seen, the like to their Predecessors had not been seen. The ashes that proceeded from thence came to Huexozinco, Quelaxcopan, Tepiacae, Quauhquecholla, Chololla, and Tlaxcallan, which standeth ten leagues from thence, yea some say, it extended fifteen leagues distant, and burned their herbs in their Gardens, their Fields of Corn, Trees, and clothes that lay a drying. He left the way that the Mexicans had persuaded him to come, for it was both evil and dangerous, as the Spaniard which went to the Vulcan had seen, he went another plainer way, and nearer. He ascended up a Hill covered with snow, which was six miles of height, where if the 30000. Soldiers had waited for them, they might easily have taken them, by reason of the great cold: and from the top of that Hill, they discovered the Land of Mexico, and the great Lake, with his Villages round about, which is an exceeding goodly sight. But when Cortes saw that beautiful thing, his joy was without comparison. There came twelve Lords from Mexico, among whom was Cacama, Nephew to Mutezuma, who was Lord of Tezcuco, a young man of five and twenty years of age, whom the Indians did much honour: he was carried upon their shoulders, and when they set him down, one went before with a Broom to sweep the dust out of his way. In this order he came to Iztacpalapan. Every two hours came messengers betwixt Cortes and Mutezuma: then came Cuetlevac Lord of that Town, with the Lord Culhuacan his Kinsman to receive him, who presented unto him slaves, garments, and feathers, and to the value of four thousand Ducats in Gold. Cuetualac received all the Spaniards into his own house, which hath very fair Lodgings all of stone, and Carpenters work, exceeding well wrought, with high and low rooms, with all kind of service: The chambers were hanged with cloth of Cotton very rich, after their manner. There were fair Gardens replenished with many sweet flowers, and sweet trees garnished with Network, made of Canes, and covered with Roses and other fine herbs▪ with sundry ponds of sweet water. There was another Garden very beautiful of all sorts of fruits and herbs, with a great pond walled with lime and stone, and was four hundred paces square, made with fair steps to descend unto the bottom in many places, and was full of diverse kinds of fishes, and many kind of water Birds, which sometimes covered the pond, as Gulls, and Mews, and such like. Iztacpallapan is a Town of 10000 households, and is planted in a Lake of Salt-water, the one half of the Town built on the water, and the other on the Land. From Iztacpallapan to Mexico is two leagues all upon a fair Calsey, upon the which eight Horsemen may pass on rank, The solemn pomp wherewith Cortes was received into Mexico. and so directly strait as though it had been made by line. And whosoever hath good eyesight might discern the gates of Mexico from thence. Coyoacan is a Town of six thousand dwellers, Vizilopuchtli is of five thousand. These Towns are planted in the Lake, and are adorned with many Temples, which have many fair Towers, that do beautify exceedingly the Lake. There is great contractation of Salt, which is made there, and from thence is carried abroad to Fairs and Markets, which thing was a great rent to Mutezuma. Upon this Calsey are many drawn Bridges built upon fair arches, that the water passeth thorough. Cortes passed this Calsey with 400. Spaniards, and 6000. Indians his friends: their passage was with much ado, by reason of the great multitude of Indians which came to see him, and coming near the City, there adjoined another Calsey with a broader passage, where standeth a strong Bulwark of stone, of the height of two fathom with two Towers on each side, and two gates very strong. Here at this Fort came three thousand Courtiers and Citizens to receive him, and every of them touched the ground with his right hand and kissed it, and passed forwards in the order as they came. These salutations endured an hour and more. From the Bulwark the Calsey lieth directly, and before the entrance into the street there is another draw Bridge made of timber ten paces broad, under the which the water passeth too and fro. At this Bridge came Mutezuma to receive Cortes under a Canopy of green feathers and gold, Mutezumas state and Majesty. with much Argentery hanging thereat, which Canopy four Noblemen did carry. And the two Princes Cuetlavac and Cacama his Nephews, did lead him by each arm: all three were rich apparelled and all of one fashion, except Mutezuma, which had a pair of shoes of gold beset with precious Stones, and the soles were tied to the upper part with latchets, as is painted of the Antikes. His Gentlemen went by two and two, layng down and taking up Mantles and Couerle●s upon the ground, because his feet should not touch the same: then followed him as in Procession, 200. Noblemen barefooted, with garments of a richer Livery than the first three thousand. Mutezuma came in the midst of the street, and the others came behind him as nigh the wall as they might, their faces towards the ground, for it was a great offence to look him in the face. Cortes alighted from his Horse, and according to our use went to embrace him, but the Princes who led him by the arms, would not suffer him to come so nigh, for they held it for sin to touch him, but yet saluted each one the other. Cortes put about Mutezuma his neck a collar of Margarites, Diamonds, and other stones all of glass. Mutezuma received it thankfully, and went before with one of the Princes his Nephews, and commanded the other to lead Cortes by the hand, next after him in the midst of the street: and proceeding forward in this order, than came the Gentlemen in the richest Livery to welcome him, one by one, touching the ground with their hands, and after returned to their standing. And if the Citizens had come as they requested, all that day would not have served for salutations. The collar of glass pleased well Mutezuma, and because he would not take without giving a better thing▪ as a great Prince, he commanded to be brought two collars of red Prawns, which are there much esteemed, Spaniards give gaudy glas●e for gold and glory. and at every one of them hanged eight Shrimps of gold, of excellent workmanship, and of a finger length every one, he put these collars with his own hands about Cortes his neck, the which was esteemed a most great favour, yea and the Indians marvelled at it. At this time they were come to the street end, which was almost a mile long, broad, straight, and very fair, and full of houses on each side, in whose doors, windows and tops, was such a multitude of Indians to behold the strangers, that I know not who wondered most, our men to see such a number of them, or else they to see our men, their Ordnance and Horses, a thing so strange unto them. They were brought unto a great Court or house of Idols, which was the Lodging Axaiaca, at the door whereof, Mutezuma took Cortes by the hand, and brought him into a fair hall, and placed him upon a rich Carpet, saying unto him, Sir, now are you in your own house, eat and take your rest and pleasure, for I will shortly come and visit you again. Such (as you hear) was the receiving of Hernando Cortes by Mutezuma a most mighty King, into his great and famous City of Mexico, the eight day of November, 1519. The house where the Spaniards were lodged was great and large, The Oration of Mutezuma to the Spaniards. with many fair chambers sufficient for them all: it was neat, clean matted, and hanged with Cloth of Cotton, and Feathers of many colours, pleasant to behold. When Mutezuma was departed from Cortes, he began to set his house in order and placed the Ordnance at his door, and having all his things in good sort, he went to a sumptuous Dinner that was prepared for him. as soon as Mutezuma had made an end of his Dinner, hearing that the Strangers were risen from the Table, and reposed a while, then came he to Cortes, saluting him, and sat down by him. He gave unto him diverse jewels of Gold Plate, Feathers, and many Garments of Cotton, both rich, well woven, and wrought of strange colours, a thing comely, that did manifest his greatness, and also confirm their imagination. This gift was delivered honourably, and then began his talk as followeth: Lords and Gentlemen, I do much rejoice to have in my house such valiant men as ye are, for to use you with courtesy, and entreat you with honour, according to your desert and my estate. And where heretofore I desired that you should not come hither, the only cause was, my people had a great fear to see you, for your gesture and grim beards did terrify them, yea, they reported that ye had such beasts as swallowed men, and that your coming was from Heaven, bringing with you Lightning▪ Thunder, and Thunderbolts, wherewith you made the Earth to tremble and to shake, and that ye slew therewith whom ye pleased. But now I do see and know that you are mortal men, and that ye are quiet and hurt no man: also I have seen your Horses, which are but your Servants, and your Guns like unto shooting Trunks. I do now hold all for Fables and Lies which have been reported of you, and I do also accept you for my mere Kinsman. My Father told me that he had heard his forefathers say, of whom I do descend, that they held opinion how they were not Naturals of this Land, but come hither by chance, in company of a mighty Lord, who after a while that he had abode here, they returned to their natural soil: After many years expired, they cam● again for those whom they had left here behind them, A strange opinion. but they would not go with them, because they had here inhabited, and had Wives and Children, and great government in the Land. Now these mighty Lords seeing that they were so stubborn, and would not return with them, departed from them sore displeased, saying, that he would send his Children that should both rule and govern them, in justice, Peace, and ancient Religion. And for this consideration, we have always suspected and believed, that such a people should come to rule and govern us, and considering from whence you come, I do think that you are they whom we looked for, and the notice which the great Emperor Charles had for us, who hath now sent you hither. Therefore Lord and Captain, be well assured, that we will obey you, if there be no feigned or deceitful matter in your dealings, and will also divide with you and yours all that we have. And although this which I have said were not only for your virtue, fame, and deeds of valiant Gentlemen, I would yet do it for your worthiness in the battles of Tavasco, Teocazinco, and Chollolla, being so few, to overcome so many. Now again, if ye imagine that I am a God, and the walls and roofs of my houses, and all my vessel of service, to be of pure Gold, as the men of Zempoallan, Tlaxcallan, and Huexozinco, have informed you, it is not so, and I judge you to be so wise, that you give no credit to such Fables. You shall also note, that through your coming hither, many of my subjects have rebelled, and are become my mortal enemies, but yet I purpose to break their wings. Come feel you my body, I am of flesh and bone, a mortal man as other are, and no God, although as a King I do esteem myself, of greater dignity and pre-eminence than others. My houses you do also see, which are of timber and earth, and the principallest of Mason's work, therefore now you do both know and see what odious liars those Tale-bearers were. But troth it is, that Gold Plate, Feathers, Armour, jewels, and other Riches. I have in the Treasury of my Forefathers a long time preserved, as the use of Kings is, all the which you and yours shall enjoy at all times. And now it may please you to take your rest, for I know that you are weary of your journey. Cortes with joyful countenance humbled himself, seeing some tears fall from Mutezuma his eyes, saying unto him, upon the trust I have had in your clemency, I insisted to come both to see, and talk with your Highness, and now I know that all are lies which hath been told me. The like your Highness hath heard reported of us, assure yourself, that the Emperor King of Spain is your natural Lord, whom ye have expected, he is the only heir from whence your Lineage doth proceed, and as touching the offer of your Highness' treasure, I do most heartily thank you. After all this communication, Mutezuma demanded whether the bearded men which came with him; were either his vassals, or his slaves, because he would entertain each one according to his estate. A loving answers. Cortes answered, that they were all his brethren, friends, and fellows, except some that were his servants. Then he departed, and went home to his Palace, and there informed himself particularly who were Gentlemen, and who were not, and according thereunto, sent every one particular gift or present. To the Gentlemen he sent his reward by his controller, and to the Mariners and other Servitors, by a Page of his household. Mutezuma was a man of a small stature, and lean, his colour tawny as all the Indians are. Mutezuma described. He had long hair on his head, six little hairs upon him, as though they had been put in with a Bodkin. His thin beard was black. He was a man of a fair condition, and a doer of justice, well spoken, grave and wise, beloved and feared among his subjects. Mutezuma doth signify Sadness. Cin. To the proper names of Kings and Lords, they do add this syllable Cin, which is for courtesy and dignity, as we use Lord. The Turk useth Zultan. The Moor or Barbarian calleth his Lord muley, Title Cin. and so the Indians say Mutezumazin, His people had him in such reverence, that he permitted none to sit in his sight, nor yet in his presence to wear shoes, nor look him in the face, except very few Princes. He was glad of the conversation of the Spaniards, and would not suffer them to stand on foot, for the great estimation he had of them, and if he liked any of the Spaniards garments, he would exchange his apparel for theirs. He changed his own apparel four times every day, and he never clothed himself again with the Garments which he had once worn, Change of Apparel. but all such were kept in his Guardrobe, for to give in Presents to his Servants and Ambassadors, and unto valiant Soldiers which had taken any enemy Prisoner, and that was esteemed a great reward, and a title of privilege. The costly Mantles whereof had been diverse sent to Cortes, were of the same Guardrobe. His Wardrobe. His diet●rites. Mutezuma went always very neat and fine in his attire. He bathed him in his Hothouse four times every day. He went seldom out of his Chamber, but when he went to his meat. He eat always alone, but solemnly, and with great abundance. His Table was a Pillow, or else a couple of coloured Skins. His Chair was a fourfooted stool made of one piece, and hollow in the midst, well wrought and painted. His Table-clothes, Napkins, and Towels, were made of cotton-wool, very white and new, for he was never served but once with that Naperie. Four hundred Pages brought in his meat, all sons of great Lords, and placed it upon a Table in his great Hall. Magnificent attendance. The meat being brought in, than came Mutezuma to behold the Dishes, and appointed those Dishes that liked him best, and Chafing-dishes were prepared to keep that meat warm, and seldom would he eat of any other Dish, except the Lord Steward or controller should highly commend any other Dish. Before he sat down, came twenty of his Wives of the fairest and best esteemed, or else those that served weekly by turn, His wives. brought in the Basin and Ewer, with great humbleness. This done, he sat him down, and then came the Lord Steward, and drew a wooden Net before him, because none should come nigh his Table. And this Noble man alone placed the Dishes, and also took them away, for the Pages who brought in the meat, came not near the Table, nor yet spoke any word, nor no man else. While the Lord Mutezuma was at his meat, except some jester, they all served him barefooted. Barefoot service. There assisted always somewhat a far off, six ancient and Noblemen, unto whom he used to give of the Dish that best liked him, who received the same at his hand with great reverence, and eat it incontinent, without looking in his face, which was the greatest humility that they could use before him. Music. He had music of Fiddle, Flute, and of a Snaile-shell, and a Cauldron covered with a skin, and such other strange Instruments. They had very evil voices to sing. Always at dinner time he had Dwarves, crooke-backes, and other deformed counterfeits, all for majesty and to laugh at, who had their meat in the Hall among the jesters and Idiots, jesters. which were fed with part of the meat that came from Mutezuma his table, all the rest of the meat was given to three thousand of the guard, who attended ordinarily in the yard or Court, and therefore they say that there was brought for his Table three thousand dishes, and as many pots of wine, such as they use, and that continually the Buttery and Pantrey stood open, which was a wonder to see what was in them. The platters, dishes, and cups, were all of earth, whereof the King was served but once, and so from meal to meal new. He had likewise his service of Gold and Plate very rich, but he used not to be served with it (they say) because he would not be served twice therewith, the which he thought a base thing. Plate. Some affirm, that young children were slain and dressed in diverse kind of dishes for Mutezuma his table, but it was not so, only of man's flesh sacrificed he fed now and then. Man's flesh. The table being taken up, then came again the Gentlewomen to bring water for his hands, with the like reverence as they used at the first, and then went they to dinner with the other wives, so that then the Gentlemen and Pages waited as their course fell. When his table was taken up, and his Servitors gone to meat, Mutezuma sat still: then came in the suitors that had any affairs to deal with him, barefooted, for all the persons did use that reverence, except some Princes his Kinsmen, as the Lords of Tescuco, and Tlacopan, and a few others: and being cold weather, State ceremonies. they used to wear old ragged clothes upon their rich garments. All suitors used to make three or four courtesies, not looking toward his face, and speaking unto him their heads dowwards, and in that order retired back again. Mutezuma answered his suitors very gravely, with low voice, and in few words, and not to all suitors, for others his Secretaries or Counsellors that stood by, answered for him, and having their answer, they returned backwards, not turning their tails to the Prince. After these businesses done, he used some recreation, hearing jesters or Songs, wherein he delighted much, jesters and Players. or else to look upon the Players, who play with their feet, as we do with our hands. These have a cudgel like unto a Pastlers rowler, which they toss high and low as it were a ball in the Air, strange to behold. They use other Plays to pass the time, in such an order, Games. that it seemed marvelous to the lookers on. Cortes brought into Spain some of these Players. Also they use Matachines', in such sort they do play, that there stand each upon other shoulders, and he that standeth highest, showeth many feats. Sometime Mutezuma did behold the Players, who played at a game called Pacoliztli, which is much like our Tables, and they play with beans, squared like Dice, which they call Patolli, and throw them out of both their hands upon a mat, or else upon the ground, where are made certain strikes, upon which they set down the chance that is thrown: and at this game they play all that they have, and many times they value their own bodies, and play that into captivity, and to remain a slave, I mean, such as are common Gamesters of small estate. Sometimes Mutezuma went to the Tennis Court. Their ball is celled Villamaliztli, and is made of the gum which cometh from a tree called Vlli. The Tennis play in Mexico. This tree groweth in a hot Country. The gum being kneaded together, and so made round, is as black as pitch, and somewhat heavy, and very hard for the hand, but yet good and light to rebound, and better than our wind-bals. They play not at Chases, but at Bandy, or at Check, that is, if the ball touch the wall it looseth. They may strike the ball with any part of their body, but there is always a penalty if they only strike not with the buttock or side, which is the finest play: whereof they use a skin upon each buttock. They play so many to so many for a pack of Mantles, or according to the ability of the Players. Also they play for gold and feathers, and sometime for their own bodies, as they use at Patolli, which is there permitted and lawful. The Tennis Court is called Tlachco, and is a Hall long and narrow, but wider upwards, then downwards, and higher on the sides then at the ends, which is an industry for their play. The house is always white and smooth in the side walls they have certain stones like unto Millstones, with a little hole in the midst that passeth through the stone, the hole is so small, that scarcely the ball may pass through, but he that chanceth to strike the ball into the hole, which seldometh happeneth, winneth the game, and by an ancient Law and custom among Tennis Players, he ought to have the Cloaks of all those that stand and behold the play, on that side that the ball went in, and in some Tennis Courts, the half of the garments of them that stand looking on. The Winner is then bound to make certain Sacrifice to the God of the Tennis play, and to the stone where the ball entered. The beholders of the play would say, that such a Winner should be a Thief and an Adulterer, or else that he should die quickly. They used in the Temple of the Tennis play, two Images of the God of the Ball, God of the Ball. which stood upon the two lower walls. The Sacrifice was celebrated at midnight, with many Ceremonies and Witchcrafts, and Songs for that purpose. Then came a Priest from the Cathedral Church, with other Religious persons to bless the Sacrifice, saying certain devilish Prayers, and throwing the ball four times in the Tennis Court. In this order was the Tennis play consecrated, and after this consecration it was lawful to play, or else not, for this diligence was first to be done when any Tennis Court or play was newly built. The owner of the Tennis Court also would never suffer any to play, until he had first offered something to the Idol, their Superstition was so great. His Palace. Mutezuma had many houses as well in Mexico as without, for his recreation and pleasure, as also for his ordinary dwelling. To write of all it should be tedious, but where his continual abiding was, Twenty doors. Three Courts. Hals, chambers, walls, etc. he named Tepac, that is to say, Palace. And that Palace had twenty doors or gates which had their out-comming into the common streets. It hath three Courts, and in the one standeth a fair Fountain, many Hals, and a hundred Chambers of twenty three, and thirty foot long, an hundred Baths and Hothouses: and although the building was without nails, yet very good workmanship. The walls were made of Mason's work, and wrought of Marble, jaspe, and other black stone, with veins of red, like unto Rubies and other Stones, which glisteren very fair: the roofs were wrought of Timber, and curiously carved: the Timber was Cedar, Cypress, and Pinetree: the Chambers were painted and hung with Cloth of Cotton, and Cloth made of Coney's hair and feathers. The beds were poor and of no value, for they were nothing but Mantles laid upon Mats, or upon Hay, or else Mats alone: few men lay with in those Houses. Multitude of women. There were a thousand women, and some affirm that there were three thousand, accounting Gentlewomen, Servants and Slaves: the most were Nobleman's Daughters, Mutezuma took of them for his self, those that liked him best, and the others he gave in marriage to Gentlemen his Servants. The saying was, that he had at one time a hundred and fifty women his wives with child, who through the persuasion of the Devil, took Medicines to cast their creatures, because they knew that they should not inherit the State: these his wives, had many old women for their Guard, for no man was permitted to look upon them. His Arms he after saith a Conie was his arms, but this Eagle was general to all the Mexican Kings Gryffon-tale. The shield of Arms that is set in his Palace, and likewise carried to the Wars, is an Eagle soaring upon a Tiger his talons, bend as taking prey. Some think it is a griffon and not an Eagle. The Griffons in time past, say they, did cause the Vale of Auacatlan to be dispeopled, for they were great devourers of men, and that their abiding was in the Mountains of Teoacan: they approve that these Mountains were called Cuitlachtepelt, of Cuitlachtli, which is a griffon, bigger than a Lion: but the Spaniards did never see any of them. The Indians by their old Pictures do paint those griffons to have a kind of hair and no feathers, and also affirm, that with their talons and teeth they break men's bones. They have the courage of a Lion, and the countenance of an Eagle: they paint him with four feet, and teeth, with a kind of down, more like wool than feathers, with his beak, talons, and wings. There are also other Lords that give the griffon in their Arms, flying with a heart in his talons. A house of fowl, which were only preserved for Mutezuma had another house, with very good lodgings and fair galleries, built upon Pillars of jaspe which extendeth toward a goodly Garden, in the which there are ten ponds or moe, some of salt-water for Sea-fowle, and other some of fresh water for River-fowle, and Lake-fowle, which ponds are devised with sluices to empty and to fill at their pleasure, for the cleanness of the feathers. There is such a number of Fowl that scarcely the ponds may hold them, and of such diverse kinds both in feathers and making, as sure it was an admiration for the Spaniards to behold, for the most of them they knew not, nor yet had at any time seen the like. And to every kind of Fowl they gave such bait as they were wont to feed of in the Fields or Rivers. There did belong to that house three hundred persons of service some were to cleanse the ponds: other some did fish for bait: other some served them with meat: other did lose them and trim their feathers: others had care to look to their Eggs: others to set them abrood: others cured them when they were sick: and the principallest Office was to pluck the Feathers: for of them was made rich Mantles, Tapissary, Targets, tuffes of Feathers, and many other things wrought with Gold and Silver: a most perfect work. their feathers. A house of fowl for hawking and other strange things. There is another House with large quarters and lodgings, which is called a House for Fowl, not because there are more than in the other, but because they be bigger and to hawk with all, and are Fowl of rapine, wherefore they are esteemed as more nobler than all the others. There are in this House many high Hals, in the which are kept men, women and children: in some of them are kept such as are borne white of colour: White men. which doth very seldom happen: in other some are Dwarves, Crooked-backes, Burstenmen, Counterfeits, and monstrous Persons, in great number: they say, that they used to deform them when they were Children, to set forth the King's greatness: every of these persons were in several Halles by themselves. Wild beasts. In the lower Halles were great Cages made of timber: in some of them were Lions, in other Tigers, in other Ounces, in others Wolves: in conclusion, there was no fourfooted beast that wanted there, only to the effect that the mighty Mutezuma might say that he had such things in his house. They were fed with their ordinary, as Ginea cocks, Dear, Dogs, and such like. There was also in other Hals great earthen vessels, some with earth, and some with water, wherein were Snakes, as gross as a man's thigh, Vipers, Crocodiles, Snakes, etc. which they call Caymanes, or Lizarts of twenty foot long, with such Scales and head as a Dragon hath: Also other little Lizarts, and other venomous Beasts and Serpents as well of the water as of the land, a terrible sight for the lookers on. There were also other Cages for foul of rapine of all sorts, as Hawks, Kites, Boyters, Fowls of prey and at the least nine or ten kind of Hawks. This house of foul had of daily allowance five hundred Gynea cocks, and three hundred men of service, besides the Falconers and Hunters, which are infinite. There were many other sorts of Fowls that our men knew not, which seemed by their beak and talents good to Hawk withal. To the Snakes and other venomous Beasts they gave the blood of men sacrificed, to feed them, and some say, they gave unto them man's flesh, which the great Lizarts do eat very well. The Spaniards saw the floor covered with blood like a jelly in a Slaughter-house, it stunk horribly. It was strange to see the Officers in this House, how every one was occupied. Our men took great pleasure in beholding such strange things, but they could not away with the roaring of the Lions, the fearful hissing of the Snakes and Adders, the doleful howling and barking of the Wolves, the sorrowful yelling of the Ownzes and Tigers, when they would have meat. Most certain, in the night season it seemed a Dungeon of Hell, and a dwelling place of the Devil, and even so it was indeed, Devil's den. for near at hand was a Hall of a hundred and fifty foot long, and thirty foot broad, where was a Chapel with the Roof of Silver and Gold in leaf Wainescotted, and decked with great store of Pearl and Stone, as Agattes, Cornerines', Emeralds, Rubies, and diverse other sorts, and this was the Oratory where Mutezuma prayed in the night season, and in that Chapel the Devil did appear unto him, and gave him answer according to his prayers. He had other houses like unto Barnes, only for the feathers of fowls, Storehouses. and for mantles which proceeded of his rents and tributes, a thing much to be seen: upon the doors was set his arms, which was a Conie. Here dwelled the chief Officers of his house, as Treasurer, Controller, Receivers and other officers appertaining to the King's revenues. Officers. Mutezuma had no house wherein was not an Oratory for the Devil, whom they worshipped for the jewels there. And therefore those houses were great and large. Mutezuma had some houses of Armour, upon the doors whereof stood a Bow and Arrows. In these houses was great store of all kind of Munition which they use in their wars: as Bows, The Armoury of Mutezuma. Arrows, Slings, Lances, Darts, Clubs, Swords and Bucklers, and gallant Targets more trim than strong, Skulls and Splints, but not many, and all made of wood, gilt or covered with leather. The wood whereof they make their Armour and Targets, is very hard and strong, Wood for Arms. for they use to toast it at the fire, and at their Arrow ends they enclose a little piece of Flint stone, or a piece of a Fish bone called Libisa, and that is venomous, for if any be hurt therewith and the head remain in the wound, it so festereth, that it is almost incurable. Their Swords are of wood, and the edge thereof is of flint stone, enclosed or joined into a staff, with a certain kind of glue which is made of a root called Zacolt, and Teuxalli, Wooden Swords with stone edges. which is a kind of strong sand, whereof they make a mixture, and after kneade it with blood of Bats or Rearemices, and other Fowl, which doth glue marvelous strong, and lightly never uncleaveth: of this stuff, they make nails, pearcers, and augers, wherewith they bore Timber and stone: with their Swords they cut Spears, yea and a Horse neck at a blow, and made dents into Iron, which seemed a thing impossible and incredible. In the City no man may wear weapon, but only in wars, hunting, and among the Kings Guard. Besides the foresaid houses, he had many others for his only recreation and pastime, The Gardens of Mutezuma. with excellent fair Gardens of medicinal Herbs, sweet Flowers, and Trees of delectable savour. In that Garden were a thousand personages, made and wrought artificially of leaves and flowers. Mutezuma would not permit that in this Garden should be any kind of pot Herbs, Note of a magnificent mind. or things to be sold, saying, that it did not appertain to Kings to have things of profit, among their delights and pleasures, for such things (said he) did appertain to Merchants. Yet notwithstanding he had Orchards with many and sundry fruits, but they stood far from the City, and whither seldom times he went: Houses of pleasure. he had likewise out of Mexico pleasant houses in Woods and Forests, of great compass, environed with water, in the which he had Fountains, Rivers, Ponds with fish, Warrens of Coneys, Rocks and covert where were Hearts, Bucks, Hares, Foxes, Wolves, and such like, with wilderness for every sort. To these places the Lords of Mexico used to go and sport themselves, such and so many were the houses of Mutezuma, wherein few Kings were equal with him. He had daily attending upon him in his private Guard, six hundred Noblemen and Gentlemen, and each of them three or four servants, The Court and Guard of Mutezuma. and some had twenty servants or moe, according to his estate: and in this manner he had three thousand men attendant in his Court, and some affirm more, all the which were fed in his house of the meat that came from his table. The serving men always abode below in the Court all the day, and went not from thence till after Supper. It is to be thought that his Guard was the greater, because the strangers were there, although in effect of truth it is most certain, Great Vassals. that all the Lords that are under the Mexicall Empire (as they say) are thirty persons of high estate, who are able to make each of them a hundred thousand men. There are three thousand Lords of Towns, who have many vassals. These Noblemen did abide in Mexico certain times of the year, State-caution. in the Court of Mutezuma, and could not depart from thence without especial licence of the Emperor, leaving each of them a son or brother behind them for security of rebellion, and for this cause they had generally houses in the City: such and so great was the Court of Mutezuma. Tributes and subjection of the Indians to their King. There is not in all the Dominions of Mutezuma any subject that payeth not tribute unto him. The Noblemen pay their tribute in personal service. The Husbandmen called Macevaltin, with body and goods. In this sort they are either Tenants, or else heirs to their possessions. Those which are heirs, do pay one third part of all their fruit and commodity that they do reap or bring up, as Dogs, Hens, Fowl, Coneys, Gold, Silver, Stones, Salt, Wax, Honey, Mantles, Feathers, Cotten, and a certain fruit called Cacao, that serveth for money, and also to eat. Also all kind of Grain, and Garden Herbs, and Fruits, whereof they do maintain themselves. The Tenants do pay monthly, or yearly, as they can agree, and because their tribute is great, they are called slaves, for when they may have licence to eat Eggs, they think it a great favour. It was reported that they were taxed what they should eat, and all the residue was taken from them. Poverty of the Tenants. They went very poorly clothed, yea and the most of their treasure was an earthen Pot, wherein they boiled their Herbs, a couple of Millstones to grind their Corn, and a Mat to lie upon. They did not only pay this Rent, and Tribute, but also served with their bodies at all times when the great King should command. They were in such great subjection to their Prince, that they durst not speak one word although their daughters should be taken from them to be used at pleasure. All the aforesaid rents they brought to Mexico upon their backs, and in Boats, I mean so much as was necessary for the provision of the House and Court of Mutezuma, all the rest was spent among Soldiers, and bartered for Gold, Plate, Precious stones, and other rich jewels, esteemed of Princes, all the which was brought to the Treasury. In Mexico was large and great Barns and Houses to receive and keep the Corn for provision of the City, See our picture book. with Officers, and underofficers, who did receive the same, and kept account thereof in Books of painted figures. And in every Town was a Receiver, who bore in his hand a rod or a bush of Feathers, and those gave up their accounts in Mexico. Receivers. If any such had been taken with deceit and falsehood, death was his reward, yea and his kindred punished with penalties, as of a lineage of a traitor to his Prince. The Husbandmen, if they paid not well their Tribute, were apprehended for the same, and if they were found to be poor through sickness and infirmity, than they were borne withal, but if they were found to be lazy and slothful, they should be used accordingly: but in conclusion, if they paid it not at a day appointed, than they should be sold for slaves to pay their debt, or else be sacrificed. There were many other Provinces, which paid a certain portion, and reknowledged service, but this Tribute was more of honour than profit. In this sort Mutezuma had more than suffitient to provide his house and wars, and to heap up great store in his Treasury. Moreover, he spent nothing in the building of his houses, for of long time he had certain Towns that paid no other Tribute, Tribute of men's labours. but only to work and repair continually his Houses at their own proper cost, and paid all kind of workmen carrying upon their backs, or drawing in sleds, Stone, Lime, Timber, Water, and all other necessaries for the work. Likewise they were bound to provide all the firewood that should be spent in the Court, which was a great thing, and did amount to two hundred and thirty weight a day, which was five hundred men's burdens, and some days in the winter much more. And for the King's Chimneys they brought the bark of Oak trees, which wes best esteemed for the light thereof, for they were great Sorcerers. Mutezuma had one hundred Cities with their Provinces, of whom he received Rents, Tributes, and Vassalage, where he maintained Garrison of Soldiers, and had Treasurers in each of them. His dominion did extend from the North sea to the South sea, and six hundred miles in longitude within the main Land, although in very deed there were some Towns, as Tlaxcallon, Mechuacan, Panuco, and Teocantepec, which were his enemies, and paid him neither Tribute nor Service: but yet the Ransom was much, when any of them was taken. Also there were o●her Kings and Noblemen, as of Texcuto, and Tlacopan, which were not in subjection unto him, but only in homage and obedience, for they were of his own lineage, unto whom Mutezuma married his Daughters. Description of Mexico as it flourished in those times. MExico at the time when Cortes entered, was a City of sixty thousand houses. The King's house, and o●her Nobleman's houses were great, large, and beautiful, the other were small and mean, without either doors or windows: and although they were small, yet there dwelleth in some of them, two, three, yea and ten persons, by reason whereof, the City was wonderfully replenished with people. This City is built upon the water, even in the same order as Venice is. All the body of the City standeth in a great large Lake of water. Three sorts of Streets. There are three sorts of streets very broad and fair, the one sort are only water, with many Bridges: another sort of only earth: and the third of earth and water: that is to say, the one half earth to walk upon, and the other half for Boats to bring provision of all sorts. These streets are kept always clean, and the most part of the houses have two doors, the one towards the Causeway, and the other towards the water, at the which they take Boat to go where they list. And although this City is founded upon water, yet the same water is not good to drink, whereof there is brought by conduit water from a place called Capultepec, three miles distant from the City, which springeth out of a little hill, at the foot whereof standeth two Statues or covered Images wrought in stone, with their Targets and Lances, the one is of Mutezuma, and the other of Axaiaca his Father. The water is brought from thence in two Pipes or Canals in great quantity, and when the one is foul, than all the water is conveied into the other, till the first be made clean. From this Fountain all the whole City is provided, so that they go selling the same water from street to street in little Boats, and do pay a certain tribute for the same. This City is divided into two streets, the one was called Tlatelulco, that is to say, a little Island, and the other Mexico, where Mutezuma his dwelling and Court was, and is to be interpreted a Spring. This street is the fairest and most principal, and because of the King's Palace there, the City was named Mexico, although the old and first name of the City was Tenuchtitlan, which doth signify Fruit out of stone, for the name is compounded of Tetl, which is, Stone, and Nuchtl●, which is a Fruit in Cuba and Hispaniola called Tunas; the Tree (or to speak properly, the Thistle) that beareth this fruit, is named Nopal, It groweth also in Bermuda. and is nothing almost but leaves of a footebroad and round, and three inches thick, some more, and some less, according to the growth, full of thorns which are venomous: the leaf is green, and the thorn or prick russet. After that is planted, it increaseth, growing leaf unto leaf, and the foot thereof cometh to be as the body of a tree, and one leaf doth only produce another at the point, but at the sides of the same leaves proceed other leaves. In some Provinces where water is scant, they use to drink the juice of these leaves. The fruit thereof called Nuchtli, is like unto Figs, and even so hath his little kernels or grains within, but they are somewhat larger, and crowned like unto a Meddler. There are of them of sundry colours, some are green without, and Carnationlike within, which have a good taste. Others are yellow, and others white, and some speckled: the best sort are the white: it is a fruit that will last long. Some of them have the taste of Pears, and othersome of Grapes: it is a cold and a fresh fruit, and best esteemed in the heat of Summer. The Spaniards do more esteem them then the Indians. The more the ground is laboured where they grow, the fruit is so much the better. There is yet another kind of this fruit red, and that is nothing esteemed, although his taste is not evil, but because it doth colour and dye the eaters mouth, lips, and apparel, yea, and maketh his urine look like pure blood. Many Spaniards at their first coming into India, and eating this Fruit, were in a maze, and at their wit's end, thinking that all the blood in their bodies came out in urine: yea and many Physicians at their first coming were of the same belief: for it hath happened, when they have been sent for unto such as have eaten this fruit, they not knowing the cause, and beholding the urine, by and by they ministered medicine to staunch the blood: a thing ridiculous, to see the Physicians so deceived. Of this fruit Nuchtli and Tetl, which is a Stone, is compounded Tenuchtlitan. When this City was begun to be founded, it was placed near unto a great Stone that stood in the midst of the Lake, at the foot whereof grew one of these Nopal trees, and therefore Mexico giveth for arms and devose the foot of a Nopal tree springing from a stone, according to the City's name. Mexico is as much to say, as a Spring or Fountain, according to the property of the vowel and speech. Others do affirm, that Mexico hath his name of a more ancient time, The name of Mexico. whose first Founders were called Mexiti, for unto this day the Indian dwellers in one street of this City are called of Mexico. The Mexiti took name of their principallest Idol called Mexitli, who was in as great veneration as Vitzilopuchtli, god of the war. Mexico is environed with sweet water, and hath three ways to come unto it by cawsie, the one is from the West, and that cawsie is a mile and a half long. Another from the North, and containeth three miles in length. Eastward the City hath no entry. But Southward the Causeway is six miles long, which was the way that Cortes entered into the City. Two Lakes, one s●lt the other fresh. The Lake that Mexico is planted in, although it seemteh one, yet it is two, for the one is of water saltish, bitter, and pestiferous, and no kind of fish liveth in it. And the other water is wholesome, good, and sweet, and bringeth forth small fish. The salt water ebbeth and floweth, Ebbing and flowing by the wind. Some (as Pairitius) hence moved, derive the cause of the Seas flowing from the saltness. Cause of the saltness. according to the wind that bloweth. The sweet water standeth higher, so that the good water falleth into the evil, and reverteth not backward, as some hold opinion. The salt Lake containeth fifteen miles in breadth, and fifteen in length, and more than five and forty in circuit; and the Lake of sweet water containeth even as much, in such sort, that the whole Lake containeth more than thirty leagues, and hath about fifty towns situated round about it, many of which towns do contain five thousand households, and some ten thousand, yea and one town called Tezcuco, is as big as Mexico. All this Lake of water springeth out of a Mountain that standeth within sight of Mexico. The cause that the one part of the Lake is brackish or saltish, is, that the bottom or ground is all salt, and of that water great quantity of salt is daily made. In this great Lake are above two hundred thousand little boats, which the Indians call Acalles, 200000. Canoas'. and the Spaniards call them Canoas', according to the speech of Cuba and Santo Domingo, wrought like a kneading trough: some are bigger than other some, according to the greatness of the body of the tree whereof they are made. And where I number two hundred thousand of these boats, I speak of the least, for Mexico alone hath above fifty thousand ordinarily to carry and bring unto the City victual, provision, and passengers, so that on the market day all the streets of water are full of them. The Market place of Mexico. The Market is called in the Indian tongue Tlanquiztli: every Parish hath his Market place to buy and sell in: but Mexico, and Tlatelulco only, which are the chiefest Cities, have great Fairs and places fit for the same, and especially Mexico hath one place where most days in the year is buying and selling, but every fourth day is the great Market ordinarily: and the like custom is used throughout the Dominions of Mutezuma. This place is wide and large, compassed round about with doors, and is so great, that a hundred thousand persons come thither to chop and change, as a City most principal in all that Region. Wherefore the resort is from far parts unto that place. Every occupation and kind of merchandise hath his proper place appointed, which no other may by any means occupy or disturb. Order of Sellers. Likewise pesterous wares have their place accordingly (that is to say) stone, timber, lime, brick, and all kind of stuff unwrought, being necessary to build withal. Also Mats both fine and course of sundry workmanship, also Coals, The diverse wares. Wood, and all sorts of earthen vessel, glazed and painted very curiously: Dear skins both raw and tanned in hair and without hair, of many colours, for Shoemakers, Bucklers, Targets, jerkins, and lining of wooden Corselets: also skins of other beasts and fowl in feathers ready dressed of all sorts, the colours and strangeness thereof was a thing to behold. The richest merchandise was Salt, and Mantles of cotton wool of diverse colours, both great and small, some for beds, others for garments and clothing, other for tapissarie to hang houses, other cotton cloth for lining breeches, shirts, table clothes, towels, napkins, and such like things. There were also Mantles made of the leaves of the tree called Metl, and of Palm tree, and Coney hair, which are well esteemed, being very warm, but the Coverlets made of feathers are the best: they sell thread made of Cony hair, pieces of linen cloth made of cotton wool, also skeins of thread of all colours: also it is strange to see the great store of fowl, some wild, some tame, some water fowl, and other some of rapine. All the bravery of the Market, is the place where gold and feathers jointly wrought is sold, for any thing that is in request is there lively wrought in gold and feathers, Indian workmanship. and gallant colours. The Indians are so expert and perfect in this science, that they will work or make a Butterfly, any wild Beast, Trees, Roses, Flowers, Herbs, Roots, or any other thing, so lively, that it is a thing marvelous to behold. It happeneth many times that one of these workmen in a whole day will eat nothing, only to place one feather in his due perfection, turning and tossing the feather to the light of the Sun, into the shade or dark place, to see where is his most natural perfection, and till his work be finished he will neither eat nor drink. There are few Nations of so much patience. The Art or Science of Goldsmiths, among them is the most curious, and very good workmanship engraven with tools made of flint, Goldsmiths artifices. or in mould. They will cast a platter in mould with eight corners, and every corner of several metal, that is to say, the one of gold, and the other of silver, without any kind of solder: they will also found or cast a little caldron with loose handles hanging thereat, as we use to cast a bell: they will also cast in mould a fish of metal with one scale of silver on his back, and another of gold: they will make a Parrot or Popinjay of metal, that his tongue shall shake, and his head move, and his wings flutter: they will cast an Ape in mould, that both hands and feet shall stir, and hold a spindle in his hand seeming to spin, yea and an Apple in his hand, as though he would eat it. Our Spaniards were not a little amazed at the sight of these things. For our Goldsmiths are not to be compared unto them. They have skill also of Amell work, and to set any precious stone. But now as touching the Market, there is to sell Gold, Silver, Copper, Lead, Latton, and Tin, although there is but little of the three last metals mentioned. There are pearls, precious stones, diverse and sundry sorts of shells, and bones, sponges and other Pedlar's ware, which certainly are many and strange sorts, yea, and a thing to laugh at their Haberdash toys and trifles. There are also many kind of Herbs, Roots, and Seeds, as well to be eaten, as for medicine, for both men, women, and children, have great knowledge in herbs, for through poverty and necessity, they seek them for their sustenance and help of their infirmities and diseases. They spend little among Physicians, although there are some of that Art, and many Apothecaries, who do bring into the market Ointments, Syrups, Waters, and other drugs, fit for sick persons: they cure all diseases almost, with herbs; yea, as much as for to kill Lice, they have a proper herb for the purpose. The several kinds of meats to be sold are without number, as Snakes without head and tail, little Dogs gelt, Molls, Rats, long Worms, Lice, yea and a kind of earth, victual of diverse sorts. for at one season in the year they have Nets of mail, with the which they rake up a certain dust that is bred upon the water of the Lake of Mexico, and that is kneaded together like unto Oas of the Sea: they gather much of this victual, and keep it in heaps, and make thereof Cakes like unto brickbats: they sell not only this ware in the Market, but also send it abroad to other Fairs and Markets afar off: they eat this meat with as good stomaches as we eat cheese, yea and they hold opinion that this scum or fatness of the water, is the cause that such great number of fowl cometh to the Lake, which in the winter season is infinite. All the Sellers pay a certain sum for their shops or standings to the King, as a custom, and they to be preserved and defended from thieves: and for that cause there go certain Sergeants or Officers up and down the Market to espy out malefactors. In the midst of the Market standeth a house which may be seen throughout the Fair, and there sitteth twelve ancient men for judges to dispatch Law matters: their buying and selling is to change one ware for another, as thus, Bartering. one giveth a Hen for a bundle of Maiz, other give Mantles for Salt, or money which is Cacao, and this is their order to chop and change: they have measure and strike for all kind of Corn, and other earthen measures for Honey and Wine, and if any Measure be falsified, they punish the offenders, and break their measures. The Temple is called Teucalli, that is to say, God's House; Teutl, signifieth God; The great Temple of Mexico. and Calianax is a House, a name very fit, if that house had been of the true God. The Spaniards that understand not the language, do pronounce and call those Temples Cues, and the God Vitzilopuchtli, Vchilobos. There are in Mexico many Churches with Towers for their Parishes and Streets, wherein are Chapels and Altars where the Images and Idols do stand, and those Chapels do serve for burial places of their Founders; for others are buried in the ground about them or Churchyards. All their Temples are of one fashion, therefore it shall be now sufficient to speak of the principal Church. This Temple is square, and doth contain every way as much ground as a Crossbow can reach level: it is made of stone, with four doors that abutteth upon the three Cawseys, and upon another part of the City, that hath no Causeway but a fair street. In the midst of this Quaderne standeth a mount of earth and stone, square likewise, Chief Temple described. and fifty fathom long every way, built upward like unto a Pyramid of Egypt, saving the top is not sharp, but plain and flat, and ten fathom square: upon the West side, were steps up to the top, in number an hundreth and fourteen, which being so many, high, and made of good stone, did seem a beautiful thing. It was a strange sight to behold the Priests, some going up, and some down with ceremonies, or with men to be sacrificed. Two Altars. Upon the top of this Temple are two great Altars, a good space distant the one from the other, and so nigh the edge or brim of the wall, that scarcely a man may go behind them at pleasure. The one Altar standeth on the right hand, and the other on the left: they were but of five foot high, each of them had the back part made of stone, painted with monstrous and foul figures, the Chapel was fair and well wrought of Mason's work and timber, every Chapel had three lofts, one above another, sustained upon pillars, and with the height thereof it showed like unto a fair Tower, and beautified the City afar off: from thence a man may see all the City and Towns round about the Lake, which was undoubtedly a goodly prospect. And because Cortes and his company should see the beauty thereof; Mutezuma brought him thither, and showed him all the order of the Temple, even from the foot to the top. There was a certain plot or space for the Idol Priests to celebrate their service without disturbance of any. Their general prayers were made toward the rising of the Sun. Upon each Altar standeth a great Idol. Beside this Tower that standeth upon the Pyramid, Forty towers. there are forty Towers great and small belonging to other little Temples which stand in the same circuit, the which although they were of the same making, yet their prospect was not Westward, but other ways, because there should be a difference betwixt the great Temple and them. Some of these Temples were bigger than others, and every one of a several God, Several Temples to several gods. among the which there was one round Temple, dedicated to the God of the air, called Quecalcovatl, for even as the air goeth round about the Heavens, even for that consideration they made his Temple round. The entrance of that Temple had a door, A strange door. made like unto the mouth of a Serpent, and was painted with foul and devilish gestures, with great teeth and gums wrought, which was a thing to fear those that should enter in thereat, and especially the Christians unto whom it represented very Hell, with that ugly face and monstrous teeth. There were other Teucalles in the City, that had the ascending up by steps in three places: all these Temples had houses by themselves with all service, and Priests and particular Gods. At every door of the great Temple standeth a large Hall and goodly Lodgings, both high and low round about, Temple-halls. which houses were common Armouries for the City, for the force and strength of every Town is the Temple, and therefore they have there placed their store-house of munition. They had other dark houses full of Idols, Idoll-holes. great and small, wrought of sundry metals, they are all bathed and washed with blood, and do show very black through their daily sprinkling and anointing them with the same, when any man is sacrificed: yea, and the walls are an inch thick with blood, Bloody walls. and the ground is a foot thick of blood, so that there is a devilish stinch. The Priests or Ministers go daily into those Oratories, Devilish Priests. and suffer none others but great personages to enter in. Yea, and when any such goeth in, they are bound to offer some man to be sacrificed, that those bloody Hangmen and Ministers of the Devil may wash their hands in blood of those so sacrificed, and to sprinkle their house therewith. For their service in the Kitchen they have a Pond of water that is filled once a year, which is brought by conduit from the principal Fountain. All the residue of the foresaid circuit serveth for places to breed fowl, with Gardens of herbs and sweet trees, with Roses and flowers for the Altars. Such, so great and strange was this Temple of Mexico, for the service of the Devil who had deceived those simple Indians. There doth reside in the same Temple continually five thousand persons, 5000. residents. and all they are lodged and have their living there, for that Temple is marvelous rich, and hath diverse Towns only for their maintenance and reparation, and are bound to sustain the same always on foot. They do sow Corn, and maintain all those five thousand persons with bread, fruit, flesh, fish, and firewood, as much as they need, for they spend more firewood than is spent in the King's Court: these persons do live at their heart's ease, as servants and vassals unto the Gods. The Idols of Mexico. 2000 gods. The Gods of Mexico were two thousand in number, as the Indians reported, the chiefest were Vitzilopuchtli, and Tezcatlipuca, whose Images stood highest in the Temple upon the Altars: they were made of stone in full proportion as big as a Giant. They were covered with a lawn, called Nacar. These Images were beset with pearls, precious stones, and pieces of gold, wrought like birds, beasts, fishes, and flowers, adorned with Emeralds, Turquys, Calcedons, and other little fine stones, so that when the lawn Nacar was taken away, the Images seemed very beautiful to behold. A wicked attire. The Image had for a girdle great Snakes of gold, and for Collars and Chains about their necks, ten hearts of men made of gold, and each of those Idols had a counterfeit vizard with eyes of glass, and in their necks death painted: each of these things had their considerations and meanings. These two Gods were brethren, for Tezcatlipuca was the God of Providence, and Vitzilopuchti God of the Wars, who was worshipped and feared more than all the rest. There was another God, who had a great Image placed upon the top of the Chapel of Idols, and he was esteemed for a special and singular God above all the rest. This God was made of all kind of seeds that groweth in that Country, and being ground, they made a certain paste, tempered with children's blood, and Virgins sacrificed, who were opened with their Razors in the breasts, and their hearts taken out, to offer as first fruits unto the Idol. The Priests and Ministers do consecrate this Idol with great pomp and many ceremonies. All the Comarcans and Citizens are present at the consecration, with great triumph and incredible devotion. After the consecration, A mad offering. many devout persons came and sticked in the dowie Image precious stones, wedges of gold, and other jewels. After all this pomp ended, no secular man may touch that holy Image, no nor yet come into his Chapel, nay-scarsly religious persons, except they were Tlamacaztli, who are Priests of order. They do renew this Image many times with new dough, taking away the old, but then blessed is he that can get one piece of the old rags for relics, and chiefly for Soldiers, who thought themselves sure there with in the wars. Also at the consecration of this Idol, a certain vessel of water was blessed with many words and ceremonies, and that water was preserved very religiously at the foot of the Altar, for to consecrate the King when he should be crowned, and also to bless any Captain general, when he should be elected for the wars, with only giving him a draught of that water. The Charnel house, or place of 〈◊〉 men's Sculls. Without the Temple, and over against the principal door thereof, a stones cast distant, standeth the Charnel house only of dead men's heads, prisoners in wars, and sacrificed with the knife. This monument was made like unto a Theatre, more larger than broad, wrought of lime and stone, with ascending steps, in the walls whereof was grafted betwixt stone and stone a Scull, with the teeth outwards. At the foot and head of this Theatre, were two Towers, made only of lime and sculls, Terrible spectacle. the teeth outward, and this wall having no other stuff, seemed a strange sight. At and upon the top of the Theatre, were seventy Poles, standing the one from the other four or five foot distant, and each of them was full of staffs from the foot to the top. Each of these staffs had others made fast unto them, so that every of them had five skulls broached 〈◊〉 the Temple. Andrew de Tapia did certify me, that he and Gonçalo de Vmbria did reckon them in one day, and found a hundred thirty and six thousand sculls on the poles, staffs, and steps. The other Towers were replenished out of number, a most cruel custom, being only men's heads slain in sacrifice, although it hath a show of humanity for the remembrance there placed of death. There are also men appointed, that when one scull falleth, to set up another in his place, so that the number may never want. Other Mexican Antiquities, Letters, Numbers, Years, Days, Weeks, etc. THere hath not been found Letters at any time in the West India, only in new Spain were used certain figures which served for letters, with the which they kept in memory and preserved their Antiquities. The figures that the Mexicans used for letters are great, by reason whereof they occupy great Volumes: they engrave them in stone or timber, and paint them upon walls, and also upon a paper made of cotton wool, and leaves of the tree Metl. Their books are great and folded up like unto our broad clothes, and written upon both sides. There are some books rolled up like a piece of flannel. They pronounce not v, g, r, s, y, therefore they use much p, c, l, x. This is the Mexican speech, and Nahual, which is the best, plainest, and the most eloquent, in all new Spain. There are some in Mexico that do understand each other by whistling, which is ordinarily used among Lovers, and thieves, a speech truly to wonder at, and none of our men could come to the knowledge thereof. Their reckoning by numbers was in this sort. Ce, One, Ome, Two, Ei, Three, Navi, Four, Macuil, Five, Chicoace, Six, Chicome, Seven, Chicuei, Eight Chiconavi, Nine, Matlac, Ten, Matlactlioce, Eleven, Matlactliome, Twelve, Matlactlomei, Thirteen, Matlactlinavi, Fourteen, Matlactlinacui, Fifteen, Matlactlichicoace, Sixteen, Matlactlichicome, Seventeen, Matlactlichicuei, Eighteen, Matlactlichiconavi, Nineteen, Cempoalli, Twenty. Every number is simple until you come to six, and then they count, six and one, six and two, six and three. Ten is a number by himself, than you must count ten and one, ten and two, ten and three, ten and four, ten and five. Then you count, ten, five, and one; ten, five, and two; ten, five, and three. Twenty goeth by himself, and all the greater numbers. The Mexican year is three hundreth and sixty days, for they have in their year eighteen months, and every month containeth twenty days. They have other five odd days, which goeth by themselves, in the which they used to celebrate great feasts of cruel and bloody sacrifice, with much devotion. And reckoning after this sort they could not choose but err, for they could not make equal the punctual course of the Sun. Yea the Christian year is not perfect, although we have learned Astronomers. But yet these simple Indians went near the mark. The names of the months. Tlacaxipevaliztli, Tozcutzli, Huei Tozeuztli, Toxcalt, Ecalcoaliztli, Tocuilhuicintli, Hueitecuilhuitl, Miccailhuicintli, Veymiccailhuitl, Vchpaniztli, Pachtli, Huei Pachtli, Quecholli, Panquecaliztli, Hatemuztli, Tititlh, Izcalli, Coa Vitlevac. The names of Days, were Cipactli, A Spade; Hecatl, Aire or Wind; Calianax, A House; Cuez Pali, A Lizzart; Covalt, A Snake; Mizquintli, Death; Macatl, A wild Hart; Toohtli, A Coney; Atl, Water; Izcuyntli, A Dog; Ocumatli, An Ape; Malinalli, A Broom; Acatlh, A Cave; Ocelotl, A Tiger; Coautli, An Eagle; Cozcaquahutl, A Buzzard; Olin, A Temple; Tepatlh, A Knife; Quiavitl, Raine; Xuchitl, A Rose. Although these twenty names serve for the whole year, and are but the days of every month, yet therefore every month beginneth not with Cipactli, which is the first name, but as they follow in order, and the five odd days is the cause thereof. And also because their week is of thirteen days, which changeth the names, as by example, Cecipactli can go no further then unto Matlactlomeiacatl, which is thirteen, and then beginneth another week: and we do not say Matlactlinavi Ocelotl, which is the fourteenth day, but we say Ceocelotl, which is one, and then reckon the other six names unto twenty. And when all the twenty days are ended, begin again to reckon from the first name of the twenty, but not from one, but from eight. And because ye may better understand the matter, here is the example. Cecipactli, Omehecatl, Ei Calianax, Navi Cuezpali, Macuilcovatl, Chicoacen Mizquinth, Chicome Macatl, Chicu●i Tochtli, Chiconaviatl, Matlaciz Cuintli, Mailactlioce Ocumatli, Matlactliome Malinalli, Matlactlomei Acatlh. The next week following doth begin his days from one. And that one is the fourteenth name of the month and of the days, and saith: Ceotelotl, Omecoautli, E●cozcaquahutli, Navi Olui, Macuil Tecpatl, Chicoacen Quiavitl, Chicome Xuchitl, Chicoei Cipactli. In this second week, Cipactli came to fall on the eight day, being in the first week the first day. Cemacatl, Ometochtli, Eiatl, Navi Izcuintli, Macuil Ocumatli. And so proceed on to the third week, in the which this name Cipactli entereth not, but Macatl, which was the seventh day in the first week, and had no place in the second, and is the first in the third. The reckoning is no darker than ours, which we have in a, b, c, d, e, f, g. For they also change with time, and run in such sort, that a, which was the first letter of this month, cometh to be the fifth day of the next month, and the third month he counteth to be the third day, and so orderly doth the other six letters. These Mexicans had another order to reckon their years, which exceeded not above four in number, as one, The accounting of years. two, three, four, wherewith they account a hundred, five hundred, a thousand, and as many more as they list. Those four figures or names, are, Tochtli, Acatlh, Tecpatlh, Calianax, and do signify a Coney, a Cave, a Knife, and a House, saying: Ce Totchtli, One year; Ome Acatlth, Two years; Ei Tecpatlh, Three years; Navi Calianax, Four years; Macuil Tochtli, Five years; Chioacen Acatlh, Six years; Cicome Tecpatlh, Seven years; Chicuei Calh, Eight years; Chiconavi Tochtli, Nine years; Matlactli Acatlh, Ten years; Matlactlioce Tecpatlh, Eleven years; Matlactliome Calianax, Twelve years; Matlactliomei Tochtli, Thirteen years. So that the reckoning passeth not above thirteen, which is one week of the year, and endeth where he began. The second week. Ce Acatlh, one year; Ome Tlepatlh, two years; Ei Calianax, three years; Navi Tochtli, four years; Macuil Acatlh, five years; Chioacen Tecpatlh, six years; Chicome Calianax, seven years; Chicuei Tochtli, eight years; Chiconavi Acatlh, nine years; Matlactli Tecpatlh, ten years; Matlactlioce Calianax, eleven years; Matlactliome Tochtli, twelve years; Matlactliomei Acatlh, thirteen years. The third week of years. Ce Tecpatlh, one year; Ome Calianax, two years; Ei Tochtli, three years; Navi Acatlh, four years; Macuil Tecpatlh, five years; Chioacan Calianax, six years; Chicome Tochtli, seven years; Chicuei Acatlh, eight years; Chiconavi Tecpatlh, nine years; Matlactli Calianax, ten years; Matlactliome Tochtli, eleven years; Matlactliome Acatlh, twelve years; Matlactliomei Tecpatlh, thirteen years. The fourth week. Ce Calianax, one year, Ome Tochtli, two years; Ei Acatlh, three years; Navi Tecpatlh, four years; Macuil Calianax, five years; Chioacen Tochtli, six years; Chicome Acatch, seven years; Chievei Tecpatlh, eight years; Chiconavi Calianax, nine years; Matlactli Tochtli, ten years; Matlactlioce Acatlh, eleven years; Matlactliome Tecpatlh, twelve years; Matlactliomei Calianax, thirteen years. Each of these weeks, which our men call Indition, doth contain thirteen years, so that all the four weeks make two and fifty years, which is a perfect number in their reckoning, and is called the year of grace, for from fifty two years, to fifty two years, they used to make solemn feasts, with strange, Ceremonies, as hereafter shall be declared. And when fifty two years are ended, than they begin again, by the same order before declared, until they come to as many more, beginning at Ce Tochtli, and so forward. But always they begin at the Conie figure. So that in the form of reckoning they keep and have in memory, things of eight hundred and fifty years: and by this Chronicle they know in what year every thing happened, and how long every King reigned: how many children they had, and all things else that importeth to the estate of the government of the Land. The Indians of Culhua did believe that the Gods had made the World, but they knew not how, yet they believed that since the creation of the world four Suns were passed, The Indians believed that five ages were passed, which they called Suns. and that the fifth and last is the Sun that now giveth light to the World. They held opinion that the first Sun perished by water, and at the same time all living creatures perished likewise. The second Sun (say they) fell from the heavens, with whose fall all living creatures were slain, and then (said they) were many Giants in that Country, and certain monstrous Bones, which our men found in opening of graves, by proportion whereof, some should seem to be men of twenty spans high. The third Sun was consumed by fire, which burned day and night, so that then all living creatures were burned. The fourth Sun finished by tempest of Air or Wind, which blow down Houses, Trees, yea and the Mountains and Rocks were blown a sunder, but the lineage of Mankind perished not, saving that they were converted into Apes. And touching the fifth Sun, which now reigneth, they know not how it shall consume. But they say, that when the fourth Sun perished, all the world fell into darkness, and so remained for the space of five and twenty years continually, and at the fifteenth year of that fearful darkness, the Gods did form one man and woman, who brought forth children, and at the end of the other ten years, appeared the Sun which was newly borne upon the figure of the Conie day, and therefore they begin their account of years at that day, and reckoning from the year of our Lord 1552. their age or Sun is 858. so that it appearreth that they have used many years their writing in figures: and they had not only this use from Cetochli, which is the beginning of their year, month, and day, of their fifth Sun, but also they had the same order and use in the other four Suns which were passed: but they let many things slip out of memory, saying, that with the new Sun, all other things should be likewise new. They held also opinion, that three days after this last Sun appeared, all the gods did dye, and that in process of time, the gods which now they have, and worship, were borne. Although one brother was heir to another among the Mexicans, and after their decease, did inherit the Son of the eldest Brother, The Coronation of the Kings of Mexico. yet they took no possession of the state or name of King, until they were anointed and crowned openly. As soon as any King of Mexico deceased, and his Funerals ended, then were called to Parliament the Lord of Tezcuco and the Lord of Tlacopan, who were the chiefest estates, and then in order all other Noblemen, who owed any service to the Mexican Empire. And being come together; if any doubt of the inheritance of the Crown happened, than the matter was decided with all haste: then the new King being known, he was stripped stark naked, except a cloth to cover his privy parts, and in this sort was carried among them, to the great Temple of Vitzilopuchtli with great silence, and without any joy or pleasure: Two Gentlemen of the City, whose office it was, led him up the stairs of the Temple by the arms, and before him went the Princes of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, who that day did wear their robes of Coronation, whereupon was painted their arms and title. Very few of the laity went up into the Chapels, but only those that were appointed to attire the new King, and to serve in other Ceremonies, for all the residue stood upon the steps and below, to behold the Coronation. These Magistrates being above in the Chapel, came with great humility and reverence, kneeling down upon their knees before the Idol of Vitzilopuchtli, and touched the earth with one finger, and then kissed the same. Then came the high Priest clothed in his pontifical vestments, with many others in his company, who did wear Surplices: and without speaking any word, they painted or coloured the King's person, with Ink made for the purpose, as black as any coal. After this Ceremony done, they blessed the anointed King, The ointment. and sprinkled him four times with a certain holy water, that was made at the time of consecration of the God, made of dough or paste, with a sprinkle made of bows of Cane leaves, Cedar, and Willow leaves. Then they put upon his head, cloth painted with the bones and souls of dead men, and next they clothed him with a black garment, & upon that another blue, and both were painted with the figures of dead men's skulls and bones. Then they put about his neck certain laces, whereat did hang the arms of the Crown. And behind his back they did hang certain little bottles full of powders, by virtue whereof he was delivered from pestilence and diseases, according to their opinion: yea, and thereby Witches, nor Witchcrafts could not hurt him, nor yet evil men deceive him. In fine, with those relics he was sure from all peril and danger. Upon his left arm they bound a little bag of Incense, and then brought unto him a chaffingdish of imbers made of the bark of an Oak tree. Then the King arose, and with his own hand threw of the same Incense, into the chaffingdish, and with great reverence brought the same to the god Vitzilopuchtli, and after he had smoked him therewith, he sat him down, then came the high Priest and took his oath to maintain the religion of the gods, to keep also all the laws and customs of his predecessors, to maintain justice, and not to aggravate any of his vassals or subjects, and that he should be valiant in the wars, that he should cause the Sun to give his light, the clouds to yield rain, the rivers to run, and the earth to bring forth all kind of grain, fruits, and other needful herbs and trees. These and many other impossible things the new King did swear to perform: and then he gave thanks to the high Priest, and commended himself to the gods, and to the lookers on, and they who brought him up in the same order, carrieth him down again. Then all the people cried, the Gods preserve the new King, and that he may reign many years in health with all his people. But then some began to dance, other to play on their instruments, showing outwardly their inward joys of heart. And before the King came to the foot of the steps, all the Noblemen came to yield their obedience, and in token of loving and faithful subjects, they presented unto him Feathers, strings of Snaile-shels, Collars, and other jewels of Gold and Silver, also Mantles painted with death, and bore him company unto a great hall within the compass of the Temple, and there left him, The King sitteth down under his cloth of estate, called Tlacatecco, and in four days departeth not out of the circuit of the Temple, the which he spends in prayers, sacrifice, and penance; he eats then but once a day, and every day he baths himself, and again in the night in a great pond of water, and then lets himself blood in his ears, and senseth therewith the god of water, called Tlaloc: he likewise senseth the other Idols, unto whom he offereth Bread, Flowers, Papers, and little Canes, died in the blood of his own tongue, nose, hands, and other parts of his body. After the four days expired, then come all the Noblemen to bear him company to his Palace, with great triumph and pleasure of all the City, but after his consecration few or none dare look him in the face. And now with the declaration of the Acts and Ceremonies that the Mexican Kings are crowned, I shall not need to rehearse of other Kings, for generally they all do use the same order, saving that other Princes go not up to the top of the Temple, but abide at the foot of the steps to be crowned, and after their Coronation they come to Mexico for their confirmation, and then at their return to their Country, they made many drunken feasts and banquets. The Mexicans did believe that the Soul was immortal, The opinion of the Mexicans concerning the Soul and that they received either joy or pain according to their deserts and living in this world, unto which opinion all their religion did attain, and chiefly appear at their burials. They held for an assured faith, that there were nine places appointed for souls, and the chiefest place of glory to be near unto the Sun, Nine places for Souls. where the souls of those which were good men slain in the wars, and those which were sacrificed were placed, and that all other sorts of evil persons their soul's abode on the earth, and were divided after this sort, children that were dead borne went to one place, those which died of age or other disease went to another, those which died of sudden death to another, those which died of wounds or contagious diseases went to another place, those which were drowned went to another, those which were put to death for offence by order of justice, as for robbery and adultery to another: Those which slew their Fathers, Mothers, Wives or Children, to another place by themselves: also those who slew their Masters or any religious person went to another place. The common sort of people were buried, but Lords and rich men had their bodies burned, and their ashes buried. In their shrouds they had a great difference, for many dead bodies were buried better apparelled then when they were on live. Women were shrouded after another sort. And he that suffered death for adultery, was shrouded like unto the God of lechery, called Tlazoulteutl; he that was drowned like unto the god of water, named Tlacoc; and he that died with drunkenness was shrouded like unto the god of wine, called Ometochtli. But the Soldier had an honourable shroud like unto the attire of Vitzilopuchtli, and the like order in all other sorts of deaths. When any King of Mexico happened to fall sick, they used forthwith to put a visor upon the face of Tezcatlipaca, The burial of Kings in Mexico. or Vitzilopuchtli, or some other Idol, which Visor was not taken away, until they saw whether the King did amend, or else dye: But if he chanced to dye, than word was sent throughout all his Dominions to bewail his death, and also other posts were sent is call the Noblemen that were his nighest kinsmen, and to warn them within four days to come unto his burial. The dead body was laid upon a fair Mat, and was watched four nights, with great lamentation and mourning: then the body was washed, and a lock of hair cut from the crown of his head, which was preserved as a great relic, saying, that therein remained the remembrance of his soul. This done, a fine Emerald was put in his mouth, and his body shrouded in seventeen rich Mantles, of colours, both rich and costly wrought. Upon the upper Mantle was set the device or arms of Vitzilopuchtli or Tezcalipuca, or some other Idol, in whom the King had great confidence in his life time, and in his Temple should the body be buried. Upon his face they put a visor, painted with foul and Devilish gestures, beset with many jewels, Precious stones, and Pearls, Then they killed his slave, whose office was to light the Lamps, and make fire unto the gods of his Palace. These things done, they carried the dead body unto the Temple: some followed him with doleful tune, others sung the death of the King by note, for so was the custom. The Noblemen and Gentlemen of his household carried Targets, Arrows, Mases, and Ensigns to throw into the fire where the body should be buried in the Temple. The high Priest and all the Clergy received him at the Temple gate, with a sorrowful song, and after he had said certain words, the body was throne into a great fire made for the purpose, with all the jewels that he had about him, and all the other things which was brought to honour the burial: also a Dog newly strangled with an Arrow, which was to guide him his way. In the mean while that the King and Dog were burning the Priests sacrificed two hundred persons, howbeit in his Ceremony there was no ordinary tax, for sometimes they sacrificed many moe: they were opened with a Razor of flint in the breasts, and their hearts taken out and thrown into the fire where the King's body was. These miserable persons being sacrificed, and their bodies thrown into a hole; they believed assuredly that those should serve for his slaves in another world: some of them were dwarfs, monstrous and deformed persons, with some women. They placed about the dead body of the King before his burial, Roses, Flowers, and sundry dishes of meat and drink, and no creature durst touch the same, but only the Priests, for it seemed to be an offering. The next day following, all the ashes were gathered together, and the teeth with the Emerald that was in his mouth, the which things were put into a Chest, painted on the inside with horrible figures of devils, and the lock of hair which was cut from his crown, and another lock of hair which was preserved from the time of his birth. Then the Chest was locked, and an Image of wood made and clothed like unto the King's person, which was set on the top of the Chest The obsequies endured four days, in the which the wives and daughters of the King offered great offerings at the place where his body was buried, and before the Chest and his Image. On the fourth day after the burial, fifteen slaves were sacrificed for his soul; and on the twentieth day, other five persons were also sacrificed; likewise on the sixty three and fourscore, which was like unto the years mind. The Kingdom of Michuacan is almost as great as the Empire of Mexico, and when any King of that Country happened to be visited with sickness, The order of burial of the Kings of Michuacan. and brought to such extremity, that hope of life were passed, according to the opinion of Physicians, than would he name and appoint which of his Sons should inherit the estate; and being known, the new King or heir, incontinent sent for all the Governors, Captains, and valiant Soldiers, who had any office or charge to come unto the burial of his Father, and he that came not, from thenceforth was held for a Traitor, and so punished. When the death of the old King was certain, than came all degrees of Estates and brought presents to the new King, for the approbation of his Kingdom, but if the King were not throughly dead, but at the point of death, than the gates were shut in, and none permitted to enter; and when his life was departed, then began a general cry and mourning, and they were permitted to come where their dead King lay, and to touch him with their hands: this being done, the carcase was washed with sweet waters, and then a fine shirt put upon him, and a pair of shoes made of a Dear skin put on his feet, and about his ankles were tied certain Bells of Gold, about his wrists of his hands were put Manyllias of Turkeys, and other Bracelets of Gold, likewise about his neck they hung other collars of precious stones, and gold, and rings in his ears, with a great Turquois in his neither lip. Then his body was laid upon a large beer, whereon was placed a good bed under him: on his one side lay a Bow with a quiver of Arrows, and on his other side lay an Image made of fine Mantles of his own stature or highness▪ with a great tough of fine feathers, shoes upon his feet, with Bracelets, and a collar of gold. While his work was a doing, others were busied in washing the men and women which should be slain for to accompany him into Hell: these wretched folk that should be slain were banqueted and filled with drink, because they should receive their death with less pain. The new King did appoint those who should dye for to serve the King his Father, but yet many of them had rather have been without his service, notwithstanding some simple souls esteemed that odious death for a thing of immortal glory. First, seven Gentlewomen of noble parentage were appointed to dye, the one to have the office of keeper of his jewels which he was wont to wear, another for the office of Cupbearer, another to give him water with a Basin and Ewer, another to give him always the Urinal, another to be his Cook, and another to serve for Laundress. They slew also many woman-slaves, and free maidens, for to attend upon the Gentlewomen, and moreover, one of every occupation within the City. When all these that were appointed to dye were washed, and their bellies full with meat and drink, than they painted their faces yellow, and put garlands of sweet flowers upon each of their heads. Then they went in order of procession before the beer whereon the dead King was carried, some went playing on Instruments made of Snails shells, others played upon bones and shells of Sea-turtils, others went whistling, and the most part weeping: the Sons of the dead King and other Noblemen carried upon their shoulders the Beer where the Course lay, and proceeded with an easy pace toward the Temple of the god Curicaveri: his kinsmen went round about the Beer, singing a sorrowful song. The officers and household servants of the Court with other Magistrates and Rulers of justice bore the Standards and diverse other arms. About midnight they departed in the order aforesaid, out of the King's palace, with great light of fire brands, and with a heavy noise of Trumpets and Drums. The Citizens which dwelled where the Corpse passed, attended to make clean the street. And when they were come to the Temple, they went four times round about a great fire made of the wood of Pine tree, which was prepared to burn the dead body: then the Beer was laid upon the fire, and in the mean while that the body was burning, they mawled with a club those which had the Garlands, and afterward buried them by four and four, as they were apparelled behind the Temple. The next day in the morning, the ashes, bones and jewels, was gathered and laid upon a rich Mantle, the which was carried to the Temple gate, where the Priests attended to bless those devilish relics, whereof they made a dough or paste, and thereof an Image which was apparelled like a man, with a visor on his face, and all other sorts of jewels that the dea● King was wont to wear, so that it seemed a gallant I doll. At the foot of the Temple stairs they opened a grave ready made, which was square, large, and two fathom deep, it was also hanged with new Mats round about, and a far bed therein, in the which a religious man placed the Idol made of a●hes, with his eyes toward the East part, and hung round about the walls, Targets of Gold and Silver, with Bow and Arrows, and many gallant tuffes of Feathers, with earthen vessels, as Pots, Dishes, and Platters, so that the grave was filled up with household stuff, Chests covered with Leather, Apparel, jewels, Meat Drink, and Armour. This done, the grave was shut up, and made sure with beams, boards, and flored with earth on the top. All those Gentlemen which had served or touched any thing in the burial, washed themselves, and went to dinner in the Court or yard of the King's house without any table, and having dined, they wiped their hands upon certain locks of Cotten will, hanging down their heads, and not speaking any word, except it were to ask for drink. This Ceremony endured five days, and in all that time no fire was permitted to be kindled in the City, except in the King's house and Temples, nor yet any Corn was ground, or Market kept, nor none durst go out of their houses, showing all the sorrow that might be possible for the death of their King. In Mexico were twelve judges, who were all Noblemen, grave, judges. and well learned in the Mexican Laws. These men lived only by the rents that properly appertain to the maintenance of justice, and in any cause judged by them, it was lawful for the parties to appeal unto other twelve judges, who were of the Prince's blood, and always abode in the Court, and were maintained at the Kings own cost and charges. The inferior judges came ordinarily once every month to consult with the higher. And in every fourscore days came the judges of every Province within the Mexican Empire, to consult with the judges of Mexico, but all doubtful causes were reserved to the King, only to pass by his order and determination. The Painters served for notaries, Painters. to paint all the cases which were to be resolved, but no suit passed above fourscore days without final end and determination. There were in that City twelve Sergeants, whose office was to arrest, and to call parties before the judges. Their garments were painted Mantles, whereby they were known a far off. The Prisons were under ground, Sergeants▪ Prisons. moist and dark, the cause whereof, was to put the people in fear to offend. If any witness were called to take an oath, the order was, that he should touch the ground with one of his fingers, Witnesses and oaths. and then to touch his tongue with the same, which signified that he had sworn and promised to speak the troth with his tongue, taking witness thereof, of the earth which did maintain him. But some do interpret the oath, that if the pa●tie swore not true, that then he might come to such extremity, as to eat earth. Sometime they name and call upon the God of the crime, whose cause the matter touched. The judge that taketh bribes or gifts, is forthwith put out of his office, which was accounted a most vile a●d 〈◊〉 reproach. Bribery. The Indians did affirm that Necau●lpincint● did hang a judge in Tez●●●o, for 〈…〉 sentence, be himself knowing the contrary. Murder. The Murderer is executed without exception. The woman with child that wilfully casteth her creature, suffereth death for the same. Theft. The Thief for the first offence, was made a slave, and hanged for the second. The Traitor to the King and Commonweal, was put to death with extreme torments. The Woman taken in Man's apparel died for the same, and likewise the Man taken in Woman's attire. Every one that challengeth another to fight, Disguise of se●e. except in the wars, was condemned to dye. In Tezcuco the sin of Sodomy was punished with death, and that Law was instituted by Necavalpincinth, and Necavalcoio, who were judges, Duels capital. which abhorred that filthy sin, and therefore they deserved great praise, for in other Provinces that abominable sin was not punished, although they have in those places common Stews, as in Panuco. The end of the fifth Book. AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL THINGS CONTAINED IN THE FIVE BOOKS of the third Part of PURCHAS his Pilgrims. The first Number notes the Page, the second Number directs you to the number noted in the back-margent of the Pages, Right against which or betwixt that and the next number, the note is to be found. Observe, that whereas many words may be well written with I. or with Y. the Reader is to look to both. Observe also, that Name of Saints or Knights, are not set under S. but in the Alphabet of their proper Names. A ABaccu, is the Caspian Sea, 69.60. The largeness of it, 70.1 Abaseia, or Habassia, is India media, 106.50. in Marg. Rich in Gold, ibid. Abedalcuria, 252.60 Abortion caused by an Herb, 991.40 Acapulco, the Province and Port in the West Indies; the Latitude, 871.60 Acias or Akas; so the Tartars call the Alanian Christians, 10.10. Enemies to the Tartars, 12.40 Achbaluch Mangi, which in Tartar's Language is, the White City of the Mangi, 90.1 Acorns as big as Apples, 520 50 Accents the Chinois have five several, 384.20 Accounts cast by grains of Corn, 1053.50 Accord between Poles and Russes, about choosing their Emperor, 788.789 Acquaintance the Ceremony of beginning it, 374 Acacron the Armenian Prophet, 49.50 Acon the City; Arabic and Syriack understood there, 13.50 adam's Sepulchre in Zeilan, 106.1. More of that Fable, ibid. Adams-Apples grow in Persia, 71.10 Adders of India, their several sorts and natures, 976.1 Adem, the Sultan of it discomfited, 106.50 Admiral's Island, 474.40. Sea horses there, 512 Adoration, the manner of it in Mexico, 1027.30. & 1028.1. & 1046.60 Adoption practised in Russia, 740.40 Adultery punished with Death in Peru, 1058.40 Adultresses Dowries given to poor Girls, 276.10 Adultery & Witaldrie, the punishment, 182.40 Adulterers how punished in China, 204.10 Aedgar the King, his mighty Navy, 619.40. Emperor of the Ocean, ibid. Aegeland and Halgeland discovered, 212.1 Equinoctial, under it moist and rainy, and why, 918.40. Not so ho● as the Ancients held it: very cold in March, causes of the temperature, though the Sun be very hot; the days and nights equal, 920. No Calmes under the Lane, 923.60.926. The Air under or near it swifter than the Air about the Poles, and why, 925.30. Eastern and Western winds continual under the Lino, 925.40. See Torride Zone. Equinoctial, whither healthful living under it, 889.10 Aethiopian Patriarch, 327.30 Affinity in a different Surname hinders not Matrimony in China, 394 10 Age, so the Saracens style the Mecca Pilgrims, 311 Age, much honoured in China, 393.1. & 369.20. Old Age begins at fifty, 394.1 Age of three hundred years attained to, in the West Indies, 875.20 Ages of the world, the Mexicans represent by so many Suns, 1136.40. Their odd opinions, thereabout, ibid. Agility of the Mexicans, excellent, 1065.10 Ague, a Soueraign● Air for the Cure of it, 73.60 Aijax or Giazzo, the Haven, whereabouts, 51.40 Aingharan the Region, 312.10 Aini, the City in Armenia, 50.50 A●tan what, in Chinese, 319.50. & 320.40 Alani a people of Tartari; called Acias or Akas, they are Christians of the Greek Church. They use Greek Books. They pray for the Dead. A simple people, 10.10.20 Albania the Country, where, 16.20 Albcase or Albcas, one of the Kingdoms of Georgia. Albis' a River of Island, 656.1 Alboris or Albsor the Mountain, 110.30 Alcatraz, an Indian Cormorant described, 979 Alchemy much studied in China, 369.30. And doted upon, 396.50 Ale of Rye, 616.50 Alehouses in Russia pay tribute, 429.30. The wicked abuses thereupon, 431.40 Aleppo won by the Tartars, 117.1 Alhacen his Story of Tamerlane, 140.40 Allaying of Silver the curiosity, 951.40 Allen, the Fowl in Greenland, the nature of it▪ 713.40 Almanaches in China, 346.10 Alms for the Dead in China, 274.1.20.30 Alms the Chinois will give none, 175.20 Almonds of Coco Nuts, Marchpane made of them, 958.50 Allome in Turkey, forestalled by the Italians, 51.30 Allome separates Gold from Drasse, 943 Alphabet of Goatish Letters, 658 Alphabet the Chinois have none, 384.40. nor Syllables, ibid. Altai the Mountain, where all the Tartar Princes are buried, 78.20 Altars in the Russian Church, 450.20 452 Altars and Altar clothes in China, 296.30 Altars in China reverenced, 263.1 Altar in a Fort the Nestorians had, 37.40 Altar of Leather, ibid. Alteen● Russian Coin worth five pence, 416.1. See also page, 552.20 Altine Kingdom, 797.50. Called the golden King, ibid. His Letters to the Ruff, and his demands, ibid. His Country 〈◊〉 by China, ibid. & 799 Amacao in China, what, 319.30 The Portugals build a City there; it is made a Bishop's Sea, ibid. How situated, ibid. Aman a City in Syria taken for the Christians, 123.60 Amathists a Mine of them, where, 901.50 Amazons, where anciently, 55.1 Amber store of it in Brasill; how gotten, 903.40 Amber great store and great pieces, where, 625.60. A Frog enclosed in a piece of it, 626, 1 Amber eaten by the King of China, to sustain life, 186.50 Amber liquid, where, 878.40 Ambergris taken in the Whale, place where it lies, and the colour, 710.30. & 471.50 Ambassadors how entertained by the Crim Tartars, 639.40.50 Ambassadors diverse resident in the Tartarian Court, 45.40 Ambassadors sergeant punished with Death by the Tartars, 8.10 Their liberty of speech in Tartary, 43.20 Ambassadors how honoured and privileged in China, 189.10 Ambassadors how entertained in Russia, 747 Ambassador, when first sent hither from Russia, 222 Ambassages counterfeit to China, 315.30 America Discovered, in 61, 62, & 63. Degrees, the Coast and Seasons there described, 811. In 64. Degrees, 823.20. Frost there in july, 811.60. An Island there in 55. Degrees 30. Minutes, 812.60 America first discovered by the English before Columbus, 808.20 America described by Herrara, how much of it under the Spaniards, 856. How far discovered, by the Spaniards, and by the English, 857.1. and in margin, The Seas of 〈◊〉, the Spanish Navigations, Course and Customs in them, 858. Named by a wrong Father, 866.1 America, undiscovered within land, 938.60 Amid●, the japonians God, 326.40 Amu the Province, much Gold there, 94.20 Anchors of Wood for a shift, 241.50. Lost in the Sea, found again, ibid. Anchorites in China, 337.40 Ancon an Island dispeopled, 308.10 Andabaylas the Province in Peru, the Temple of the Sun in it, 893.60 Andanico and Azzaio Minerals, where, 71.1 Andes the Mountains of India, the diversity of their temperature, length, Beasts, Soil, etc. 881.50.887.20.30. Covered with Snow, where: their March, 898 Angaman, where Men have Dogs heads, 104.10 Angle lines of Whale fins, Angle hooks of Fish bones in Groenland, 836.1 Anian straits, some fabulous reports of them▪ 848.60. & 853.20. A note of them by Master Lo●ke, 849.50. Discovered by a Greek Pilot for the Spaniards: hopes of the Northwest Passage that way, the ●escription and wideness of them, 850 Anian Island by China, the many Forts and Pearle-fishings there, 905.20 Anill or Indigo, how it grows, 957.40 Anointing, the King of Norway annoyted at his Coronation, 623.30 Anointing of the Mexican Kings 1009.30 Answer a strange one of a Mahometan, 253 Antarctic Star the Indians sail by, and not by the Compass, 139.30 Antereda the Isle, 123.30 Anthony March, his diligence for the Discovering to the River Ob, 804.805 S. Anthony's, the West of Cuba, 858. The best way thence to the Port of Saint john de Vlua, 858.60 Antigur Lands, 260.40 Ancients or Ensigns, of Silk in China, 296 Antioch w●nne from the Christians the occasion, 118. ●0 Antiquities, the Chinois studious of 395.1 Antiquities of the Indians, foolishly burnt by the Spaniards, 1052.20 Antiquities some of Norway, 656.40. Of Gothland, Finland, and Kuenland, 659.660 Ants of India, their admirable fortifying themselves against the Bears, 978 Ants of West India, their sorts: some are poison, 996.10. The hurt they do, ibid. & 997 The Spaniards choose a Saint-Patron against them, 998 Apes in Peru, on the Mountains, 936.60 Apes perf●●●ed in Boxes, and s●●ld for Pigmeyes, 103.40. Where as big as men, 106.10 Apostles Pictures imitated in China, 303.1 Apparel of the Chinois, like long Gowns, 366 Apparel of Tartars, 6.20 Apparel of the Russians, Men and Women, 12.10 Apparel the uniformity of it, in Peru, 1058.10 Apparel of Fish skins, 652.30 Appeals only to the Emperor in Russia, 422 Apples of India poisonous: Arrows poisoned with them: infects those that sleep under the Tree, 985 Apram, or a drink of Churn●milke, in Tartary, 9.10 Aquavitae, is Russee Wine, 459.1 Arabacha the Tartarian, his Confession of Christ, 39.60 Arabian Letters used in Chaldea, 110.50 Arabic Letters in Turquestan, 109.20 Aracci the Plain, 48.40 Ararat is not all Armenia, 55.10 Ararat Mountains, always covered with Snow, 110.2 Araxis the River, 49.10. Meets with Cu●, 49.20. The head of it. 49.30 Arbour Secco, where, 68.30. & 70.50, & 72.20 Archbishop of Nidrosia in Norway, 651 Archbishops of Russia, 4. Inferior to the two Metropolitans: as they to the Patriarch, 446.30. Their revenues, ibid. Arch-Deacons in the Russian Church, 147.10 Arches in building, the manner in China, 199.40 Arches triumphal, common in China Streets, 200. & 370.300.1 In one Street, 409.20 Archmandrites of Russia, 766.40 Architect rewarded with loss of Eyes, 439.10 Ardoc a River, 236.20. & 237.40 Arequa or Arequiera, she Tree, in China, 381.30 Arequipa City in Peru, the Lantade, distance from other places, Inhabitants, native Commodities, subject to Earthquakes, etc. 895.10 Arethmeticke in China, an odd way for it, 335.1. European Arethmeticke first ●aught them, ibid. Arethmeticke of the Mexicans, 1135.20 Argiron, a City in Armenia, 69.50 Argon a King of India, 68.1. Sends for a Wife in●● Cathaya, ibid. He dies before she came, 68.30 Arima the Kingdom, 322.30 Ariova a Town in Russia, through which the Volga runs, the manner of Boats there, 777 Aristocracy, the old Government of Island, 668 Aristotle's error about the Torride Zone, 920.10. Some of his Rules discussed, 921.20. etc. Armadillos', a West Indian Beast with scales, 966.30.977.30 Arms of the Russians, Horse and Foot, 437 Arms of the Province of Aucheo, 301.1 Arms of the King reverenced, 392.40 Arms or Ensigns of the Kings of Peru, 1027.30 Arms or Ensigns of Mexico, 1004.50. & 1006.10 Armenia the Greater, called Araxat of the River Araxi●, 49.10. Two Kings 19 Verses, 45. & 37. Expounded, ibid. Armenia the Lesser is Cilicia, 52.60 Armenia the Less, described, 69.30 Armenia harrassed by the Saracens, 125.30 The Saracens overthrown there, ibid. Armenia spoilt by the Saracens, 118.30 Armenia; Haitho● the King goeth to make a League with Mangu Chan, 115.1. His 〈◊〉 Propositions to the Tartars, ibid. Their Answer, ibid. He becomes a Monk, 118.50 Armenia the bounds, 110.20. They use two ●or●s of 〈◊〉, ibid. Armenian Monks change their names, 118.50 Armenian Monk● his doings▪ Mangu Chans Co●●e, 29. 5●. & 32.50.40. & 33. & 34. His Manichaean Blasphemy above the Creation of Man, 34.1. Armenian Priest his uncharitableness to jonas the dying Priest, 38.10.40. He 〈◊〉 with Soothsayers. Armenian Bishops, are all Monks, 49.50 Armenian Christians in Taurica, ●36. 20 Armenians 〈…〉 Fish in Le●●, 35.20 Armenians Fast of five days, 31.1 Armenians put not off their Cups, 34.50 Armenians use Frankincense for Holywater, 50.30. Their honour to the Cross, ibid. Their Churches ●●ke th●se in France, ibid. Their chief Countries, where they exercise their Religion, 50.30.50 Armenians know not extream●●●nction nor Confession, 28.20 Armenians their two chief● Prophets, 49.50. Their Prophecies of a Nation of Arches, which should Conquer the Eastern World, ibid. & 50.1. Which is as firmly believed as the Gospel, ibid. Armenians Loss in a retreat from the Holy Land, 119.50 Armouries or Ensigns of honour in Mexico, 1111 Arngrim jonas, his History of Is●land, ●54 Arquico, 253.1 Arse of the World, where, 614.30. Marg. Arsengan the City in Armenia, The great Earthquake there, 51.10 Arserum the City, where, 49.40 Art of memory first taught in China, 339.10 Art learned by Accident, 959.1 Artacke a Beast in Tartary, 6.10 Arthur Pet his Voyage, 463.40 Arthur the King, his Northern Conquests, 619 Artillery none in China, 200.1 Arz●na in Lapland, 213.40. & 223 Arzuiga, the chief City in Armenia the greater, 69.50 Ascelin●● the Fri●r sent from the Pope to the Tartars, 59.2. His Message and the Tartars Answer & Letters to the Pope, ibid. Ashe● 〈◊〉 in japan, 326.20 Asia divided into two parts. 107.60. & 108.1 Asia the greater can be assaulted but by three passages, ●ot of Asia the less, 126.40. And which their ways be, ibid. Assans' the Land, 19.1 Assassini a people, 16.1 Asses excellent, 70.50 Assow or Asaph in Crim-Tartarie, 633.30 Assumption City by the River of Plate, the Latitude, 902.1 Assumption point the Latitude, 558.20 Astracan, won by the Ruff, 439.20. Furthest part Southward of their Dominions, 442.50 Astracan and Casan Conquered by the Ruff, 740.1 Astracan the City described, 233.20. The trade there, 233.50. & 244 Astracan, upon Volga, the Latitude of it ●48. in margin. The variation of the Compass there, 244 Astrolabes in China, 346.30 Astrologers consulted withal, 99.20 Astrology in China, 346.10. A Mountain where it is studied, ibid. Their College, ibid. Astronomy of the Chinois, 384.50. etc. Their Astrologers, 385.10 A-trie, a Sea term, what, 583. Marg. Asher a City, 311.40 Atlisoo the famous Valley in the West Indies, 872.50 Aucheo the City, 300. & 301.50. Unwholesome, and subject to inundations, 302.1. How far from Cinoheo, 306.30 Auguries by Birds in China. Auricular Confession in Russia, 453. Auricular Confession imitated by the Devil in his Idoll-Ceremonies, 1041.50. Some cases reserved for Superior Priests: Women Confessors: nothing to be concealed, ibid. When mostly used, and for what sins: the King confessed himself only to the Sun; the Ceremony of that Penance after Confession, 1042 Austria attempted by the Tartars, 114.30. Their King drowned in Danubius, ibid. Axalla works a league betwixt the Greek Emperor and Tamerlane, against the Turks, 155.40. He ruins the Turks, 160.1. Is made Governor of Quinsay, 10 Axe, required by the Tartars for tribute, 2.30 Axe, solemnly carried about in judicatures, in Island, 668.10 Axes, the juitlanders wear at their girdles, 77●. 1 Ayer held no Element in China, 345. ●0 Air under or nearer to the Equinoctial, is lighter and swifter, then that near the Poles, 925 Air suddenly changed, the effects of it, 927.1.10. Ayer may be too subtle for men's bodies, and where it is so, 927.40.50 Air of Chile that rots off the Toes, and kills Passengers, etc. 928.10 etc. Ayn●m or Hainam the Island, 254. The fortune of it, 255.1 Azo●e● Isles, their Latitude, 859.40 The way and distances thence to S. Lucas in Spain, ibid. Azou, 〈◊〉 by the Turk, 441.20 upon the Euxine or black Sea, ibid. Azure gotten in the West Indies, 875.20 Azure-stones the best in the world, where, 73.50 B B, Seldom used by the Chinois, 342. 40● The Tartars cannot pronounce it, 18.60 Babes new borne hardened in the Snow, 677 Babes enjoined so keep Fasting-days in Russia, 543.1 Baccasaray, the Court of the Chan of the Crim Tartars, 634.50. Described, ibid. Bacchu, the Meadows, 49.20 Bachu the Port described, 245.40 Badascian Tengi, what, 312.30 W. Baffins' Death at Ormus, 848.30 Bahama the Island and Channel in New Spain, 870.10 Bajazet turns from Constantinople to fight with Tamerlane, 157.1. He encampes near him, ibid. The manner of his March, 157.50. He fights on foot in the midst of his janissaries, 158.1 His force, she charges, is wounded, and taken alive by Axalla, 158 30.40.50. His stout answer to Tamerlaine, 195. ●0. His rage after he was prisoner. Used for Tamerlanes footstool, ibid. Carried in Chains into Tartary, 160.40 Bacha●na a river in Tartary, 791.1 Baked 〈◊〉 eaten first and broths last in Russia, 457.40. & 459.1 Balsams Science, and the Learning amongst the Arabians, what, 140 60 Bal●sses a precious stone, where found, 73.40 Balaxaim in Persia, 73.40. Their Kings descended from Alexander, ibid. They are called Zulcarnen, ibid. Dulca●●●m (perchance) that is, two-horned: for so is Alexander the Great called; of 〈◊〉 supposed Father God Ammion, who was worshipped in likeness of a 〈◊〉, Balayes, are precious stones found in Balaris, 110.1 Balchia is Walachia, 54.10 Baldwin● the Emperor's Conquest of Constantinople, 65.50. & in marg. Baldach, 70.10. Clothes of Gold, etc. There, ibid. Their Galisa taken by the Tartars, 70.20 Balk or B●●gh, the kingdom, 241.10 Balm and Balmtrees of the West Indies: the kinds, colours and manner of getting: Cream of Balm used in Church Ceremonies, for Cream of Milk, 959.30 Balsara and the 〈◊〉 Dates growing there, 70.10 Banqueting-house a curious one, 294.30 Banquets of the Chinois, a shipboard, 395.10 Banquets in China: the most serious discourse is still at them, 391.40 The tedious compliments at them, 392.10, 20. etc. Banqueting in China: their bryding it, 374.40. It takes up half their times, ibid. Baptism imitated by the Devil in Mexico, the manner of it, 1044 20. & 1102 Baptism, the manner in Russia, 229 20. Godfathers promise for the Child, to forsake, the Devil, etc. and to b●ing it up in Religion, as our Church doth, 229, 30, 40 Baptism the order in Russia, 450 60. Within eight days of the birth, ibid. Dipped in a Tub▪ instead of a Fou●●. The Devil ex●rcised out of the matter, ibid. Godfathers exhorted, etc. The true form in the name of the Trinity kept. Oil and Salt added, after which the Child is admitted into the Church, and presented: and some of the hair dipped and laid to. 451 Barbaring with stones in the West Indies▪ 992.30 Bardestraund Province in West Island▪ 655 Barefooted Servants and Suitors to the Kings of Mexico, 1126.60 1127.20 B●rges of China described. 364. ●1● Bargu a Tartarian Province, 7● Barlovente Lands of the West Indies, which they be, 930.40 Barlovente Lands, their Native Commodities, 938. What will not grow there, ibid. Barley as white as Rice, 544.30 Barmake Fish, Rocks in the Caspian Sea, 245 Bartholomew martyred, and where, 49.50 Barter of Commodities without money, used in the Indies, 943.1 Bascia the Province, where, 74.1 Their Enchantments and jewels, 74.1 Basil martyred at Sebaste, 69.40 Bafilius an Englishmans Son found in Tartary, 36.30 Basiliwich what, in Russian, 221 marg. Basins beaten before great men, 353 Bastards given to Suitors as part of the Dowry, in Island, 646.50 Baths medicinable in Ormuz, 72.1 Baths hot in Island, 597.50. And cold, 647.50 Baths in Greenland, boil flesh, and bake bread, and how, 610.30. They keep the Haven from freezing, and draw wild fowl thither, ibid. Baths hot & medicinable in Groneland, 519.50 Baths hot and cold in Peru, 894.20 Bath-stoves in Russia pay Tribute, 429.30. Used instead of all Physic, 459.10 Batampina the River, what it signifies, 265.1. Runs through the midst of China, ibid. Bategaria, or Latton Vessels made in China, 177.20 Bats of West India, still bite the same man, how their biting is cured. Their fight with the Sparrows, 995.50 Baughleata, the Land, 234 Bawbiata the Island, 234.10 Bay of Saint Nicholas, 218.60▪ & 223.50 Bay of Saint Nicholas first traded unto by the English, 462.50.463 40. When the Netherlanders first waded thither, 464.20 Bay of Nanquin, 260.30. The strong Current ther●▪ ibid. Bay of B●xipalem, 260.60▪ Of Calnidan, 261. ● Bay of Saint john in Newfound Land, 809.30▪ 40 Baia de Sibabas, 284.60 Beads of Pearl● used by the King of Malabar, 104 40, 50 Beads prayed upon in China, 408.50 Beads used in the Ruff Church, 453.10 Beala the surname of the Russian Emperors, in whom it expired, 746 30. Whence t●ken ●●9. 40. 〈◊〉 it attained to the Empire, 4●●. 1 The estate of that Family, ibid. Beare-baytings in Russia, the 〈◊〉, 4●7. 30. With man who are rewarded with being made drunk, ibid. The 〈…〉 the Bear assail 〈…〉. ibid. Bears of West Ind●● described ●77 50. His ar● to feed 〈◊〉 the A●ts ●78. 20.30 Bears driven by cold into Villages, ●15, ●0 〈…〉 22●▪ 50 Bear Island, or Che●●●-Iland, ●64 30. The 〈◊〉 of the Compass there, 28. 40 Bear, 100 pound of fat taken out of one of their 〈…〉 Lumps for Oil▪ 502.20. Strang● Stories of Bears, se● from page 4750 etc. usque ad 504. etc. Their Dens●in the 〈…〉 They eat Bucks and 〈◊〉 Bears liver venomous, 506.30. They go into the Sea upon the Ice, 30. miles, 507▪ 20▪ They 〈◊〉 one another, 510 Bears swimming in the Sea▪ 510● & ●aepe. Bears at Sea 27. leagues from shore: they live upon Sea-fish, 55● 40. Assault cowards, 561. Eat dead Whales, 734.1. A Story of their courage, 475. ●0. 481.30. The manner of killing them, & 484. ●● Bear's white in Greenland, 703.10 Bears powdered and ●aten by the English, ●63 Vnpowdred are unwholesome, 570.50. Bear's will 〈◊〉 the Sea, 598.50 Bears swell further than they see, 486▪ 40▪ None in Island, ●57. 30 Beards the Indians have none, 992 10 Beard five foot long blessed, 250.10 Bea●● go to Heaven, 277.1. Of each kind● and believed to be in 〈…〉 1027 40 Beasts of the West Indies their kinds, 962.963.995.10, 20. How the sea● 〈◊〉 kind could c●me there, 〈◊〉 error, 9●3 20. in marg. Beasts strange 〈◊〉 in Lapland, 213 30 Beasts 〈◊〉 with fish, 527.20 Beasts consulted with for Oracles, 395.601 Beasts drowned in the Snow, great 〈…〉, 647.20 Beaue● the best where, 416.20 Beavers in Greenland, 707.40 Beduines 〈…〉 Arab's, 122.20 Beds of the West Indians, 995.10 Bed st●ade provided by the Bride in Russia, 454 Bees of the West-Indies, their shape, working, and Honey, 963.40 Beene● worshipped, and Bie●e 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 meat, 104.60 Their heirs worn for preservatives, 104.40.50 Beggars, the Laws against them in Island, 666.20. They were to be gelt▪ ibid. Beheading is the most abominated death in China▪ and why, ●05. 60 Beitst●d 〈◊〉 Norway, 660.10 Bel●sownd, and Whale-fishing there, 467.1 Bel●●inging ●inging on the New Moon, 275.30 Bells, 〈◊〉 in men's yards, 138.60 Bells heard under ground, 197.50.198.10 Bells used by 〈…〉, 353.60 Bells cast 〈◊〉 China 334.20 Bells with wooden Hammers in China, 383. ●0 Bel● to the Desert, 74.30 Bellowes 〈…〉 not metals, so well 〈◊〉 natural wind, 944.20 Belgi●n the Mountain, 111, 10. The countries about it conquered, by the Tartars, 112.20 Benedictus Goez, his Voyage to China, he speaks the Persian tongue, 311▪ 20. He takes the habit of a Merchant▪ is enraged by the 〈◊〉 Mogore, ibid. His companions, ibid. Assaulted by thieves. 311.312. His tedious journey, 312.30. comes to the King of Casca●, 313. Goes to the King of Quotan, his Good● seized on, ibid. Refuses to invoke Mahomet, 313.20.30. Sets on to Cathay, 313.50. Danceth ibid. Comes to 〈◊〉, & disputes 314.10.20. Heares of his fellow jesuits, ibid. Boldly professes himself a Christian, ibid. Is lost in the night, and how found again, 315.1. Grows rich by travel, ibid. Sends, Letters to his fellows, is sent for by them, 315.50. Is distressed, ibid. Die. 316.1. No Priest: his Acts, ibid. Bengala the Kingdom, the Commodities of it, 94.10 Bengala conquered by the Tartars 93.40 Benjamin Woods two ships in China, 309.20 Ben. joseph his Voyage, 466.50 Benson a Lieutenant, leads three hundred English 〈◊〉 Sweden▪ 772.20. His and their danger in Iui●land, 773.774 Berga the Town, by Norway, 61● 10 Bergen the famous Mart of Norway, the Language altered there, and why, 644.60 Bermuda Island called Garza: the furthest Island yet found, in the World, 989 Bessarabia; what Country, 633.1. marg. Bestede in Island, the residence of the Danish Governor, 653.20. Betre, Bescle, Betel, Tembul or Arecca, an herb● excellant for the teeth, 105.50 Beauty preferred before Nobility, where, 80.1 Bezar-stone, what beasts bear it, and where, 967.20. & 968.1. Whereabouts in their several bignesses, colours, and virtues, the best how known, how bred in the beast; an admirable thing of their growing, 969.10.20. & see also, 878.40 Bialogrod in Moldavia, taken by the Turks, 633. Bigaypotim, the Chinois Father of Gods, 269.20 Bihaos a tree of Indi●, the use, 984.50 Bildih in Medi●, ●45. Variation of the Compass there, 246.20 Bills of Exchange, to be received in Heaven, 271. & 277.1 by'r a Castle in Syria, 123.50 Birch tree, a Wine made of it, 231.10 Birch tree only grows in Island, of a fragrant sent, 649.30 Bird with a Looking-glass on his head, 1021.10 Birds of the West Indies, 979. etc. & 995 Birds without feet, how they fit, others as small as Bees, 965.20 Birds breeding in the frozen Cliffs, 513.10. Not afraid of men, their manner of Nests and laying, ibid. Birds that dispeopled a Country, 254.1 Birds and fishes bought to let go; 271 10 Birthday of their Prince, the Tartars yearly observe, 84.30. The solemnity of it, 84.30. His Subjects send Presents to him, 84.40 Birthday's Festival in China, 202.10. & 394.1.180.60.374 60 Biscayners fish at Greenland, forbidden by the English, 717.50. & 718.719 Bishops in Russia, sometimes chosen out of the Nobility, 769, 20. & 791.10 Bishop● of Russia be fix, their jurisdiction, 446.40. Their Gentlemen Commissaries, ibid. Their 〈◊〉, their Chapter of Priests, or Synod, ibid. Their Revenues and their Habit 447.1. Elected by the Emperor, 〈◊〉 of them chosen out of Monasteries, unmarried, and shorn, ibid. They preach but twice a year: their Sermon, ibid. Bishops of Island, 645.30 Bishops of Island, under the Archbishop of Nidrosia in Norway, 651.30 Bishop of Groneland, ibid. B●snagar, the greatness of the King, 138.30 Bittacle in a ship, what, 582. marg. Bitter a Sea- 〈◊〉, what, 565. marg. Bitumen in a Mine of Cuba: ships talked, and houses built with it, 994.1 Black sheep preferred by the Tartars, 441.50 Black Fox, the chief Fur of Russia, 748. etc. Black Point, 474.50 Black Carpet, at the Coronation of the Great Chan, 111.30 Blacians or Hacians an old people, where 18.60. Whence descended, 19.1 Bless, the Greek Bishops do, with two fingers, 445.50 Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, used in the Russian Service, 450 40 Blinghead in Orkney, 827.40 Blood drank at a peacemaking, 285.1 Blood reigned, 198.30 Blood-letting in India, the manner, 992.10 Blood-letting for the Devil's service in Mexico, 1014. & 1035.30 Blubber, is the fat of Whales, 470.60. The Blue Sea, 234.10 Boats of fish skins and bones, excellent, 610 Boats of Seale-skins, 817.60 Boats on Russia of hollow trees, 777 20 Boats of Groneland swifter than ships, 835. Sewed with sinews or guts, ibid. Bocara, or Boghar in Bactria, 66.10. in marg. Boghar a City in Bactria, 239.10 Persian tongue spoken there, ibid. The Priest deposes the King, ibid. King not above three years, 239 50. The Copper money there, ibid. The commodities sold at Boghar, 240.20. The City besieged, 241 10 Boghar or Burgavia, 312.10 Bogus or Hispanis, the River in Podolia, 632.10. Runs into Boristenes, 633 Bohemia entered by the Tartars, 61.1 Bothol the Island, 285.30 Bondage for debt: the manner of it, 217.10. Voluntary for pure need, ibid. Bones feasting one another each New Moon, 275.20. People's Oblations to these bones, ibid. Bonzi of China, their dotages, 346.1 Bonzi are inferior to the Mandarines, 347. Held the basest people of China, 359.20 Bonzi, the japonian Priests, 323 50. A Military order of them▪ ibid. Books made of the leaves of trees. in New Spain, 1052.10 Boots an Ensign of Magistrates in China, and the Ceremony about them, 333.10 Boots: the Bride in Russia pulls off the Brydegroomes and the Ceremony of that, 230.10 Boots and Shoes embroidered in China, 176.60. Shoes of Straw, 177.1 Borichen the Il● by Hispaniola, 998 30 Boris Pheodorowich, his great Offices, & Revenues in Russia, 742 10. His Present to Queen Elizabeth, 743.60. His power, 744 40. And policy to become popular, 745. Made Emperor, ibid. Modestly refuses the Empire. Accepts it, 745. His Wife, Son, and Daughter. Coronation. Expedition against the Crim Tartars. His policies. The beginning of his disasters. Seeks a Wife for his Son out of England, 746 Desires a league with King James. Dies suddenly. Would be new Christened before his death, 751. His care of his Son: policies, etc. 752. His Wife and Son poisoning themselves, the Daughter lives, 753.50. His Patent to the English Muscovie Merchants, 754. Reports of his death diverse, 757.1. Burial, ibid. Boristhenes, the course of it, 633 20 Bornaholm consigned to the Lubeckers, 631 Botta a strange head tyre of the Tartarian women, 6.60. & 7.1 Bougiusky sometimes Secretary to D●metrius of Russia, almost starved there. Relieved by the English, 780.40. Escapes into England, and is relieved, 782.10 Boy of Day wrestling and playing tricks with a living Boy, 349.40 Boys of Mexico, their bold hunting of Serpents, 1043.10 Boys put betimes to earn their livings, 105.20 Boiling Fountains in Groneland, 751.40 Boiling meats in Gourds, by casting in a burning stone to the liquor, 922.10 Box of curious art wrought in japon, 325 Bralapisacon, a Haven, 253.20 Bramble-berries cure the looseness, 517.1 Brames the people Lords of P●gu, etc. Rich in Gold and Rubies, 169.40 Bramenes, most true Merchants, 105.50. They live a hundred and fifty years, ibid. Their Discipline, ibid. Bramenes are Witches. The names of their Gods which they worship, 166.30, 40. Themselves yet alive are worshipped for Gods, 166 50 Their authority, ibid. Their degrees of Religious men, 167.1 Branding of thieves in China, 395.20 Branding for Theft in Island, 651 10 Brasile, would not grow at Venice, 104.1 Brasile Province, the latitude, discovery, temperature, soil, chief Traffic, Plantations by Portugals, and their Latitudes, their Ports, Rivers, etc. And their Latitudes, ●03 Braslaro in Podolia, 632.10 Brazen Serpent, and the Mystery of that, represented in China, strangely, 274.10 Bread, the Tartars mock us for eating it, 232.50 Bread, the Chinois eat not commonly, 365.40. Rice sodden, instead of it, ibid. Bread of Wheat without crust, how made, 365.50 Bread of Straw in China, 230.50 Bread very bitter in Ormuz, 72.1 Bread of Roots and bark, 416.1 Bread made of fish sod and dried, 537.40 Bread of the West Indies, 953.954 Bread sodden in the reek of water, 365.50 Bread baked in Ox dung, or in Horse d●ng, 34.30 Bread & Corn unknown in Island 646.30 Bread and drink none, where, 223.20 Breaking the Scutcheons, or day of mourning, 252.40 Breath holden half an hour together, 953.1 Brewing with Holy-water in Russia, 456.1 Bribery in course of justice, how prevented in China, 185.10 Bricks preferred before stone in China, 34.20 Bridge, an admirable one, 295.30. & 299.50. & 89.1. & 199.30 Bridge made with men purposely killed, 628 Bridge of natural stone, 990.30 Bridges of Straw, 1056.30 Bridges of Hair and Straw where, 934.50 Bridges, 12000. In one City, 98 Bridges, see Toll. M. Briggs his Treatise about the probabilities of the Northwest Passage. 852 Brimstone every where digged in Island, 648.10. & 649.20 B●ises, see East winds, 858.30. A Philosophical reason for them, ibid. Most usual in the Terra Firma, 859.1 Britons fishing at Island eight hundred years since, 657.40 Brius the River where Gold is found, 91.3 Brother preferred before the Sun in Peru, 1054.50 Bride goes crying to Church in Russia, 229. ●●. Led by two naked men, 230.10. She is called a Duchess, ibid. bride not 〈…〉, 453.60 Her gifts, portion and apparel, ibid. bridegroom called Duke in Russia, 456.1 B●e●phalus breed, 73.50 Buckeranum, 30.60. in marg. Buffaloes' yoked in the Plough, 294.60. How they govern and 〈◊〉 them, ibid. Buildings, four admirable in Pequin, 273. ●0 Buildings but slight in China, 382 50 Buildings of Russia, the manner. 419.20 Buliano the Port, how far from China. 291.10 Bulgaria the greater, are most earnest Saracens, 16.40 Bulgaria w●●ne by the Tartars, 114 30 Bulgai chief Secretary to Mangu-Chan, 46.60 Bulangazi, the Tartarian Officer for lost things, 86.1 Bullets for Guns wrought by nature, 993.60 Bungo the Kingdom, 3●●. 30. Speaks the japonian Tongue, ibid. Buquhannes, the Latitude, and description of the Coast, 809.810 Burneo the Island, 283.1 Burning Mountains or Volcanes' in the Indies▪ 878.30. One of them melted the Copper and Iron of a Cauldron brought near it, 880 60. The cause of the burning, 891 20 Burnils Cape in Greenland: the Latitude and Variation there. 833.40 Burial, in new Shoes, 230.40. In a Coffin, with a Testimonial, ibid. The manner in Russia, 230 Burial places of the Chinois, 368 40. Their Sorcery ab●●t the choice of it, ibid. None buried in their Cities, ibid. Burial of the japonians, 327.10 Burial of the Chinois, 393.30. See Funerals and Mourning. Burial of Tartars without their Cities, 84.1 Burial of the Gronelanders, 825 1. & 836.10 Buryals the Chinois Superstitious in, 357.10 Buryals of the Mordwit Tartar, 442.40 Buryals of the Mamoses of Curland, 628.20 Buryals of the Mexicans, 1029.40 Buryals of the West Indians, 994.40 Busse Island discovered, 582.30 Busse Island false placed in the Carts, 815.1. & 822.40 Bussarmans' what, 238.40 Buskins worn in Russia, instead of Stockens, 459. & 460 A Butcher in Russia, chosen Lord Treasurer, Author of his Country's liberty, 791 Butter-weeke in Russia, 217.60 Butter made in Tartary Philosophically, 5.60. Kept in Rams skins, 5.60 Buttons Iles. The Variation there, 837.60 C CAbul, a Mart Town, 311.50 Cacabe, a Castle in Syria, 123 50 Cacao a West Indian fruit described; used instead of money, and to make drink of, the tree and soil, 956.40, 50 Cacao Nuts, of which is made money, wine and meat for the Indians, 874.10. The tree described, 878.40 C●●ices, the Priests of Cascar, 313 30 Caesar, the title first assumed by the Emperor of Russia, 760.30 (by the jesuits instigation) & 783. 40. & 787.10 Caffa won by the Turk from the Crim Tartar, 44.20. Upon the Euxine Sea, ibid. Changle, or Kangitta, a people, 18.40 A great Country, 19.10 Caim the great City, 96.30 Caindu the Province, 90.60 Calacia, where Chamblets are made, 80.10 Calamba wood for beads, whence, and the price, 410.30 Calcia, the people described, 312.10 Catempluy, an Island, 260.30 Califa of the Saracens residing at Baldach, 70.10. He is taken by the Tartars, ibid. How he proved the Christians by removing a Mountain, 70.20 Caliph of Baldach, his just punishment, 116.30 California Province in the West Indies, the Latitude, not much discovered, the Rivers and Lands of it, 877.40, 50. See also, pag. 853.10 Callao Province the richest of the West Indies, 937.10 cales of Horse-haire in China, 366.60 Callinos or Candinaes, 531.10. Inhabited by the Spaniards, 543, 20 Caluenists some in L●tuania, 628.50 Cam the River his course, 525.30 Cama the River, 232 Camath, a City, where Euphrates bendeth to the South, towards Halapia, 51.1 Camaron the Cape, by Hunduras in the Indies, 859.10 Cambalu is Pequin in China, 314 40 Cambalu in Catha: the Etymon, 342.40. Signifies The Great Tartar of the North. The Great Chams Court, 83.10. His Palace there, ibid. His Arsenal, or Ammunition House there, 83.20 Cambalu signifies, the City of the Lord, 83.40. removed over the River, ibid. Called Taidu, ibid. Camboia the Kingdom, 253.30 Subject to Siam, 166.20. The King a Bramene, ibid. All his Subjects besides the Priests, are Slaves, 167.10. He seizeth dead men's goods, ibid. The King driven out by the Mogores, 254 30 Cambrics and Lawns where made, 89.10 Chameleon, see Light-dogge. Camfire trees, 101.30. Sold weight for weight with Gold, 104.10 Campion, the chief City of Tanguth, 77.1 Can, why the Tartarian Princes are so called, 14.50 Canaanites expelled by josuah, whither they went, 661. & 662 Canaries, the distance from Spain, 858.20 Candle-light many months together, 647.30 Candles in the Greek Church, 228 20. & 217 Candles of Birch, 416.40 Candles burning without flame, in a Coral Stone, 799.50 Candlemas day, something like is, in China, 394.10 Candinaes, the East point of the White Sea, 485.60. & 515. & see, 531.10 Cangigu, the Province: and manners of the people, 94.10 Cannibals or Man-eaters, where, 890 Cannibal Isles in the West Indies; their several names, and Latitudes, inhabited by Man-eaters. Cannibal signifies a valiant man, why they left eating of men. Their distances from Saint Domingo, 865 Canopy an Ensign of dignity in China, 184.10 Consangui Cascio, what, 313.1 Canton the City described, 319.40 Cantan the City described, 170 50. & 171. etc. The Magistrates Houses described, 171 30. Their private Houses delicate, 172.20 Canton, the true name of it, 321 60 Canutus the King, his greatness, 621. etc. Cape Cod, the Latitude, 588.10 The Sowndings by it, 587. & 588 Cape Bapo, 474.30 Cape Swetinos, 532.20 Cape Comfort the latitude, and longitude from London, 841.30 No hope of the Northwest Passage that way, ibid. Cape Cant by Nova Zembla, the latitude, 513 Cape de Bas in newfoundland, 809.1 Cape Nassaw, 475.40. The latitude, ibid. Cape Trust, 476.10 Cape Desseado, or Desired in the Magellane Streights, the latitude, 901.10 Cape Christian in Groneland, 815 10 Cape Desolation, the latitude, 816 10. Of Queen Anne, & Queen Sophia in Groenland, 817.20 Capes of King james, Queen Anne, and of Prince Henry, 599.20 Capes: Kegor, 223.20. Swetinots, ibid. Grace, 223·40 Capha or Theodosia in Taurica, 63.6 Caphars, so the Tartars call Christians, 235.10. & 238.50. & 239.40 Capherstame a City: the Saracens must not enter it, 311 40 Cap an Imperial Ornament of Russia, 421.10 Cap assumed in China at Man's estate, 394.10. The fashion of this Cap or Cawl, 394.30 Caps of their Learned, square, and round, ibid. Cap of the Learned in China, 348.1 Cap of China Scholars, the fashion, 339.1 Cap, an Ensign of dignity in China, 184.20. & 200.20. Given to the Graduates, 185.10 Caps of the Louteas described, 292 20 Caps, Girdles and Boots of the China Officers, 390.10 Capon, a Philosophical conclusion with him, 270.30 Cappadocia, is on the West of Armenia the Greater, divided from it by the Euphrates, 52.60 Capthac, the Tartarian name for the Comanians, 11.1 Captives clad, in the Ornaments of Indian Idols and so worshipped, sacrificed and eaten, 1032.1.10. & 1038.60. The manner, 1046.50. etc. Captives why the Mexicans desired to take, then to kill, 1037 40 Cara in Tartarian signifieth black, 5.40. & 14.50 Cara-Cathay, 314.1.404.40. Beginning of the Tartars greatness, 404.50 Caracarum a mighty City, 77 30 Carcharon described, 39.1 Caracarum the City of Mangu-Chan, 35.40. His Progresses thither, ibid. His Palace there described, 36.1. A Nestorian Church there, 36.30. Several Nations of Christians there, 37.1 Caracarum, two months and ten days journey from the Volga, 47 10 Caracas, the Province in the West Indies, 866.60. The chief Towns and their distances, discovered, tributary Indies. Ports, Capes, Points, Lakes, Gulfs, Rivers, Soil, Beasts, medicinable Stones, Governments, etc. 867.868 Caracos●●, clear Kowes Milk, 27 40 Carambis the Promontory, 636.10 Caramoram the River, 89 Caran the people, 280.40 Caraunas a mongrel people, 71.20 their Enchantments, ibid. Carbuncle or Ruby, imitating the Sun, 802.1 Card-play frequent in China, 395 20 Cardandan the Province, 92.20 Carianfu the City; the Commodities thereabouts, 89.40 Cartagena in the West Indies, the Scite, Soil, resin, Gums, Balms, etc. Latitude of the City, and description of it, 886.1 Carthage the goodly ruins of it, 631.20 Carts with forty wheels, drawn by five hundred Horses, 165.50 Carualleda, in the West Indies: the distance from Venezula: when built, 867 Carawood, what in Tartarian, 243 60 Carazan the Country and City, 91 50. Gold found in the Rivers and Mountains. Casale, now called Ason, 54.40. in margin. Casan conquered by the Ruff, 740.1 Caschar the Province, 74.40 Caschar the Kingdom, 312.50 Casibin in Persia, 70.50 Casitan, the Horse-guards to the Tartarian Princes, 84.10 Caskar a City, 240.40 Caspian Sea, or the Hyrcanian, and why? 52.50. Whence so called, 16.1 Caspian Sea is a Lake, the extent of it, 109.60. Hath several Gulfs, 236.20. The bounds of it, 16.10 No Bay, ibid. Caspian Sea, well described, 242.1 How far from the Euxine, ibid. The water both fresh and Salt, ibid. See also pag. 245. Frozen, 247.60 Cassaria or Casari●, a Province of the Sea of Pon●us, 1.60. Inhabited by greeks, ibid. The Merchandise of those parts, 2.10. Is the Taurica Chersonesus, 53.30 Cassia Fistula in the West Indies, 875.1 Cassia the tree, his roots searches downward for water, 983.30. Where and how is grows, 959.50 Castle built of Straw, 628.1 Castles, five on the Banks of Ob, 805.1 Castro City in Chile, the latitude, 899.30 Cataneus the jesuit in China, 409. & aepe. Cataya the black or Kara Cataya, far remo●e from the other Cataya, 56.50 Cathay, the mightiness of the Kingdom, 108.40. They think the rest of the World blind, ibid. An vnwarrel●ke people, ibid. The bounds, 108.1 Cathay is China, 382.40 Catay the greatest City of Catay, whether it be Pequin in C●ina, 801.30. in marg. the Merchandises there, ibid. Cathaians' described, 23.50.311.1. Their Apparel, 18.40 Their skill in Physic, 23.50 Cathaians' write with Pensi●s, and in Characters, 34.10 Catechism of China, 345.1 Caten in the Tartarian tongue is Lady, 30.30 Catchpowles in China their Livery, 201 Catimparu, a Town, 253.40 Catouga the River runneth out of the Samo●eds Country into Cathay, 544.10 See ●51. 50 Cat a mountain, eats men, 628 50 Cats of Hispaniola, their crowsing, 997 Cattle fed with fish, 223.20 Cauchin-China the Kingdom, 281, 50. Where, 168.20. Their manners the same with the Chinois, but their language is different, 168.20 Cauchin China, tributary to China, 419. The King's tribute paid in wood, ibid. The people described, ibid. Causasus the Mountain●, 20.10 Called Cocas, 109.40 Caviary, where and how made, 417 10. & 418.20 Cavillations to get Money, 431.60 Causeyes admirable ones, 271.30 Cayo, China Wood, 196 Cazan the City described, 232.2 Won by the Ruff, 439.30 Ceracina, drink of Rice, 27.40. & 35.50 Cercassian Christians in Taurica, 639.640. Their Duke stipendiary to the Tartar, 642 Cedars common in the West Indies, 960.20 Cemainum, signifies eight, in Armenian, 50.10. A City so named, near which Noah● Ark rested, ibid. Certificate for Merchants, 190 30 Chagre River betwixt the South & North Seas, his head, course & mouth, 990 Chaldaea, the bounds, 110.50 Chamis what, in japon, 324.60 Chamlets where made, 80.10 Chamul the City and Province, where, 76.10. Their abominable kind entertainment of Guests, They are most kind Cuckolds, ibid. Chancel none enters but the Priest in Russia, 450.20. Not the Deacons, 450.50 Changlae, an old people; where, 16.10. Descended from the Romans, 18.40 Changle the manner of Diet and travel there, 19.20.30. etc. Chaplain to the Emperor of Mosco●●a, sits at table with the Nobility, in the presence, 457 Chaplains of Noblemen in Mexico, 1029.60 Chapels in China, 340.20 Chapel lined with Silver, 265 60 Characters, the Chinois have forty thousand several, as many as words, 384.370.20. & ten thousand in daily use, ibid. They are not A. B. C. or any way like ours. Characters of the Chinois and japan are the same: they signify the things, and not bare names, etc. 906.30 Charcas Province in the West Indies, the latitude, limits, jurisdiction, two Governors and Bishops: the four chief towns of Spaniards, and their latitudes, temperatures, soils, mines, etc. 896. Beginning of the jurisdiction: the Ports, Points, Capes, etc. 897 Chare Sibersky Prince of Siberia, brought prisoner to Moscow, 743.1 Charles jackman his Voyage, 463 40 Charles Philip, brother to Gustavus King of Sweden, 793. Lays down his claim to part of Russia, 793.30 Charles King of Sweden aids the Ruff against the Pole. 770.50 His Commission and promise of reward to his foreign aides, 771 His title, ibid. His death, 780.1 Charles Wain not seen in Samara, 103.50 Chautubo an Island, 307.50. A Commonwealth. Cheapness of all things in China, 365 Chequian Province in China, 408 50 Cheremissen Tartars, their Country, 442. Two sorts of them. Peace with them bought by the Ruff, a just dealing people, 442 30 Cheremizzi, a land of Tartars, 224 Cheremizer, the people half Gentiles, 232.30 Cherry Island, or Bear Island, 464 30. Multitude of Wh●les and Sea-horses, ibid. The latitude, 465.40. How far from England, 530 Cherry Island. Store of fowls there, 557. And Foxes like Dogs, the latitude, ibid. Morses and Morses teeth, ibid. Why named so, 558. Part of the I'll in 74. degrees and 55. minutes, 559 Bears there, 560.561. How hot in june, 560.40. Frost and Snow there in june, 562.50 Possession taken of it for the English Muscovia Company, ●63. 30 Led Mynes found there, 55●. & 564. And Seacoles', 594. They make their best Voyages on the North side of the Island, 566.1 The West side l●●kes like H●ycockes, 573.50 Chersona the City near the Euxine Sea, built, won, & restored, 633 & 634 Chesmur the Province, where, 74 1. They are the greatest Enchanters and Idolaters in the World, ibid. Their Heremites and customs, 74.10 Chess-play in China, the manner, 395.20 Chess-play in Bed, in Island, 647 20 Chetera Bougori, an Island▪ 44 50 Chetfird, a Russian Measure, what, 414.20 & 416.1 Chia the Herb used in all entertainments, 326.60. & 373.30 Chia, how used in Drinks, 382 30 Chiacato, Lord Protector of Argon in India, his Golden Tables given 〈◊〉 Paulus Venetus, etc. 68.40 Chiai Catai, an Herb excellent for the Go●t, &c 165.10 Chiamonay or Cunebetee, a Lake, 254.1 Chiapa Province in the West Indies, the Scite, Commodities, Arts of the Inhabiting Indians: latitude of the City, 879.1 Chiautaiso baptised, 406.30 Chica drink good for the Stone, 953.60 Chichimecas, Savages of the West Indies, their Fashions, 876.40 Chierman the Kingdom, where, 71.1. The Commodities there, ibid. Chile Kingdom in the West Indies, the bounds; more Southerly towards the Equinoctial than Peru: the true Scit●▪ Extent of the Government; how much inhabited, temper, warlikenesse of the people; the several Spanish Colonies, in it; their latitudes and distances from other places, 898. Bishoprickes, Monasteries, other towns and their latitudes, and first peopling▪ the name taken from Castro, which was called Chiluc: the Lakes, Lands, mines, Ports, etc. and their latitudes, 899. The distances of Navigation betwixt it and Panama, 860.1 Chile Kingdom, near the temperature of Spain, a rich soil & a poor people, 938.30 Chille Kingdom, see Chile. Child of Cathaya, who affirmed the transmigration of Souls, 42.10 Children dedicated to Devils on their birthday, 75.40 Children exposed, how provided for, 276.1 Children sold cheap in China, 367 Children sold or killed in China, 396 children's disposition guessed at, 420.30 The three Children in the Oven, the memory celebrated in Russia, and when, 456.10 Children how baptised▪ named & dedicated to the Church or wars in Mexico, 1103. How corrected & instructed, ibid. How exercised at several Ages, 1104. etc. Chimia, Limia and Simia, three Sciences, what and where professed, 166.1 China is in Asia, 856.20 China a perilous Coast, 258.30 When safest sailing there, ibid. China, what part of it the Tartars held, 140.10. The Chinois had recovered & held it forty years, 149.20 China, admirable for all provisions, 257.20 China the way to it by land through Russia, 546 China calls itself Tame or Tami●, and the people Tangis, 152.60 Described, ibid. China known by that name to their Neighbours, 167.30. They call themselves Tangin, and their Country T●me, ibid. China a part of Scythia, 167.40 Their Dominion of old, ibid. They are no Travellers, 168. & 190.20. Hath store of shipping, 173.30. The Chinois Proverb of that, ibid. The natural riches, 173.50. Their manner of Sea-fights, 174.1. Their Oars or Lioslios, 174.10. Bancones Lanteas, or small ships and Galleys, 174.10. They dwell in their ships, ibid. Poor men live well there, ibid. Their ships of guard for Merchants, 175.1, 10 Chinois are delicate livers, and yet industrious people, 175.10 They hate Idleness, and their Priests for being so, 175.30. The tribute they pay, ibid. Their Country well husbanded, ibid. Their most artificial Ploughs, and Pumps for their ships, 176 10. Their Puppet plays, ibid. Their provision for impotent persons, ibid. Trades, 176.50. etc. Rich men carried in Chairs, 177 10. Revenues of the King, 177 50. Measures ibid. etc. They love Pork exceedingly, 178.30 They have two or three Harvests of Rice in a year, ibid. Their Victualling houses, 178.50. & 179.1 China most excellently full of Rivers and waters, 179.10 China subject to yearly tempests of wind, 197.50. Hath thirteen shires, 199.1. The Kingdom is five months post over, 199.10 Streets lurge and straight, 200.1 The Government by Officers, 183 & 200. Opinions of the Souls departed, and of Reward after death, 201.50. Their Laws, 203.10. Execution of justice, 203.30. Curious of News and Novelties, 204.40 China. Infinitely peopled 266.60. & 267 10. Hath diverse Silver Mynes, how such a world of people is maintained, 270.10. Yields two or three Harvests in a year, 270 40. & 365. Reason of the great trading, 271.20. The admirablest place in the World, 271.40 The distance of the Towns, 294.60. Wonderfully tilled, ibid. The Highways broad there, 295.20 Castles none in China, 295.40 Their Houses but low, and why, ibid. Earthquakes frequent, ibid. The cheap●sse in China, 302.60 How far from the Philippinaes', 308.40. It is Cathay, 342.314 40. They differ only in name, 314 50.315.10. 'tis great Catay, 404 He that stays there nine years, may not return to his Country, 315.10. The least mother City in China, bigger than Lisbon, 319 40. The Provinces have peculiar Languages, 320.20. They mourn three years for their dead, 327.40. Their highways much traveled, 330 60. Their travel by Litters on men's shoulders, very cheap, 330. And so for Boat hire. 331.39. Commodity of their Rivers, 336.20 Heat and cold much there, 341 30 Greatness of one of the 15. Provinces, 342.30. Their North parts best, 344 China four square, 360.50. The true situation and quantity, ibid. The exact description of it, ibid. 361 etc. 380.50. The two errors of our Maps of China, 361.50 All one of with Cataye, 361.50 & 362.20. Why the Neighbour-Kings cannot invade China, 362 40. How divided from Mogot, 362.40. The division: and chorographical Books, ibid. The greatness of their Cities and Villages, 362.363. The travel there is most by water, 363.50. The cause of the plenty, 363.40. The cheapness of their commodities, 365.10, 20 China needs no foreign traffic, 365.1. European Commodities dear there, 367.1.374.30. The government, 372.1, 10. Half the time th●re spent in compliments, 374.50. The ancient names of China, 380.20. The King changeth it at pleasure, ibid. The greatest Kingdom of the World, 380.50. 'tis under the temperate Z●●e, ibid. & 381.20. The number of Cities and people, 281 1, 10. Exceedingly fortified by nature, ibid. The natural commodities of it, ibid. Their innumerable shipping, ibid. Why the Country is so cold, 382.1. Their Metals, Glisse, Paper, Spices, etc. 382. Their Artisans not comparable to ours, ibid. & 383.10 Their writing, and Learning, etc. 384. The Language subject to Aequinocations, ibid. Most confused, ibid. Several Languages spoken in China, 402.30. Extreme difficulty of their Language, 403.50. Particular descriptions of places and things in China, see page, 402.40, etc. The Authors suspicion of a Kingdom to the North of China, 404. Christians not suffered to lie in their Cities a nights, 411.1 China King. He writes upon plates of Gold 326 60. Kings of China where buried, 260.30. & 275.20. Hospital for Pilgrims that come to visit their tombs, 261.50. Wonderful wall about their burial place, 262.1 360. Hermitages in it, ibid. The habit of the Hermit's there, and his admirable answers to Faria, ibid. Altars there, much reverenced, 263.1. Rifled by Faria the Portugal, 262. & 263. Faria drowned, 263.50. His Palace described, 342. His closeness, 357 King of Chinaes' Arms, 266.10 & 275.10. & 296.1. & 319.50 & 352.20. & 392.40. Beginning of the Kingdom of China, 267.50. The King is sworn to reside at Pequin, 275.1. His revenues how bestowed, 276.30 364.30. His house of entertainment in every City, 292.30. He holds himself Lord of the World, 309.50. This pride retorted by the Spaniards, 310.20. He cares not to enlarge his Dominion, 390 20.315.1. His nobleness, 315 20. He is gulled by counterfeit Ambassages, ibid. & 362 China united into a Monarchy when, 376.20. The revenue and expenses of the King, 376.50. He cares not to increase his Dominion, ibid. His brothers and Cousins, of little authority, 379.20 His tributary Kingdoms, 381 10. His Pensions to Soldiers, Officers, etc. ibid. His title, 387 5●. Does nothing but by his Officers directions, 388.10. His Revenues he cannot lavish as he pleases, ibid. Not spoken unto but by his eunuchs, or by Petition, 392.40. His Arms or Ensigns reverenced, ibid. & 405. They that speak to him, cover their mouths, 392.50. & 405. He seldom gives presence, ibid. He is yellow, and none else may be, ibid. His Robe and Palace, Ibid. They reckon by his Reign, 393.1. Why he comes not abroad, 396.30. He is the High Priest, 397.10 China words. Hiam-xan, a Mayor, 327.30 Ansam, the same that Hiam-xan, 327.30 Hien a City, and Cihien Governor of a City, 327 Cihien a Governor of a City, 327 30 Aitao, the Admiral, 327.50. He is Governor over all Strangers: See Strangers. Chaen, the Provincial Visitor, 327 50 Ciai,- yven, the same that Chaen, & 389 60 Ci, a Governor. So Cihien, the Governor of the City, 327.30 & Cifu, the Governor of Sciauquin, 328.1 Thien Chu, the Lord of Heaven, 328.30 Lin-ci-tau, a Governor of three Provinces, 329.60 Tutan a Viceroy, or Lord Deputy, 330.20 Sancei, three Waiters, 333.60 Ci-lau, or Scilau, the judge of the Country of War: 336.10 Naughan▪ The Southern Inn. 336 30 Sciepathau, Eighteen Streams, 336.50 Yamsu, the Son of the Sea, 337.40 La Pu, the Council of Magistrates, 339.60.388 Chian, the greatest River, 340.39 Cho, a River, 340.39 Horses, a swifter sort of ships, 341 20 Lu., the Tartars, 342.40 Pa, or Pe, the North parts, 342.40 Szin holy or Saint, 345.10 Scingin; a Saint: the greatest title given to some learned in China, 344.19. & in marg. L, used for N, in some Dialects. 338.10 B, seldom used by them, 342.40 Holy Pao, God, 345.10 Scin mu, holy Mother, 345.10 M●, a Mother, 345.10 Nian a Queen, 345.10 Van van Siu, A thousand thousand years, 347.10 Tanfu, the Priests of the learned, 347.40 Cafila, a Caravan or company of Merchants, 362.1. & 364.40 Condures, a Coins worth seven farthings, 365.39 Cola●, the Council of State, 372.40 in marg. & 386.50. & 388 50 Zinzin, an Interjection of Urbanity, 373.20 Pu, a Tribunal or Court, 388.30 They want B.D.R. 403.50. They end no word in any Consonant but M and N. 408.40 Ciam Ciu, a Precedent of a Court, 388.50 Cilam, an Assistant in judgement, 388.50 Choli, Magistrates extraordinary, 388.60 Zauli, Magistrates extraordinary, 388.60 Quin, the Court of the King: and thus Nanquin signifies the Southern Court, and Pequin the Northern Court, 389.30 Nan; South, or Southern, 389.30 Pucinfu, and Naganzafu; Magistrates, 389.40 Tauli, an order of Magistrates, ibid. Yuce, jaspar of Catai, or Cascar, 390.10 Totoqui, the Law, 397.50 Osciami, a Sect of Priests, 398.10 Ciaicum, Fasters, 398.30 Lauzu, the old Philosopher, 398.40 Hoei, Sects of strange Religions, 400 20 Furio, a shire in a Province, 40●. 40 Sciandai, on the Sea, 406.50 Xi; Fiat, 407.40. (so the King signs.) Ti Cam. Pluto. 407.60 A China-proverbe Englished, see 409.1 Foe, Gods, 409.10 So ye: Cringing, 373.20 Paytre, a paper of Visitations, 373 40 Than, exceeding large, 380.30 Thou, Rest, 380.30 Hia, great, ibid. Sciam, Adorned. Cheu, Perfect. Han, the mike way in Heaven. Min, Splendour. Ta-min, the Kingdom of great Splendour. 380.30 Chiumboa, a Garden, 380.30 Furio, a Province, 381.1 Cheu, a great City. Hien, a town, 381.1. & 389.40 Mui, Sea-coal, 382.20 Q●ohoa, the Court Language, 384 30 T●hio, The Examiner or Poser, 385 40 Siducai, the degree of Bachelor of Art, 385.40 Kingin, Master of Arts. Quia●juen, the Signior Brother at Commencements, 386 Cinsu, Doctorship, 386.50 Hoamsi, Supreme Monarch, 387 50 Lavye, or Lausie, Lord or Father, 388.10 Chinois or people of China, their Persons and Habits described, 179.40.50. etc. Curiosities in their Hair, ibid. How they Salute: and their common Courtesy of inviting men to Victualling houses, 180.10. Their entertainments of Guests, and manner of Feasting, ibid. 30. By night, 181.1. They wear no Weapons, ibid. 50. Their Funerals and Mourning, ibid. 50. & 182.1. Their women's customs, and Apparel, Painting and retiredness, ibid. 20. Buying and selling of Men, ibid. 50. etc. Magistrates with their Creation, Privileges and maintenance▪ 183.20. justices, Prisons, and Schools, 184. and 203. Manner of administering justice, 186.10. Admirable diligence in their Servants, ibid. & 187. Pomp of their Magistrates in the Streets, 200.187. & 193. Their habit, ibid. Their manner of examination of witnesses, 188.200. Their Bribery, 186.50. etc. The Religion of China, 195.50. etc. They have Temples for them, and Oratories in their Ships, 196.1. 'Slight esteem of their Gods, 196.10. & 197.1. Hard to be made Christians, and why, 197. & 207. Chinois, the este●me of their King 258.40. & 260.20. Their opinion of the Reward after death, 262. & 263.1. And of the burning of the World, 266.30. Silver buried with them, and why, 263.10. Their Hospitals, 264. They give their goods to Idols, and to have their souls prayed for, 264.40. & 270.1. & 277.1. Religious Orders amongst them, 264.60. & 32. Several Sects, 265.50. & 272.40. Their Gods of fire, Tempest, Sea, etc. 266. Their opinion of Hell, 267. ●1. Some Christians in Sampitay, 267.20. Chronicles and Legends of China, 267.50. Their prayers to their Gods, 267.10. And vows, 269.30. They beat their Idols, 319.60. Their Priests shaved, 319.50 Chinois sometimes Lords of India, 269. marg. Their infinite variety of Trades: no man must meddle with another's Trade, 270.271. They eat Snakes, Snails, or any thing, 270.30. Their extreme Superstitions, 271. Their works of Piety, 271.30. Their stately Tribunals, 272.1. Their Sepulchers, ibid. 30. & 274.20. Sacrifices of wild Birds and Beasts, ibid. Their four chief Sects, 272.60. Their inkling of the Resurrection, 274.20. Their Gods, ibid. 40. They Marry and get Stars, ibid. Their knowledge of the Flood of Noah, 275.40. Scorn to be taught, 327.60. Their own people held unfit for Governors, 276. Their Women be white, ibid. They hold the transmigration of Souls, 277.1. They are but mean Mariners, 291.1. Their Compass, & want of the Card, ibid. 10. They worship Saints Images, ibid. 20. Their Customs in coming a shore, 292.10. Their Banquets described, 302.20.292.40. & 298.30. What Music they use, ibid. & 302.30. They are excellent Porters, 294.50. They wear no Weapons, 295.20. Their State Ceremonies, upon the knee, 296.40. & 298.20. & 300. The inferior lays aside his state before his Superior, 297.1. Ceremonies to the Sun, before their Feasts, 302. Their Masters, Activity, and Martial discipline, 305.10. They invoke the Devil in a tempest, 308.60. & 318.20. They think it barbarous to be called by their own name, 330.40. Much addicted to Alchemy, 332.60. & 334. ibid. Their manner of thanksgiving, 333.50. They are apt to Learning, 335.1. How men suspected, are made to find out the parties offending, ibid. 20. the abstinence of their Idolaters, ibid. 30. their testimony of bidding a man welcome, 339.40. Riding on Horseback not magnificent enough for them, 342.20. Their Language consists most of Monosillables, 342.60. Their Learning not so admirable, 343.50. what: their Arethmeticke with Linen instruments and Beads, 335.1. Some forms of Location used by them, 344.10. and in marg. They bow their foreheads to the ground in saluting their Superiors, 344.1.30. Their chief Authors, ibid. 20. The privacy of their Women, 360.1. & 344.60. They wear not so much as Knives, ibid. 40. Their habit, ibid. Their disciplining of themselves, ibid. 50. Their Catechism, 345.1. Their knowledge of everlasting pain o● reward, ibid. Taught to worship Saints, etc. 345.10. Their opinion of Eclipses, ibid. 40. Their five Elements and ignorance in Philosophy, ibid. 50. Their Nobility, 346.50. Their Learning reckoned up, 348.20. Their want of Logic, ibid. Their Philosophers hold themselves equal with the Creator, 348.20.30. They are greedy of precious Stones, 353.10. Their soothsaying about their Burials, 357.10. They call their Kingdom the World, and are amazed at an universal Map, 358.50. The hopes and hindrances of their Conversion, 359. They may follow what Religion they please, ibid. 20. Their good Capacities, ibid. Their incredulity of things after this life, 359.30. They keep as many Wives as they are able, ibid. Desirous of Learning, 360.30. Their Buildings and other things all alike, 363.40. Their Shipping of two sorts, 364.10. Their Diet and feeding, they are great Sall●t-eaters, 305.50. They eat Horses, Mules, etc. ibid. 60. They know not how to dress their Silks, 366 40. Ill Dyers, ibid. Their Apparel long, ibid. Their long Hair, ibid. Their Hats and Caps, ibid. & 376.1. Their persons and Complexions, ibid. 10. Their trades, ibid. None rich, nor idle, ibid. 30. They have no Nobility by descent, ibid. Their Marriages, ibid. Their Funerals, ibid. 60. & 368. etc. Their Idolatry, 369.1. They are Sorcerers, 369.10. Their two great follies, 369.20. Most can write there, 370 Chinois highly conceited of their own learning, 375. They applaud the Papacy, 375.20. Closeness of their women, 375.50. Their apparel, ibid. Their prevention of rebellions, 376.30. Their journeys but slow and small, 409. marg. How and why their women make their 〈◊〉 ●●tle, 410.60. Live long and healthful, and why, 391.50. Their hair worn loose, till they be twenty, 394 Their persons described exactly, 394.20. Their Boys and Girls habits, ibid. The apparel of men and women, ibid. The change of their names often, 394.50, 60. Their Games at Cards & Dice, etc. 395.20. Their Superstiions, etc. 395.40. & 396. Their cruelty to their own Children, 396.10 and selves, ibid. Their Sects, ibid. The Jesuits hope many of them were saved. ibid. Chinchintales the Provinces, 76 30 Chincilles an Indian beast, whose hair makes cloth, 966.40 Chingis Chan his Vision to conquer all the World, 111.20. Chosen Emperor, ibid. His Laws, 111.50. His second Vision, 112 40. His death, 113.20 Chingis the great King of Tartary, was a Smith, 45.50 Chingis signifieth the sound of Iron, ibid. Cingischan, his victories, 77.50. He consulteth with his Soothsayers, 77.60. The manner of it, with a Reed, 78.1. Slain and buried, 78.10. His Successors all buried by him, 78.20. The Tartars going to bury their Prince, kill all they meet, ibid. Cingis Chan, Ancestor to the Crim Tartars, 637.40 Chiutaiso, a Chinois much furthers the Jesuits in China, 335.10. etc. His Letter to his Master Ricius, 344.10 Chircas●es Tartars, near Lituania, more Civil and comely than the other Tartars, some acknowledge the King of Polonia, and are Christened, 442.20 Chololla, a City gone to in Pilgrimage by the Indians, the description, 1120. & 1123.20 Chrinisin Silkworm, 442.50 Christians which Crosses Ink upon their hands, 21.1 Christians in China, 359.60. But decayed, 400.1.10. Called Terza● in Persi●, 400.20. Some new made in China, 406 Christians in China, the sum of their Religion, 267.30. & 269.50. A Christian Martyred in China, 269.50 Christians in Cathay & Rebat, 311 1. Their habits, Black and Red, ibid. All these are fabulous reports, ibid. Christians many in Cauchinchina, 410.20 Christians, what manner of ones the West Indians are, 998.40 Christian Chapel, & Cross, found in Tartary, 26, 30. An Armenian Monk in it, ibid. Christians of the East will use no Bells, and why, 21.4 Christians of Saint Thomas, but in one City, 110.1 Christianity decayed in Tau●ica, 636.20.30 Christianity by what means advanced by the Jesuits in China, 401.1.10. The way to Preach it in China, 197.30 Christianity received in Island, 645.1 Christianity, why the West Indians embraced it so soon, 1039.40 Crystal of the Rock, where had, 546.40 Christall-boryll, Mines of it in the West Indies, 874.30 Christmas day, December 25. in Russia, 224 40 Chronicles of China, how written, and by whom, 389.10.20 Chroniclers for the Indies in Spain, 855 Chronologie of the Mexicans, 1050.1052. And of the Perwians, 1053.10 Cialis the Kingdom, 313.10. The utmost bounds towards China, 314.50 Ciangalu the City, 94.60 Ciarcan the Province, where. It hath diverse precious Stones, 75.10 Cilicia how it came to be called Armenia, 111.1 Cement not used in the Stone-works of the Indians, 1056.10 Cimbria, the Etimon of it, 661 Cimmerian darkness, 110.40. & 107.10 Cin a Title of the Mexicans, 1126.30 Cinnamon tree described, 138.40 Cities, wonderful, 12000. in China, 99.60. with Garrisons, ibid. City movable, on the Water, 270.50 Cities of Russia the chief, 418.30 S. Claraes' Lands, 477.40 Clergy of Russia their esteem, 422.10. Mocks in their Parliaments, 423.10.20. Called to their Parliaments in Russia, 428 Clergy of Russia unlearned, they Preach but twice a year, the substance of their Sermon, ibid. They purposely keep out Learning, ibid. Clerk of the Council in Russia, 428.20 Clete Island, and of the Orkneyes, 827.30 Cleva, the chief City of the Ruthenians, 61.40 Cliff falling, kills some English, 734 Cloth dear in China, 367.1 Cloth made of Barks, 94.40. Of Gold and Silver, ibid. 50 Cloth made in the West Indies, 962.30 Cloth made of the Coca Nut in the East Indies, 981.30 Cloth of Coney's hair & Feathers, 1128.10. Of Feathers alone, ibid. Cloth made of Earth, which endures the Fire, 76.40 Cloves store, 91.10 Clocks & Larums in China, their manner, 99.40 Clocks unknown to the Chinois, 356.40. They learn to keep them, ibid. And the learners advanced, 357.30 Coach with one Wheel in China, 343.10 Copes worn by the Greek Clergy. 448.20 Co●pes of the Russian Clergy, 227.228 Cobinam a great City in Persia, 72.10 Coca Tree described, continually chewed by the Indians of Peru, the virtues, 895.1 Coca Trees and fruit described, 981.30. Medicinable for what, why called Coca, 982.10 Coca, a leaf of Peru, the esteem, they chew it continually, & use it for money, 957 Coco trees of the West Indies, like to a Palmtree, the excellency of the Nut, and medicinablenesse of the Shell, the Nuts have Almonds in them. The Tree bears twelve times a year, 958.30. etc. Cocks of Hispaniola, when they Crow, 997 Cockins sound in Groenland, the distance betwixt London and it, 832.10. The Latitude and Variation there, ibid. & 847.50 Cochinel store where, 907.60. It grows of Worms, how, 951 Coda Inforcata an Indian Fowl, his fight for Pilchards, 979.50 Coffins for burial, the Chinois curiosity about them, 368.30.40 Coffin of Camphire, preserves the Corpses, 181. Cogno, is Iconium in Armenia, 69.40 Cohilouzaa a City in China overthrown with an Earthquake, for Martyring a Christian, 269.50.60. & 270.1 Coia Acem, the Pirate, his Story, 257 Coiat, the Tartarian word for their Master of the Ceremonies, 12.60 Coiganzan the City, 96.20 Coilac, a City of Merchants in Catay, 20.50 Coin of Russia with a Horseman and his Whip, the occasion of it, 419,10 Colla in Lapland, 556.40 Colan, the Tartarian name for an Ass, 19.50 Colchis, the extent, W●●ddy and Mountainous, called the Petigoren Province, 636. Idolaters, their Customs, ibid. Cold extreme, in the uttermost of the Torride Zone, where it should be ho●e or temperate, 896.40 Cold under some places of the Torride Zone, 920.60. In the middle Region the cause, 921.20 Cold near the North Pole, not so vehement as in 73. degrees, 702.20 Cold extreme in Tartary, 27.1 Cold thickening the breath, 415.1. And freezing men dead, and cutting off their Noses, Toes, etc. ibid. Cold raises blisters on men's faces, 497.1 Cold invincible, where, 497.60. When it began to relent in Nova Zembla 499. And increases again▪ ibid. & 503.50 Cold of Russia, the experiments of it, 415.1 Cold stronger than Fire, 496.20.498. It remedies stifling, ibid. Cold freezing the clothes on men's backs, ibid. Cold stopping the breath, 221.2 Cold preserves from Putrefaction, 926.30 Cold in Nova Zembla, makes the Bears and Foxes and Dear, Snowwhite. Colgoiene Island, the latitude, 533.50. Described, 536.10 Colima the Province and Village in the West Indies, the Latitude, and distance from the Choacan, 874.60. The Commodities, 875.1 Collars worn in stead of Bands, 459.40 College in China, 386.1. & 389.20. & 398. The credit of the Doctors therein, ibid. Collins Cape in Greenland, 571.10 Colmacke, the Country, 235.20 Colmen Point, 592.30 Colmogro in Russia, 214.10. & 223.50 Colours abundance in japon and China, 354.10 Coola the Town, 517.50▪ And River, 566.40 Colti, what, 102.10 Columbus his Proposition to our Henry the seventh, 807.20. etc. Comanians, are the Cumani, 53.40. Whence they have their name, 114.30 Comanians, where anciently seated, 310. & 12.50. Overrun by the Tartars, ibid. & 114.30. Called Valanos and their Country Valania by the Dutch, 11.1 Combats for trial, still in Muscovie, 216.60. The Combatants swear upon the Crucifix, 722 Combustions about the Succession in Russia, 420.30 Comedies of the Mexicans, 1049.40. Birds, Flies, Toads, etc. Personated in them, 1049.50 Comedies in China, 181.10 Comet seen by Day in Mexico, 1020.60 Comet seen in japon, Anno, 15●5. 326.30 Comet 1577. seen seven days sooner in Peru then in Spain, and why, 925.10. It's motion. Comhay a Port▪ 256.40 Commencements in China, 200.385.40.50. Their Commencement House, 386.1. The manner of their Examination, ibid. Common, all is amongst Tartars, 443.1 Commonwealth first to be respected, 443.1 Commodities of Pechora, Siberia, Permia, Ougoria, and among the Tingussies, 522.40 Commodities exported out of China, 365.10 Communion, received but once a year in the Russian Church, 452.1. Confession before it, the Order▪ first to give both in a Spoon, and then both kinds severally, 452.10. Their mirth and fasting after it, ibid. Comolen Iland●, 259.30 Comoron beautiful Women, 242.50 Compass made to go false by Iron Nails, 514 Compass, the use of it, 241.50 Compass varies not in Shotland Isles, 567. Nor in Lofoote, 581.50. See Variation. Compliments in China, 391.20. & 373.20 Compliment in Aethiopia, 253.10 Composition betwixt Spain and Portugal, 330.10 Concha in China, 100.10 Concombres a● Indian fruit, the sorts and conditions, 955.10 Concubines freely kept in Poland, 629 Confession how extorted in Tartary, 25.30 Confession Sacramental, not known to the Nestorians or Armenians, 38.20 Confession auricular, imitated by the Devil in his Idol Ceremonies, 1041.50. See Auricular Confession allowed used in japon, a horrible Story of that, 1042.30 Confutius, the Prince of the Learned in China, 347.40. Honoured with a Holiday Sacrifices, Temple and Music, ibid.▪ & 397.30. His Age, works and Authority, 384.50. & 385 Conjunction of the Mo●●e, observed in China, 306.40. The superstitio●s used then, ibid. & 307 Conquerors are to provoke the Enemy to fight suddenly, but the Defendant is to protract time, 148.60 Constellations 24. numbered in China, 346.40 Contagion in Summer, occasioned by mild Winters, 637.1 Contomanni, a people in Cataye, 20.60 Contrary causes producing the like effects, 919.10 Controversies ended by kissing the Cross 434.10. The Order, when both swear, ibid. Coversions of the Indians by the Spaniards, what, 1025.20. in Marg. Convicted by Law, are fined to the Emperor of Russia, 429.30. How much, 434.20. How afterwards used, 434.30 Cookery in Cathay, 30.10 Copies of Patents kept in China, 327.30 Copper Mines very hard in the West Indies, 875.10 Copper works, 269.10 Copper used by the Indians for to make their Armour of, 942.50. disused now. Copper mixed with Gold in the Mine, 943 Coquimbo River in Chile, the Latitude,, 899 Corai the Kingdom, 324.20. Entered in h●stile manner by the japonians, 325.30. They wanted Artillery, ibid. Cora●nie the City and Kingdom, 109.30. Without Learning or Religion, ibid. Corchu the Island, 308.1 Cardage of Reeds, 97.20 Cordage of a Weed, very strong, it sawe● Iron in pieces▪ 9●6. 30. & 9951 10 Cordage of Wool and Horse-haire in Tartary, 6.40 Cordi the Mountainous people, of several Religions, 70.10 Core●, under the Chinois, 309.60.377.10. Invaded by the japonians, ibid. Releiued by the Chinois against japon, ibid. Quited by the China King, ibid. Corela in Russia, granted to the Sweden, 795. etc. Corelia the Country, 443.40 Cormorant Fishing, 363.60. & 411.30. The Fishermen pay a tribute for it. 364.1 Cormorant Fishing in China, 179.30. & 209 Corn flung on the new Married, the meaning, 454.50 Corn now grows in the cold parts of Russia, 214 Corn buried with the Indians to sow in the next World, 974.30 Corn and Wine, why ne'er in Nova Hispania, 86.30 Corn on the ground, the Indian Ceremonies for the growing of it, 1045.40 Coronation of the Emperor of Russia, the form, ●20. & 741. etc. The exceeding St●te of it, ibid. Coronation of the Kings of Mexico, 1006.10. His Charge, ibid. & 1009.20. His Oath, fashion of his Crown, and Ensigns, 1006.10. His Anointing, 1009.30. His Throne and Ensigns of War then given him, ibid. 60. Orations made to him, of his Charge, 1006.1.1009.20.1011.20. Four chief Electors, 1014.40. He is led to the Temple to the continual Fire before his Coronation, ibid. The Feast and other Ceremonies, ibid. They must go to War before their Coronation, to fetch in Prisoners to sacrifice to their God, at the Inauguration, 1006.1009.1017 20. The King offers Incense and draws Blood of himself with a Griffins talon. 1014. & 1018.40. His Robes, and Emerald hung in his Nostrils, ibid. & 1016.1. Masks, etc. at their Coronation, 1019.40 Coronation of the Inguas of Peru, the Ceremonies, 1055.1.10 Corpo Santo what oft seen at Sea, 728.20 Corpus Christi Feast of the Papists, imitated by the Mexicans, 1040 40.50. And in Peru, 1045.50 Corrientes the Cape in the West Indies, the distance from the Equinoctial, 891.40 Cortes the Spaniard his strange attempts in Mexico, 1023.40. His Acts there, 1024. etc. His valour. See all the Page, 1118.1119. etc. Cosackes of Russia, 766.30. & 777.40. They are Barkemen in Russia, 243.20. Of the Law of Mahumet, 240.40. Their Civil Wars▪ 633.10. Fights with the Tartars, ibid. Cousin Germane married in Norway, when, 656.40 Cosmos and Caracosmos, a drink of Mare's milk, how prepared by Tartars, 5.30. A tribute of Mare's milk for their Princes, 5.50. The effects of Cosmos drunk by a Stranger, 9.10 Cosmos wholesome for a hungersterued man, 40.30 Cosmos fl●st poured out to their Idols by the Tartan, before themselves drink of it, 4.30.40. etc. & 39.20 Cosmos of white Mares, no Subject must drink of. 80.60. The Prince Sacrificeth with it, on the 28. of August, ibid. Cosmos, the Christians of the Greek Church, hold themselves Excommunicate if they drink it 9.50. & 10.30. And think themselves damned for it, 10. They hold that and Carrion abominable, as things strangled and offered unto Idols, ibid. 10. The necessity of this Drink, keeps the Tartars from being Christians, ibid. 30 Cosna the River, 525.40 Cotam the Province, where, 74.60 Cotan the Kingdom, 311.50. Where, 313.20 Cotayan Marble or jaspar, dear sold in China, 362.20 Costa Rica, the furthest part of the West Indies towards the North, the extent of its jurisdiction, the Towns, Mines, etc. 881 Costing Sarch, is Nova Zembla, 579.40. marg. Cotton Tree described, 106.20 Cotton great store of, 70.10 Cotton Wool grows like Apples, 957.50 Cotton infinite store in China, 381.60 Coulam, 106. Christians & jews mixed there. The Commodities, ibid. 10 Council of War in Tartary, 68.40 Counsellors of State, enoblized in Russia, 425.1. Some used only for State, and not for Council, 427.50. Their Names in Doctor Fletcher's time, ibid. Their Office, Sitting days, and hours, 428.10 Countries betwixt Russia and Catay, 799 Court of the Tartarian Prince, 16.40 Court of the China King's veiled unto, 392 Courtiers the use of them, 523.1 Courtship of the Tartars, 88.60 Courtesy requited, 219.1 Courtesy is the fifth Cardinal virtue, 391.10 Cows with lumps on their backs, 877.30 Cows sung to, at milking, 57.40 Cow-hayre Garments in Russia, 460.20 Cows tail for a Present, 242.30 Crac, a Fortress of the Templars in the Holy Land, 29.1. in marg. Cranes of five several sorts, 80.30 Crane Feathers worn, for killing of Tartars, 629 Crasuoyare, 248.30 Creatures of the same kind, differ in form and quality, according to their natural places, 990.40 Creation not heard of in China, 397.1 Cripples how set to work in China, 276.1 Crimme the Land, and Crimme Tartars, they be Mahumetans, 232.60 Crim Tartars their Country, 414.1. & 439.30 Crim Tartar's inhabit the Taurica Che●sonesus, 632. Called P●recop Tartars, ibid. They inhabit the Countries of Moldavia, Podolia, etc. Amongst the Turks and other Natives, 633. Their Cottages, Forts of skulls, etc. ibid. They overthrow the Nagayan Tartars. diverse of their chief Towns, ibid. The chief Palace of their Chan, 634.40. Their Sepulchers, ibid. Their Country and the Commodities, their City Crimum (whence their name of Crims,) 635. Their Mint there, ibid. They are the old javolgences. How and when they came into Taurica, 637.30. Descended from Cingis Chan: their Nobility, Princes, and other notes of Policy, and their subjection to the Turk, ibid. Election of their Chans, 638.10. The Princes younger Sons, are called Sultan's, ibid. His Privy Council, 637 40. & 638.20. They learn Arabic, the education of their Children, etc. ibid. Their Religion, Laws without Lawyers, no delays, etc. ibid. No wranglers, nor excessive, 639.1. Till not their Ground: their Diet, Living, Servants, Merchants, Tribute, Ambassadors. etc. ibid. The Prince's composition with his Neighbours, ibid. 40. And with the Turk, 640.1. Their Wars, and what belongs to that, ibid. & 641. Their store of Horsemen, their Arms, redemption of Prisoners, Stratagems, etc. 642. Discipline, Ensigns, Military rewards, 643 Crim Tartars, their Wars with Russia, 439.30. The cause of their quarrel, ibid. His Horse eats Oats out of the Russian Emperors Cap. 440.1. The times of his invading the Ruff, ibid. 10 Their Fights, Arms, and Apparel like the Turk, ibid. How they pass a River: their hardiness, subtleties, ibid. A Story of their deceiving the Hungarians with their own Seal, 440.30. Their Seiges, Stratagems, and contempt of Death, ibid. Desire of Captives, their provision to carry them. Their Religion, Idols, reverence to their Prince's Image. Sorcery, Marriages, Nobility, Diet, and dwellings, 441. They let their Horse blood and drink it, ibid. Their hordes or wand'ring Cities, 442.1. Their Frontiers, Complexions, Persons, Speech, Songs, Archery, etc. ibid. The several sorts, Tribes, and appellations of Tartars, ibid. 20. They naturally hate the Ruff, 451.30. And that hinders their Conversion, 460.60 Crimum, a City of the Crim Tartars, 635. The Story of it, ibid. Criminal matters how proceeded in, in Russia, 434 Crimson colour, the derivation of the word, 442 50 Crying of Commodities about the streets in China, 209 Crit or Merkit, Nestorian Christians in Catay, 15.10 Crocodiles, see Lizards. They live only in hot Rivers: slow Creatures, their manner of feeding: their battles with the Tigers: Story of an Indians killing a Crocodile, 931.10.20 Crocodiles dispeopling the Country. 872.50 Crosier Staff carried before the Bishops of Russia, 447.1 Cross much used in the Greek Church, 455.10. They sign themselves with it. ibid. Which is their ordinary Thanksgiving for Sleep, Meat, etc. They arm themselves with it, and account it the chief sign of a true Christian, ibid. They swear by it in Controversies, ibid. Crosses of Chalk made over their Doors on Twelfthday, 455.50 Cross used at the Ordination of Priests in the Greek Church, 447.50 cross the sign used at the Bishop's benediction, at a Coronation, 421.10 Cross, the Muscovite Priests bless withal, 227. Used in Baptism, 229.30 Cross carried to Assemblies for judicature, 667.40 Cross kissed to end Controversies, 434.10. Where this Ceremony is performed, ibid. This is their Corporall or book Oath, ibid. See Crucifix. Cross made by the Nestorians and Armenians without Christ upon it, 13.50. & 32.10 Cross, Rhubarb, and Holywater, how they cured a Tartarian Lady 32.40 Cross advanced for an Ensign by a Tartar Prince: The jews deride it, & Cublai Chan defends it, 82.20 Cross, the Chinois express by the Character of Ten, 400.1. Reverenced by them, 269.50 Crosses of Latton in the West Indies, before the Spaniards came thither, 875.20 cross a Constellation seen in the Indies, Latitude taken by it, but subject to error: the distance from the South Pole, 918.30 Crosses Island described, 475.30.531.1. Cross Island, 223.50 Cross Road in Greenland, the Latitude▪ 704.1. And variation of the Compass, ibid. & 531.1 Crossing after the japonian manner, 325.30 Crows, whose dung is living Worms, 993 Crowns six of the Russian Emperor, 741.30 Crown of the Kings of Peru, 1055.1. Of those of Mexico, 1062.50 Crown of the King of Mexico, like that of the Duke of Venice, 1006.10 Crucifix sworn upon, 217.1.10. See Crosse. Crucifix, a Chinois suspicious judgement upon it. 355.40. The report that went abroad of it, ibid. Crucible made of burnt bones beaten, 951.40 Crusado Preached against the Tartars, 61.1. & 63.10. Against the Emperor by the Pope, 62.30 Cuba Island, the first Names, first Discovered, the length and breadth, Latitude, Description, Mountains, Rivers, Isles, Trees, Mines, first peopling, Villages, Ports, Capes, distance of places, etc. 863 Cubagua Island, but three Leagues compass, 999.20. The Pearle-fishing removed thence to Margarita. The Isles by it, 866.30. The Latitude, ibid. See also 868.20 Cublai Chan, the chief of all the Tartarian Princes, 66.10. Nicolo and Maffio their journey of a year long, to his Court, ibid. Their entertainment. His questions to them about the Christians, 68.30. Sends to the Pope for Preachers, ibid. His Death, 68.40 Cublai Chan, signifies Lord of Lords, 81.40. A most mighty Prince, ibid. His descent, Age, Wisdom, etc. ibid. His Description, 82.40. His Children 83.1. Cublai Chan, 114.10. A Christian, ibid. Cublai Chan, kisses the Gospels solemnly, 82.20. How he rewards his Soldiers, 82.30.40 Cuchimiocos what in Chinese, 277.1 Cumania or Comania the Kingdom described, 109.40 Cumberlands Isles, the Latitude, 847.40 Cunebetee the Lake, 281.40 Cunninghams' Mount in Groneland, 817.20 Cunninghams' Ford, a Silver Mine there, 824.20. The Latitude, 826.60 Cups of China, like Nutshells, 391.40 Cups of Coco Nutshells, their virtues, 958 Cur or Cyrus the River, which gives name to the Curgi, or Georgians, 49.10. Falls into Araxes, ibid. 20 Curcum a Haven of Cilicia, whereabouts, 51.30. & in marg. Curdistan in Persia, 70.50 Curds dried as hard as Iron in Tartary 5.60. How kept, and eaten, 6.1 Cure of a Tartarian Lady by an Armenian Monk, 32.40 Curfeo Bell in Cambalu, 83.50 Curia Muria, 252.60 Curland, the people Idolaters, etc. 628. Called Curonia, 54.1 Curonia is Curland, ibid. Currantoes in China, 373.10. & 389.10 Customs paid by Merchants in China, and Cockets taken out, 190.30. How estimated. 194.1. How gotten by the Officers, 206.20 Customs of the West Indians, 991.40 Cutpurses their punishment, 217.20 Cuzco, the chief City of Peru, described, the Soil and Commodities about it, 894.40 D D, the Chinois want it, 328.50 Dacia is not Denmark, 60.20. in margin. It comprehended Transiluania, Walachia, and Moldavia, ibid. Daiti or the Vo in japon, the Office, 324.10. Titular Kings, ibid. & 326.1 Daman the Island, 168.20. Hath the Damasks, the Chinois learn to make them, 321 Damascus won by the Tartars for the Christians, 122.50. Betrayed again by Caifach to the Saracens, 123.10. Besieged again, but in vain, 124 Damps and darkness of the Silver Mines, 946.50 Dancing curious in Mexico, on the Rope, 1065.10.20 Danes Fishing in Greenland, 731 Danes came out of Scandia, 620.10. When first: their humane Sacrifices and Divinations, ibid. The extent of the word Danes, and their several invasions of England, ibid. etc. Their spoilings of England. Their Massacre, and revenge, 621. More of their Story, ibid. Danegelt, 621.10 Danielove Stolbe, on the Coast of Lappia, 546 Darkness in the day time where, 494.50. How long it held, 499.1.30 Darziz a City in Armenia, 69.50 Date-Wine medicinable for the Phtisicke, Dropsy & Spleen, 103.50 Dates the best, where, 70.10 Daughters dishonesty, a shame to the Parents, 1044.40 Davis', his three Voyages, 463.50 Day of time strangely lost within a very short space, 939.10. The Philosophical reason for it, ibid. Day and Night of many Months long, 107.10 Day light, three Months together, 617.40 Day long time together, 574.575.576. etc. Day ten weeks long, 580.50 Days good or bad, observed in China, 395.40 Days many Months long in Iseland, 647.30 Days names of the Mexicans, 1135.40 Days, the five odd ones lost every year at Mexico, 1050.10 Days and Nights made longer or shorter, by the Obliquenes or rightness of the Zodiac, why longer in England then in Italy or Spain: Discourses about this Proposition, 920.40.50. Day, see Night. Dayntie means neglected by the Tartars, 443.10 Deacon, one under every Parish Priest in the Greek Church, 448.30. His Office, ibid. Many in their Cathedrals, ibid. Deacons of the Rutenian Christians married, 38.50 Dead not spoilt by the Tartars, 94.1 Dead bodies and their figures worshipped by the Indians, 1028.50 Dead eaten in the Indies, where, 890.30 Deformed people kept by the Mexican Kings, 1128 Dead, the Tartars abomination of them, 36.60. And those that touch them, 38.40. & 8.30 Dead, the Chinois burn Incense to, 368.10. How carried to the burial, their Superstitions about their Coffins, ibid. Dead, their householdstuff purged with Fire in Tartary, 44.1 Dead how conserved whole by the West Indians, a Philosophical way, 994 Dead kept unburied all Winter in Russia, Prayers said over their Graves, 456.40 Dead worshipped by the West Indians, and their Figures also, 1028.50. Children Sacrificed to them, 1029.20. People killed to serve them in the next World: their opinion of the State of the Dead. Gold and Garments buried with them, and meats brought to their Graves, ibid. Their burial of the Dead, ibid. Deans in the Russian Church, 447.10 Dearth, the Tartars provision against it, 87.50. Fatherly Royalty, ibid. Dearth provided against, 276.20 Debtors cruelly used, 434.30. Enforced to sell Wives and Children, and to be their Creditors Bondslaves, ibid. Debtors, a Circle drawn about them, which they pass not, till they have paid all, 105.10 Debtors how used in China, 204.10 Deeps Cape, 599 40 Dear all without Horns in the West Indies, 963 Dear lamed, and why, 270.40 Deer in Greenland, 703 Dear white, in Nova Zembla, 577.50 Degrees of Learned men, three in China, 385.30. Their habit, how distributed into the Provinces and Cities, ibid. & 386.60 Degree, is 20. Spanish leagues, 856 Dely and Chytor, the Kingdom, 280.30 Demetrius, diverse others Impostors of that name after him. The Story of the second Demetrius, 770.20.30. Counterfeits the hand-writing of the former. His speech to the Scottish Captain of his Guard. Upholden by the Poles, ibid. Forsaken by the King of Poland, besieges Moso with an Army of Russians, 779.60. The Poles and Russes joining against him, he is murdered by a Tartar, 780.1. His true name was Vor, 786.10. The Poles promise to kill him, ibid. He marries the Wife of the former Demetrius, and she leads an Army of Russes and Poles, ibid. Other pretenders of that name, 788.30 Demetrius the Greek, his Travels 311. etc. Stays at Cabul, 312. Comes on to Hiarchan, 313. In danger there, ibid. Threatened to be slain, ibid. 40 Derbent, or the Porta Ferrea, 12.50. near Persia, 16.20 Derbent is Miralis, 110.20 Derbent in Media, a Garrison of Turks. The English Merchants trade thither, 245. & 246. Variation of the Compass there, 247.10. The Wall described, ibid. Derbent at the foot of Caucasus, 113 30. Destroyed by the Tartars, ibid. Demetrius' Prince of Russia murdered, 744.50. Boris suspected for it, 745.1. He or an Impostor in his name, claims the Empire in Boris his time, 750.1. A false Victory over him bruited at Moscow. His Letters to the Nobility at Moscow, after the death of Boris, 752. His Messengers tortured, 753.20. Acknowledged for the true D●metrius by a Privy Counsellor, ibid. 40. His pretences, 755.60. His Aid from the Pope and Poland, 756. Makes himself known first, to the Jesuits in Poland, 576 10. The Conditions of Assistance. Is aided by Poland: his first fortunes. A Priest's bastard, his prayer before any Battle, is defeated, and defeats. Some places yield to him, 757. His proffer to Boris refused, he and Boris impeach one another of Magic, ibid. 30. Gets the Empire, his first Acts in favour of the Poles and Jesuits, 575. Sends for a Wife into Poland, offers a League against the Turks. His Letter to the English Agent, and pass to him. Favours the English, 758. His true name, ibid. 20.40. Sends to certify the King of England of all. Commands the Emperor Boris his Letters to King james, from Sir Thomas Smith. Grants a new Commission to our Merchants, 759. & 760. His Articles of Contract with his Wife, 761.30. etc. Her jointure. His promise to bring in Popery: both Crowned, a Conspiracy against him, his Guards of foreigners, quarrels betwixt the Polish Ambassador and him, 762. Proved an Impostor by his own witness. Is slain in a Conspiracy, his Carcase contumeliously used: his Wife & the Poles ill used, 763 His vices ripped up, his Parentage and Education. His person, and manners, 764. His intention for change of Religion, he trusts Strangers, his Visions before his Death, which is reported another way, 765. His Acts and death described by his Successor, which begins, Page, 765 Derbent, new Fortifications built by it, by the Tartars, 126.50 Desolation, false laid down in the Cart, 596. An Island in the West of Groneland, 597.60 Desolation or Groineland, 463.60 Desire provoketh: the Land, 596.40 Desseada, the Latitude, 858.30 Diadem of the Kings of Peru, 1054.60. What and how worn, 1055.1. Of the Mexicans, 1062.50 Dial in China, 346.30 Diamonds store in Shar by Bactria 800 Diamonds found, 109.20 Diamonds where, and how found, 105.40 Diceplay frequent in China, 395.20 Digges Island, the Latitude, 609.60. The South-Sea open to that, ibid. Dingo a Russian Coin worth a Penny, 522.20 Dinie a Fruit, eaten for Drink, 236.40 Diraford in Island, 597.40 Discoveries of Spain and Portugal by East and West, meet at China and the Philippinaes', 939 Discovery of a Passage in 47. Degrees▪ from the South Sea to the North Sea, 850 Disease of the Spaniards hearts, cured by Indian Gold, 1111.1 Disputation of friar William with the Idolaters & Nestorians, 41.50. & 42.10. etc. Displing used by the Mexicans in their Lents, 1035.50.60 Distances of the chief Harbours betwixt Spain and the Indies, 858.859 Dithmar Blefkins, his Travels to Island, 643. Into Groneland, 651. Almost killed with the Mountain Hecla, 635. Passes into Portugal, ibid. Dive-doppers strange ones in Iseland, 647.50 Devil could do nothing, when a Christian was by, 45.20 Devil invoaked in a Tempest, 308.60. Answers to the Chinois, 309.1.10. Worshipped, 283.10.196.30. And why, 201.50. The West Indians familiarity with him, his Imposture, and Sacrifices: he hath his Consulters, and Pythagorean Monks, the manner of their Conjurations, 973.974. Images of his, his threatening of Tempests, etc. 974. For what end he foretells things to come, 1020.30. in margin. Hungry for Man's flesh, 1039.10 Devils carrying away men in Cathaya, 24.50 Devil painted white, and their Idols black, where, 105.40 Devils consulted with in China, 395.60 Devils carrying away Men, 75.20. & 79.50 Devil how worshipped a Shipboard by the Chinois, 318.20.30.40. His power in Island, 646.10 Divine Apothegine of the King of France, 61.20 Divinity thought by the Indians, to be in any thing that was rare in its kind, 1028.30 Divinations of the West Indians, 1043.50. Their tricks, 1044.1 Diviners, are the Tartarian Priests 8.30. Called Can, 14.50 Divination used in China, 369.10 Divorce for barrenness urged in Russia, 744.30 Divorce in Mexico, and the Conditions, 1044 40 Devil is insupportable, 1026.10 Diviners are the Tartars Priests, 22.30. Like household Chaplains, ibid. Their Offices, ibid. 40 Divinations by sifting of Dust, 38.50 Divination in Tartary, by the shoulder bones of Rams, 31.20.30. etc. Devil imitates Christian Ceremonies, 331.50 Dial's going with water, strangely, 409.30 dialing first brought into China, 329.60. & 339.20 Diet of the Chinois, 365.50 Dying of Colours in the West Indies a strange way, 985.1 Dyes of China, naught, 366.40 diverse for Pearls, how long they hold their breath, 953.1 Diving an hour together, 972.40 Doctors title, before their doors in China, 370. They are the Noblest people, 371.10. Their resolution to do justly, ibid. Doctorship, a great Dignity in China, 347.20 Doffraefiall Mountain in Norway 661.20 Dogs eaten in China, 381.40 Dogfish, barks, 650.30 Dogs dung used, to expel Poison, 92.10 Dogs of Groneland described▪ used to draw like Horses, 838.40 Dogs dearer than Children in Iseland, 649.40 Dogs drawing in Sleds, their swiftness, 524 Dogs, the Indians companions, 963.10 Dogs how dressed and eaten in China, 179.10 Dogs draw their Carts in Albania, 16.20 D●lgoi Island, upon the River of Pechora, 532. See also pag. 538.50. Two of that name, ibid. 20 Domingo City in Hispaniola, described, the distance from Spain, Latitude, Villages about it, and their several distances, first peoplings, Commodities, etc. 861.862 St. Domingo City in Hispaniola, described, 993 Dommes Haff, a Bay, 223.20 Dono, a title of Honour in japon, 324.20 Dor a Cathayan King, and his she Court, 89.20. His Penance, ibid. Doshnikes or Boats in Russia, 243 10 Dowries great in Russia, 454.1 Dragon, the Arms of the King of China, 392 Dragons in the West Indies, 976 10 Dragons, the Chinois superstition about them, 395.60 Dragons, 91.50. How taken, 92.1. Their Gall medicinable, ibid. Dry Sea, by the River Pechora, 532.60 Drink made of Rice, Mill and Honey, 4.50. And of Mare's milk, 5.30. And of Cow's Churne-milke, 9.10 Drink hot in China, 366 1 Drinke-Offerings in China, 392.1 Drinking-games, 392.30 Drink of Rice, excellent, 25.50. Like white Wine, 27.50 Drink of the Mexicans to procure joyfulness before Death, 1049.10 Drinks hot in China, good for the Stomach and the Stone, 391.50 Drinking Feasts of the Tartars, 4.30.40. etc. Music at them, 4.60 Drinking Feasts of the Islanders, 646.60 Drinking away one's self & Children, 225.60 D●oina River in Russia Navigable one thousand miles, 744.10 Dronden in Norway is Nidrosia. An Archbishop's Sea, 651.30 Drugs of the West Indies the kinds, and uses, 959.40.50.960.1 Drums huge ones, 438.1 Drums, to make their Horses go, 226.1 Drums used in stead of Bells, 1049 Drunkards are for the Emperor's service in Russia, 431.40. Why they increase, 432.40 Drunkenness not punished in Tartary, 32.30 Ducks going and returning, at sound of Drum, 270 Ducks how fed in China, 174.40. Artificially bred ibid. Sir Dudley D●gges his Cape, the Latitude, 846.40 Duina the River, 213.60. & 223.50. Duina the River, 415.40 Duina the River, where it falls into the white Sea, 522.20 Duke of Brabant's Style, in the year 1241. Dukes in Russia of the fourth degree of Nobility: their descent from younger Brothers, 425.30. They have no inheritance, glad to be Servingmen, ibid. D●ng a good Commodity in China, 189 40 Dung, Bread baked in it, 34.20 Dung bought by sound of Taber, 270.40 Dung of Birds a strange report of it, 266 Dutch disturb the English at Greenland, 466. See, Netherlanders. And again, 467.1. & ibid. 20. The English take some of their Fi●h from them, ibid. At difference with the English there, ibid. 60. They Fish perforce, braves and threatens the English, and is surprised, 468.1.10. They return to Greenland to drive away the English, ibid. 40. They assault the English, ibid. Beat and rifle them, and overthrow their Voyage, 569.1.10. So do they the next two or three years after, they spoiled the Greenland Discoveries, 472.60. Some Discoveries of theirs, towards Nova Zembla, 473. etc. Their hard Voyages thither, ibid. 474. etc. They are forced to Winter and build a House thereabouts, 490. etc. Their often and dangerous Fights with the Bears, ibid. The Elevation under which they Wintered, 497.10. They live upon Foxes, 495. etc. They get to Sea again, 508.1. Their dangerous Voyage into Russia, 509. Their admirable return into Holland, 518 Dutch men in Tartary, set to dig Gold and make Armour, 20.30 Dutch Knights, their Acts in Prussia, 626.627 Dutch Fish at Greenland, 716.30. Forbidden, ibid. Withstand the English, 719.1 Dutch men pull down our King's Arms in Greenland, 727.1. Their intolerable insolences, 734.10 Dwellings all underground in Iseland, 649 E EAgle found by the Mexicans by Oracle, and worshipped: the Story of it, 1004.40. Strange story of another Eagle there, 1021 Earthquakes in Island, 649.1 Earth in China shining like Gold, 265. Marg. Earth thought to be square, 329.40 Earth why it moves not about with the Primum Mobile, 924.50 Earthquake in China, 269.60 Earthquakes, a Philosophical discourse of them, 940. etc. Affinity betwixt burning Mountains and them: they happen nearest to the Sea, and why some run a hundred leagues, ibid. Their effects, noise they make before, when they mostly happen, 941 Earthquakes in China, 198.10.20. etc. Earthquakes frequent in Peru, whence they proceed, 895.20 Earthquake a prodigious one in the West Indies, 868. ●0 Earring generally worn by the Ruff Women, 460 East wind reigns within the burning Zone, 923.50. Healthful, called the Brise, ibid. Cause of the Brise's, 924 Easter the Russes have a Festival greater than it, 762.50. This is about the fourteenth or sixteenth of May. Confer the places page 762. with page, 764. Easter in Russia how kept, 227.60. They salute and kiss one another, 228.1. On the Eve they sleep in the Church, 227.50 Eastern people generally have little Eyes, 23.50 Eating near, a Tartarian Honour, 378.30 Eating of Men sacrificed in Mexico, 1032 Ebb and flow much or little, what Seas do, and what do not, 989.30 40, 50 Ebbing and flowing of several Seas. A great secret, 929.930. Opinions of it. Ebony wood whence brought, 938 10 Eclipses the Chinois opinion of them, 345.40.346.1 Eclipses the Chinois opinion of them, 385.10. Bells beaten then, ibid. Edges Hand discovered, 732.10 Edenborow in Scotland more Northerly than Moscow, and yet not so cold; and why, 472.40 Edeffa the City, or Robais, 110.50 Eddie winds, 925.40 Eggs at Easter given to the Priests, 227.50. Died red or gilded, and carried in the hand, then, ibid. Exchanging them with their friends, 228.1 Egtegaia the Province, 80.10 Elements worshipped by the Mexicans, 1027 Elements five in China, 345.50 Elephants carrying wooden Castles, 93.20 Elkes or Loshes, men ride upon them, 523.60 Elbing, the English trade for Flax there, 627 Elsenore in Denmark, how big, 625▪ 50 Emanuel Sina his mischance, 318 18 Ember-weeks of the Heathen Mexicans, 1035.40 Embassy of the Russian Lords to the King of Poland: the points of it, 788 Emeralds a Mine of them where, 884.40. & 885.30. How they grow, 889.20 Emeralds have the third place amongst Precious Stones; his value now. A pretty story of them, where in the Indies is the greatest store, and how used by the Indians: the My●es and manner of growing: greatness of some modern and ancient, ●52 Enchanted sleep, 45.10. Sleep enchanted, of three days long, 45 10 Enchantments of the Islanders: how they hinder ships from sailing, 646.20 Engines of battery, 97.1 Engines of wood to two ships, 341.1 English aids sent into Sweden, 772.1. The conditions of their entertainment, 771.1, 10. In distress at Sea, and landed in juitland, ibid. Relieved by a Dane: the ship that brought them sails away. They are billetted in several Houses, in danger of the people, 773. Falsely accused by Griffin a Welshman, 774.1. Bound in their beds, vnbound, 774.40. etc. Four of them slain, all in danger again, relieved by the King of Denmark, enforced to pawn their Lieutenant, arrive in Sweden, 775. Fall foul with the Burghers of Stockholme for meat, ibid. Relieved by the King, shipped into Finland, and distressed there at Sea, die of cold in Finland. Their miserable march into Russia, 776. They defeat six thousand Poles, 777. They meet the Russian Army, being engaged upon an Enemy, their own Army and General forsakes them, their valour, their Horse defeated; the foot receive quarter, 779 English right to the Northwest passages, 806.40. Their Discoveries that way, 807 English conquests in Sweden, 621 40. And Norway, 623. Two other places, 624.50 English find America before Columbus his Voyage thither, 808 20 English flag advanced in the Caspian Sea, 241 English houses in Russia, 755.10 English Merchants slain in a tumult at Moscow, 763.30 An Englishman his strange Adventures amongst the Tartars, 63 40. His relation of them, ibid. Sent as the Tartars Messenger and Interpret●r to Hungary, 64 10. His travels, 64.10, 20. etc. English Voyages to the River Obi, 530.40 English Voyage to the West Indie●, 999.40 English ships on the Coast of China, 309.40. Suspected by the Chinois, ibid. The Spaniards would punish them as Enemies, 310.40 English suffer shipwreck in Media, 246.40 Ensign of the Tartars, 643.1 Entertainments in China: the fashion, 373.20. A particular garment for it, ibid. Entertainments in China, 392.1 Epithets of the several European Nations, 63.1 Episcopia a Monastery in Cyprus, 125.50 Era reckoned by in japon, 323.40 Erg●●ul the Kingdom in Tangut, 79.50 Estotiland the Isle: Latin spoken there, 610. Their Language, mines of Gold, trade etc. 611.1 Ostriches in Peru, terrify the sheep, 964 Ethics the Philosophy of China, 359.2 Ethics and Politics are the learning of China, 343 Ethics the learning of China, 384 50 Etilia or Volga divides itself, and where, 48.10. Frozen over, 48.10 Etilia or Edel, is Volga, 54 Etilia is the River Volga, 12.40 Everlasting punishments, not believed by the Indians, 1047.10 eunuchs in China, and why, 183 30 eunuchs great men in China, 346 & saepe. eunuchs are bedchamber men to the Tartarian Emperors, 310 60 eunuchs serve the Kings of China how made, etc. Their numbers and choice, ibid. eunuchs their authority in China, 349.20. & 348.40. Their baseness, 353.20. And covetousness, 355.10, 20 Euphrates the head of it, 49.40 Euphrates bends Southward at Camash, 51.1 Europe when first peopled, 661.50 And whence, ibid. Europe parted from Asia, by the Don. 415 Examination in Russia, is all by torture, 434. The cruelties, ibid. Examinations how taken in China, 188.20. & 192.50. & 202.50 Excess in luxury, diet and apparel, unknown to the Tartars, 639.1 Execution done by freezing to death, 373.10 Executions of death in Russia, 435.1 Exorcism in Baptism used in the Russian Church, 451.10 Exorcising of Devils in China: the manner, 398 Extremeunction, a Russian Sacrament, 453 Extremeunction, not known to the Nestorians or Armenians, 38.20 Eye-salue a present one, 967.50 Eyes all the Chinois have black, 367.10. Their opinion of grey eyes, ibid. Ezina the City, where, 77.20 F FAces square, 394.20 Factio is in Russia raised by the Emperor, 424.1. The wicked use he made of it, and his reason for it, ibid. Falanks what, in Chinese, 319.20 Falcon's the best in the World, 71 1 Fall of a River very terrible, where, 902.20 Famine a mighty one in Russia, 752 20 Fanfur, a Kingdom of java, 104 Fans used in China, 383.50. How made, ibid. The ordinary present, ibid. Faria his Adventures, 252. to 263 Wracked and relieved by a Kite, 256. Escapes admirably. Fast of the Nestorians three weeks before Lent, 31.1. When began and ended, ibid. They eat flesh on fridays, ibid. Other of their Rites, ibid. Fast of the Armenians, five days before Lent, for Saint Sorkis, 31.1 Fasting from flesh not observed in Magalla, 800.1 Fasting in China from flesh, fish, etc. 398.30 Fasting before visitation of Sepulchers, 393 Fasting broken by necessity, 19.30 Fast of the Mexicans in honour of their Gods: the extreme strictness, 1035 Fasts in time of drought in China, 406.10 Fate, all assailed to it in China, 396.1 Faxiba Cicugendono, usurps all in japon: his doings, and intended conquest of China, 324.20. His Letters to the Spanish Viceroy, ibid. Unites the japonian Dominions, ibid. He forbids the jesuits to preach, 325.1. Calls himself Taicosoma, 325.30. Musters his men for China, ibid. His cruelty to his Nephew, ibid. Defeats the Coraians' by his Lieutenant Augustine, ibid. Sends 200000. japonians to inhabit Corai, ibid. And is yet fain to give it over, 325.60. Receives the China Ambassadors with state, 326. Builds most huge Palaces, ibid. His policy to keep the japonian Lords about him, 326.50 His buildings overthrown with Earthquakes, 326. Receives a Crown sent by the Chinois, ibid. Refuses to restore the Kingdom of Corai, 327.1. Dies, 327.1 Would be made a God: His Image and Temple, ibid. His posterity rooted out, ibid. Faire-foreland in Greenland, the latitude, 719. Sun's refraction there, ibid. & 720.1 Fayre-haven, and Whalefishing there, 467▪ 1 Fairs, begun in the New Moon, 270.50 Feasts, the order of the Tartar Princes at them, 84.10.20, 30 Served on the knee, ibid. Music whilst he drinks, ibid. They feast every New Moon, 84.40 The Tartarian Princes give change of Raiments when they feast, 45.30 Feasts their fashion in China, 180 30, 60 Feasts in China; vid. Banquets. Feats of Activity, 349.40 Feathers, the trade for them in Russia, 805.30 Feather-pictures, see Pictures. Feathers rich ones at the West Indies, 965 Feather works of the Indians, 1132 40 Fevers gotten by the biting of an Ant, 995.10 Feet how warmed in Groneland, 65●. 30 Feet, a great beauty for women to have them little in China, and why, 376.1. How the Chinois make them little, 182.20 Felons goods confiscate, 429.40 Felt much used in Tartary, 3.40 & 4.20. & 6.40. Images of it, 4.30. How made, 6.40 Ferdinandus the jesuit, recovers Goez his goods, by eating of Pork, 316.20 Fertility without rain, 895.40 Festival days in Peru, the occasions of them. The Sacrifices offered, 1045. And in Mexico, 1046 1047. etc. Fidelity of an Infidel, 238.50 Fight of the Indian fowls for fish, 979 Finmack Coast described, 223.1 Fir-tree, most useful for Russia, 419.30 Fishes and fishing of the West Indies, 986.987. The variety, 930 Fish lived upon, 223.20 Fish used for Biscuit, and Beasts-meate, 106.60 Fish fattened with Ox dung in China, 205.60. Powdered with Pepper, 206.60 Fish for feeding of Cattle, 649.40 Fish that give suck, ibid. & in marg. Fishes that fly, 931 Fishes strange ones, 260.60. How bred, 261.1 Fishes charmed for devouring of Pearle-fishers, 104.40 Fishes delight in the light, 647.30 The abundance in Island, with the manner of preserving them, ibid. Fishing with a fish in India, 994.20 Fishing with a fish of tin in Island, 647.30 Fishing for the Whale in India, the strange manner, other fashions of Indian Fishings, 931.50.932.1 10 Fish skins for covers of houses, they give a lustre, 617.20. marg. Fifty Cuffs, the Chinois end their quarrels withal, 181.50 Fiunga the Kingdom, 322.30 Flaying of men, and putting others in their skins, used in Mexico, 1031.30. & 1038.40 Flushingers head, where, 488.20 Flutes of earth in Mexico, 104.50 It made malefactors confess their sins, 1047.1 Floco discovers Island by Ravens, 654.50 Flokawogur, a Haven in Sheltland, 654.40 Flood known to the Chinois, 376 10 Florida discovered first by the Engglish, 808 Florida the extent of the government of it: the altitude discovered and peopled. A firm Land next to Europe of all the Indies, years journey by Land thence into Spain: occasion of the name; fable of a Spring in it that restores youth, the Air, Soil, Pearls, no Gold, Forts, etc. 868.40. etc. The Havens, Ports distance from Los Martyrs and Cuba: altitudes of places, the places where neither Gold nor People is: the Rivers and Isles of it, 869. Beginning of that Country properly called Florida. No passage that way out of the North into the South Seas, 870.1, 10 Flowers the plenty in China, 381 30 Flowers much esteemed in the West Indies. Flowers of Europe thrive better there, the variety there, 959.1, 10 Flies infinite store, come to the fish, 233.30 Flies, Wasps, etc. Of the West Indies, 996.10 Flying fishes described, 988.50. A pretty battle betwixt them & the Guilt-heads and Cormorants, 989.10 Flying in the Air, the Mexican Sorcerers believe they do, 1043 60 Fog proceeding from Ice, 521.10 Fogs at Sea looking like the land, 566.50 Fogo Lands the latitude, 831.30 Foolish Sparrows of India described, their admirable Nests to keep off the Monkeys, 980 40 Foot-posts of the Indians, 1054 1058 For-doers of themselves, how buried in China, 189.1 Forfeitures extreme ones, 282.50 Fortifications in China, the manner, 301.50. etc. Fortune-telling in China, 395.50 Fos Bay in Groneland, 824.50 Fount of Baptism, the blessing, 229.30 Fount of Baptism, wherein the Emperor's use to be christened, kissed & sworn upon in Russia, 783.20 Why, 783.40, 50 Fowls a story of strange flights of theirs, 998.60. etc. Fowls carefully kept by the Mexican Kings, and why, 1128.40 Fowls of the West Indies, their kinds, 963 Fowls proper to the West Indies, 965 Foxenose headland, 223.40 Foxes white: good meat, 494.10 The times of their ro●ing abroad, ibid. & 499.50 Foxes black in Groneland, 819.40 Frankes, why the Western Christians are all called so, 319.20. in marg. Frank tongue spoken in Turkey, & what it is, 140.50. Why so called, ibid. in marg. Frederick the second Emperor, married our Henry the thirds sister, 62.40 Free-Schooles in China, 276.1 French Pox the first beginning of it, 996 French Disease and cure common in Island, 647.60 Frenoima in japon, 323.60 Fresh fish prettily carried about in China, 179.20. & 205.50 Fretum Hudson, the extent of it Westwards, 852.60. And Southwards, 853.10 Fretum Davis' discovered, 464.1 Fretum Davis', a great Bay: no hope of a Northwest passage that way, 843.20. Store of Whales there, ibid. The latitude, 845.1 Freezing violent and incredible, 491 Friesland the Isle, 610 Frobishers straits discovered, 463.20. Sir Martin Frobishers three Voyages, ibid. Frogs in engendering time eaten by the English at Sea, 602.1 Frogs, men overcome made to personate them: a pretty story of it, 1017.1, 10 Frost in 63. degrees in America, in july, 611.60 Frost at Midsummer in Groneland, 846.30 Frost Island and Sound in Groneland, 820. & 826.1 Frozen liquors lose their strength, where that strength lies, 493.10 Fruits of China, 381.30 Fruits of West India, there sorts and qualities, 995. Those of Europe thrine better there, ibid. See, 958 961 Friar Andrew in Tartary, and when, 16.10. & 25.10 Friar john de Plano Carpini in Tartary, 17.1. Message and Precepts to the Tartars, 60.1.10 His journey into Tartary, Cyprus and Persia, 29.10 Friar Matthew in China, 314.30 & 316.30 Friar Nicolo Dauicenz●, and Friar Guilmo de Tripoli sent for as Preachers into Tartary, with Papal authority, 67.20 They dare not proceed, 67.30 Friar Martin de Herrada, goes into China, 290 Friar unwholesome meat to the Cannibals, 865.49 Friars of Mugalla, shorn and chaste, 800.1 Friars quarrels in the West Indies, undid the Country, 996.50 Friars of the Papacy, imitated by the Heathen Mexicans, 1035 Friars sent into China, 290.40 Their names and company, ibid. Their kind usage in the ship, 291 20. And at their landing in China, 291.60. & 292. Their allowance of Diet, 293.1. They are carried on men's shoulders, 293 60. They receive Presents of Silk, 203.30. & 294.50. Made to kneel before the Governors of China, 296.40. & 298.20. & 300. They chide with Omaacon about it, 301.30. Certificates hanged at their doors, 301.40 Carried in Chairs suffered to view the Cities, 302.50. Restrained, 303.10. Not permitted to see the Viceroy, ibid. Not suffered to buy Books of China, 303.50. Suspected for Spies, 304.1. Discouraged, ibid. A Council called concerning them, ibid. Commanded to return to fetch the P●rat Limahon, 305.1 Ships prepared for their departure, 305.50. They depart, 306 20. Provisions for their Voyage, ibid. & 307.20. A storm takes them at Sea, 308.309. They recover to● Manilla in the Philippinaes', ibid. Friars in Russia their numbers, none admitted but he that brings them some maintenance, 448.40. The manner of their investing, they vow to abstain from marriage & flesh, their riches and exercise of Merchandise, 448.50.60. Their ignorance. 449.10 Friday much observed in Russia, 422.60 fridays fasted by them, 21●. 1 Except the week after Lents, 227.50 Fucaes Discoveries of a Passage, 850. Ill rewarded in Spain, 850.40 Funerals of the Chinois, 393.30 See Burial and Mournings, 99 30 Funerals and mournings of China, 367 60. & 368.20. & 181.50 Funerals of the Norwegians, 617 20 Funeral Feasts of the old Islanders, 664.1 Funeral Rites in Tanguth, 75.50 & 76.1, 10 Funerals of the Mexicans, 1029.50 continued ten days. Their Funeral Scutcheons, Music, etc. 1030.1.10 Furlongs in China, their proportion, 341.60 Furniture of the China Houses, 392.1 Furs great store, 107.1. Where each best, 416.10 Furs of Russia, 213.60. Paid to the Emperor of Russia, 430.20 Furs in Groneland, 521.10 Furs and Beaver in newfoundland, 586.10 Furs, black Fox is best, 459.40 Fyrdafylce a Dukedom in Norway, 656.40 Fire, where it is not so bright or hot, as in other places, 74.30 Fire worshipped in Teray, 242.50 Kindled by rubbing of sticks. 983 Fire perpetual in the Mexican Temples, 1014 Fire put out every fifty two years at Mexico, 1050.40. & 1067.40 Fires in the Earth in Island, the reason, 643 Fires seen after a storm at Sea, 728.20 Fyre-blower of Hell, 267.1 Fyre-brands frozen, 220.60 G GAme of the Prince, the Tartars forbidden to destroy, 86.20 Ganges the City, where, 49.20 Gardens floating on the waters, 1006.40 Garlic much used in the Russian Cookery, 457 Gardarsholme, a name of Island, 654.40 Gates are the strength of the China Cities, 301 Gavi a people, the posterity of those that slew Saint Thomas the Apostle they cannot come, or be carried near his Tomb, 105.1 Gavil-kind in Russia, 422.1 Geese perfect red, where, 484.50 Thought to be Barnacles, ibid. Geese prettily catcht by the Indians, 994.40 Gehennon, the place of Molochs Sacrifices described, 665.30 Geirhildawarta, whence so named, 654.50 Gelding of Beggars in Island, 666 30 Gelding of themselves in Fasting, where fed, 1035.50 Genesis, 2.6. Naturally expounded, 892.20. & in marg. See also, p. 895.40. & 937.50 Genoesi inhabit Taurica Che●sonesus, 635. & 636 Gene●als in China their pomp, 293 10 G●nerals in Ru●sia, purposely chosen unmartial men, and why, 436.30 How that remedied, ibid. His under Officers, Marshals, Colonels, and Captains, ibid. Generals of the field, en●blized in Russia, their children write themselves Generals, 425.30. Their precedency, ibid. Gentiles where, 232.1, 30 Gentlemen their Estates in Russia, 425.50 Gentlemen in Russia none but Soldiers, 435.20 Gentry of Norway described, 631 1 Georgians, their name is Curgi, 49 10 Saint George is the Duke of Muscovies Seal, 221.40 Saint George's Arms is the Hellespont, 53.10 George Barkley, his travels, 625 50. His going into Denmark, ibid. Into Prussia, the Easterlings and Russia, 628. Into Poland, 629. Into Bohemia, Silesia, Prussia, and back into England, Norway, etc. 630. His other travels, 631. Dies at Bantam. Georgia called Zorzania, 69.50 The King is always called David Melicz, ibid. The Inhabitants described, 70.1 Georgians overcome by the Tartars, 113.40 Georgia divided into two kingdoms, 110.30. Whence called Alania, or Albania, ibid. The Cimmerian darkness in Georgia, ibid. Geologers in China, 396.1 Germans forbidden to winter in Island, 650.40 Germany when first peopled, 662 20 Geta the River on the Frontiers of Cataia, the way thither, out of Russia, 530.10, 20 Gospel expounded at dinner time, 218.10 Giants bones found in Peru, 889 40 Giants, the Island of them where, 992.51 Giants of old in Mexico, 1002.1 Giants first Inhabitans of the North, 661. Their original from Canaan. Some in Norway, Denmark, Suecia, juitland, Island, etc. ibid. A discourse whence and when they came, one lately found fifteen Cubits long, ibid. Giants described, 261.20 Giazzo, the Haven where, 51.40 Giazza in Armenia, 66.60. The Merchandise there, 69.40 Gideli, 311.50 Gilhsidi in Russia won from the Tartars, 518 Gilan the Province, 244.30 Gild Gold fairer with an herb, 972.1 Gilbert a Scottish Captain, his Acts in Russia, 764. & 770 Ginger where it grows, 284.50 Ginger cheap, 101.10 Ginger, a Root when first planted in the Indies, 865.1 Ginocoginana, the great God of Pegu, 269.20 Girdles of the Louteaes described, 292.20 Girdle is an Ensign of dignity in China, 184.1, 10 Girdles made by the Monks of Barsam, 70.50 Glass of Muscovia, how gotten, 417 50 Globes first brought into China, 329 60 Globocke in Russia, the altitude, 545.20. Variation of the Compass there, 554.50 Glow-worms that women work by their light, 993.40 Glue of sand and Bats blood, 1129 40 Goat sacrificed in China, 307.1 God esteemed the Anima mundi, 397.10 God punishes not with both hands, 225.20 God holden to be the Anima mundi, 348.30 Godfathers in the Russian Church, 451 Gods of the Mexicans, were 2000 The description of their two chief Idols, 1134. The Sacrifices to them, etc. ibid. Goddesses of the Mexicans, 1031 30 Godonoe, the potent Family in Russia, 424.4. Their advancement and practices, ibid. & 425 Goean the Island, the Commodities 284.50. The people go naked, ibid. Gog and Magog shut up within Derbent, 56.1 Gog and Magog their Country, 80 20. They call themselves Vng & Mongul. (Moal perchance after the Eastern pronunciation of the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gnain.) Gog-Cham the Tartarian, 58.50 Form of his Election, ibid. Gold exchanged for twice the weight in silver, 411.10 Gold esteemed by the Spaniards for the Supreme Power in the World, 892.1. Several ways how it lies in the mines, and manner of getting it. Gold, other descriptions of the finding of the mines, working in them, washing the Metal, etc. See pag. 970. All Gold grows in the Mountains, and how it comes into the Rivers, further from the Mine the finer, etc. 971 Gold Mine rich, 253.40 Gold in the Philippinaes', 285 10 Gold why not ordained to be the happiness of man, 942.1. Why chosen, ibid. How used by the Indians, ibid. Gold much to be bought in China, 366.30. Not used for Money, ibid. Gold, the chief of Metals, and why, the Indians had great Vessels, Chairs, Litters and Images of massy Gold, 943.20 Gold found of three sorts, where the best and the worst Gold is found: the manner of refining and the quantity that came yearly into Spain from the Indies, 943.40, 50 Golden Tablet of the Tartarian Emperors, 29.40 Golden Bull of the Tartars, 66.50 The Authority of it, ibid. & 68 20 Goldsmiths curious ones in Mexico, 1132. They cast all kind of Creatures in Metal, which move like the life: they enamel and set stones, they excel ours, ibid. Gomera, the best of the Canary, Lands, 858.30 Goncalidan Mountains, 280.30 Goose-bribe, a Story of it, 4●0 50 Good-Fryday how kept in Russia, 227.50. They let lose a Prisoner then, ibid. Goths, some in Tartary, 3.10 They speak Dutch, ibid. Goths Language remains pure in Island, 658 Goths & Getae their Etymon, 661 40 Goto Lands, 257.10. Submit to China, ibid. Gouza, the City in Cathay, 89 10 Governors receive no Presents, 302.50 Governments, the several forms in the West Indies, 1054.30 Gowns of Dogs skins in Tartary, 6.30 Grain of Gold worth 4138. Ducats, 971.50 Grains of Gold found, weighing twelve pound and more, where, 888.30 Granada the New Kingdom in the West Indies, the limits of the jurisdiction, the extent, natural Commodities, mines, the distance from the Equinoctial and Spain, the chief City and number of Spaniards in it, &c, Villages about it, tributary Indians, soil of the Country, 884.885 Granadille an Indian flower, which hath the marks of our Saviour's Passion. Acostaes' judgement upon it, 959.20 Grapes ripen not kindly in the West Indies, and why, 961 30. Ripe all the year long, ibid. Grapes of China not good, 381 30 Grass odoriferous and battening in Island, 649 Greek Christians in Taurica slaves to the Tartars, but few, 639.20 Greek Church unjustly blamed for misunderstanding Saint Paul, 447.60 Greek Christians in Corasme, 109.40 Greek Christians in Ingermenum, 633.50. In most Towns of Taurica Chersonesus, 637 greeks put not off their Caps, 34 50 Greenland, the elevation, on part of it, 571. Hot there, ibid. Greenland is Willoughbies' land, 579 Greenland first discovered, 462.20 The other names of it, 463.10 First named so, 464.60 Greenland, some Lands to the East of it discovered, 466 60. The Danes first coming to Greenland, 467.1. They demand toll of the English for the fishing, ibid. More Discoveries Eastward, ibid. Described. Greenland nothing green, 472 10.485.1. Dear live there, but no people. The latitude, and cold, The darkness and creatures there, ibid. How far discovered: the several Harbours: the Map of Greenland, 47.2 Greenland, names of some places along the Coast, 701. The Meridian altitude and declination of the Sun thereabouts, 701.50 & 702.1. Sowndings along the Coast, ibid. etc. More temperate than Cherry Island, 703.50 Whales, Sea-horse, 704. Other Creatures there, 707. & 713 40. Names of places, 714 etc. Greenland attained in eighteen days, 716.20. Our King's Arms set up in diverse places there, 723.724.725. etc. August weather there, 727.30. Sudden alteration of heat and cold there, 737.50 Green headed Tartars or jescilbas', 165.20 Griffin a Welshman falsely betrays the English in juitland, 774.1 His villainy almost confirmed, Discovered, his baseness, 775.40 Griffons painted; and reported to be alive about Mexico, 1128.30 Griffons talons, 1014.50 Groineland, called Desolation, 463 60 Groneland not so cold as Norway or Island, the natural Commodities there, 520.40. & 321.1. Advice for Travellers thither, ibid. Groneland, a description of the Coasts and Courses, Havens, Creeks, etc. At large, 518. etc. Christianity and Bishops there, 519.30, 40 Groneland and Gronelanders. Groneland nothing green, 651.30 Their Buildings, burning Mountains, boiling Fountains, Fancies of Pigmies and Unicorns, ibid. Mislaid in Sea Charts, 729.30. The appearing of the Land. The Habit, Tents, Diet and Boats of the Gronelanders, 817. Their pretty way to catch Seale-fish, 818.1. A Tropographicall description of Groneland, the beasts, and fishes there. The people's complexion, 819. Their Diet, Apparel, Weapons and Religion, 820. Their houses and graves, 836. The true name of Groneland, their report of their King. They intercept some English on shore, 829. And attempt the English shallop, their personages, 830. The Northwest part of it described, 835. The fashion and swiftness of their Boats, ibid. Their Images, 838.30. They will not eat our meat: their women marked on the face, 845 50 Groves and trees, venerated in Curland, 628 Ground not to be thawed, 491.60 G●y-u●, or Tartarian Curds, 6.1 Guadalaiana, in the West Indies, the bounds of its jurisdiction: the latitude and distances of longitude from Toledo. The City of that name; Villages about it, etc. 876.30 Guamange the City in Peru, described, 893.40. Good temperature. etc. ibid. Guard to the Emperor of Russia, 458.50 Guamboy, a Port, 254.50 Guatulo the Haven and Province in the West Indies, the latitude, 874.30 Guatemala in the Indies, the Spaniards way thither, 859.10 Guatemala Province in the West Indies, the juridiction of the Counsel, 877.60. The latitude, Provinces and Languages under it, Commodities, great Rains, Winds, Spanish Towns and their latitudes, chief City, and distances of other Cities from it. Ports of it, latitudes of some of them, 878 Guavaxuato mines in the West Indies, the Villages of Spaniards about them, 874 Guarco the Village and River in Peru: the fruitful Valleys and places about it, 895.40 Guaxaca the Bishopric and Province in the West Indies, the extent, the beginning of the bounds: the Language, Silk, Gold, situation of the City, Air, Townes, etc. 873.30. etc. Other Towns and Rivers yielding Gold. Indian Towns tributary to it. Guayavos and Guayvilles, fruits of India, 958.1 Gudderi, are the Musk-cats, 90 50 Gueos, the Nation, 280.20 Guest placed in the chief place, 373 20.374.10 Guests have the chief place, 391 40 Guiana or El Dorado in the West Indies, the great Rivers, 886.60 Great Tides there, and how far they set, 887.1 Guiana or El Dorado, the admirable and desperate passage of the Spaniards to find it, 934.1.10 Guinea the New, where it beginneth, it is all Lands: the extent and latitude, 906.60. Colours of the people, the Isles, Ports, Rivers, etc. Of Guinea Coast, 907.10 Guintoo an I'll, 256.50 Guilders of Metals, how they preserve themselves from the fumes of Quicksilver, 948.10 Gulf a vast one, 103.1 Gulf of New Spain, by Florida a miserable Country: the two entrances of the Gulf, with the Currents and the Channel, 870 10 Gums of the West Indies, 959 40 Gum of Tabernacul, where it grows, the use of it, 864.50. Other Gums, 878 Guns of China, as long as Pistols, but unserviceable, 403 60 Guns of China but a span long, 369 Guns of wood, 280.60 Gunpowder much in China, 382 50 Gurnerds Nose in Greenland, the latitude, 704 Gustavus succeeds his Father King Charles of Sweden, 780 His wars and accord with the Ruff, 791.792 Guts of beasts sewed together for a Sail to Boats in Groneland, 817.60 H HAbit of the China-Iudges, 187.40 Habits and fashions of Europe, ridiculous to the Chinois, 406.1 Habitations how anciently chosen, 662.30 Hacfall a Sea-monster, the manner of taking, 650 Hackluyts Head-land, 714.40. & 721.50.723 Hackluyts Headland, 464 40 Hackluyts River, 531.30 Haffeneford Haven in Island, 643 40. See also, 655.1 Halappi, or Aleppo, 116.60. etc. Halongiensian Province in Norway, 660.1 Halusin the Ruff, an Impostor, 788 60 Hamersound in Shotland, 699 50 Hamceu in China, where, 409.10 A most huge City, ibid. Auenice. The delicate situation, ibid. Whither it be Quinsay or no? ibid. Hamsem, the dark Country, 110 40 Hand and Eye for a Governors' Ensign, 319.50 Hands clasped together in salutations, 373.20 Hands joined in Marriage by the Russes, 454 Hanlin College in China, 389 20 Hanse Towns upon the Baltic Sea, 462.30. Their Confederacy to keep in the Northern Nations, their Privileges thereupon. Haoa, a Chinese word, 186.60 Harlots, have a Corporation at Cambalu, 84.1. Their order, ibid. Hearts, or Rain Dear their swiftness in drawing the Sleds▪ 480 50 Harvests two or three a year in China, 381.30 Has●ssines, or a Nation of Asassinates or Murderers in Cathay, 39.20 Hat, the Mogores and Saracens fashion, 207 Hauticke River runneth from Russia-ward into Cathay, 545.20 Christians dwell there, 551.30 Hawks store in Russia. Hawks snowwhite in Russia, 522 30 Hawks whistled to the fist, 85 60 Hawks the plenty, and the manner of Hawking in Tartary, 6.20 Hawking at the Horse, 237.20 Hawking at the Buck and Hare, 368.30 Hair died yellow, 296.60 Hair how the Indians wear it, 992.40 Hair how the Priests of Mexico wear and anoint it, 1042.1043 1 Hair, let grow in R●ssia, by those in disfavour with the Emperor, 459.30 Hairs reigned in japon, 326 20 Haython the Armenian, how procured to write his Story, 107.50 His Story begins, pag. 108. He was present in the Wars which he writes off, 122.30. He turns Monk, 125.50. The credit of his Story, 125.60. etc. Heat beyond 80. degrees North, 571.30 Heat in Tartary, extreme in Summer time, 11.30 Heat under the Line, compared with the cold under the North Pole, 474.1 Heats under the Torrid Zone, how allayed, 920.921 Hearts of men to be sacrificed, plucked out by the Mexicans, 1031.30 The manner, 1033.30. & 1037 60.1038.1 Heart of a Man being plucked out, he speaks after it 1039 60 Heaven and Earth sacrificed unto in China, 397.2 Heavens seventeen, and thirteen Hells, by the Bramenes account, 167.1 Heavens two seen at once in Peru, and the manner, 937.50 Hebrew Pentateuch 600. years old, 400.40 Hecla Mountain casteth out fire against fowl weather, 507.40 Hecla the burning Mountain in Island, the fabulous reports about it, 648. Dangerous to be approached, the Philosophical reason of the burning. Strange Story about it, ibid. Ice floating about it, etc. 649. The Sulphurous flames proved unwholesome, 653.10 Heights surest taken by the Sun in the West Indies, and why, 918 40 Heilicke Lands, 222.50 Hell described in China, 408.1, 10 20 Hell, thought to be in Mount Hecla, 648. etc. Hell, the capacity Geometrical of it, 940 Hellespont, called Saint George's Arm, 53.10 Hemp and Flax in Russia store, why the Trading is decayed, 417 20 Hens without feathers and hairy like Cats, 101.20 Hens that smell like Musk, but dying loose their scent, 995 60 Hens in the West Indies, the Indians every where carry with them, 964.20 Henry Greene a Villain; taken into the Ship by Henry Hudson, betrays him, 605. Slain by Savages, 607 30 Henry Hudson his Voyage to the East Indies by the Pole, 567. He sets out, ibid. Finds no passage between 78. degrees and an half, & 82.572. & 573 10. His second Voyage by the North-east, 574.10. Finds no passage by Nova Zembla, 577 30. His third Voyage, 581. His Voyage for the Northwest Passage, 596. Sails a hundred leagues further than an Englishman before him, 598.20. His hard wintring and diet at Sea, 602. Bound in his own Ship, 604.30. Turned out by his own men into the Shallop, 605.1 juet the cause of the first mutiny, 609.30 Heraldry of the West Indians, 994 50 Herbs, which eaten by beasts, make them cast their hoofs, 76.60 Hermit's in Russia, their hardiness boldness, and opinion of holiness, 449.30. Canonised for Saints, and counterfeit Miracle-mongers, ibid. A boldness of one of them to the Emperor, took well, 450.1. Sometimes secretly murdered, ibid. Hexasi what, in Chinese, 319.50 Heirs at Come Law to any man's Inheritance, were to maintain him, if he fell into casual beggary, in Island, 667.20, 30 Hiarchan the chief City of Caschar, 312. The way from thence to Cathay, 313.50 Hiberi, a people in Tartary, 2.20 Hieras, the River Prut, in Moldavia, 633.1 Hietlandia, misnamed Schetland, 654.40 Hinimilau, a Chinese Pirate, why he turned from Christianity, 255 40. His Story. Hirace the Province, 70.40 Hispaniola an excellent Island, and the Commodities of it, 993. The bounds, jurisdiction, native commodities, latitude, etc. The natural name, figure, and mines, 860.40. The Villages in it, ibid. & 862. The Ports, ibid. The chief places where the Spaniards touch there, in their Indian Navigations, 859.10 Histories of China for 4000 years, 376.10 Histories recorded three ways, 1051.40. How in Peru, 1053 20 History of the Mexicans in Pictures, begins at Page, 1067. And continues to Page, 1117 Hides of Russia, 416.50 Hides of Kowes, abundance brought from the West-Indies to Spain, 962.50 Hyperborean Sea, 651.60 Hyrcania, where, 49.20 Hoaquan, an Idol with three eyes. The God of Eyesight in China, 406.1 Hocata-Chan the Tartar, 113 30 Hocktyde, when and why instituted, 621.20 Hog sacrificed in China, 307.1. & 196.20 Hogs with their navels on their backs, their description, fierceness, and manner of hunting them, 966.10, 20. & 868.20 Hohi an Indian Tree, the excellent nature of it, 986.1 Hola, the Bishop's Sea of North Island, 654 Hold with hope, the Land, where, or whither any such, 730.50 & 596. The Latitude, 568 60 Hollanders denied entrance into China, 406.30. They take the Jesuits Ship of japon, ibid. Holoen, a Character used in Armenia, diverse from the Armenian Character, 110.20 Holidays in Tartary, how kept, 29.50. Christian Priests than bless the Prince's Cup, ibid. Holy Ghost, the greeks Heresy about him, 452 Holy Land, the Tartars often attempt the Recovery for the Christians. See Pages, 116 117.118.119. The Design given over, upon the Chan Tartar's turning Saracen, 120 10. The Christians much afflicted by this alteration, ibid. The Design set on foot again, 12● 30. etc. An Expedition thither given over, 123.20.30. And another, 123.50 Holy water used in Russia, 455 40. Sent to the Emperor far and near. 457.20 Holy water, the Armenians use Frankincense in stead of it, 50 30 Holy-water of the Mexicans, 1134 50 Holy-water not known in the East, 32.40 Honey abundant in Russia, 416.60 Honey in Russia, whereabouts most, 231.50 Honey bred in a man's skull, 627.60 Honey made of the sap of a tree, 957.20 Honduras, the extent of its jurisdiction, Commodities, mines, Latitude of the chief City, and of the other Towns, 879.40. Gulf and Coast of it, Ports, Bays, all in the North Sea, etc. 880 Honor● wearing out in China, 387 60. etc. Hope Island discovered, 466.40 Hope Sanderson in the Northwest, the latitude, 843.30. & 845.30 Horda, in Tartarian signifies the midst, 16.40. Why the Cans Court is called so, ibid. Hordaslandia province in Norway, 65 Horn of a Seafish, mistaken for an Unicorns, 650.40 Horn-nesse the East part of Island, 518.50 Horne-Sownd in Greenland, the latitude & variation of the Compass, 717.50. Altitude of the Sun there, jun. 14.718. See also pag. 846.20 Horne-Sownd, and Whalefishing there, 467.1 Horse consulted withal in Tartary, 44.40 Horse of China unserviceable in wars, 381 Horseflesh why eaten by the Tartars, 441.50. They let their Horse blood and drink it, ibid. Horse shoes of silver, for want of Iron in the Indies, 943.20 Horses for the wars, the Tartars bring two, one to eat, 441.40 How to carry their Horse legs, ibid. Horse's most excellently hoofed, 73 50 Horses of the Spaniards; the Indians thought they could speak, 1118.40 Sir Jerome Horseyes Russian Story, 740. An honourable Act of his, 742.30.40. Sent Ambassador by the Emperor to Queen Elizabeth, 743. Returns, ibid. His favour in the Russian Court, 743.50, 60. Returns honourably again into England. The favours he did for the Muscovie Company. The Emperor's favours towards him, 744 Hosanna sung on Palm Sunday in Russia, 456 Hospitals and Free-Schooles for Children their fashion, 205.40 In China, 276.1. Put to trades, ibid. & 99.50 Hospitals for lame Soldiers, 272 30 Hostia, the Etymon of it, 1037.30 Hothouses, the Russian Physic, 230.60 Hourglasses going with water or fire, 383.30 Houses of Tartars described, 3.30. Their largeness, 3.40. Carried upon Carts drawn by two and twenty Oxen, 3.40. Their order of placing four, ten and nine several quarters of men and women, 4.30 Houses of the Indians of Cuba, 994 60. Dwelling on the tops of trees, where, ibid. & 995.1 Houses covered with Elkes skins, 522.50 Hoyce Hill in Orkney, 827.30 Hubbards Hope, the latitude, 848 50 Hudson his Discovery, 464.40 Hull men trade to Greenland, 467 50. How they first came thither, 465.30. They bring back the Zelanders to molest the Londoners fishing, 468.1. Their Voyage to the River Obi, 530. To Cherry Island, 562. Other Discoveries, 714.40 Humane Sacrifices of the Mexicans, 1014.1015.30 Sir Humphrey Gilbarts Voyage to Newfoundland, 808.50 Humvu, a valiant Chinois who expelled the Tartars, 387.40. The Kingdom continues in his Line, ibid. Hunduras in the Indies, the Spaniards way thither, 859.10. The chief places along the Coast, ibid. Hungary overrune by the Tartars, 61.40. When they departed from it, 63.50. They return, 114.40 Hungaria the Estate in Rubruquis his time, 52.10 Hungarians how surprised by the Tartars, the Story of it, 440.30.40 Huns whence descended, 18.50 Hunting used by the great ●●am, described, 85.30. And his hawking, ibid. Hunting in Lithuania, the manner, 629 Hunting of the Mexicans, the manner of it, 1031.40 Husbands disliking their Wives, turn Friars in Russia, 455.1 Husbands selling their Wife's fort want of means, 738 Husbandmen exempt from the Wars, 215.30 Husbandry of Nature, 961.10 Huuph, a China word, 187.20 Huzamguee, the chief City of Cauchin, 281 I IAci the City, 91.40 jacobite heresy in Africa, 317 40 jacolit the Eastern Patriarch, and his jurisdiction, 70.1 jacolsu a River in Island, the course, 656 jagac, a mighty River, where and whence it riseth, 18.50 jaic or jagac, the River, where, 18 50.231 jamaica the Island on the North of Hispaniola, 859.10 jamaica Island in the West Indies, when first discovered, altitude, distance from Cuba and Hispaniola, Villages, Plantations, Ports, distances of places in it, etc. 864 jamboli or Balachei, the City, 634 10 james Hall slain by a Gronelander, 832.50 Sir james Lancaster's Sound, the latitude, 847 jangi, in the Courts of Tartary, 28 60. & 24.40 jangumur or Ciangamur in the Tartarian, is white Lake, 80.30 jangui the noble City, 96.50 jaon, is three leagues, 254.10 japan is sundry Isles, they contain thirty three Kingdoms; their Piracies upon China, distance from China and the Philippinaes', valour of the people, 906 japon, how and when discovered, 318.10. Distance betwixt that and Malaca, 318.20. The Seas troublesome, 318.40 japonian Ambassage to the Pope, 322.10. What Lands go under that name, 322.50. The habit of there Ambassadors. Their entertainment at Rome, 323.10. Quabacondono, tyrannises over all the Princes there, 323.40. Meaco the chief City, 324. The three chief men there, 324.20. Their change of titles, ib. Their Pope, ib. The Lords of Tensa command all there, ibid. It containeth above sixty jurisdictions, 324.40. Their Theology, ibid. 60. & 325.1. Their manner of sending their 〈◊〉, ibid. 10. And their curious workmanship, ibid. The number of Jesuits there, ibid. Parted from China by Corai, ibid. Earthquake:, Comets, and prodigious Rains there, 326. They burn their Dead, 327.10. They are sooner Converted to Christianity▪ then the Chinois, 332.20. Taught to paint, ibid. A poor Country, 344.30. Their Alphabet, 384. But four and twenty hours' sail from China, 408.50 jaruslave City, the situation, 419.20 jascot of Gold, worth ten Marks in Tartary, 21.50. & 34.10 jasdi, a great City of Trade in Persia, 71.1 jaspar, dear sold in China, 362.20 jassi the chief Town in Walachia, 633.1 java maior, the greatest Island of the World, 103.10. Gold there, ibid. The description and Commodites, ibid. javolgenses, ancestors to the Crim Tartars. 637 Ice passed over in Sleds, 107.10 Ice with Ponds of sweet water in them at Sea, 598.40 Ice one hundred and forty fathom deep, ibid. Ice at Sea, the original cause of it, 726.40 Ice 1680. foot thick, 837. The English travel over it, 248.10 Ice five and fifty fathom thick, 487.10. Makes a thunder as it breaks, ibid. Lifts up Ships, 488.10 Ice as big as Towns, 504.40 Ice breaking like a Thunder clap, 812. It makes a loathsome noise, 811.40 Ice, a Market upon it, 225.30. Condemned persons thrust under, 435.1 Ice preserved in China, and why, 341.30 Icoxos what, in japonian, 323.60 Idifa in Tartary, 30.30 Idleness not permitted in Peru, 1055.20 Idleness inveighed against, 666.40 Idleness loated in China, 175.30 Idolaters, all are betwixt the Mountains of Caucasus, etc. 24.1 Idolaters in Catay, 20.60 Idolaters in Colchis, 636.30 Idolaters diverse in the Persian Provinces, 74 Idolaters in Curland, and Prussia, 628.10 Idolaters in Tanguth, their Ceremonies, 77.10.2 Idols, are the Oldest men in the house, where, 92.30 Idols seen two days journey off, 20.30 Idols of the Mexicans, their beastly shapes, 1030.20. And deckings, ibid. etc. Idols their Temples & Sacrifices of old in Island, 664.40. Altars, etc. 665.1.10 Idols bellies filled with jewels, 408.20. How the Chinois maintain their Idolatry. Idol-Sacrifices of China, 369.1. In filthy stinking houses, ibid. Idols one hundred and eleven in one Chapel, 302.60 Idols huge ones, 77.1 Idols, men kill themselves in honour of them, 104.60 Idols of the Groenlanders, 838.30 Idols in Mitres & wheels, 263.20 Idols of the Moall Tartars, 799.40 Idols made to speak by Magic, 74.1 Idols, why used in China, 334.30 jegur a strange Corn, 236.40 jenisce, a mighty River, 527.30. Overflows like Nilus, ibid. Two Rivers of that name, 530.10. The journey thither out of Russia, ibid. See Yenisce. jeraslave in Russia, 214.10 Jesuits lived twenty years in China, 410 Jesuits in China, 314.30. In japan, 316. Their Conversions discussed, 317 jesuit whipped to death in China, 406.40 Jesuits change their Names, 339.30 jesuit set on the Pillory in China, 339.40 Jesuits Colleges in Brasill, 903.20 Jesuits make Converts in China, 320.40. Their first Station there, 321.50 Jesuits, the Abetters of an Impostor in Russia, 756.10.40. & 768.1. Jesuits in China their proceedings: See in Ruggierus, & in Ricius. jewels of the Mexicans buried with them, 1029 jews kept within enclosures, 49.10 Igla the Island, 285.50 Ilacians or Blacians, 18.60 Lands of Men alone, and of Women alone, 106.30 Lands 12700. in the Indian Sea, ibid. Lands of Hispaniola, 862.40.50 Island Santa Maria one of the Azores, the Latitude, 859.40 Island of Saints in Norway, subject to Denmark, not Inhabited, 614.20. The Latitude, ibid. in marg. Five miles from Rustene, 615.20 Lands of thieves or Ladrones in the West Indies, their Latitude, number, poverty, nearness to the Philippinaes', the People, names. diverse other Lands there abouts, and their Latitudes, 907.30 Lands of far, on the Southeast part of Island, 597.30 Lands of Moluccas, their several name and Latitudes, 904 Lands of Matfloe and Delgoy▪ 477.50 Isle of Resolution, the Latitude, 837.10. The variation, and longitude from London, 838.1 Isle of Merchants, 232.20 Isle of Saint john of Porto Rico, in the West Indies, the first name, distance from Hispaniola, etc. Commodities, temperature of the Air, Townes, first Dicoverie, Ports, Rivers, etc. 864.865 Isles of God's Mercies, 596.50 Isles of far, their Latitude, 574.1. Misplaced in the Care, 582.1 Illiricum when first peopled, 662.20 Illocos the Lands, 283.10 Images of Christ, our Lady, and the Apostles, mistaken by a jew, & worshipped▪ 400.40 Images with three Heads in China, 303.1. And with eight Arms▪ and other Monsters, ibid. Image in China like that of our Lady, 195.50 Image of Christ, most solemnly honoured in China, 340 Images of their Kings worshipped by the Indians, 1028.50 Images Painted and not Carved, honoured, 217.30. Christened, ibid. Images offered in Temples of China, 271.1 Image Point, 479.10 Images of the Tartars, made of Felt, 4.30. Many in one house, ibid. The Tartars Lar, or household God, 4.30 Images great store in Russia prayed unto, 228. Very rich, ibid. 20. & 229.1. Children committed to them, ibid. 20 Images worshipped with divine honour, 452. Painted, not carved, in the Greek Church, ibid. Called Miracle-workers, 453.1 Image made without hands, 456.1 Imagination the strength of it, 395.60 Imperial Ensigns of the Ruff, 741.20.30 Incense where it grows, 959.40 Incense used by the Mexicans, in giving of Welcomes, and in Sacrifices, 1004.10.1013.60. etc. Incestuous Marriages of the Kings of Peru, 1054.50. & 1058.60. The Success, 1059.1 India the bounds of it, 110.1 Indians white and fair, where, 893.20 Indies of the West, are not the West Indies, the Countries which they contain properly, 903.60. in margin. Their temper, colours of the Indians, etc. 904.1 Indian delays for advantage, 285.50 Indians 60000. to Guard the passages in Persia, 68.30 Indians of the West, their Stature and Complexions, 992.50 Indies why they go to them one way, and return another, 923.40.50.60. The going thither shorter than the return. The Spaniards courses in Navigation thither, etc. 924. And to the Philippinaes', ibid. The Seasons of the several Fleets, 859 Indies of the South described, 887. Their extent, Provinces, Governments, ibid. Indian Seas have diverse Kingdoms, see page, 168.10.20.30.40 Indigo or Anill, how it grows, 957.50 Industan the Kingdom, the old Names, 397.50 Inferior, lays aside his State in presence of his Superior, 297.1 Inferior natures made for the service of their next Superior, 942.1 Infants consulted as Oracles, 395.60 Information of all, monthly given to the King of China, 189.30. His Spies, ibid. Ingermanland the Title of Sweden discussed, 795 Ingermenum in the Crim Tartars, built by the greeks, 633.50. Inhabited by Greek Christians, ibid.- Inger-Sound, 223.10 Inguas, the Kings of Peru. See Peru. Their Diadem, Greatness, Riches, Honours after death, etc. 1054. Their Coronation ceremonies, exact justice, Policy, etc. 1055. Their public buildings, revenues, etc. 1056. They have the third part of the Land, 1957. Their Original, Conquests and Story, 1059. etc. Every Ingua builds a new Palace, etc. 1060.10. Their Succession for 3. hundred years together, 1062.10. Their Attire, Diet, etc. 1126.40. See pag. 1130 Ingulsus of Norway, his fortunes, 656.657. People's Island first, 657. The Story, ibid. Inheritance the manner of it in China, 371 Inheritances in Peru went to the Brother and not to the Son, 1054.50 Inke-making, a liberal Art, 383.50 Inns in China, 185.50 Inns or Lodging in Tartary none, 9.10 Inns in Tartary, the provision for them, 87.10.20. etc. Several Stages, ibid. Inquisition Spanish in the West Indies, where exercised and how, 910.911.871, 50 Inquisition Spanish, gotten into the West Indies, 871.50 Inquisition for Religion none in Russia, 453.50 Instruments strings in China, made all of Silk, 383.20 Intelligence given by Birds, & how, 126.60 Inuitations the Ceremony in China, 374.30 Inuitations to a Feast, the form, 391.50 job, 31. Verse 26. expounded, 1028.10 jogowr the people, 109.1 Sir john Hawkins, his judgement of the Magellane straits, 900.901 john Knight slain by the Gronelanders, 289.50 jonas Poole his Voyage, 464.60 jonas Poole his Voyage to Greeneland, 699. How far he discovered, ibid. His Commission for a second Voyage, 707. He sets fourth, 711. His third Voyage, 713 john Prince of Denmark, our Queen Anne's Brother goes a wooing into Russia, dies there, 750.30 jointures none required in Russia, 454.10 Irenia Empress of Russia, her Wisdom, 743. She refuses the Empire, and turns Nun, 745.30 Irishmen were at the first peopling of Island, 657.30.50. Build a Church there, 665 Iron greatly desired by the Gronelanders, 836 Iron frozen in pieces, 493.20 Iron mouldered to dust by the wind, 926.30 Iron sawn a sunder with a Weed, 986. & 995.10 Iron touched with the Loadstone, will lift more weight than the stone itself can, 857.10 Isa, so the Saracens call jesus, 313.30. And Christians I●auites, 311.1 Isaac the Armenian, his Travels, ibid. unto page, 316. Relates his own Story, ibid. Isaurica in Cilicia, 52.60 Island and Islanders. The form●, greatness, & Ice of Island, 643. Under the Arctic Circle, ibid. Original of the Nation, ibid. The Norwegians coming first thither, 644.50. Their speech, ibid. Their Religion, Bishops, first Conversion, Lutheranism, Printing, seditions about Religion, subjection to the Dane, 645. The distinction and degrees of people, justices, strength of body, indistinction of Apparel, Witchcraft, Learning, long lives, Fishings, Diet, Drinking, Commodities, Whores, etc. 646. Their Compliments, want of Linen, lousy Love, lodging, games, long N●gh●s, Baths and other wonderful Waters, 647. And Mountains, 648. No Fields nor Gardens there, nor Corn, Fruit nor Cities. Their dwellings underground, no trees but Birch, troubled with Winds, Flote-wood, the fatness and sweetness of their Grass: their Horse, Kine, Dogs, and other Creatures, and riches, 649. Some Sea-monsters, their Terms for Law-suites, 650. Sentence of justice, 651. Their Bishops, are under the Archbishop of Nidrosia in Norway, 651.30 Island how it lies, 651.20. The Situation, Discovery, Plantation, Names and Language, 654. etc. Called so of the Ice▪ 655.10. It is not Thule, ibid. The greatness and bounds, ibid. The shape like a Man, the Circuit, divisions, first Plantations, 656. It hath no Bears, 657.30. Their Language, an Alphabet of their old letters, 658. Thei● ancient Manners, Customs, Fewell, Buildings, Turf, 662. Their large Houses, Stones, assignment of lands, Husbandry, Beasts, Fowl, Fish, meat, and drink, 663. Their Banquets, Money, ancient Religion, Founders, and Policy, 664. Their old Ethnic rites, humane Sacrifices, and Christianity▪ 665. Magistrate's Courts, provisions for the Poor, divisions of the Provinces Hundreds, tithings, etc. 666. & 667. The duties of their Nobility and justices, 668 Island some of the Coasts described, 518. The Course from thence to Groneland, 520 60 Island, the North-east side full of dainty Wild-fowl, 609.10 Israelites dispersions, some into China, 400.40 juan Vasilowich his Cruelty, 422. juan Vasilowich of Russia, a Register of his abominable Cruelties, 739. His good parts and valour, 740.1. His favours to the English. Held a Saint almost by the Russians. And Death, ibid. Had seven Wives, and issue, 744.30 juanogrod the only City in Russia build of Stone, 628.50 juangorod the River, 439, 10 jubilee in China, 275.60 jubilee of the Mexicans, 1031. The time and manner, 1046.1047 judas Thaddaeus where Martyred, 49.50 judges corrupt punished with death in Mexico, 1020.10 judges their corruption in Russia, 434.40 judges Spiritual accounted Saints, 639.1 judicatures and consultations in the Church in Island, and why, 668.1 jugures, an Idolatrous people, 21.1 Their Ceremonies, 21.20. etc. They have Images, Altars and Bells, 21.40 jugures their Temples, etc. described, 21.40. Their Language and Writing downwards as the Chinois, 22.10. Their belief of one God, 22.20. Their Images to represent their dead Friends, 22.20. Their Country, 22.60. They have the original of the Turkish Language, 23.10 juitland, named so of the Giants, 661.30 juitland under the King of Denmark, Fish good cheap there. The people's ignorance of monie●. An Island, the number of the men there, 773. They wear axes at their Girdles, 775.1. The Governors' Wisdom and Nobleness to the English distressed there, 774.775 ivory Table, worn over the King of China, his Crown, 392.50 They that speak to him, put one before their mouths, ibid. justice's Itinerant in China, 184.30 Their state in the Circuit, 187 50 justice overawed in Russia, 422 30 justice and Mercy, a pretty Emblem of them, 272.10 justice to be done but towards our own, the Tartarian Maxim, 440.50 justice the manner in Island, 650 651 justices twelve yearly in Island, 646.1 justice exact in Peru, 1055.10 justification, the Russes error about it, 453 K KAit Castle, 237.40 Calendar of the Mexicans, the pretty manner of it, 1050. Of the Perwians, 1051.1.10 Kangittae or Changle, a people, 18 40 Kartalla River in Catay, falleth into Ob, 802.1 Ken-Cham of Tartary slain, 25.10 Kenchat, a Tartarian Town, 19 60 Kerkis the people, 33.40 Kersis the Country, 6.30. Christians, 12.40 Kersova the chief City in Cassaria, 2 Kettlewike Island, 223.1 Kildwin in Lapland, 516.40. & 531.1 Kill themselves, why the Indian Servants do, when their Master dies, 974 Kine wild and tame in the West Indies, the wild, killed only for their hides, 962.40 King of Armenia passed through Tartary, 47.20. Relieve Rubruquis companions, 47.50 King of Mexico his charge, 1006 10 Kings carried on men's shoulders, 992.1 Kings of Peru made Gods after death, 1054.60 Kings, a Tartar people, 240 40 Kirgiss a Dukedom in Siberia, subject to the Ruff, 798.30. The way thence into Catay, through the Moall Tartar's Country, 799 Kiss, the Patriarch of Muscovia kisses the Emperor, 423.1 Kissing at entertainments in Island, 647.1 Kissing used in the Greek Church, 228.1 Klutzinsky the Russee Impostor, acknowledged Emperor, 789.40 Rejected, ibid. Kneeling to great Officers in China, 184.20 Kneeling on one knee, more due to men, and on both, to God, 17.10 Knife sent by the Crim Tartar to the Ruff Emperor to kill himself, 439.60 Knights see in Muscovie, 216.1 Knights Lands in Groneland, 825 20 Knighthood in Mexico, carried the mark or Arms of some Idols, 1030.10. And so in Peru, 1045 10 Knighthood the several Orders in Mexico, 1063.50 Kuenland the Country, 659.50 L L, Used for N, by some Chinois, 338.10 Laches Father of the Polanders, 439.30 Lakes of two hundred miles long in Russia, 415.20 Lake without a bottom where, 878 50 Lake a huge one, where Rubies and Saphires grow, 799.1 Lakes of Titicaca and Aulagas in Peru, 894 Lake that kills Birds flying over it, 648 1 Lake admirable one, 337.30 Lakes their originals from Snows and Springs, Rivers flow out of them, why they breed little fish, a wonder they should be so hot, why they neither increase nor decrease. Varieties of their tempers and tastes, 932.50 Lambri, a Kingdom of java, 104.1 Lamps before Tombs in China, 265 & 266.1 Land in 73. degrees No●th: not mentioned in any Sea Card, 568.40. Called Hold with Hope, ibid. A temperate land, ibid. The Sun is long together above the Horizon there, 569.20 Lands set apart for sacred uses in Peru, 1056.60 Lands in P●ru, how the profits are distributed, according to each man's necessity, 1057.30 Langa and Solanga, a Tartarian people, 23.20. Their habits, ibid. Langenes in Nova Zembla, 474 30. & 513, 1 Landlords, judges over their Tenants, 216.40 Language of China discoursed upon, 384 Language and writing, the same through all China, 101.50 Language of Island, is the pure old Go●ish or Norwegian, 658.1 Languages forty several ones, spoken in so many Castles in Kersova, 2 Languages diverse in Persian Provinces, 74 Language of Russia, different from the Polish, 761.30 Laos Siones Maons' a great Kingdom where, 168.20. Hath Mu●ke and Gold▪ ibid. Their complexion and habit ibid. A mighty River amongst them: & a wonder of that, 169.1, 10 Lipland, the length and breadth, 443.50. It hath two sorts of people, ibid. To whom subject. Their poor living, some are wild, and the greatest witches in the world, 444. Excellent Bowmen and Gunners, their Commodities and Fairs, 444.1.10.223.20 Laplanders their miserable living, 516.1. Their swiftness, 517.30 Laque a Perfume in China, 196.1 Latitudes which the Spanish Fleets observe in going and coming to the West Indies, 924. See Courses and Navigations. Lava River in Russia, his mouth and fall into the Lake Lodiga, 794 40 Laulo the Island, 307.50 Lautimey in China fired by the Tartars, 278.40 Law of Nature: the jesuits hope, that the Chinois were saved by it, 396.60 Law altogether studied in China, 185.20 Laws made by Kings in China, 387.40 Lawsuits in China, most about their Burial places, 368.50 Laws of Island some rehearsed, 666.667. etc. Laws in Russia, 435.20. None written, but all speaking Laws, ibid. 216. & 217 Laws of the Tartars, 443.1 Lawyer, none may plead in the West Indies, where his Kinsman is judge, 913 Lawyers bribe's taken, and given to honest men, 276 Lawyers forbidden to go to the Spanish Indies, and why, 998.30 Lawing of the Russes, the order, 433.40. Their several Courts and judges, ibid. Lawing, unknown to the Tartars, 639.1 Saint Laurence in Canada discovered, 463 Saint Laurence Bay, 477.20. The latitude, ibid. L●uzu, a China Sect▪ 398.40. Their Legends and Fooleries, their Paradise, ibid. Lay-Commissaries to Bishops in Russia, appointed by the Emperor, 446 40. They overrule the Clergy, ibid. Led Mine in Cherry Island, 558 50. & 564 Leaf in India, that heals a broken Arm presently, 986.40 Learning only gives Wealth, Honour, and Nobility in China, 367.40 Learning feared by Tyrants, 447 30 Leave-rites in Curland, 628.10 Lechias, a rare Fruit in China, 178 50 Lefthand most honourable, where, 373.20 Lefthand no● used to touch their meat with it, where, 105.1 Legends and Prophecies, the effects of them, 1021 Legend of Huiunsuns, killing the Dragon, and flying into Heaven, 337.20 Legend of Leus, 398.40 Legs, Arms, heads, etc. Offered by sick Men to their Idols, 271.1 Lent-time to the people of the East, 34▪ 20 Lent, the Armenians and Nestorians, eat no fish in Lent, 35 20 Lents four in a year, 217.60. & 227. They begin on Monday, the end of all four, 218.1. No flesh nor White-meats eaten in Lent, 218 Lents four in Russia, and when and how, 456 Leopards used like Hounds, 80.50 Leprous people are Toll-gatherers in Tartary, 10.50 Lequios Lands by japan and China, rich in Gold, etc. 906.50 See Lucaios. Lesgi, a Tartarian people, 12.50 Their border, 16 10 Litany of the Tartars for their Prince, 85.10 Letters of the Islanders, 646.30 Letters of Demetrius of Russia, to the Nobility, 752. Of him to the English Agent, 758.20 Letters of Mexico, their manner, 1135.10 Letters of Almeida to E●. Sand, 330.40. Of Longobard and Taiso, 343.40.344. Of Pantoia to Lewis de Guzman, 350 Letters of the Visitor of Concheo in China, to the Governor of the Philippinaes', 309. The answer to them, 310. Of Jerome Xaviere, 310.50 Letters of the Russian Emperor, 221 Letter of the Duke of Brabant, concerning the Tartars, 60.50 And of the Emperor to the King of England, 61.30 Letters of the Tartarians to the French King, 45.50. To the Pope, 59.30. Of one Tartarian Prince to another, 59.50 Letters, the West Indians ignorance of them, they thought the Spaniards Packets of Letters could speak, 994.50 Letters about business of Greenland fishing 731.732.733.734.735.736.737 Letters unknown to the West Indies, 1051.40 Letter of Sir Humphrey Gilbert from newfoundland, 808.50 Of john Rutilio a Mariner to King Henry the Eighth, 809. Of Albert de Prato to Cardinal Wolsey, 809. Of William Baffin to Master Wostenholme, 843 Letters of Master Locke to a Greek Pilot, and their answers, 851 Letters of Suiskey Emperor of Russia, to our King james, 765 Of English Merchants concerning Russian troubles, 780. Of Doctor Hall, 781 Letters of Xavier the jesuit, 318.10. Of the King of Bungo to the Pope, 322.30. Of the King of Arima to the Pope, 323.20. Of the japonian Tyrant, to the Spanish Viceroy, 324 Lettow, is Lithuania, 624.50 Leuca Island, where, 633.10 Leuconia, where, 53.40 Lewfoot Lands, 212.10. & 222.50 Lewis in Orkney, 827.40 Lizards are Crocodiles. Liampeo, where, 190.50 Liampoo a Portugal Town in China, razed by the Chinois, 259.50 Libanus inhabited by Christians, 122.20 Lice sold for meat in Mexico, 1133.10 Lice eating men to the bones, 614.40 Lice forsake Sailors, and find them again coming to the same place 975 Licence written on a board, 292.20.299.20 Licotice where; described, 233.1 Liefland how divided, betwixt the Ruff, the Sweden, and the Pole, 627.60 Light-Dogge of the Indies, his strange heaviness, described, 966.50. Sings musically, 978.50.60 Lignum Aloes where it grows, 102.60. & 103.10 Lignum Guacum, or Sanctum, the use, and where it grows, 938.10 Lignum Sanctum, better for the French Pox than Guyacum, 998.30 Lignum vitae or Guayac, whence brought, 959.60. See Guacum. Life, much studied in China, 369.20 Lying in China is prudence, 339.10 Lima City in Peru. See Los Reyes. Limahon a Chinese Pirate, 286.50. His Story, 287. A mighty Fleet made out against him, ibid. How he came to the Philippinaes', ibid. Goes to surprise the Spaniards there, ibid. Comes before Manilla▪ 288.1. Burns the City, ibid. Seats himself on the River Pangasinan, and erects a Fort, ibid. 40. The Spaniards join against him, ibid. They set upon him at two several places▪ 289. He● flees to his Fort, they besiege him, three Months, ibid. His five Stratagem to escape, 289.30. & 308.30. Omoncon the Chinese comes with Commission to take him, ibid. Lime and Stone built withal in China, 292.10 Lincin in China, 352.60 Linna or the Friar of Linne, his Story, 624 Linen and ●●perie of the Cotton-tree, 1132.40 Lions taught to Hunt like Hounds, 85.20. And Leopards and Wolves, ibid. The ma●er of it, ibid. Lions how slain, 94 40.50 Lions of West India not so fierce as ours, ordinarily hunted by men, 963.30 Liquos the people, where, 168.1 Li●ets Lands in Greenland, 719.10 Literate Sect of China, their five Doctrines, 397 Lithuania, their Marriages, Religion, fewness of Church's, worship of Snakes, Hunting, etc. 629 Lituania, what Towns the Russee ha●e in it, 438 60. The Natives destroyed, and Russes placed there 439.1 Liturgy or Service of the Russian●, 450. Read at the Altar, ibid. Livonia, lost to the Pole by the Ruff, 438.60 Lizard or Crocodile, a strange ease of one of them, 883.20 Loaf divided in the Russians Marriage, the Ceremony and meaning, 454.30 Loadstone found in the Indies, 890.50 Loadstone, a Palace built of it, 801.30 Loadstone communicates more strength to Iron touched with it, than the Stone itself hath, 857.10 Lobsters in New found Land, 586.10 Lodiga Lake and Town in Russia, 794.40 Lofoot on the Coast of Finmarke, 5●1. 10.581.40 Logic, the Chinois wa●● it, 348. ●● Lomsbay described, 474.40 London Coast, by Fretum Davis', the Latitude, 845. ●● Longitude, how the Degrees are to be reckoned, 856.60. An uncertain reckoning, ibid. Longitude of Places, how to be found by Art and Instruments, 839.840 Longitude, the Degrees are longer or shorter as they are far or nearer to the Poles, 500 50 Lop, a great City where. The Desert of Lop, 75.20. Spirit's duel there, ibid. Lor in Persia, 70 50 Lords Prayer in the beginning of the Russian Service, 450 Lords Spiritual named before the Lords Temporal in Russi●, 709.20. & 784.1. & 783. & 787 Loretto in Italy, the Town, Temple and Idolatry there, described, 631. ●0 Los Reyes, the jurisdiction and Limits, the Soil moistened with vapours, the native Commodity's: Latitude of the chief City, distance from Toledo, number of Households, excellency of the Climate, the University Monasteries, etc. 892. Number of Women and Negroes. Villages in the Country, with their Latitudes, and differences of Commodities, Mines, Complexions of people, etc. 893. Vermition and Quicksilver, Springs, Baths, admirable high ways, 〈◊〉 venomous Worms, etc. 894. Fruitful Villages under it, Earthquakes, etc. 895. The Lands, Ports, Points, Capes, etc. 896.1.10. Vide Peru. Los frails, the Isles in the W●st Indies. Los Testigos the Isles in the West Indies, 866.30 Los Angelos or Tlascala, the Bishopric in the West Indies, the extent, the Commodities of the Soil, and Towns thereabouts: the numbers of Spaniards in them 872.30.40.50 The Rivers, and Towns in it, 873.10 20▪ Los Martyrs', the Isles by Florida, 869 40 Lost things, an Officer for them, 86.1 Lots used by the Chinois, 309.1. & 318 20.40. If the Lots be unlucky, they beat their Idols, 319 Lots, the Emperor of Russia elected by them, 769. The manner, ibid. Lots in China, 196. The manner, ib. Lot's determiners of Controversies, 434.20 Lot▪ law in Russia, 755.30 Loutea, what Office, and how Created in China, 184.20. & 200. ● Lowness in Greenland, our King's Arms set up there, 717.30 Lousy Love in Island, 647.1 Lubeckers pay no Custom to Denmark, why, 631 Lucayos Isles of the West Indies, where their Names, Altitudes, Distances, 865.10. See Lequios. Lumleys' Inlet in America, the Latitude, 811.1 Lusus the Chinese, his Legend, 334.1. He put Lice into his flesh again, ibid. His Shrine, 334.20 Lutheranism in Island, 645.10.50 Luxitay an Island, 256.60 Luzon the Kingdom, 309.30. The Chineses slain there by the Spaniards, ibid. & 310 M MAcao in China, how far from Malaca, 410 Maces and Rods borne before the China Officers, 187.10 Magastar the great Island, 106.40 Magdalene, the River in the West Indies, the head, Current mouth, length, and Latitude, 885.20. Called Rio Grande, ibid. His Head, 890.1 Magellane straits, the Spanish Indian Provinces in them, where the Strait begins, the Altitude, 899.60. The Ports, Cape●, Bayes, Lands, and their Latitudes: What degrees of Latitude this Strait is betwixt: Sir john Hawkins judgement of these straits, 900. Whence they had the Name of Magellanes; why the Navigation through it is dangerous, the Rivers, Points, Capes, Lands, and their Latitudes by it, 901 Magellane straits, 282.10 Magellanus Martyred, ibid. & 285.50 Magellane straits, the distances and Seasons of Navigation from Castille thither, 859.50. Difficult to pass▪ 860 Magi that came to Christ. See Tarsa. Magical Image in Russia, 757.30 Magicians knaveries, 92.50 Magistrates called Lords or Fathers 388.10. Their immediate address to the King, ibid. Magistrates how honoured in China, 393.10. Being deposed, they lose not all Honour. They have Temples, Altars, and Images erected to them, 393.20 Magistrates of China, the six Chief, 388.30. Their manner of proceedings, ibid. Their habits and Ensigns, 390.10 Magistrates of China Sacrifice like Priests, 397.20 Magnificat, at Evening prayer in the Russian Church, 450.40 Maguey, the wonder Tree of West India, described: it yields Water, Wine, Oil, Vinegar, Honey, Syrup, Thread and Needles; and how they get all these out of it, 957.10.20 Mahumetanisme the extent, 317.50 mahumetans in the Moluccas and the Philippinaes', 905.20. How they gate thither and further, ibid. 30 mahumetans many in China, 399.50. But ignorant and contemned, ibid. When they gate in, ibid. mahumetans visiting of Tombs, 234.20. Counted holy therefore, 235.10 Mahumetane distinctions for liberty to drink Wi●●, 71.1 Masters much honoured in China, 395.10 Master of the Ceremonies in China, 300.50.388.40 Master of the Horse in Russia his Greatness and reverence, 425.10 Malabar, called India the Greater, 104.30. Four Kingdoms in it, 104.30 Malaca, how far from Macao, 410.20 Malucaes Lands: the Wars there betwixt the Spaniards and the Portugals, 282.20 Maluccas, the Navigation thither from Spain; 860.10. The distance and Seasons, ibid. Mameys' an Indian fruit described, 957 Mamoses, the old people of Curland: Idolaters, barbarous, etc. Their Rites, Marriages, Burials, Habits, Hospitality, etc. 628 Mana●e a West Indian Fish described, how taken: he hath a Stone good against the Stone, 987.988 Manati a Fish that gives suck, 930.40. Their description. Mancherule, the chief City of the old Tartars, 15.30. Where they still elect their Great Chan, ibid. Mandarines, their honour in China, 370.30. Sets up Flags before his House, and Arches triumphal, ibid. Some examples of their Nobleness, 371. Disposed in all Cities, 372. There be six of them chief, 372.30 Mangat or Marcopia the City, 634.30 Mangi what part of China, 404.20 Mangi accounted barbarous by the Chinois, 345.1 Mangi hath nine Viceroys under the Great Tartar, 99.50 Mangi or China, 95.30. The security of it sometimes, ibid. Invaded by the Tartars, 95 60. And taken, 96.10. The name of Mangi discussed, 96.10. in margin. And see especially page 102. li●. 56 Mangi; the Kingdom, 89.10. It is the nine Southerly Provinces of China, 342.30 Mangu Chan his message to the King of Franckes, 29.30. His golden Bull, and the authority of it, 29.40 Mangu chosen Cham of Tartary, 25.10. Kills Siremen, 25.30. His conference with Friar William, 27.30. His description, ibid. His Court and Firing, ibid. 30. His proud Answers, 28.1 Mangu Chan his Proclamation concerning a Disputation of Religion held before him, 41.50. His last discourse with Friar William, 43. His letters to the French King, 45.50 Mangu or Mango-Chan, 114.10. Baptised, 115.60. Dyeth, 117.20 Mangani, what, 97.1 Mangu-Chans justice done upon his own Wife, 44.50. & 45.1 Manguslane, a Port, 235.30. The people described, ibid. M●nilla the Island, 286.10. A Bishop's Sea there, ibid. M●nna-hota the River in Virginia, 599 Manse and Taute, Islanders of Cathaya, 34.10 Mansflesh eaten in the Siege of Moscow, 780.20 Map-makers and Globe-makers, create Lands and Lands at pleasure, 461.10 Map of China, the best with notes, 401.402. etc. Maps of China their Error, 168.10 Maps purposely made false by the Spaniards, 853.30 Maragnon, or the River of Amazons in the West Indies, the chiefest of the World, 933.60. Seventy leagues broad at the mouth, 934.20 Marble a kind of it much esteemed in China, 315.312.1. Like to jaspar, ibid. Gotten out of the Rivers, and forced with Fire, 313.1 Marchpane in China, 292.50. & 298.40 Marcopia or Mangat the City, 634 30 Marcus Paulus Venetus, made one of Cublai Cha●s Clerks, 67.40. He learns four Languages, ibid. Sent Ambassador by him to Carahan, ibid. 50. Writes a journal of his travels, ibid. Continues a long time with the Great Chan, ibid. Goes to Argon in India, 68.30. To Trebesonde, Constantinople, Negroponte, and to Venice again, ibid. 40. Where no body knew him, ibid. 50.60. Taken Prisoner by the Genoese, might not be redeemed, 69.1. He writes his travails, ibid. Marcus Paulus Venetus his Book, 65.40 Mares tail, the Tartars Ensign, 643.1 Mares white, all Consecrated in Tartary, when, and how, 44.10. Much like to the Papists fashion saith Rubruquis, ibid. Magarita Island in the West Indies: the distance from Hispaniola and Trinidad, the Villages in it. Pearle-fishing there the Latitude. 866.20 Margarites Sound in Orkney, 827.20 Marienberg by Dansk, the Lutheran and Roman Religions exercised there, 626.20. Built by whom, ibid. Market-wares of Mexico, 1132. etc. Mermalades of West Indian fruit, 957.60.958.20 Marriages of the Chinois, 367.50. One Wife, and many Concubines, which they buy and sell again: their Children inherit▪ ibid. They Mary not any of their own name, ibid. Marriages, public Vtensiles for them in China, 99.10 Marriages of the Mam●ses of Curland, 628. Of the Lithuanians, 628.60 Marriages in China, 182.30 Marriages of the Chinois, 393.60. See Weddings. Marriages of the Mexicans, 1009.40 Marriages of the Samoieds, 555.40 Marriages the third or fourth, not well allowed in the Greek Church, 435.30. The manner of Solemization in Russia, 453. Held unlawful without consent of Parents, 454.1. Large Dowries and no jointures, ibid. 10. They go on Horseback to Church, ibid. The Ceremonies at Church like ours, ibid. Performed at the Altar, with Ring and joining of hands, she knocks her Head upon his Shoe, and he throws the lap of his Garment over her, ibid. The Cermony of the Loaf, and Meade, and Corn flung upon them, and the Bride's silence, ibid. The Marriage Feast, and the Bridegroom and Bride called Duke and Duchess, 456.1 Marriages of the Crim Tartars, what degrees are forbidden them, their Dowries, 441.30 Marriages of the West Indians, 991.40. & 993.40. & 998.40. Of the Mexicans, 1044 Marriages incestuous of the Kings of Peru, 1054.50 Marriage Solemnities, 1058 Marriage Rites of Mexico, 1107. etc. Martavan in Pegu, 281.40 Santa Martha Province in the West Indies, the Extent▪ Site, native Commodities, Mines, precious Stones, Latitude. Martyrs of the Devils making, 70.50 Masks, etc. at the Coronation of the Kings of Mexico, 1019.40 Masking in China, 349.40 Massis, the Mountain where Noah's Ark rested, 50.20 Masuaga the Island, 285.20 Mathematics first taught in China, 329.60. & 339.20, 30 The meanness of their former skill that way, 344.20. Their Instruments, 346.20 Matriga the City, where, 2.10 Matrimony, the form in Russia, 229.50. & 230.1 Matepheone or Mathewes Land, 805 Mattuschan you're in Russia, the way thence to Ob, 805.30 Maudlin Sound in Greenland▪ the latitude, 721.40 Maundy Thursday, the Russian Emperor receives the Sacrament upon, 227.50 May-feasts and May Flowers brought by the Indians, to their houses, 1045.30 Maypole of snow, 492.10 Mays or Indian Wheat, makes men scabby, how it grows: differences of the grain, how dressed and eaten, malted for Be●re, 953 It serves for Butter, Bread, Wine, and Oil, and for man & beast▪ 954.1 Meani, are Temples in China, 201.40 Meads of several sorts, 231.1 Meats, some holier than others in Russia, 453. Their superstitious abstinence, ibid. Meats prepared for Idols in Mexico, 104.60 Meate-forkes of Gold, 242.50 Mechoacan, the Bishopric & Province in the West Indies, the Extent, Altitude of the City, other Towns under it, 874.40. & 875 Mechovacans forsaken by their kinsmen of Mexico, how, 1002.60. They hate the Mexicans therefore, 1003.1 Mecriti, or Meditae, a Tartarian people of Bargu, 79.40 Media, now called Sheruan, 245.40. Conquered by the Turks, ibid. Possessed by the Turks, 244.20 Mediator, the Russes error about him, 452 Meditae or Mecriti, in Tartary, 79.4 Mediterranean Sea, none of note in all America 926.50 M●goa in China, spoilt by fifty japonians, 299 Melons of West India described, 955.30 Men with tails, 104.1 Men, beasts, and fowl, how they came into America; a discourse of it, 964 Men-eaters, 101.20. & 103.50. eating their own kindred, 103.60 Mendez, his design and performance, 278.20 Merchants poor in Russia, 432.50 Merchants Feast of Mexico, the manner of it, 1048. etc. They eat the Man which they had Sacrificed. 1049.20 Merclas, so the Tartars call the Merdui, 12.30 Merdui a people, in Tartary, ibid. Mergates straits, 488.50 Merida City in the West Indies, the Latitude, 875.30. The description, ibid. Meridin the Province, where, 69.50 Sir john Mericke Agent in Russia 748.749. Sent Ambassador thither, 791. Makes the Peace betwixt Russia & Sweden, 792.50 Merits only advance in China, 388 1 Merkit or Crit, Nestorian Christians in Catay, 15.10 Mermaid seen and described, 575.60 Mesopotamia the bounds, 110.50 Mestizoes, or Children gotten by Spaniards upon Indian women, 3. thousand in one Province, 902.10 Meta incognita discovered by Sir Martin Frobisher, 463.30 Metal, held by the Chinois for an Element, 345.50 Metals grow like Plants, a Philosophical discourse of their production, 941.942. Their diversities and vse●, of the quality of the earth where they grow: in barren places, the finest Metals on the top of the Mine, 946.40. All Metals but Gold swims in Quicksilver, 948.1 Metempsychosis, or the transmigration of Souls in China, 368.60.369 Metempsychosis, the opinion of it, causes Mothers to kill their Children, 396.20 Metempsychosis, the judge for it, 408.10 Methodius the Armenian Prophet, 49.50 Metropolitan of Muscovia, his State, he sits while the Emperor stands, 226.50. The Emperor leads his Horse, 227.30. The people spreads their garments under him. He blesseth them, ibid. The Emperor dines with him on Palme-sunday, 227.40. All matters of Religion the Emperor refers to him, 228.1 Metropolitan of Moscow, made a Ptatriarch, 445.40.50. The manner, ibid. His imagined jurisdiction ovenr the whole Greek Church, 446.20 Metropolitans of Novogrod and Rostove, under the Patriarch of Moscow, ibid. 30 Mexico in the West Indies, the limits of the Council, the archbishopric and its jurisdiction: the Indian Names of Mexico, the Longitude and Latitude, distance from Toledo: hours of Sun-rise: situation and description of the City, 870. Suffragan Bishops to the Archbishop: Monasteries and the University there, and the Spanish Inquisition, 871 Mexico the new, where, 1001.10 Mexico, how and when first peopled, ibid. Their several journeys, Plantations, & Accidents: led by the Devil: their Conquests, they tame the Snakes, 1003. Their Idol Tocci how Consecrated. Mexico City founded by an Oracle: the odd Story of that, 1004. The four quarters of the City divided by Oracle: their other Gods. A new Colony goes out: they choose a King, 1005. His receiving, Coronation, & charge, beautifies Mexico, 1006.60. Their second King: they are given to soothsaying, 1009 Mexico City built in a Lake, they quarrel with their Neighbours, upon which their King is murdered: their League with their other neighbours to revenge it, 1010. They proclaim War against the Murderers of their King, 1011. Their victory, 2012. Provoked by other Neighbours, they overthrow them too, ibid. And other neighbours, 1013. And others, 1014. And others, 1015 Mexico as well an ordered Kingdom, as any in Europe, ibid. Other victories of the Mexicans, 1016. Other Conquests, 1017. They force a River to their City, ibid. Which being almost drowned by it, the King rebuilt like another Venice, 1018.1. The greatness of their Empire, ibid. 60. The stately Service of their Kings, 1019.30. & 1126.1130. Strange prodigies foretelling the ruin of their Empire, 1020. The Spaniards arrive there, whom they superstitiously believe to be their old King, 1021. Their ancient Religion, 1026.1027. etc. Their Idols, shapes, ornaments, Sacrifices and Festivals, 1030.1031. etc. They imitated God's Church herein, 1033.50. Their Superstitious tricks, 1043.40. Their Sorceries, ibid. Conquered by Cortes the Spaniard, 1118. The City destroyed by him, 1122.20. And rebuilded, ibid. Description of Mexico as it flourished at the Spaniards coming thither, 1131.1132. etc. Their Markets and Wares, ibid. 1133. Their Temple, ibid. 40. Other Antiquities of their Letters, Number●, Times, etc. 1135. etc. Their Chronologie, 1136 Mexicans, their Marriage, Ceremonies, 1044.30. Their Festival days, 1046. & 1048. etc. Their civil Customs, Arts, Calendar, etc. 1050. Their Books, Writing, Schools, etc. 1052 Their Foot-posts, 1054. Their Kings chosen by Election, how, 1062. Their degrees of Nobility, Officers, Priests, Knighthood, Warfare, etc. 1063. Education of their Youth, Plays, etc. 1064. Their Rope-dancing and agility, 1065. Their Story in Pictures, begins at Page▪ 1067. and continues to page, 1117. The tributes of their Kings, 1080. etc. Their private behaviours, 1102. etc. How they do with their new born Children, 1102.1103. Their Marriage rites, 1107. etc. The King's Arms, 1128.20. Their Policy & Commonwealth 1129 1130 Mezen in Russia, 538. The way thence to Pechora, Obi, and Yenisse Rivers, and through Siberia to Cathay, 530. & 540.50. From thence to Can●inos, etc. to Pechora, 538. Furs trading for there, 540.10 Michalowich, foretold to be Emperor of Russia, 770 Mien the Kingdom and City, 93 20, 50. Conquered by the Tartars, ibid. Miles long ones in Podolia, 632.20 Miles of Norway, 656.20 Military honours amongst the Tartars, 643.10 Military degrees how given in China, 387.10 Military rewards, 387.60 Milk spewed up by Snakes, licked up by men, 629.40 Millet, a chief Diet of the Tartars, 640.40 Millet Mayz or Indian wheat, the qualities of it, 893.40. Grows in Canes, ibid. Min●oo the City: the Commodities, 269.1 Mines of Silver in Xolor, 281.40 Mines of New Spain, the names of them. Their distance from Mexico, 872.10 Mines in China stopped up, till the King had need of money, 348 40 Minia●es what Images they are, 948.50 Miracles believed to be wrought by the dead in Russia, 769.30 Miracles, believed foolishly by the Spaniards in their Conquest of Mexico. 1024. etc. Miracle-worker in the Indie hanged afterwards, by his own Spaniards, 897.20. in marg. Miracles of the Devil in Mexico, 1020 Miralis, is Porta ferrea, or Derbent, 110.20 Mirobolans grow in Cauchin China, 410 Mists make the Earth more fruitful than the rain, 937.50 Mitres in China, 263.20. & 274 50. Mitre of the Patriarch of Moscow with a Ball on the top, and why, 455.40 Moal, the name of the Tartarian Nation, 14.40. Whence derived, 15.10 Moal Tartar's where and who, 799 20. See Tartars of the East. Moan the Plain, where, 49.10 Moldavia, some places in it, 633 Moluccas, or the Lands of Spicery, which five of them be the chief; they are under the Equinoctial, their bignesses, etc. Names and latitudes of the rest, pawned to the Portugals, 904 Mogor how divided from China, 362.40 Mogores their ancient bounds, 280 30 Monarchy, a great assistant to plantation of Religion, 1025.10.1026.1.10 Monasteries in Russia, the Nobility thrust into them, 424.30, 50 Suffered to be made rich for the Emperor's Sacrilege, 430 Monasteries are Sanctuaries in Russia, 448.40. The greatness and wealth of some of them, 449.1 Monasteries in Island and Groneland, 651.20 Monastery of S. Bennet of Holm, in England and Norway, 624 1. A Story of it, ibid. Monasteries of Peru for women, their Orders and Revenues, 1034.10. For men, 1035.1. Their Habit, Shaving, Offices, Orders, Penance, Begging, etc. 1035 Moncastrum, or Bialogrod in Moldavia, 633.1 Monfarts Relation of China, 410 10 Monganet, Samoeds on the Ob, 805.1 Monginoco the Empire, 281.40 Mongozey in Russia, the Trade thither, 537.30. See also pag. 538 & 539. etc. What it is, 540.1 Furs there, ibid. See Molgomsey, 551.1 Mongozey, written Molgomsey, 543 Monks of Russia, how provided for 228.10. More of them, see, ibid. Merchants, ibid. They entertain the Emperor, ibid. Monks in China, 196.50. Seculars, ibid. Their habit, 274.40 Monks in China had Concubines, and were highway Thiefs, 334 10 Monkish Re (we) lation, 26.40 Monkish Order of Saint Francis not Catholic or universally fitting all places, 26.60 Monkeys of India, their kinds, 966. Strange rarities of them: one taught to buy Wine & to bite painted women. How they pass Rivers admirably, 967.1. Their feats and features, 995 Monkeys hunt for Birds Nests 980.40. & 981.1. They fear, the water, ibid. Money of Paper, or Bark in Tartary, 86.30 Money of Paper in Cathaia, 34.10. How made, ibid. Of spotted skins, ibid. Monies of the Crim Tartars, 640 20 Money of Paper, Bark, or Porcelain, where the Gold grows, see pag. 91.92.94.96.98 Money not of Gold where Gold grows: 942. Of Fruits, leaves, Coca; Iron, ibid. Of Leather, Cotton, etc. 943.956. Of Silver by weight uncoined, ibid. Money not of Gold but of Fruits, in the Indies, 942 Money answers to all things, 942 10 Money of Silver bars in China, 366.30. Of Brass, ibid. Money of Silver Rods weighed, 164 60. & 166.1 Money of twigs of Gold, 91.30. Of Salt, ibid. Of Porcelain, 91.50 & 92. Of Paper, 108.60 Money of Porcelain, 94.30 Money of Coral, 90.50 Money neglected, the advantage made of it, by the Tartar, 442 10 Money makes the jesuits prevail in China, 328 Monster of the Sea, a stupendious one, 997 Monstero seen in Mexico, 1021 10 Monsters of Brass, 266.20 Monstrous Statues, 267.1 Monsons', 307.50 Monsul the Country, 105.40 Months of the Mexicans, 1135 30 Month of the Mexicans of twenty days, 1050.10 Months of Peru, which of theirs▪ answer to which of ours, 1045 1046 Moon seen continually after October the 24. where, 494.40 Moon: the Chinese keep the Change solemn, 392.40 Moon, accounted Heaven, 277.1 Moon, at the Full, welcomed with Fireworks, 394 Moon, the year reckoned by it, in Tanguth, 77.10. In japon, 323.20.40. In China, 199.10.344.30. The Tartars reckon by it, 28.50 Moores some in China, 207.10 Slaves trade into China, 362.1 Moors given to cozenage, 285 40 Moravyon, the River in the West Indies, the head, course, and mouth, 868.20 Mordwit Tartars, most barbarous, 442.40. He worships and swears by, for his God, that which he meets first in the morning, ibid. Kills his best Horse when his Friend dies, & why, ib. M●rdouits, the Country, receives Christianity, 232.1 Morses, or Sea-horse-fishing, 465 20. His description, and manner of killing him, 472 Morses roar and make a noise, 557 10. They cast their teeth, ibid. Their manner of fight, 558 30. They come not on land while any Ice is near the shore, 559 One brought alive into England, docible, 560.50 Morses teeth where taken, 214.1 The use of them, 417 49 Mortar unknown to the Indians, 1056.10 Mortar made of Pumice-stones, 651.40 Motezuma King of Mexico, his gravity seems to refuse the Kingdom, 1018. Is elected, his valour and extreme pride, 1019 His prodigality▪ severity, and policy, would be worshipped as a God: is foretold of his ruin, his Visions and Prodigies, 1020. Taken by the Spaniards, pag. 1023 40. Forsaken of his Subjects, & slain, 1025. See also, pag. 1121 & 1125. etc. Mother and her Daughters, 478 50 Mothers kindred married withal in China, 394 Moscow the City and Country, 214 20. Described, 225 Moscow the City, the way from thence to Vologda, 224. From thence to Boghar in Bactria, 231 30 Moscow the City, the beginning and description of it. Situated in the edge of Europe and Asia, 418 40. Burnt by the Tartar, ibid. Greater than London, ibid. The miserable spectacle at the burning, 439.50. Claimed by the Tartar. Moscow greater than London, 214 20. Stands in 55. degrees 10 minutes, 415 Moscow City the government, 427 20. Taken in by the ●oles. Lost again, 780.1. The way by land from thence to Emden, 743.50 The distance from Vologda, 744.1. & 747.10 Moscow the River, loses his name in the Occa, 231.30. The River hallowed: and the manner, 455.40 Given to sick folks, ibid. Moscoby the people, 280, 30 Moscumbia a Lake, 261.1 Moses four last Books, not read in the Russian Church, and why, 452.30 Mosul the Province, where, 69.50 Mosul the City, now Seleucia, 110 50 Mourners are a trade in Ormuz, 71 60 Mourners bear no Office in China, 327.40 Mourning the time of forty days in Russia, 741 Morning Religion in China, 345 1 Mourning in China, with course Woollen next the skin, 182.10 Mourning in white, 368.1. It holds for three years in China, ibid. And why, 393.30. The manner of it. They change their Habits, Utensils, Paper, and names, ibid. See, pag. 393.30 Mourning Garment in Spain is black Bays, in China white linen, 368.1 Mount Hackluyt, 730.10. The Latitude and Variation, ibid. Mountain the highest in the world where, 74.20 Mountain removed by a Sho●maker: A Holiday in memory of it, 70.40 Mountains wonderful in Island, 648.10. In the middle Region, or burning. Mountains under the Torride Zone, make it more temperate & habitable, 936.1 Moxel, a Tartarian people, 12.30. Nothing jealous, ibid. Moxul or Mosul, the several people in it. Their Silks, 70.1 Muc a people of Catay, 23.40 Their manners, ibid. Mules used to packs in China, 295 20 Mules for the Streets in China, 342.20 Mulibet or Hasassines in Cathaya, 39.20 Mullas what, 313.30 Multitude their inconstancy and folly, 790.10, 50. etc. Mummeries of the Mexicans, 1049 Monday the Russes begin Lent upon, 217.60 Munition House of the Kings of Mexico, 1129 Murfili or Monsul, the Country, 105.40 Murders ordinary in Russia. Murders of the poor, not accounted for by the Nobility in Russia, 435 10 Murse is a Prince in Tartarian, 233 20 Must, or Meridin, the Nation, 70 10 Musavites, a Name of the jews, 311.1 Music in China, and their several Instruments, 181.10. Crano, ibid. Music of China, the manner, 383.2 Music of the Chinois, mean, 371 1 Music of the Mexicans, 1065.1 Music to comfort the dead, 277 40 Musihet Mountains, 16.1 Muscovia Merchants, first settling, 463.10. Their Patent, 464.10 Muscovy Company, their Names, Patent, and Privileges of trade in Russia, 754. & 760. They pay no Customs. They are to sell by whole sale, and not by retail, ibid. To sell their Wares themselves, ibid. Wrecks at Sea not to be taken of them, 755.1. English houses in the Cities. Their packs not to be opened. justice to be done them by lot. Disturbers of them to be punished, 755. See also, 758 760 Muscovie Merchants their losses at Sea, 709. & 712 Muscovia Merchants, and East India Company join in a Voyage, 468.30. The Muscovia Company loose by it, ibid. They dissolve, and deliver over the trade, 469.30 Muscovia Company of Merchants, their last Patent from the Emperor, 802. etc. Denied to trade for Furs, 805.50 Muscovian Emperor his stile ordinary, 215.10. At large, 221.10 His Letters to King Edward, 221. He is Heir general to the Laity, 216.10. And Abbots, 218. Sits ordinarily in justice, 228.1. Meddleth not with Religion, ibid. His treasure, ibid. His broad Seal is the George, 221 40. His Court on high days, furnished with Merchants clad like Nobles, 249.50. His huge plate, ibid. His Presence Chamber and Dining Room. All men there in white, and covered, 214 His Service all in Gold. He sends bread to every guest in particular, and the Ceremony and state of it. He changes his Imperial Crown thrice in a meal, 215.10. See also in pag. 224.40. & 225. Served by Dukes, 225, His forces all Horsemen, no Husbandmen nor Merchants. Their Arms, undiscipline, their hardy bodies, and their hardy Horses, ibid. Gives no pay, 216.1. The reason of that, 225.60. Their Law and Suits, 216.40. Without Lawyers, ibid. Trial by Combat, 216.60 In case of debt, 217. They hang none for the first offence, 217.20 Very deceitful, and extreme poor, ibid. Their Religion and Superstition, 217.30. & 229. Most superstitious in their Grecian Rites, ibid. Their fashions in the Church. Their ignorance in the Lord's Prayer, Creed and Commandments, ibid. Call us half Christians, ibid. Their Prayers, As body pomele, ibid. & 229.10. They use the Sacrament in both kinds, ibid. & 229 Their Oblations of Candles and Money, ibid. They have a Testimonial to Saint Peter, laid in their Coffin, 218. Their four chief Saints, 218.1. Their strictness in Lents, 218.10. Their Service at church thrice a day, 218.10. Their national vices, 218.10, 20. & 225. Women kept in, ibid. Muscovites habit, 215.30. & 226 1. Abstinence in Lent, 227.1. Their ignorance of Monies▪ 228 10. And of Religion, 229.10. All wear a Cross, 229. Their Matrimony, 229.50. & 230. They whip their Wi●es once a Week, 230.20. Painted, ibid. Ride astride, ibid. Many starved, 230.20. An unmerciful people, ibid. Diseases, ibid. Punished for breaking Fasting days, 231.10 They hollow their Rivers. See Russian Emperor. Muscovia & Muscovites, see Russia & Russes. Musk, whence the Chinois have it, 168.40. What it is, ibid. Musk, how gotten, 362.30. The best in the World, where, 79.50 The Musk Cat described ibid. Musk Cat as big as a Hound, 242.50 Muske-melons in Tartary or Carbuse, 236 Musters in Russia, their manner, 437.1, 10 Musters in China every New Moon, 305.10 Mutalla, the Dominions, where, 798 40 Muipman a Port, 255.20. Silver brought thither, and whence, ibid. And other Wares, ibid. mines of Q●oangiparu, 260.30 Of Conxinacau, 263.50 mines of the West Indies of what metal, 942. The best metal on the top, 946.40. The huge pains in working a Silver Mine, the darkness & damps of the Mine, 946 mines, where they are the trees look all blasted, 595.1, 30. In Virginia, ibid. N NAcapirau, the mother of the Stars, 274.30. Her Statue, 275.1 Nagayan Tartars, their Country, 414.1 Nagayan Tartars border upon the Crims, 638.1. They are the best Soldiers of all the Tartar Nations, but the cruelest, 442.30 By Religion they are Mahometans, 232. All destroyed, ibid. & 233.20, 40 Naium the Tartar his Rebellion, 81.50 Overthrown, 82.10. He is a fa●se Christian. His Ensign was the Cross, ibid. Many Christians slain with him, ibid. Nakedness of the Indians, 991.60 993.40 Nakedness no shame in Rustene, 617.30 Names changed at entering of Monasteries, 745.30. The Armenian Monks change them, 118.50 Names, the Chinois add and take often, 394.50. The women have no name, ibid. Names of strangers hard to write in the Chinese Language, 1051 50 Names, the manner of imposing them used in Mexico, 1102 1103 Nancian in China: an University, 338.60. Princes of the blood study there, ibid. Nanga●ak in japon, 325.20 Nanquin the City described, 265 The Commodities, 96 Na●quin or Quinsay in China described, 363.1. The length of the streets, and paving, ibid. Four times as populous as Rome or Lisbon, ibid. Called the City of Heaven, ibid. The building is nothing fair, ibid. How served with provisions, 364.10.10000. ships belong to it, ibid. Nanquin or Quinsay, what it signifies, when the Court was removed thence to P●quin, 389.30 See Quinsay. Nappery not used in China, 292.40 Naramsie Sea, 546.20. & 551.1 Narfarawike Haven in Island, 654 40 narve the River in Liefland, 628 40. First traded unto, 250.40 The Rosses error there, 439 Nase of Norway, or Lyndis Nose. The Variation of the Compass there, 814.40 Na●●ades, or Russian Boats described, 224.10. Built without Iron, ibid. Nassicke a Tartarian Carpet, 30 60 Natigai, the Tartars God of Earthly things, 88.50 Nativities cast in China, 395.50 Navatalcas, the first peoplers of Mexico, their six Lineages, 1001 Whence the name of Mexico comes, 1002.50 Navidad Port in the West Indies, the latitude, 875.1 Navigation the benefits of it, 473 20 Navigations from Spain to the Indies, four several, 858.1, 10 The times and courses, ibid. The way back again by other Courses, and why. 859.20 Navigation from the Auana to Castille, from the Azores to Saint Lucar. To the River of Plate, 859.40, 50, etc. From Panama to Los Reyes, and to Chil●, 860 Naxnan the Castle, where, 49.40 Sometimes the head of Armenia, ibid. Nails of Iron well sold, 284.50 Nayman, a Christian people in Tartary, 14.50 Needles and thread of fishbones and sinews, 522.50 Needles inclination, 89 degrees and an half, in 75. degrees and 22. minutes, 20 Needles inclination in 89 degrees and an half, 576. & in 74. degrees 35. minutes, 576.50. And about the North Cape, 575.1 And in 61. degrees 11. minutes, 567.30. In 65. degrees 45. minutes, 716. In 76. degrees 55. minutes, 717.50. In 77. degrees 40. minutes, 719.40. In 61. degrees 40 minutes, 812.50. In 58 degrees 10. minutes, 827.50 Negligence in servants severely punished, 186.20 Nyper, is the Boristhenes, 633 20 Nederich an Island in the River Vistula, 626.10. Encompassed with a Wall as high as Paul's S●cepl●, ibid. Nester the River in Moldavia, the Course and Fall, 633.1. Called Tyras and Meoptolemus, ibid. Nestorian Heresy, the extent, 317 40. Dispersed through all India, 138.40 Nestorian Priests in Tartary, 27 10. They use the Syrian tongue, 24.1 Nestorians in Tartary, 14.60. Great Liars, 14.60. Some in Caschar, 74.40. And in Carchan, 74.50 Nestorians in Tanguth, 75.40. In Chinchintalas, 76.30. In Sucevir, 76.50. In Campion, 77.1 Nestorians near M●labar, under the Bishop of Soccotera, 106.30 Great Enchanter, ibid. Nestorians give way to the Tartarians Sorceries, 33.20 Nestorians, Saracens, and Idolaters dwell together in Tartary, 21.1 Nestorians in Erginul, 79.50. In Egregaia, 80.10, 20. In China, 97▪ 40. & 100.40. In Chaldaea, 110.50. In Carianfu, 89.40. In jaci, 91.40 Nestorian Christians many in Cathay, 24.1. Their rites, 24.10. & 30, 40 Nestorians drunk at Church, 31.1 Their fast of three weeks before Lent called the Fast of jonas, 31 1. They eat no fish in Lent, 35 20 Nestorians baptise at Easter, and hollow the Fount solemnly, 30.40 Nestorians how they make and consecrate the bread for the Sacrament, 37.10. Their manner of giving the bread, ibid. They baptise upon Easter Eeve, 37.10 Their Patriarch resideth at Baldach, 37.40 Nestorians sing Matins, their Solemnities at Church, in Tartary, 30.30 40 50. The Tartarian Emperor and Ladies come to their Service, 30 30,40. etc. Use Beads, and sing their Prayers, 15 40. Know not Extremeunction, nor Confession, 38.20 Nestorian Patriarch gives Orders even to Infants, 58.10 Nestorian Chronicles omit the Passion of Christ, 41.30 Netherlanders, when they first traded into Muscovia, 464.10 Forbidden by their own Sovereign to interrupt the English there, ibid. Their encroaching, ibid. & 466.20. Forbidden by the English, ibid. See Dutch. Neustat besieged by the Tartars, 63 50 Newleas in Sweden; how far from Stockholme, 775 New Age of the Mexicans, 1050 See also, pag. 1067 40 New Bizkie in the West Indies, the Silver Mynes in it, the latitude, 877.20 newfoundland discovered, 808 20. Taken possession of for England, ibid. newfoundland, the Bank, 584 20. The Variation of the Compass there, ibid. Fished by Frenchmen, ibid. Cod and Herrings there, 585.1. The height, ibid. The people report of Gold and Silver Mynes to be there, ibid. Five Lands by it, ibid. Lobsters there, 586.10. And Furs and Beaver bought by the French, ibid. newfoundland, the Latitudes, Variation of the Compass, and Sowndings alongst the Coast, 584.585.586.587.588 New-land is Greenland, 463 10 New Moons kept Festival in Tartary, 84.40 New Moons Festival in China, 202 New Moon musters in China, 305 10. Held good to begin business upon, 305.50 New Moon, brings tempests, in China, 256.50. Best sailing there, at the Full and Change, 258.30 New Moon, welcomed with fireworks, 345.30. How welcomed in Peru, 1046.1. Bells rung on it, 275.30 New-year's feasting (like to our Christmas) lasts fifteen days, 374.60 New-year's gifts, 343.30 New-year's gifts in China, 202 10 Nicaragua Province in the West Indies, the jurisdiction, Commodities, Tributary Indians, Lake of that name, Cities, Rivers, etc. 880 Niceness, ridiculous, 375.20 Nidrosia, is Dronten in Norway, 651.30. A Province it is, 660.1 Saint Nicholas, the Russes great Saints: his three hundred Angels, 452.50 Saint Nicholas day, how kept in Russia, 553.40 Saint Nicholas the town in Russia, in 63. degrees 50. minutes, 415 Nicolo and Maffio, their Voyages to the Tartars, 65.50. & 66. sons Ambassadors from Cublai Chan to the Pope, 66.40. Return to Tartary, 67.40. They go into India, 68.20 Night none at all, where, 218.60 483.10. & 574. etc. Night none in Greenland, from May the three and twentieth, to june the fourth, 716.40 Night none in ten weeks together, 580.50 Night one and twenty hours long, 613.20. For three months together, 617.40 Nights long in Island, 647.30 When and when no night at all, ibid. Night shall be as clear as the day, say the Chinois, 275.50 Night, see day. Nightingale's sweetest in Russia, 415 10 Night-Sparrowes, fight with the Bats in the West Indies, 995 50 Nigua a small Indian Vermin●, bites off men's feet, etc. 975.50 Nilus in Norway, 630.60 Nine a number of esteem in Tartary, 84.60. The reason, 112.50 & 113.20 Nyse-novogrod in Russia, 231 Nixiamcoo in China, taken by the Tartars, 278.30 Noah's Ark where it rested, 50.10 The City C●mainum, or Eight, built in memory of it, ibid. Armenian Fables of those Hills ibid. Noble Families decayed, relieved by the Prince in Tartary, 88 10 Nobles of Russia oppress the people, 421▪ 60. They exercise absolute authority, 422.40. The privilege lost, ibid. Nobility of Russia, their four sorts, 423.40. The ancient Houses enforced to write themselves the Emperor's Villains, ibidem. How still kept under, and made away, 424. The Names of the chief Families, 424.50. The second degree of Nobles, 425.1. The third and fourth degrees, 425.30 Nobility of Russia, are sometimes made Bishops. They change their names then 769.20. Slain, 770 & 780.20 Nobility and power not suffered to meet in Ru●sia, 436.40 Nobility of the Crim Tartars, their Service in the Emperor's Wars with two Horses, 441 Nobility of China, 346.50 Nocueran a Savage Island of Spices, 104.10 Number de Dios first peopled and discovered, distance from Porto bello, 883.1 Noon sacrificed unto in Mexico, 1049.20 North not always the coldest, and why, 472.30. & 474.10 North parts of Europe, last peopled, 661.50 North-star from about the Equinoctial Line, is seen very low, 975.1 North-star not seen in java Maior, 103.30. Where seen again, 106.20 North wind causes Rain in Africa, 922. Where, misty and unwholesome, 923.10. etc. North winds at certain Months, 307.50. & 308.40 North Sea which, 858.1. The several courses of Navigation in it, ibid. 600. isles in it, 860.50 North and South Seas of the West Indies but eight leagues distant: why not let one into another. Where each begins. 929. The Tides of both rise, encounter, and retire at the same time, 930.20 Northern Seas and Passages, why so long concealed: the occasion of discovering that way, 462.40 North Cape, 223.10. The latitude, 699.60. marg. North Cape, the variation there, 574 60. The latitude, 58.20 Northern Passage beyond 80. degrees, the probability of it. What ship convenientest to discover it, 731.10. Voyages and Observations towards the North Pole, 699 700. etc. North-east Passages given over, 463.20 North-east parts, the right way to discover them, 529.40 Northwest Passages attempted, 463.20. The commodity of it, 806 Northwest Passage, the greatest hopes of it, 811.1. & 813.40. & 841.30. Discovered as far as the latitude of 65. Deg. 26. Min. by Baffin, 841.40. Hopes another way, 843. marg. Sir Thomas Button satisfied the King concerning the hopes of the Passage, 848.40. A Discourse about the probabilities, 848.849. Concealed by the Spaniard, 849. A Treatise of it by M. Brigges, 852 Norus, the manner of Norway, 659 40 Norway, some of the Coasts described, 518. Barren, 630.60 Norway, sometimes subject to England, 621.50. Several Expeditions of the English Kings thither, 623. The King of Norway invades England, 623.20. Traffic betwixt England & Norway, 623. Matthew Paris his Voyage thither, ibid. Norwegians Expedition to the Holy-Land, ibid. Monastical Houses and Orders destroyed there, and reform, 624. Peopled by King Arthur out of Britain, 624.40 Norwegian Isles peopled by Britons, 619.30. The people settled here, ibid. Norwegian Antiquities, some 656 40. & 661.20 Norwegians their first breaking out, and their exploits, 644.50 Nosegays a great present in India, 958.60 Nosegay of Silver, given for a Reward, 293.30 Nova Albion of Sir Fran. Drake, 849.1 Nova Hispania, first discovered, & why so named, it is the North Indies, the Native Commodities of it, 860.30, 40 Nova Hispania called the best Country in the World, a high Land, 935.60. Rich in pastures, 937.60 The temperature, Grain, Silver Mynes, etc. 870.40, The customs of the people, 1000 Nova Zembla discovered, 463.20 The Sea frozen there, 473.50 Nothing green in it, 474.1. How far from the Low Countries, 474.20. Why so cold, 527.50 And why that way unpassable, 528.1. No passage that way to the East Indies, 577.30. See also, 578.40. & 579.30. The Hollanders misplace it, in their Maps, 579.40. Called Costing Sarch, ibid. Whence the Ice comes thither, 579.30. The Elevation and Declination of the Sun there, 474.30. etc. Ice there in july and August, 477.10. Lands by it, 478.60. The length of it, 498 60. The difference in longitude from Venice, 500.30. The longitude of Nova Zembla, ibid. The distance from Russia, 514.50 Day and Night for many Months together there, 494. & 505 The stretch of the Land from one point of the Coast to another exactly set down, and so forth to Russia, 509 Nouda in China taken by Portugals, 258. The rich spoil, 259 Novelty, China will admit none, 197.10 Novogrode, or Gratanove, 214 10 Novograd in Russia, as big as London, 418.60. The usurping Slaves defeated here by the Whip, 419.10 Noises horrible in Island, whence, 649.1 Nunez the jesuit his landing in China, 319.40. His reports of China, ibid. Nuns of the Gentile Indians, 1034.20. They were either sacrificed or made Concubines, ibid. And in Mexico, and their Offices, ibid. By what the people, guessed that the Nun had been dishonest, ibid. Nuns of the Chinois, 274.40 Nunneries in the Greek Church, 449.20. Noble women thrust into them, ibid. O O Come let us worship, etc. The Psalm said before the Psalms for the Day, in the Russian service-book; as we do, 450 Oars like fishes fins, 354.20 Oaths of several Nations, 202 50 Oath of old Island, the manner, 665.10 Oath of the Chinois, 258.30 Oaths, Witnesses in China not examined upon; and why, 188.20 & 202.50 Oath upon the Cross, 434.10. Upon the Cross and the Evangelists, 795.1 Oath upon the holy Fount, 783.20, 40. Upon Wheat Ears, 264.30 Oaths taken in Temples, 397 40 Ob the River in the Samoieds Country, 522. & 523.50. The Russes first pass it, ibid. The strange creatures there, ibid. They suffer the Russes to build Castles upon it, 524.40. Boats drawn upon it, 526.40. Navigable, two hundred leagues up, goodly Countries uninhabited upon it, ibid. The conveniency of passing by it through the Samoieds Country, 529.30. See also pag. 539.60. A Summer's day sailing over, 543 Ob, the way and charges of discovering it from the River Pechora in Russia by Land, 804.60 The Inhabitants on each bank of it, and the five Castles; the wood on it, fish in it, wild beasts frequenting it, the way to discover it from Pechora by Sea, 805. The way thither from Caninos by Sea, ibid. A warm Sea beyond it, 806.10 Obedience to Parents, 344.60 Obedience of the Tartars to their Prince and Spiritual judges, 639.1 Obligations the form in Russia, 434.40. No interest mentioned till the forfeiture, ibid. Speedy justice upon Bonds, ibid. Occa the River, 231.30. Falls into the Volga, ibid. Ocerra the City, 109.20 Ocha, a China word, 196.1 Octhers Voyage, 619.30 Oculus Tauri his Elevation and Declination in Nova Zembla, 499.10 Oczacovia in Podolia, the old names of it, 633.10 Offenders sewed up in raw Hides, 102.50 Offerings of Paper, 196.40 Offices none Hereditary in Russia, 422.20 Officers of the Household to the Emperor of Russia, 458.30 Officers the four chief in Russia, 426.1. Their jurisdictions and Pensions, ibid. Their Commissions and Under-officers, ibid. They put none to death, They are of no authority, and are often changed, ibid. Suffered to spoil, that may be spoilt, 430. They come to the Whip, 427.1 Officers Names kept upon Record, 388.20 Officers continue but three years, 390.30. The Crimes for which they are condemned, ibidem. None is judge in his own Country, ibid. Their Children and Servants prevented from taking of bribes, ibid. Officers of Mexicans killed to serve their Lords in the next World, 1029.60 Ogasha Shama, seizes the Sovereignty of japon, 327 Olaus the King and Saint of Norway where buried, 618.10. Honoured, ibid. His Story, 621.50 Old Testament underualued, by the Russes, 452 Olimets Province in Russia by Novogrod, 794.50 Ololuchqui, a seed of Mexico, the benumbing quality of it: used in their Devilish Ointment, 1043 20, 40 Omittoffois, the Gods of China, 196.1. Their Offerings, ibid. They rail on them, ibid. Omithoson, Idols, 201.60 Omoncon first carries the Spanish Friars to preach in China, 290.20. He falls out with Sinsay, 304.20. They are made Loytias, 307.40. Returns to the Philippinaes', 308 30 Omur the Prince of it, comes to the Pope, 322 Woman Kerule, the Court of Chingis-chan, 25.40. The proper Country of the Tartars, ibid. & 33.40 One God acknowledged by the Mexicans, 1026 Onecko the Ruff, his Story, 522. His Trading with the Samoieds for Furs; and his growing rich, ibid. Builds Churches, 523. Discovers the Secret to the Emperor, is honoured in Court, 523.10. The increase of his Honours, 524.30. Their Lordships in the City Osoili, etc. 524.525 Opobalsamum what properly, 959 30 Oppression public in Russia, 427 40 Oppressors punished, and the oppressed not relieved, 420.30 Oracles of the Devil to the Mexicans, 1005.1. Of Peru, 1032 30. The posture in which his Priests came to consult with him: the manner of the Answer, ibid. See also, pag. 1043 30 Orange Lands, the latitude there, 476.30.477.1 Oranges great store in China, 331 50 Oranges, Lemons and Pome-citrous in China, 381 Oranges store in the West Indies, how they first grew, 961 10 Orangeis, a people in Tartary, 33 40 Orations made by Indians to their Kings, 1005.40.1006 1.1010.40.1011.20.40.1018 50 Oration of friar William to Mangu-chan, 27.50 Oration of the King of Mexico, to Hernando Cortes the Spaniard, 1125.30 Orca the Fish, kills the Whale, 650.1 Orchards infinite in China, 295.1 Orders of Knighthood in Mexico, their Degrees, Ensigns, and Privileges, 1063.50 Ordnance bad in China, 301.60 & 305. marg. Short ones in Catay, 800.40 Orellana, the River in the West Indies, the head, course, and hugh mouth, 868.10. & 886.60 Oreseke Town in Russia, by Lodiga. 794.40 Organs blown with the mouth, 347 40 Organam, a Country in Catay, 20.30.60. The Nestorians there still called Organa, for their skill on the Organs, ibid. Ormus, the Country and Island, Their Commodities, 71.30, 40. Ormus the City, is head of Chermain, ibid. The description, ibid. Ornaments of the Mexican Idols, 1030.1031 Orphans provided for in China, 276.1 Ortus the Kingdom betwixt Mugalla and Bactria, 800.10 Ossoven Tartars, 637.20 Ostachies the people, where, 527.10 Ottoya, or the Bride-shooe in Peru, the Ceremony of it, 1058 40 O●eak a City, 243.40 Old man of the Mountain, his Paradise, 72.30, 40. etc. Fool's Paradise, 72.40. Destroyed, 72.60. The use made of it, 72 50 Old men that never accused any, much honoured in China, 333 20 Ouse River in Russia, 553.40. The Rivers that fall into it, ibid. And, 534. It falls into Pechora, and where, 554.30 Ouson the River, by Ob, 804 60 Oustzilma in Russia: Furs there, 537.40. & 544.10. Described, 544.30 Owls used for Hawks in Tartary, 86.20 Owles-feathers, why the Tartars wear, 112.10 Owls of Russia strange ones, 418 10 Ox sacrificed in China, 307.1 Oxen strange ones, which draw the Tartars houses, 23.1.71.20 & 79.50 Oxus the River, hath changed his course, 236.20 Oil in Baptism, 229.30 Oil in Baptism in the Ruff Church, 451 Oil of Olives most preciously accounted of, 108.50. For this reason perchance a Tartarian Prince was the more desirous to have of the Oil of the Lamp at jerusalem. Oil of B●alugos in Russia. The manner of fishing for them, 549 30 Oil of Aspic whence brought, & the uses, 959.50 Oil made of the sap of a tree, 957 20 Oil from Apples in China, 382 40 Oil of Seals or Trane-oyle, 416 50. How made, 417.10. Soap made of it, ibid. Oil of the Lamp before Christ's Sepulchre, Desired by the Tartar Prince, 66.40. He receives it reverently, 67.40 Ointment of the Mexicans, which make them see the Devil: made of Poison and Tobacco. It made them fear no wild Beasts, 1043 30 P PAatebenam, a River, 261 10 Pacamoros and Gualsango, the Province in the West Indies, the extent of its jurisdiction, the natural Commodities, mines, Towns and their Latitudes, 891.60 Pacauca, Pacauca, Pacauca, are the King of Malabars' Prayers, 104.50 Pachin, what in Chinese, 199 10 Padou, a River by the Ob, 805 1 Pagodes, the Temples in China. Palace of the King of Mangi described, 100.10. His Concubines, ibid. Palinguindoens, or Tartarian Trumpets, 278.10 Palms the Island in the West Indies, the distance from the Equinoctial, 891.40 Palace Pensile, or hanged upon Pillars, 265.50 Palme-sunday Procession in Russia, 227.20 Pamer, the Plain, 74.30 Pamphilia in Cilicia, 52.60 Pan, a Kingdom, 255.50 Panama in the West Indies, the City and Province, the jurisdiction of the Counsel, the extent of it; the Soil, Air, Latitude and Longitude from Toledo, when first peopled, 882 Towns in it, 833.1, 10 Panama the Navigation too and again to the City De los Reyes, and Chile, 860 Pancakes at Shro●etide in Russia, 227.1 Panghin the City, 96.30 Pannonia when first peopled, 662 20 Panouras or China Ships, 260 30 Pantogia his being in China, 407 Panuco Province in the West Indies; the extent, the difference of Soil, the Towns and Latitudes of them, 872.10, 20 Papa, the Samoits Priests, 443 40. And the Russians, 447 40 Papas Roots, are the bread of Peru, 894.30 Paper made of the second bark of the Mulberry Trees, 874.10 Paper of diverse matters made in China, 175.60 Papers or notes sent before in Visitations and sending of Presents, 391.30 Paper-sacrifice of China, 369.1 Paper of japon, 325.10 Papey or East Island, whence so called, 657.40 P●pions skins used for clothing in Tartary, 30.10 Pappa and Pappas, what, 657 50 Paps, how the Indian wife's bear● them up, 992.40 Paquin described, 272.20. Besieged by Tartars, 280.10 Paradise, the Chinois would go unto, 349.1 Pardoner an Officer in China, 335 40 Parents honoured in China, 393 30 Parents much respected in China, 368 Parents selling or eating their own Children, 738.40 Pariacaca Mountain in the West Indies, the strange subtleness of the Air there, and the admirable effects. One of the highest Lands in the World, 926.20, 30 etc. Parishes unequally divided, the inconveniency, 447.60 Parity a Peace-breaker, 277.20 Parliaments their order in Russia, 422.50. Begun commonly on Friday, ibid. The meeting, sitting and consulting, 423 Parrots breed on the Mountains of Peru, 936 Parrots still fly by couples, 995 40 Par●henium the Promontory, 634 10 Parthia is now called Sachetay, Zagetai or Sochtay, 141.10 Partridges of the West Indies, described, how taken, 996.1 Partridges white and plenty in Russia, their Feathers sold, 536 50 Partridges flying into a Ship, 247 50 Paruam, the bounds of the Mogores Dominion towards Catay, 312 1 P●scatir, speak the Hungarian tongue, 18▪ 50. Their trades and borders, ibid. The Huns came out of it, ibid. Pascatir, that is, Hungaria the greater, 6.30 Pascha, a Christian Woman of Mentz, found in Tartary, 28 40 Pasius the jesuit his travels, 321 His fortunes and death, 322.1 Passport to Hell, 406.30 Passage by the Pole, the hopes, 702 20 Passage probable betwixt New Spain, and Asia or Tartary, 806.30 Passaur a City, 311.40 Pass for Travellers, the form used in Russia, 758.40 Patanes the people and Kingdom, 169.50 Patching of clothes, one of Tartarian Commandments, the reason, 443.10 Patient hearing in judges, 203.1 Patriarch of Constantinople negotiates a league against the Turk, 445. A league betwixt Spain and Moscovia: That how broken off, ibid. He colourably resigneth his Patriarchate, to the Metropolitan of Moscow, ibid. Goes away enriched, ibid. Patriarch of Moscow, the Emperor's Father chosen to be, 791.10 Patriarch of Moscow, signs Patents with the Emperor, etc. 802.20 30 Patriarch of Russia made to play on a Bagpipe, 739.40. Crowns the Emperor, 743.10 Patriarch of Moscow, when first made, 445. His jurisdiction over the Russian metropolitans, Archbishops, etc. 446.30. His revenues 446.60. His habit, 447 1. The Emperor holds his horse bridle, 456.10 Paving with Pitch, 199.40 Painting upon Pasteboard in Catay, 800.10 Painting in China, without shadowing, 371.1 Painting in China, 357.1, 10, 20 Painting of their bodies, used by the Indians, 992.10 Painting used by the Ruff women, they have allowance from their Husbands to buy their Colours, 459.30 Painted women, 230.30 Peacocks of the West Indies described, 995.50 Peace mediated betwixt the Russes and Poles, and the Russes and Sweden, and by whom, 791 Peace betwixt the Ruff and Sweden, 792. The conditions of the accord as followeth. Forgetfulness of injuries, 2. The Sweden yields up the Castles before taken, 3. Sweden was to restore Church Ornaments & Bells, 4. Persons and goods to be freed on both sides, 5. The time for Sweden● delivery of the Towns, set down, 6. Lodia Castle to be rendered, and Odoro to remain Cautionary to S●eden, 7. Sweden not to aid his brother in his claim to Novogrod, etc. 8. What places the Ruff yields to Sweden, 9 And what money, 10. Sweden to keep the Ordnance which he had taken, 11. Sweden to retain the Signiory of Corelia, 12. Where the Commissioners on both sides are are to meet, determine of the bounds, and confirm the Articles, 13. The Ruff to give over his title to Liefland, the titles of both Princes to be agreed upon, 14. Commerce of trade to continue, 15. Merchants on both sides to have free exercise of Religion, 16. Personal wrongs, etc. And Ambassages, how to be ordered: From the 16. to the 29. Article, 30. Ambassages where to meet, 31. Wrecks by Sea not to be taken of each others Subjects, 32. Neither party to aid the Pole, but to treat of a joint league against him, 33. The Confirmation, and names of the Commissioners. All which is acknowledged to be effected by the mediation of our King James. Peace betwixt Denmark and Sweden: and the Conditions, 797.10 Peaches weighing two pounds a piece, 95.1 Pears weighing ten pounds apiece, 98.30 Pearle-fishing largely described, 972. The Oyster they are found in, naught. Whither they grow where they are found or remove thither; where the best Pearls are found, ibid. Mention of great and round Pearls: most are fashioned like a Pear, 973 1, 10 Pearls, found in shells, two seldom of one bigness: Stories of some Pearls. Where in the Indies are the most and best, 952.50, 60. The manner of diving for them, 953.1 Pearle-fishing in Margar●ta, 866 20. And in Florida, 868.60 Pearls found in two several Shel-fishes, and which is best, 999 30 Pearls great store, 91.1 Pearls whence they come, 70.20 Pearle-fishing, 254.50. Ships of Strangers burnt, that come then, ibid. Pearls the fishing for them, and the manner, 104.40. Used like Beads to pray upon, ibid. Pechincow Monastery, 223.20 Pechingo in Lapland, 558.10 Pechora, the trade for Furs there, 546. The way thence over-land to Ob, 551.60. And the head and course of the River, 552.1 The Rivers that fall into it, 553 554. The way thence to Tumen in Tartary, 556.20 Pechora, 530. It hath 22. mouths, 533.1. The Russes that trade thither, 534.20. The Commodities there to be had, 535.30. Conveniency of transportation, ibid. The Inhabitans fear to trade with Strangers, ibid. The way from thence to Mongozey, 539 543 Pechora the Town described, and how they live there, 536. Frost there in August, 542.30. Sun at Christmas scarce seen. Pechora won by the Ruff, 439 20. Their Language diverse from the Ruff, ibid. Pechora the River, discovered, 463 20 Peibus the Lake in Liefland, 628 40 Peim, their adulterous liberty and custom, 75.1 Penance of the Mexicans, 1035 40 Pencils of hairs, hair for writing. 383 People decayed in the Indies by the Spaniards, 935. & 938.10 Pensions taken away from unserviceable men, 216.10 Pentlefrith Sound in Orkney, 827.20 Pentlow-frith in Orkney Lands, the latitude, 713. The course and tides there, ibid. Pepper infinite store of, 101.30 Pepper the daily expense in one City, 98.50 Pepper Tree described, 138.50 Pepper of West India, the several sorts, qualities and uses, 955.50.60. Salt corrects the ill quality of it, 956.1. The common Spice and sauce of India, ibid. Pequin in China, is Cambalu, 314.40 Pequin, other names of it, 301.50. & 302 Pequin in China, is in a barren soil, 341. Very hot, ibid. In 40. Degrees, 341.50. The way from thence to Nanquin and Canton, ibid. Well described and compared with Quinsay, 342. unpaved and dirty, ibid. All men ride the streets in Veils, ibid. They burn Sea-coal: their Beds made with Brick, like st●●es, ibid. The people du●●er he●re, ibid. Pequin is Cambalu, the Etymon of it, 342. & 361.60. It is six hundred leagues from Macao, 363.50. When, why and by whom, the Court was removed thither from Nanquin, 389.30 Pequin, is the Northern Court, ibid. The King sworn to reside there, 275.1 Pericopia, inhabited by the Crim Tartars, 633. The old Names, ibid. Perfumes burnt in the Sacrifices to the Dead in China, 364.50 Permia won by the Ruff, 439.20 Of Tartarian Original, 443.10 Persia contains eight Kingdoms, The names of them, 70.50. The Commodities, 71.1 Persia won by the Tartars, 116.1 Persia, first traded into by English, 250.30 Persian Artificers good, 70.60 Persians wear red Turbans, 166.1 Persian Queen overthrew the Turks 244.20 Persian trade into Syria and the Levant, 242. Why the trade is small, ibid. English Cloth there, ibid. Peru, the strange properties of the Land, one Wind only there, and the nature of it: no Tempests near the Coast, but terrible ones by the Hills, and it Reins continually on the Mountains, 936. Reason of the Rains, 937.20. Wine in Peru, why, ibid. The taste, 938.1 Peru, the heat kept off there with thin Mats: the Nights not so hot there as in Spain, 921.50. It never Reins there: It hath always the same Wind, 923.20 Peru, the fourfold partition of it, and the tribute which each part pays, 1055.40. Lands in Common there, 1057.20. Every man there is of all Trades, ibid. Their Laws, rewards for ●●●like Service, etc. Marriage solemnities, etc. 1058. Conquered by the Spaniards when they had Civil wars, 1061.60 Peru in the West Indies, the extent division of the jurisdiction, Union again, Discovery, Provinces under it, Mountains, two great Highways, Posts for Letters upon them. Peru comprehends not all the Indies of the South, begins at the Equinoctial, the Content, Division into three parts, 887.10. The proper bounds of Peru, 892.10. See Los Reyes. Pernalock a Town, the signification in Russee, 243 Pestilence in the North of the World, 738.30 Peter Basman a Russian Duke, 748.30. A brave General, 750.20. Sent the second time against Demetrius, ●e revolteth, 752. & 757.10. Ushers the new Empress to Court, 762.20. Slain. Petigorens in Taurica, are Christians, 639.30 Petigoren Province, or Colchi●, 636.30 Petition in China, a form of one, 407.10. How the King signs it, ibid. Petition not answered, is granted for denied, 354.1. & 358.30 Petsora River, the head and fall, 525.20 Petum, see Tobacco. Pharaohs Rats, their fur, 107.1 Pheasants as big as Peacocks, and three a Groat, 96.40 Pheasants exceeding great, 80 Pheasants three a great, 89.40 Pheodore juanowich, Emperor of Russia, 740.40. His promise of favour to the English, 742.40. His good beginning, 743.10. His neighbour Princes desire a league with him, and he with the Queen of England, 743. His simplicity and Death, 745.10 Philippinaes', the Navigation thither from Spain, 860.10. The distance, and seasons, ibid. Philippinaes' Lands. 282. First discovered by Magellane, ibid. The second Voyage thither, ibid. The third Voyage thither, 282.30. Civil wars in the Lands, ibid. Conquered and named by King Philip, ibid. They receive Baptism, 282.60. & 283.40. They worshipped the Sun and Moon, 283.1. The Franciscan● go thither, & also the Dominicks & Jesuits, 283.10. Their Priests were Women 〈◊〉, ibid. They would not go to heaven, because the Spaniards went thither▪ 284.1. The riche● of the Isles, ibid. 10 & 285.1. The first Plantation there, ibid. They understand the Malayan Tongue. 285.60. The distance from China, 29●. 10 And from Mexico, ibid. Philippinaes' called the Kingdom of Luzon, by the Chinois, 309.20, 30. & 310. Sometimes tributary to China, 377.30 Philippinas, the course thence from Lima in Peru, is still under the Line, 924.30 Philippinas Lands, the latitude & distance from Spain. Description and Native Commodities of some of them, 904. There be● 11000. of them; many christians there and Mahometans, 905 Philosophy little known in China, 343, 60. & 345.50. & 346.1 Philosophical Discourses of heat and cold, 919.920.921. etc. Of the Winds, 922.923 Philosophers sacrificed unto, 347 40.359.50 Physicians of Mexico cure all with Herbs, 1133.1 Physicians in the West Indies, 960.1 Physic little used in Island, 646.30 Physic not much esteemed in China, 385.20. Degrees taken in the Art, ibid. Physic divine (or devilish) of the Mexicans, 1043 Piaces, or Indian Magicians, their Life and Art, 973.40. Their direct and true answers to the Spaniards, 974.1 Pian●u the City, 89.20 Pictures of strange Creatures cut in precious stone or Gold, in Mexico, 1062.50 Pictures of Execution of justice, to terrify Prisoner's, 271.60 Pictures the King of China afraid of, 356. He thought them alive, ibid. Pictures of Feathers the Art of making them, and their curiosity▪ 965.40 Picture story or Chronicle of the Mexicans, begins at page 1067. and continues to page, 1117 Picture-writings of the Mexicans, 1021.50 Pictures of Europe, admired in China, 328.60 Picuti Indian Birds with bills heavier than their bodies, 980.20 Pigmeyes, 58.1 Pigmeye● are but Beasts, 651.40. marg. Thought safely to dwell in Nova Zembla, 652 Pigmeyes said to be in Cathay, 33.60. Bow not the knee in going, ibid. How they are taken, ibid. Their blood dies excellent purple, 34.1 Pilaucacem, the City, 254.1 Pilchards, innumerable store in P●nama; a story about them, 979.40 Pilgrimages of the West Indians to their Idols, 875.60 etc. Pillar of the Canaanites expelled by josuah in Mauritania ●●●gi●ana, 662.10 Pillars of the Sun in P●ru, which showed the Sunrising and setting, etc. 1051 Pillars only of Wood in China. 341 20 Pillory Coops, 191.60 & 203.20 Pillow used by the Kings of Mexico for a Table, 1126.40 Pinetree, Cities built withal, 259.20 Pine Apples of the West Indies, the manner of growing and qualities, 955.1 Pinego River, 223.60 Pintadellis, Indian Birds, their admirable provisions against the Monkeys, 981.1 Pintadoes Lands, 288.50 Pintos his hard adventures, 253 Piracies in Cauchin-China, 254.255, etc. Piru, see Peru. Pisida the River, where, 528.20. the description of the people dwelling on it, & of other things: the Russes give over the Discovery, ibid. Thought to touch upon China, 529.1. Tolling of Bells heard, and Mountains casting out fire, ibid. Pissing at Table is great civility in Island, 647.1. They wash in Piss, and why, ibid. Pitch springing out of the Earth, 933.30 Pits ebbing and flowing like the Sea, 269.1 Pizzles of Dogs and Foxes of bone, in Groneland, 835.50. Of Sea-horses of Stone, ibid. in marg. Plaice Fish six foot long, 616.50 Plane tree of West India described: the mightiness of the Leaves, goodness of the Fruits or Nut, pre●●ly ripened, 956.10.20 Plantations of the West Indies by the Spaniards, 861.862 Plantain Tree of West India, and his Fruit described, it bears Figs, 984 Plantius a furtherer of Discoveries, 478.30 Plate of the Russian Emperors, 742.1.749.1.20 Plate River, when discovered, the course, whence so called, the Province of Plate, the plentifulness of it, etc. 901.40. etc. The Towns in it and their Latitudes, Distances, Soils, Commodities, the Ports, Points, Isles, Capes, etc. With their Latitudes, the Indian name of this River, his mouth, Latitude, etc. 902 Plate City in West India, the Latitude, 896.40 Plate River, increases like Nilus: the breadth and Latitude, 934.20 Pleasures in China, all end with eating, 200 Ploughing with Buffalos in China, 294.60 Pluto's Image in China described, 408.1 Posts their manner in China, 189.40 Podolia, some places in it described, 632 Poesy of China, 370.60. etc. Point Trust by Nova Zembla, the elevation, 509 polacks the natural Etymon of them, 439.30 Poland King, written great Duke of Letto, 765.50. & 783.50. & King of Sweden, 787.1 Poland spoilt by its own Soldiers, 790.30 Poland overrun by the Tartars, 62.1 Policies of Boris to win the people, 745. & 752.10 Policy maintained best, by Policy, 746.40 Poles entreat a League with Russia, and break it, 766.1.10.20. Their outrages in the City of Moscow, 769.50. & 777.40 Poles what Towns they have in Prussia, 627. And in Livonia, ibid. Poles, abet an Impostor of Russia: and help him to attain the Empire, 756. Procure the Tartars to aid him, 767.10. Compelled to eat Mans-flesh, 780.20 Policy of the Portugals to keep out the Spaniards from the Philippinaes', 285.40 Polygamy litigious, 375.40 Politics studied in China, 343.60 Polity and Officers of China, 183. &c: The persons of great Officers free: they may commit any offending them, to Prison. They have Pensions from the State, 185. They take their ease in age, with Dignity, and their former Pensions, 186.1 Pompions of West India, their hugeness, 955. Whence they came to them▪ ibid. 30. Marg. Ponchasi what, in Chinese, 913.50 Pongo strange water falls, 934.1 Sir john Pools Voyage to Denmark, 780.10 Poor drowned in a Famine, to save Corn, 739.50 Poor, the provisions for them in Iseland, 666.20. & 667.1.10.20 Popayan Province in the West Indies, the extent, under the Equinoctial, Soil, Mines of Gold, Towns and their distances from the Equinoctial, the people wiser than those of Peru, 889.50.60. Christians in it, temper of the Air, Mines, habits and Religion of some people, Beasts▪ distances of Towns, Cannibals, 890. Other Towns, People, Soils, Rivers, burning Mountains, Towns disinhabited, Isles, Capes, Points, etc. 891 Pope of japon, 324.20 Pope receives the japonia Ambassadors, 322.10. His answer to them, ibid. Pope of Mexico, 1033.10.50. His habit, 1038. He cuts the Men to be Sacrificed, 1048.20 Pope, of the Tartars 281.20. His chief Sea, ibid. Pope the Tartars, believed him to be five hundred years old, Pope's assistance of an Impostor in Russia to attain the Crown, 755.60.768.50. The Pope disturbs the Emperor, protects his Rebels, whilst the Tartars break into Christendom, 62.30. The Emperor willing to pacify him, to expel them, ibid. The Pope privately rewards and confers with the Tartars, 63.20 Porcelain, the sorts and manner of making, 177.40 Porcelain, 382.10 Porcelain where and how made, 101.40 Pork the Dainties of China, 197. & 207.20 Porcupines where, 73.20 Porta Ferrea, or Derbent, built by Alexander, 12.50. Passage that way out of Persia, and Turkey to Bulgaria, 15.40 Porta Ferrea built by Alexander, thrown down by an Earthquake 55.50. Built with most wonderful Lime, ibid. 50. Gog and Magog shut up in it, 56.1. Broken by the Huns, 56.40 Porta Ferrea described, 48.50. & 49.10 Ports of Hispaniola, their distance from Saint Domingo, 862.40 Porters of Hell, 274.50 Portugals their Trade in China, 190. For Silks and Musk, ibid. In trouble, 191. &c Portugals in China, reside at Amacao, 319.30.315.10. Accounted natural subjects, but permitted their Religion, ibid. And at Sancian, 318.60. The Chinois jealous of them, 319.20 Portugals brought upon the Stage in China, 406.1. Made odious for their habits, ibid. Persecuted upon a Witches answer, ibid. A tumult amongst them, ibid. Posts in Tartary, their exceeding swiftness, 87.30. Their Privileges, 84.40. Foot Posts. ibid. Their great speed, 311.1 Poasts-falling, an omen of habitation there to be made, 657.30. (As ours of the Staffe-falling) The custom of Norway, Post Horses in Tartary the provision for them, 87.10.20. etc. Lamb in the Tartarian signifies Poast-horses. Potozi, more of the Mountain and the Mines, the several veins and the great riches, and the manner of the Discourse, 944.945.946. How they dig, and refine the Silver, 947 Potosi, the City and Mountain of Silver mines in the West Indies, the Latitude, Inhabitants, 896.60. Signification of the Name, richness of the Mines: the Hill utterly barren, the form and colour of the Earth, bigness, etc. 897 Pot in Russia, the Ceremony of treading on it, 230 Powder of Gold found in Rivers, 892.1. Where most in quantity, ibid. Praying towards the East, used by the Mexicans, 1133.50 Prayers at a Coronation the for●es 420.60 Prayers said by the Priest, more holy then uttered by the laity, 448.10 Praying, their posture in Mugalla, 799.50 Precious Stone good against Thunder, 47.10 Precious Stones plenty in Zeilan, 104.20 Precious Stones much worn in Russia, 459.460 Prechan, the King of Cauchin-China, 255.30 Priest of Mahometans his bloody stile, 257 Priests how respected, 27.20 Priests garments, 196.40.50 Priests two sorts in China, 196.50 Priests of Mexico, how educated, taught, exercised, corrected, etc. 1108. etc. Priests in China shaved, head and beard, 319.50 Priests of the Mexican●, their Degrees, Succession, Offices, Canonical hours, etc. 1033.50. Vestments, Incense, Preachings, Revenues, Consecration, etc. 1034. Their habit▪ 1038.1.1041.10. Their two Unctions, 1043 Priests in Russia their Ordination, 447.40. Shorne, not shaved, anointed with Oil, and clothed with the Surplice and Cr●sse, their Office and numbers, they may Marry once, 447.50. Their maintenance, & benefit by Prayers for private occasions, 448.10. Their Offerings and other perquisites on the By, ibid. Habit abroad, and at Church, ibid. Priests, women Witches, 283.20 Priests Wines their great reputation in Russia, 448.1 Priests of the Tartars, are Soothsayers, 43.50. Their description, ibid. They have one chief Priest, ibid. His house at Court, and Office, ibid. Their maintenance, ibid. Their Music in an Eclipse, like to the Corybantes, 44.1. Their fee for purifying, ibid. 10. Their practices, 45.10.20. How the Devil deludes them, 45.10 Priests of the Russians, Mary once, 225.40. & 229.1. And have Children, 227.40. Differ, only in their Nightcaps from the secular habit, 229.1. Crowns shaved, and their hair long, ibid. Priests burnt for Sacrifice in Curland, 628 Presents given by the Jesuits, to the King of China, 352.20 Presents sent by the Russ● Emperor, to the King of Altine, 798.1 Presents demanded by the Altine of the Ruff, ibid. Presents sent to the Spaniards from China, 306. & 307.20 Presents in Baskets carried a gossiping, 300 Presents the fashion of sending them, 374.20 Prester john of Asia, 404.50 Presbyter john's Country in Cathay the black or Kara-Cathaya 56.50. But falsely; and as little true as these tales of him in Aethiopia, ibid. in marg. Prester john of Tartary, or V●chan, 77.40 Presbyter john in Tartary, 14.60.22.50 Prester john of Tartary, tributary to the Successors of Chingis Chan, 80.20. His successor's name is George, he is a Christian Priest. 80.20 Primum Mobile, a Philosophical discourse of it, 924.50. etc. Prince Charles his Island, the Latitude, 722 Princes of the Blood, how used in China, 391.1. Their number, etc. 396.30 Princes of the Blood, restrained in China 208. They only are styled Lords, ibid. Prince dying, no man lies in his Lodgings a long while after in Russia, 750.30 Prince of Russia his State and habit, 748.60. & 750.1 Princes venerated as Gods by the Tartars, 639 Printing in China, 340.10 Printing, the fashion in China, 370.40.50. Printing white Letters, ibid. Printing brought into Russia, 447.40. The Printing house burnt, ibid. Printing first carried into Island. 645.10 Prin●ing 500 years old in China, 382.60. The manner of it, ibid. & 383.1, 10 Pri●ma, or a Triangular Glass admired in China, 321.50 Prisma dear prized, 343.30 Prison a gallant one, 273.30 Probar missur, Prolacussur, Praissur & Praput pra●ur metri, the B●amenes Gods, 166.40 Processions solemnly used by the Mexicans, 1046.1047 Processions unto the Court of Mangu-Chan, etc. 31.20 Processions in China, 406.10 Prodigies before the ruin of the Mexican Empire by the Spaniards, 1020.1021.1 Proclamations, the Empress of Russia s●ts out in her own name, 422.20 Proper name for a man to speak in, is the lowest compliment in China, 391 Prophesying legends, their effects, 1021.60 Prophets not read in the Russian Church, 452 Prucheni a people, 62.1 Prussi●, how divided betwixt the Pole & the Dutch Knights, 627. etc. Prut or Hieras, a Ri●er of Molda●●a, 633.1 Pruteni, Curlandi, Livonij, Estonij, Semigalli, & Leuconij, all Pagans, 54.20 Prutum Techina, a Fort of the Turks in Walachia, 633.1 Psnytha, 416.1 Puddings of Horseflesh eaten by Tartars, 5.10 Pulisangan, a River in Tartary, 89.1 Pullo Qui●im, 256 Pullo Hinhor, 259 pulo Cambim a River, where, 253 30 pulo Champeiloo an Island, 254 20 Pumice-stones built withal, 651 40 Pumps for ships, that go with the feet, 176.10 Puna● Mountain in the West Indies, the Air of it kills Passengers, 926.10 Punnus inhabits Island, and gives them Laws, 520.50 Purse, not injustice quarrelled against, 435.10 Purgatory Mountain, of the West Indians, 1120.50. The description, 1123.40 Purgatory, a resemblance of it in China, 398.1 Pustozera, the way from thence to Colmogro by Sea, 545.546. By land, 547 Pustoreza the Town, upon the River of Pechora in Russia, 533 20. Ne●re Russia but not in it, 543.60. The altitude, 544 Pyramids covered with Gold, 93 60 Pyramid of fire seen at Mexico, 1020 Q QVabacondono, usurps in japon, 323.50. What his name signifies, 324.20.325.30. Made to cut out his own bowels, 325.40 Quangeparu a City, 255.30 Quansy taken by the Tartars, 278.1 Quaon the japonian God, 323.60 Christian Festivals used to him, 324.1 Quarrels in China, 370.10. Soon ended in China, 344.40 Quass, drink in Muscovia, 218.10 & 228. How made, 459.1 quails sacrificed in Mexico, 1047 50 Queen of France stirs her Son against the Tartars, 61.20 Queen of Heaven in China, 274 30 Queenzanfu the City, the Commodity's there, 89.50 Quetzalcoalt, the Mexicans God of riches, honoured by the Merchants, 1048. His Festival Ceremonies, 1049 Quian the great River, 90.10 Quicksilver mines, the manner of them. How it grows and is gotten, etc. 894.10, 20. Where, 269.10 Quicksilver refines that Metal, which fire cannot 944.10. & 947 40. A Philosophical Discourse of Quicksilver, 947.648. All Metals but Gold swim in it: its sympathy with Gold; refining with it unknown to the Ancients: it is the poison of all Metals but Gold and Silver: strange properties of it. Places where it is found, 948. Found in Vermilion, 948. How the mines were first discovered: Richness of one Mine, how it is drawn out of the Mine, 949. The danger in melting it, melted with Straw, kept best in Leather: manner of refining with it, how after refining it is separated from Silver, 950 Quinquagesima Sunday is the second Lent time, to all the people of the East, 34.20 Quinsay called Nanquin, described, 338. Not comparable to the European buildings, the chief of China, how fortified, ibid. Two days journey about, ibid. Quinsay described, 162.20. The King why he comes thither but once in ten years, 162.60 Quinsay a discussion whither it be Hamceu, or no, 409.50. The tribute it pays, 100.50 Quinsay is the City of Heaven, 97 50. Described, 98.1, 10, 20 etc. The Citizens described, 98.60. Their riches and unity, 99.1, 20. The government of it, 99.40, 50. It hath a Garrison of 30000. 100.1 Quippos or Registers of Peru, made of knots, 1053.20 Quitasol, what in Chinese, 306 10 Quitir●an the Kingdom, 253.30 Quito in the West Indies, the jurisdiction and extent, Governments under it, under the Equinoctial; the Air, Seasons, and Towns, 887.40, 50. Towns under it, Herds of Cattle, R●ine wondered at, Ports & their latitude, high ways admirable, Rivers and how the Indians pass them. 888. Emeralds, Ports, Isles, Points, Tales of Giants, 889 Quivira false placed in the Maps 849.1 Quixo● and Canela, Province in the West Indies, the Spanish Towns in it, the soil, etc. 891 50 Quoaman, where, 256.40. Silver there. Quoo, is Yes, in Chinese, 187.1 Quocum, the Nobility of China, 346.50 R R, the Chinois cannot pronounce: they call the Tartars Tatoes, 170.20. & 319.20 Rack, the Indian word for drink of Rice, 27.50. in marg. Rambos a Fish that cleaves to the Sharks their description, 930.931.1 Ramels Ford in Groneland: the Latitude and variation there, 833.20 Ramusius taxed and defended, 856 Rapes (our word of Politi●) the Etymon, 664.30. & 666.10.50. & 667 Razors flung upon Darts by the Mexicans, the danger of the weapon, 1023.60. Used by them i● Sacrifices, 1035.40 Ravens (as out of Noah's Ark) sent out of a Ship to discover Land, 654.50. Island called Rafnafloke of those Ravens, 655.10 Raw Fish the Gronelander food, 836.20 Raw meat served in, in China, 298.40 Rain, the Chinois fable of it, 274.30. I● is God's Alms, ibid. Rain where seldom▪ or ne●er, 898.50 Rain, the ●ricke in Peru to keep it off, or to procure it, 1045.6. 1046.10.20. Rogations for it, 1047.20 Rain nor Hail, where it never does 881. Occasioned by the Mountains, 892.30. And where it does continually, ibid. Rain very scalding hot, 198.40 Rains, the reason of much or little under the Equinoctial, Torride Zone, within or without the Tropickes, 918.40. Why under the Torride Zone in the Afternoons, and at the full Moon; some Philosophical discourses about these, 918.40.50.60. etc. Rain when most heat under the Torride Zone, 919.40. They alloy heat under the Torride Zone, 921.1 Raining of Fleas, Frogs, etc. the reason, 922.30. Where caused by Northerly winds, ibid. And by Westerly, 925.50 Rains ever and never, where, 936. The reason, 937 Rainbow with both ends upwards, 222.50 Rainbow the fable of it, 275.40 Raine-Deere backnyed out, 537.20. They feed upon white Moss, 548 10. The chief riches of the Samoieds, 555 Reasons of a Northwest Passage, 848 849 Rebaptisation used by the Ruff, 451. & 786.40. Their Catechising and other Ceremonies, ibid. Rebat the Kingdom, 311.1 Rebellion how prevented in China, 376.30 Records of the Perwians, kept by knots, 1053.20 Red, the King of China●s Colour, 208, 20 Red Painting forbidden to private Houses in China, 407.60. The peculiar Colour wherein Visitors come to the King's throne, 405.10 Red Sea, or the Strait of Mecca, 252.50. in marg. Redemption of wild Creatures, 398.30 Reeds exceeding hard and great, 382.20 Reeds or Canes of the West Indies, Houses and Quivers made of them: their knots full of pure water, 983.50 Refining of Gold, wherewithal 943 50. Of Silver, 944.1.10. & 947 The manner, 950.20 Region of Darkness, where the Sun appears not in Winter, 107.10. & 110.40 Religion in Muscovia, 217. & 218. & 227. & 228.217.30 Religion of Musconia, 444.445. etc. According to the Greek Church, ibid. Religion of Mugalla, like the Russes, 800.1 Religion of the Crim Tartars, 441 10. Their opinions of Christ, ibid. Their Idols. Religion of the Mexicans, 1026. etc. Religion in Peru the uniformity of it every where, 1057.1 Remission of sentence, is Almsdeeds, 272.10 Rendacalem the City, 281.30 Renkanes Promontory in East Iseland, 654.60 Reobarte the Country, 71.30 Resurrection, an inkling of it in China, 274.20. And after that, all shall remain in the Moon, ibid. Reidarfiall Mountain, in Island, 654.20 Reidarfiard Bay, in Island, 654.30 Revelation not read in the Russian Church, 452.30 Reward after Death, the Chinois opinion of it, 201 Rhetoric, the Favorite-study of China, 370 Rhinocerotes, where, called Badas, their Horn good against the Piles, 169.10. Used to Carriages, 277 60 Rhubarb, 362.40. Where it grows, 76.50. In China, 97 50 Rhubarb described, 164.40. The price of it there, ibid. Called Roven C●ni, 165 Rialarnes Province in Island, 665 Ribs of the Examined broken, or pinched, 434 Rica or Rye in Liefland, 627.10. Or Riga●o, Rice the King of Chinaes' tribute paid in, 364. The chief food of China, ibid. Rice grows in Marshes, 178. ●0 Rice Bread, 91.40 Richard Rel●e a debauched Englishman, rebaptised by the Ruff, 451.50 Richest Province in the World is Malabar, 104.30 Ricius the jesuit, sent for into China, 320.50. Carries a fi●e Watch with him. Is made Governor of the College in Amacao, 321.40. Disappointed of his purpose, and returns to Amacao, ibid. Returns into China, 327.30. He and Ruggierus sent to the Aitao, ibid. Commanded away by him, ibid. Gets leave to build, 328.40.50. Their Books admired, 329.1. How honoured, ibid. Slundered and conspired against, and freed, ibid. 20. He prints a Map in the China Characters, ibid. Makes Spheres, Globes, and Dial's, reads upon them, and is admired, ibid. A proposition for an Embassy from Spain to China, crossed, 330.10. He is troubled in Sciauchin, salves all with bribes, 333.30. But is after banished, ibid. Builds another Station or house at Xauceum, 334.50. Teaches Mathematics, 335.1. His house abused, and the Offenders punished, ibid. 10. A Conspiracy against him, ibid. Taken for a Bo●zi, and infamous; whereupon he altars his habit, 336.1. Goes further into China, 337.1.10. etc. Arriver at Nanquin, 338.10. Is skared thence, and goes to Nanci●n: his vision, ibid. 50. He hath the Art of memory, 339.10. Gets into great credit, writes a Book of friendship, ibid. Goes to Nanquin again, but not suffered to stay, 340.1.10. His journey to P●quin, the City Royal, 341. P●sses the streets unknown, 34● 10. Makes a China Dictionary, and Grammar, 342. & 34●. Returns again to Nanquin, 343 Ricius honoured again at Nanquin, 345.20. Teaches Mathematics, ibid. & 346. Believed to have lived some Ages, 347.39. Disputes with the famous Chinois, and is admired, 348. His Presents to the King, and the loss of their Ship, ibid. 50. & 352. His China name i● Sithai, 349.1. In danger of an Eunuch, ibid. 1. Is befriended and feasted by that great Eunuch, ibid. & 353.10.20. His journey to Court, ibid. His Petition unanswered, 354.1.40.60. Pillaged by an Eunuch, and petitioned against, 355.20.30.40. etc. Is sent for by the King, 356.20. Exceeding welcome, ibid. Urged to be made a Mandarine, 357.40. Is shut up some Months, and petitioned against, 358.10. Hath leave to hire a House, and hath allowance of the King's purse, and honoured again, ibid. & 359. His Book of the description of China begins page, 380. The jews offer to make him Ruler of their Synagogue, 400.60. Hath liberty to stay at Peq●in, and maintenance, 405.40. One writes against him, falls sick and dies, 407.1 Ring used in Marriage by the Russes, 454.20 Rings, the Chinois wear in their Ears, but not on their Fingers, 349.30. Worn in the Nostrils by the Indians, 992.30 Ripening of green Nuts in a Vessel, a Philosophical way, 956.30 Riphaean Mountains, where, 53.30 The fables of them, 220.40 Risalandia a Province in Norway, the Etymon, 661.30 River made by hand in China, 97.30 River changing his Course, 236.20. A●d why, 236.40 River lost in the Earth, ibid. 20. & 237.40 River sinking underground, and rising again, 873.50 Rivers yielding Gold, 874.10 River Quian in China, the greatest in the World, 97.10. Much traded upon▪ ibid. Rivers of Russia, the chief, 415.30 River of Mosca hallowed, 225.10. & 226. And the Volga, 244.10 River of Plate, the Voyage, distance and seasons of Navigation from Spain thither, 859.50 River of Salt in Chile, the Latitude, 898 Rivers in China all frozen in Winter, 343.1 Rivers frozen for five months in Russ●a, 414.50 Rivers of Podolia, 632.20 Rivers of Siberia, 525.526. etc. Rivers of Saint Lucar, Nicardo and Zedros', in the West Indies, their distance from the Equinoctial, 891.40 Rivers, Mountains, etc. worshipped in India, 1028.20. Their Sacrifices, 1036.50 Ro●es most exceeding rich in Russia, 741 Robais or Edess● the City, 110.50 Rock artificial one, 346.60. etc. Rock of Diamonds, 253.40 Rogations imitated by the Devil in Mexico, 1047.20. etc. Rogaelandia Province in Norway, 654.40 Roman fortitude of a Mexican Captive, 1015 Romish rites found in China, 397.60. As single Life, sing, Service, long Robes, Purgatory, and Absolution upon money given to the Priest, his shaving Monkery, and base esteem, 398.1.10 Romish Pilgrimages, held a protection for tyrannous usurpation, 622. marg. Rootes whereof the Indians make Bread or Meat, 954.955 Rope-tumblers in China, 349.40 Rope-walking admirably in the West Indies, 1065.10 Rose Island in Russia by Archangel Castle, an English house there, 744.10. The way thence to Moscow, 747.10 Ressomakka, a strange Beast described, 220 Roast Lands, where, 212.10. & 222.50 Roasting the Examined on a Spit, 434.50 Roverso a Fish, used to catch other Fishes described, where invented, 999.10 Roxani and Roxolani in Scrabo, are the Russians, 633.30 Roxellani, are not the Russes, 413.50 Rhubarb used in a juggling cure by an Armenian Monk, 32.40. & 37.50 Rubies where they grow mostly, 104.20.169.40. One as big as a man's arm, and valued at the worth of a City, ibid. & 110.10 Ruby that drives water from it, 802 Rubble, a Russian sum, a Mark, 452.40 Rubruquis the Friar his journal to the East parts of the World, 1. His message to the Tartarian Princes, Sartach, 13.20. etc. And to Baatu, 17.10.20. etc. His journey to Mangu Chan, 18.1. Shaved himself in Tartary, 27.10. His Oration to Mangu Chan, 27.50. His resolution to keep company with Sorcerers, 36 40. Examined at Caracarum, 39.10 Rub●uquis his learned Discourse with the Saracens, and his Conference with the Courtiers of Mangu Chan, 40.50.60. His answer to Mangu Chan, concerning his coming into his Country, 41.10. His dispute with the Nestorians, 41.30. etc. Not suffered to stay in Tartary, 43.40. He departeth from Mangu Chan, 43.50. His way from Volga into Persia, 48.30. Returns to Baatues Court, 47.50. He gets his Books again, 48.20. His way from Euphrates to Tripoli, 51.10. etc. His advice to his King concerning the Tartars, 51.50 Ruck the Bird, which carries away an Elephant, 106.40 Ruffs or Bands not worn by the Ruffs, 459 Ruggierus, learns the China tongue 320.20. In favour with the Governor, 320.40. Catechises at Amacao, ibid. Sent to the Viceroy about settling at Amacao, 321 Falls sick, ibid. Obtains a Charter for the Jesuits, ibid. Returns into China, 327.30. Petitions the Governor, but is commanded back to Amacao, 327.60. An Edict set up against him, 328.1. Procures a Charter of continuance in China, ibid. 10. Returns for supplies to Amacao, 329.10. Baptises some, 330. Sent to fetch Feathers for the King, ibid. Goes with the Governor into Sciauchin, ibid. Gets a House there, 332.1. Much honoured there, ibid. Makes forty Christians, ibid. 20. Goes to Mount Vutan, ibid. 40. Wronged by a false Convert, ibid. & 333.10. Returns into Europe, ibid. 20 Rule to know native Commodities and Creatures the Indians had, before the Spaniards coming thither, 963.10 Run Island, one of the Orkneys, 827 Russia of old called Sarmatia, 413.40. Whence called Russia, ibid. The bounds, and Shire●, 414.1. The length and breadth of it, ibid. 20. A pleasant Country in Summer, 415.10. Hotter than England, ibid. Native Commodities, ibid. 60. etc. & 416.10. It hath no Mines but Iron 417.60. The strange Creatures of it, ibid. & 418. The chief Cities, 418.30. The Towns of strength 419.10. The four Fr●●●●er Towns, 427.10. Their wooden building, 419.20. The four great jurisdictions, and the government of the Provinces, 426.1.10. The tribute paid by the Provinces, 429.1. The Tow●es of chief trade, ibid. The neighbour and borderers, 439.30. The Church Government, 444. etc. They depended upon the Patriarch of Constantinople or S●o, ibid. Ru●sia, the late alterations there since the Reign of juan Vasilowich, famin● and S●●rd there, 738. The huge largeness of the Empire, 768.20. An Interregnum and popular Government there, 782.50. In danger to be divided amongst diverse Lord●▪ 789.50 Emperor of Russia: His Dominions natural, and by Conquest, 414. His Customs upon Salt, 417.40. Out of the Fishings, 418.30. His title changed from Duke to King: misliked and why, ibid. 40. His surname, 426.10. He derives himself from the Hungarians, 419.40. etc. Their first getting the Dukedom▪ Volo 〈◊〉, 420. Their first entit●ling themselves Emperors, ibid. Great Duke of Moscow, 420.10. Manner of his inauguration▪ ibid. His Style repeated at his Coronation, 421.30▪ His Government, ibid. & 422▪ His absolute Sovereignty, ibid. 〈…〉 all Offices, ibid. His 〈◊〉 suffered to deal in justice▪ ibid. 〈…〉 the Nobility, 4●3▪ 50. His Council of State, 4●7. 40. His Customs and Revenues, 4●8. 30. The Receivers of them, ibid. His Fy●es▪ 429.30▪ His 〈◊〉, 429.50▪ & 435.40. His yearly income▪ 430.10. Their pretences to impose Taxations, ibid. 50. His ordinary Sacrilege and robbing of the Monasteries, 430.60. & 431. A wretched policy of his to get money, 431.1. Hi● tyrannical engrossing of commodities, ibid. Their ungodly cavillations, 431.50.60. His jealousy of Strangers, 433.20. His expenses to his Soldiery 435. He hath 80000. Horse ever in a readiness, 436.10. And of Foot twelve thousand, ibid. Of Strangers 4300. his maintaining of his Conquests by Colonies 438. His old homage to the Tartar, denied, 440.1. Holds the Patriarches Horse bridle, and hath a P●●●ion for it▪ 456.10. An early riser, his Morning devotions, 456.60. His salutations to his Empress, going to Church, and giving presence to his Nobility, 457.10.20. etc. Neither ente● nor lies with his Empress, but when, ibid. His Service at the table, ibid. His afternoon recreations, ibid. His household and great Officers, 4●8. 30. Emperor of Russia, his Funerals, M●●rnings, and Coronanation▪ 740.741 etc. & 745.20. His Title, 747.40. His glory & State, 748.30.40.50. His attendance on great Days, ibid. 749. His title of Self upholder, 755.60. Of Caesar, 760.30. His title, 765.802. Election of him by Lot, 769. See Muscovian Emperor. Russian tongue 〈◊〉 the original Sclano●●an, 433. The Character is the 〈…〉, 433.30 Russians, they care not to have any thing before h●nd 417.432. Forbidden to drink 〈…〉 sometimes▪ 418. 6●. 〈…〉 422.60. & 432.10. & 435 The several 〈…〉 423.40. They 〈◊〉▪ both within & without 429.30. Great Drunkards, 431.40. The 〈◊〉 dare not look on a Gentleman, 432. 1●▪ 〈…〉 common & unfenced, ibid. 〈◊〉 most wretched condition, liu●●g at ●ome as in an Enemy's Country, ibid. 〈…〉 Trade ●3●. 1. 〈◊〉 from being 〈…〉 travellers, ibid. 〈◊〉 borne can attain no higher, ibid. It is dangerous to ex●● their equals▪ ibid. Their justice and proceedings in Law. 433. Their 〈…〉 4●5. 20. & ●▪ 〈…〉 Cowards, 4●7. ●0. They 〈◊〉 forwards & backwards, ibid. Better to keep a Castle, then in the field, 438.40. Their dejectedness being taken Prisoners, 441.1. Counted double dealers, by the Tartars, 442.460. They have preserved no Antiquities, 444.40. When Converted to Christianity, ibid. etc. And Converted by the greeks, 445.30. Their errors in Doctrine, 452.30. Their Scriptures in the Polonian tongue, 453. They hold other Christians no better than Turks, & why, 455.30. They usually sleep after dinner. 457.50. & 459.1. Their persons described, 458.60. etc. Diet, 4●●. Why the Women are so tawny, ibid. 10. Their husband's allowance for Painting, ibid. The men's patience of heat and cold, ibid. Their Apparel for men & women ibid. 460. Their wits and capacities, 〈◊〉 scorn to 〈◊〉 460.30 They are all tyrants to their Inferiors, ibid. Their beggary & desperate begging, ibid. Their dissembling & incredulity, ibid. Russians, they date the●● Letters from the year of the world, 755.40. & 758. ●0. Their Language different from the Polish, 761.30 They account the Romish Religion, corrupt & profane, 767.50.60. & 768.30. They Petition the King of Poland to make his 〈◊〉 their Emperor, 789.10. And that they m●y enjoy the privilege of his other Subjects their miserable inconstancy, 790.10. They fall fro● the Pole, 〈◊〉 offer their Empire to the King of England, abide. 10.20. They elect their 〈◊〉 Son Emperor, who stands, 791. Their curious observing of Fasting days, 516 Rustene the Island by Norway, the Latitude, 614.10. marg. Described, 616.30. The people are good Christians, charitable, simple, not covetous, and contented, ibid., & 617. Their Money i● Stockfish, their Drink & Bread, and Apparel, 616. They know neither Robbery nor Fornication, 617. Their Funerals, and Baths, ibid. Snowes there from February to mid May, 617.30. marg. Their 〈…〉 trade for Stockfish, ibid. Their Houses described, ibid. marg. 〈…〉, 54. ●● Their Money, 34.10 S SAboath in China every fortnight, 345.1 Sabboaths of the Chinois, 397.1, 35 Sabboath of the Mexicans every fourth day in the Wars, 1024 10 Sables the best where, 416.20 Sables, the Fur of the beast Rondes, 107.1 Sacanusco Province in the West Indies, the extent of the jurisdiction, bounds and Rivers, 878 60 Sacotora, 252.60 Sacraments three in the Russian Church, 453 Sacrament in Russia, in both kinds, 217. The Bread sopped, and given with a Spo●●e. Sacrament of the Communion Devilishly imitated by the Mexicans, 1040.10. & 1041.40 & in Peru, 1046.1 Sacrament in both kinds, 217.40 Sacramental Bread, how made by the Nestorians, 37.10. They put Fat in it in stead of Leaven, ibid. The bigness of their Host, ibid. Sacrifices of old Island, 665.1. Of Men, ibid. Sacrifices of the Mexicans, 1031.30.50.1032.1. The manner, 1033.30. The three kinds of things Sacrificed, 1036. Manner of killing the Beast and Birds, ibid. word and reasons of Sacrificing●: their offering of Shells to the Rivers, etc. 10●6. Humane Sacrifices, and the manner, 1037.1038. Five thousand men Sacrificed in one day, 1099.10 Sacrifices of Peru, 1045 Sacrilege ordinary of the Russian Emperors, 430. & 431.1 Sacrilege punished by Death, even amongst Tartars, 8.10 Sac'● the people in Curland▪ 628.10 Sachion the City, where, 75.40 Saddles of Wood & Sinews, 226.1 Saggi, a Tartary piece of Gold, 82.40 Salamander, no where, 76.40 Salamanders venomous, 1043.10 Saying a Tyrannical one, of a Russian Emperor, 430.20 Sails made of Mats of Palmtree leaves, 904.50 Sailors, not admitted to be witnesses, where, 105.10 Saints in Russia, for every day in the week, 457.1 Salceperilla, where store and good is: the Cures it does, 959.50 Salmon, pence a piece, 537.1. A great trade for them, ibid. Salmon's store in Russia, 213.50 Salmon and Salmon Peale in Groneland, 847 Salemons Lands in the West Indies, discovered, their Latitude, distance from Peru, many and great▪ esteemed rich. Colours of the people, the chiefest of them named, their greatness, distances, etc. 907.20 Salomensky Town in Russia, where, 794.50 Salt, naturally made by the Sea, 417 30 Salt how made in Ciangalu, 95.1 Salt made of water without boiling, 933 Salt hanging upon Horses that drink of the River of Salt, 898.10 Salt-Lakes in Tauri●a, 636.50 Sal● separates Mettle from Dross, 950.30. Used in Refinings, ibid. Corrects Pepper, 956.1 Saltness, a cause of the ebbing and ●lowing of the Sea, 1122.40 Sal● pits, exceeding rich ones in Tartary, 3.30 Salt-mountaines, 73.10 Salt the best in the world, ibid. 20 Salutations the fashion in China, 180.10 Samag or Samagi, a great City, where, 49.10 Samara the Kingdom, 103.50 Samar the River, 233.1 Samarchan, the great City, where, 74.40 Samarcand in Parthia where Tamerlane was borne, the situation, 142.40 Samaron a City of jews, where, 49.1 S●nd●●●, where they grow, 138.40 Sand rained in japon, 326.30 Sanguis Dra●onis where gotten, 886.1 Sam●ieds, their Apparel, manners, 〈…〉, Riches, Wives, Marriages, Religion's and Funerals, 555. Their judgement, 〈◊〉, Persons, Divination, Priests and the hardiness of their 〈◊〉, 556 Samoieds the people, 250.30 Samoids their trade into Russia with F●rres, their manner of life, 522. & 546.30. The Ruff Emperor sends to discover them, 523. Some of them submit to him, and pay a tribute of Sables, ibid. 50. They admire the Russian fashions, and submit themselves voluntarily, 524.20.30. Their Country made the sink of base people, ibid. It is called Siberia, ibid. The description of the ways and Rivers out of Russia thither, 525. Their Country untilled, ibid. 60. The Russes build Towns there, ibid. 526. etc. Pewter dishes dear sold to them, 535.50.522. Their tents of Skins: pitched by their Women, 548.20. They carry their Families with them, ibid. Their Language and Religion different from the Ruff, 522. etc. Their Apparel, travels, and superstition, etc. 555.20.30 Samoieds their Habitation, Language, apparel, personages, King, manners, etc. 480.30. Their Images, and Sacrifices of Hearts, 481.10 Samoits, the people, subject to the Ruff, 443. They eat raw Carri●n: Ancient, ibid. They worship not the Golden hag: but the Sun, etc. Their Sorceries, apparel, and savageness, governed by their Priest, ibid. Sapurgan, a City in Persia, 73.10. Pompions the best in the World, 73.10 Saracens in the Holy-land overthrown by the Tartars, and pursued, 122.10 Saracens at Equius in Catay speaking Persian, 20.40 Sarai, a new Town upon the Volga, 47.40 Sarmatia the white and the black, 413.40. Their old limits, ibid. The name not derived of Asarmathes, ibid. Sartach, the Tartars present to the French King, 47.40 Sartach a Tartarian Prince, his Court, 12.60. Rub●uqu●● the Friar his ●●bassage to him, 13.1 His 〈◊〉, 13.20. etc. Saturdays, the Russes ea●e flesh upon, 218.1. That before Easter. They sleep in the Church, 227 50 Savage Isles in Groneland, 838.20 Their Latitude, and Longitude from Longitude▪ with the Variation of the Compass and Tides, 838.50 S●●●ge Lands, where men have heads like Dogs 104.10 Sauran fields and River, 632.20 Scacati, a Tartarian Lord, 5.20 Scanza, is Scandia, 620.10 Scarlets in request in China, 333 40 Scassem the City in Persia, 73.30 Schetlandia misnamed for Hie●landia, 654.40 Scholars more martial than Soldiers in China. The King more advices with them, 390.20. They beat and correct the Captains, ibid. Schools of China the manner, 385.30 Scholars in China got whole books by heart, 339.10 Scholars, how encouraged or punished in China, 184.50. & 185.1 The great Officers and Governors chosen out of them, 184.60 At the King's charge, 200 Scianhai in Chi●a described, 406 50. The tribute it pays the King, ibid. Scin what, in japon, 324.60 Scin●a●●man, 327.10 S●laui the people came out of Sarmatia, 433. Why they called themselves so, ibid. S●lauos signifies Fame or Glory, the signification inverted by the Italians, ibid. Sclauo●ia when first peopled, 662 20 Sclauonian●●ngue ●●ngue of Russia, different from that of Poland, 761 30 Sclavonian tongue comes from the Russian, 433.20 Scolds fined to maintains the dumb, 276.10 Scotland Ptolemy's error in the Longitude, 643.50 Scots fish at Island, 800. years since, 657 Scriptures, to be interpreted by the Greek Church solely, the Russes Error, 452 Scuruey-grasse cures the scouring, and the Survey, 514.10 Scurucy-grasse in Groneland, the benefit of it at Sea, 847.50 Scythian Chersonesus, which, 633 40 Scythia extends from Danubius, even to the East, 58. ●0. It comprehends Tartary, ibid. Sea Calf, a neat Swimmer, his properties, 879.30 Sea-coal in Cathay, 88.10. & in marg. Sea-coal vapour stifles, 496.40 Sea cools, hot waters, 892.60 Sea-water sweetened by the frost, 598 40 Sea frozen, 47.60 Sea frozen, and passed over wi●h Sleds, 518.20 Sea-kytes, relieving of Portugals, 256.20 Seas black, blue and green, 570 sea-sickness whence caused, 926 60. etc. Sea somewhere barren, and somewhere fertile, as the Land, 988 ●40 Sea-horses endanger a Man's life, 703.20. Their H●des tanned in England, 709 Sea the nearness of it to the Torride Zone, tempers the heat, 921.1 Sea-monster's in Island, 649.60. & 650. Several descriptions of them, ibid. Sea of Sand by China, 404.40 Sea of Sand, 362.40 Sea of Pontus, called the great Sea, 1.50. The length of it, ibid. Two Provinces of Synopolis and Cassaria in it, ibid. Sea the nearness to it, dissolves Snow and temper●, the winter, 724 30. Frozen in what Latitude, 473. 5● Sea-water good against poison, 985 40 Sea-horse or Morse described, 476 30, 40. Their care of their young, and courage to revenge herself. Their teeth as good as ivory, ibid. & 512.60 Sea-coal in Greenland, 705.60 Seale-fish the chief sustenance & benefit of Groneland, 817.40▪ 50. Fishermen clad in Seale-skinnes, to 〈◊〉 the Fishes, 818.1 Seals in China, the fashion, 383 40. Not imprinted in Wax, but with Ink, ibid. Cut in several matters, ibid. Seals of China Magistrates, 3●5. 1 Kept as warily as our Lord Keepers, ibid. Seal fish how hunted for, 416.60 Their natural policy to break the Ice, 417.1 Seal, the Muscovites is the George, 221.40. Pendant to their Patents, ibid. Seasons of the return of the Spanish Fleets from the Indies, 859 20, 30 Seats of women known from the men's. 395.1 Sebastian de Guetaria his Voyage, 282 Sebastian Cabota, Governor for Discoveries, 249.20 Sebastian Cabot, his Map at Whitehall, his attempt to discover, 807. His course at Sea in English ships; the occasion why King Henry the Seventh neglected the second Discovery. He is set forth again by the King of Spain; discovers the River of Plate. Made Grand Pilot of England, his Pension, 808 Se●ast● the City, in Armenia the less▪ 51.10 Sebasto● or Sebaste, the Royal City in Armenia the l●sse, 69.30 Secanunga, the true name of Groneland, 825.10 Secretaries of Towns in Russia, 425.50. Their Authority, 426.30 Segin a City of Cathay, and a Nestorian Bishopric, 24.1 Segovia the New, in the West Indies▪ its jurisdiction, Villages, Parts, etc. 881.1 Selfe-upholder, a Title of the Russian Emperors, 755.40 Sele●ci● the City, n●w Mosul, 110 50 Selizure a Castle, 236.40 Sentence of justice given by the King of China, the 〈◊〉 as large 193. &. 194. etc. Sentence the usual one in China, i● whipping, 372.50 Septuagesima Sunday i● like Easter to the Armenians, 31.10 Sepulchers of the China Kings visited, 393.10 Sepulchers of the Chinois, 393 50 Seres the people of Cataya the greater, whence came the Seri●um or Silk, 23.40 Sergeants at Arms in China, 300 60 Sericum or Silk, whence derived, 23.40 Serpents delicate meat where, 976 50 Serpents devouring whole Stags, 410.40. A tale of one of them, ibid. Serpents nourished in the Mexican Kings Court, 1129.1. Fed with man's flesh, ibid. Serpents why the Mexicans fear them 〈◊〉, 1043.10 Servants cheap in China, and why, 367.20 Servants in Russia killed, and not answered for, 435 Service in the Mother tongue, 217 40. & 229.10 Service in the Mother tongue, 217 40. Before day light in Russia, 218.10 Severia a Russian Province, 756 60 Severity too much of it, breeds neglect of authority, 186.20 Sexes undistinguished by Apparel, 646.10 Seyserach, strange Birds that give Intelligence of the Enemy's approach, 126.60 Seynam Island, 212.20 Shalcan Tartars, by the Caspian Sea, 442. near to Astracan & Media, 442.50 shallowness, a sure token of Land near, 291.10 Shambles of man's flesh, where, 890 50 Shar, the Kingdom of the Iron King, 800.10. Rich in Diamonds, where, ibid. Shark fishes devour Iron, horns, anything, smell from sea to land, and go on land for their prey. Their quickness▪ 930.50, 60. How troubled with the Ra●bos, Shark fishes described, how taken, they are good meat, 987.40▪ 50 Shaving of heads close, used by the Russians, 459.30 Shrepe of India their profitableness, 968.10. 〈…〉 used for carriages, usages of them, th●ir conditions, ibid. & 969 Sheep in the Indies used for beasts of carriage, 990.10.957.1 Sheep of Gold and Silver in Peru, 1055.1 Sheep sacrificed in Peru, 1045 Sheep as big as Asses, 71.10 Sheepmasters that have 100000. sheep in the West Indies, and yet poor, 962.30 Sheep weighing 80. pounds, 237 20 Sheep with most mighty horns, 74.20 Sheromogula the Country, where, 798.40 Shifts of the Indians to pass Rivers, 888.60. & 934 40, 50 Shin-beating for debt, 434.30 Ships a thousand in one River, 295 40 Shipping of China, see pag. 173. & 174. etc. Shipping on the fresh water, as many in China, as in all the World besides, 381.50 Shipping of India described, 102.1 10, 20 Ships sewed with Osiers, 628.40 Ship a glorious one, 349.30. & 354 10 Ships strangely made in Ormuz, 71 50 Ships with one sail, 97.20 Ships of Leather of Osiers, 652 20 Ships●alked ●alked with Man's grease by the Spaniards in the Indies, 1●22. 1 Ships of the Spaniards accounted Gods of the Air with Temples on their backs; by the Indians, 1119.20 Ships, people dwelling in them, 364 10. As many as on the Land, 381.50 Ships in Tartary with four masts, and nine Sails apiece, 68.20 Shiroan City in Catay, 801.1. Described. Shirokalga City in Catay, 800.20 Shirts the Chinois wear not, 394 40 Shoes of Silk in China, 367.1 Shoes of Silk embroidered, 394.40 A Shoemaker a Christian pluck out his own eye, 70.40. Hath the faith of Miracles, ibid. Shoes of Ruyg and Felt, 503.60 Shooting, the prize for it, 201●40 Shorne why Monks are, 448.60 Shotland Isles, their Altitude. 〈◊〉 Variation of the Compass there, 30.●●lfe ●●lfe set down in the Sea-card, 596 Shoulder bones of Sheep, di●i●ed by, 238.10. Found true, ibid. Sh●gano, a River, 243.20 S●am the Kingdom, called Sornau, 254.10 Siam the King, called the Sornau of 1. Odia●, 280 Sian●u, three years besieged by the Tartars, 96.60. Taken, 97.1 Siberia, i● the Samoieds Country, 524.50. See Samoieds: conquered by the Ruff, 439.20. & 743.1 Sibierskie, Samoeds on the Ob, 805.1 Sicke●en ●en in Tartary charmed, and a strange tale of that, 44 20 Sick 〈◊〉 strangled upon custom and eaten, 100L. 60 Sidon destroyed by the Tartars, 117 50 Siequia the China Sect: the opinions, 397.50. 〈◊〉 likelihood with the Romish Rites, ibid. Disgraced, 39●. 1. Their Colleges, ibid. Sigismond the third King of Poland, breaks his league with Russia, an assists an Impostor to get the Crown, 766.767, But denies it, ibid. Assists another Demetrius, 770. His claim & title to Sweden, 770.50. Enters Russia with a huge Army▪ ibid. Rejects Demetrius, 779. Takes 〈◊〉 Moseo and Sinolensko, 780 Silk the abundance of it in China, 380.20. They have store and good, yet cannot dress it well, 366.40 Silk much grows in the West Indies, 873.874 Silkworms, their ordering in China, 411.20. What wind is good or bad for them in the Indies, 926.40. revived by hanging under children's arms, 442.50 Silver where, 255.20, 30. & 256 40 Silver Mine in Groneland, 824 20. & 520.40. Nothing worth, 833.10 Silver made in Bricks, 801.50. The Chinois study to make it, 369.20 Silver Images standing abroad, untouched, 411.1 Silver, why the second of Metals, 943. Found in Mountains, in pieces or veins. Manner of refinings, with Air, Bellowes, or Quicksilver: the chief Silver Mynes of the Indies, 944. How the richness of the Vre is discerned by the colour, 947.20. Manner of refining it, and working it into bars, the trial and allay: the Engines to do it, 951 Sindinfu the Country and City, 90 10 Sindicin, the City, 80.30 Singhan the Mother City of Sciansi, 316.1 Singui, is the City of the Earth, the hugeness of it, 97.50 Sio, or Chio, the Patriarchate of Constanstinople removed thither, 444.40. And from Sio to Mo●c●o, 445.30 Sirrah i● Persia, 70.50 Syrup very sweet, made of the sap of a tree, 957.20 Synopolis a Province in the Sea of Pontus, 1.60. Under the Turks, ibid. The distance from Constantinople, etc. 2 Synopolis and Soldaia, are 300. miles asunder, 53.30 Syrian tongue used by the Nestorians in Cathaya, 24.1 Syrnames few in China, etc. 394 10 Syrnames, not above 300. in all China, 367.40. All of one syllable, ibid. None marries any of his own surname, 367.50 Skerlengers dispeople Groneland, 520.30 Skialfanda, a Bay in North Island, 654.30 Skins of three men come off, by eating the Liver of a Bear, 506 30 Skulls of the Indians extreme thick and hard, 993.1. & 994.10 Skulls sold in China, and why, 271 10 Scum of the water eaten for meat in Mexico, 1133.10 Skutsnesse in Norway, 707.20 The Latitude, Variation and Declination there, 716.10, 20. How the land lieth about it, etc. 720 40 Slaves to the Tartars, their misery, 641. The Tartars earnestness to redeem his own subjects, 642 10 Slaves of Scythia rebelling, terrified with the sight of their Master's Whips, 419.10 Slaves the Indians are no longer to the Spaniards, 914.60 Slaves of Peru, pleased with their own servitudes, 1056.50 Slavery in Russia to Creditors, 434 30 Slavery in China, how it comes, 182 50. Those that are taken in War wear red Caps, 183.10 & 194.40 Sleds much used in Russia, 219.50 They carry Corn 1000 miles, 214.10. They go post, 220. Their speed, 226.10. Their furniture, ibid. Not used in Summer, 230 30. Called Telegas, 242.50 Sleds in Russia, a great honour to be taken up into a Noblemen, 523.20. Some drawn by Dogs, 524.1 Sleda, an easy and commodious travel, 751.20 Slobatia a Town in Mezen, 547 40. The elevation, ibid. The trade there, 548.30 Sliding upon the Ice with bones like Spurs, 33.50 Sluttery a Fast-breaker, 516.20 Smiths Bay, 465.10 Smolensko in Russia taken in by the Poles, 780.10. Burnt to the ground, 780.60 Snakes worshipped in Lithuania, a story of that, 629.46 Snaefelsnesse Promontory in East- Island, 654 Snaelandia, a name of Island, 654 30 Snow extreme, 49.30 Snow higher than the House, 498 10 Snows fall in the end of April, in Tartary, 27.10 Snow in August in Greenland, 727.30. & 250.30 Snow hastens the Spring, 415.10 Snow preserves from putrefaction, 647.20 Snorting in their sleep, offensive to the Tartars, 82.60 Sodom in Russia, 243.40 Sogomamber-Can, the God of the Tartarian Idols, 82.20. The first Idol-founder, 106.1 Soger a beast in Tartary, 6.10 So●●a the River, 525.40 Solanga, a Tartarian people, 23 20 Soldaia the City, where, 2. Greek spoken there, 9.50. It is Christian, 15.40 Sultan of Egypt overthrown by Christians and Tartars, 119 40 Sultan of Turkey his Country, 50 40 Soldini, Christians in Corasme of the Greek Church, 109.40 Solinas the River in the West Indies, the distance from the Equinoctial, 891.40 Soma a measure in China, 98.50 Soncara in Persia, 70.50 Son of the Sun, the King of Chinaes' stile, 254.50. & 256.1 Son sacrificed for the Father's health, 1037.20. & 1042.20 Soothsayers in Tartary, their Magical tricks, 81.1. Their Man-eating and Sacrifices to their Idols, 81.10. Their Monasteries, Shave, Abstinence, Habits, and other Customs, 81.10, 20, 30 Soap of train Oil, 417.10 Sorcery of four Swords in Tartary, 33.10 Sorcery of the jews, a story of it, 630 Sorceries of the West Indians, 1043.60. Things done far off, revealed by them, ibid. And things lost, and to come, 1044 Sorcerer of Mexico turns himself into strange shapes: the Story of him, 1017.40. And so in Peru, 1043.60 Saint Sor●is the greatest Armenian Saint, 31.1 Sortassus, a Tartarian Village, 635 10 Soldiers all Gentlemen in Russia, 435.20. And their Children also, ibid. Lands allotted them, The inconvenience of that▪ ibid. How kept from Rebellion, 436.1 Soldiers little respected in China, 369.40 Soldiers of Mexico their Prayer, ●047. 1 South Pole, hath no fixed Star to mark it, as the North hath, 918 30 South Sea which, 858.1. The several courses of Navigation in it, ibid. How to be navigated, 860.1 South Sea, the ebbing and flowing there; the distance from the North Sea, 989.30 Soul the Chinois opinion of it, 201 50. The Tartars opinion of it, 88 50 Souls immortality the Chinois opinion of it, 397 Soul of the World, ibid. Souls immortality acknowledged by the Indians, 1029.10 Souls immortality and transmigration, 277.1 Soils of the West Indies, the varieties, 935. Where the best are, 936.1.937.10 Spaan in Persia, 70.50 Spaniards kill 30000. Chinois, 309 40. And makes Galley-slaves of the rest, ibid. They offer a league to the Chinois, 310.40 Spaniards hated in the Philippinaes', 283 Spaniards brags, and their false Sea Cards, 843.20.848 60 Spaniards in Peru esteemed as men sent from God: called Viracochas, 1061.50 Spaniards perfidiously cruel in Mexico, 1023. They are admitted into the City, they self on the King, are besieged by the Indians in the Castle, 1023. Driven out, and slain, 1024. Their foolish belief of being assisted by Miracles, ibid. Their dealings with the Indians, 1025.1. Their helps and hindrances in winning and co●●erting the Indians, 1025 & 1026.10. diverse of them sacrificed in Mexico, 1039.50. Of their conquest of Mexico, see pag. 1121. & 1126. etc. Spanish Silver carried to China, 310.30 Spanish ships trading to Greeneland, forbidden by the English, 466.40 Spanish plants thrive better in India, and the Indian, worse in Spain, 960.961 Spanish Chroniclers curious rather to set down the Names of their own Nation Adventurers in the Indies, then of the Beasts, Birds▪ etc. of the Country, 856 Spanish reports of a Vision, 283 50 Spawns of Fishes taken, and bred in Cisterns in China, 179.10 Speak a man did, after his heart was out, 1039.60 Spelling by Strings, Knots, and Colour in Peru, as we do by Letters, 1053.30 Sperma Ceti, 710.20 Sperma Caeti, or Permasitie, where gotten, 471. It lies in the Whale's head, ibid. Sphere in China, 346.20 Spices of China, 382.40 Spice the sorts and store in the Moluccas and Philippina's, 903 904.905. etc. The best way to bring them from the Moluccas into Spain, 900.10 Spiders as big as a Sparrow, full of their Cobweb Lawn, 976.10 Spirits set over diverse things in China, 340.50 Spitsbergen, is Greenland, 463 10 Spodio and Tutia, where and how made, 72.10 Spoon, the Russian Nobility wear at their Girdle, 459.40 Spots black seen in the via lacte●, where, 918.40 Spring of water, which converts itself into a stone, kills those that drink of it, 894.20. Another Spring converted into white Salt, ibid. Spring of fresh water in the sea, 997 30. On the top of a hot Spring, ibid. Springs of several virtues, 933.20 etc. Some congealing its own water into stone. Others sending forth Pitch. Others becoming good Salt. Some good for the French Pox, and why, Another fuming out smoke, some of the Colours of Ink or Blood, 933 spring-tidings wha●, 930.1 Spring why it comes on a sudden in very cold Countries, 415.10 Squirrels that fly, 418.1 Stad in Norway, 518. The latitude, 52●. 30 Staff falling, this way or that way. Why of old accounted a direction, 657.30 Stanfew harbour where, 212.10 Stars begotten of the Gods, 274 30. They die when Stars fall, ibid. Several Stars worshipped by the Mexicans: their ●dde conceits of them, 1027.40. More and greater in our Northern Heavens, then in the Indies, 918 20 Stars continually seen in the day time, where and when, 496▪ 50 Start Island one of the Orkneyes, 810.10. The latitude. State's Island, 478.10. & 481.30 Many Hares there, ibid. The Sea frozen there, 482.10 Stealing one of the eight Commandments among the Tartars, 443 10 Stealing how punished amongst them, 79.30 Steele-glasses, where made, 72 Stephano●etia, or jaffi, the chief Town of Walachia, 633.1 Sticks, instead of meate-forkes, 180 201.30 Stockfish instead of Money, 616 40 Stone in Groneland, to make pots, which the fire cannot hurt, 520.1 40 Stones mighty ones in a Bridge 294 40 Stones round and hollow, and fowls hanged in them, 600.1 Stone-worke● of the Indians, 1056 1.10 Stones cast out of burning Mountains in Groneland, 610.40 They make L●me and walls indissoluble. ibid. Stone, a disease unknown in China, 391.50 Stone (Disease) a remedy for it, 988.20. China good for it, 953 60 Stones medicinable for the Spleen, M●lt, Kidneys and Flix, where, 867.50 Storax where it grows, 959.40 Stoves in Island, the manner, 663.1 And in Groneland, 651.40 Strangers made Slaves in Tartary, 443.10 Strangers not willingly suffered in Russia, 433.10 Strangers provided against in China, 197.20. Why not admitted into China, 268.10. The custom of China, concerning them, 39● Strangers in China have a Governor, ●19. 50. Why so suspected there, 359.30 Strangers of what sorts are admitted China, 399. Being once in, must not go out again, ibid. Stratagem a fine one of distressed Tartars, 102.40. Another of theirs to find the way in the dark, 107.20 Stratagem of the Tartars against the Sultan, 122.60 Stratagems of the Crim Tartars upon the Hungarians, and in their own Invasions, 440.30, 50 Of Demetrius the Russian to raise a siege, 757.10. Of the Spania●ds to follow one another in the dark, unseen to their Enemies, 983.20. Of the Mexicans, 1016 50. A pretty story upon that, 1017.1 Stream of Rivers, still above, and swift at the bottom, 1056.30 Streets planked, and not paved, 419 10 Straight of land but eight leagues between the North and South Seas. Streights Magellane are not straits but broken Lands. straits of Florida, but imagination, 929 Straight of Mecca, or the Red Sea, 252.50. in marg. Stromo one of the Lands of far, 582.10 Students free from tribute, 381 10 Sturgeons store and cheap in Russia, 231.10. & 233.1, 30 Style of the Russian Emperor, his and his Subject's pride in it. Quarrels for not repeating it all, 421.40, 50 Style ridiculous of the great Chans' Letters, 45.50. etc. & 46 Style of the King of China, 254 40 & 256.1. & 258.40. & 260 20 Su-moal, 40 Su, in Tartarian is water, Subo the Island, 285.50. Christia●●▪ ibid. Sucana River, 224.1 Succuir the City described, 164.30 Suceu in China, another Venice, 343.10. Described, ibid. Sucheo in China, the incredible trading there, and tribute it pays, 363.20 Suevi & Hiberi, the people in Tartary, not subject to the Tartars, 2.20 Sugar cheap in China, 365.10. & great store, 411.20 Sugar-houses in China, 270.20 Sugar how refined, 101.30 Sugarcanes first carried to the West Indies, 860.60 Suiskoy the Ruff, takes part against Demetrius the Impostor, is taken and pardoned by him, 757.40 Conspires against Demetrius, & kills him, 763.10. His Oration to the Lords, he ●s chosen Emperor of Russia, 763.50 764.40. His care of the English, ibid. His letters to King james, describing his Predecessors Acts, 765. Other writings of his name, ibid. in margin. Inveighs against the King of Poland, ibid. & 766.767. Calls himself Va●l● Euanow●ch, 769.10. Crowned, ibid. Chosen by lot, and the manner of it, 769.60. Makes away the Nobility, and consults with Witches. Sends an Embassage into Poland to complain, and threaten. Aided by the English and Sweden, 770. & 771. A second Impostor Demetrius s●t up against him, 770. Forsaken, he renounces the Empire, it given into the hands of the Pole, who imprisons him in Poland, where he dies, 780 Sumbrero●es used in China, 394 40 Sumerkent, or Astracan, the Village upon Volga, in 46. degrees of latitude 48. marg. Sumhepadan a River, 260.50 Summer and winter when they begin and end, in Brasill, 903 40 Summer and Autumn not discernible in the Lands of Barlovente and why, 938.10 Sun and Moon used for Engsignes by the Tartars, 82.1.40 Sun is the Chinois chief Deity, 148.30. The King styles himself Lord of the World, and Child of the S●nne, 152.50. The Ceremonies performed to it by the Chinois before their Feasts, 302.20 Sun worshipped in Groneland, 820.10. Adored by the Mexicans, 1027.10. Prettily denied by an Indian, 1028.40, His Image, 1032 Sun seen both night and day in Nova Zembla, where it begins to do so, 505.1 Sun five Degrees, 35. Minute's high, at midnight, 574. & seven degrees high, in what height of the Pole, 575.20. & 576.40. & 580 Sun going down North, and rising North North-east, where and when, 596.30 Sun but little above the Horizon in Winter, where and when, 494 20.30. Where it riseth and setteth there, ibid. When it appeared no more there, ibid. The Moon after that seen continually, ibid. When the Sun began to appear again, 499 60. A Philosophical discourse upon it, 500 Suns three & four Raine-bowe● at once, 483.10 Suoli●tan in Persia, 70.50 Supererrogation, believed in China, 271.10 Superstitious Religion best agrees with tyrannical government, 422 10 Surgou● Town upon the River Ob▪ what Nations trade thither, 552.10. The Russian Emperors Customs of Merchants there for one year, ibidem. Surpl●sse, the Priests in Russia, ●i●ested with it at their Ordination, 447.50. And worn in Service time at Church, 448 Swallows found in the bottom of the Sea, which revived at the fire, 626.1 Sweden Villanage, 631.10. They sell their Tenants Daughters for Salt, ibid. Swiftness admirable in some Tartars, 33.50 Swords of wood with edges of flint, 1129.40. Their strength and making, ibid. Swordfish described, 988.30 T TAbab a mighty River, 526 1 Tabasco Province in the West Indies, the tribute of Cacao paid by the Indians there to the Spaniards: places there, 876 10 Tabernaculo, the tree yielding Gum: the use of that Gum, 864.50 Tabin Point in Tartary towards Catha, 478.1. The distance from Nova Z●mbla, 500 Tables of things to be sold hung out, in China, 204 Tables in China the fashion, 392.1 vid. Banquets: midst the chiefest place, ibid. Tables of honour in China, 329 10 Table of Gold, reverenced, 205 20 Tadde Bond his doings in Island, 645.30 Taes River falls into Obi, 546 40 Taicosoma what in japonian, 325 30 Taidu, the new Name of the City Cambalu in Tartary. The bigness, 83.40. The description of it, and the twelve Suburbs, ibid. Tainfu the Kingdom, 89.10 Taking of leave, the fashion in China, 373.60 Talas, or Chincitalas a City in Tartary, 20.20 Tale of a Province in Cathaya, where men ever continue at the same age, 34.10 Tales of the Tartarian Sorcerers, 44.20, 50. etc. Talguth Kingdom, betwixt Mugalla and Bactria, 800.10 Talleyes where used, 92.40 Tallow store transported out of Russia, and the Reason, 416 40 Tam, a Tartarian Physic for the head, 3 3.1 Tambur, King of Cathay, 797 50 Tame, the natural Name of China, 152.60 Tamen, why China was so called, 380.30 Tamegines (or Chinois) the Etymon, 205.10 Tamerlane an excellent Scholar, 140.50. His White, Red, and Black Tents, a Fable, 141.1. His Father Og borne in S●chetay or Parthia, his person described. He was lame, the signification of his Name, 141.10 20, 30. etc. His first Battle against the Muscovites; the order of it, ibidem. His wound received in it, and the Victory. 142.1.10. His Marriage with the Great Chans' Daughter, 142.40. He was of all Religions, ibid. His Army against China, 143 1, 30. Calix his Conspiracy against him in his absence, 143.40. And 144.10. His Army, ibid. Tamerlane turns back to fight with him, 144.50. Axalla, a Ge●uois one of Tamerlanes Captains, takes Calix Prisoner. Tamerlanes Victory, 145.1 Tamerlane pardons Cathaya, 145 10. Gets the opinion of Clemency, ibid. He is saluted Emperor by his Soldiers, ibidem. & 146.20. His Oration to his Army, and return towards C●ina, 146.20. His March and coming to his Rendezvous, ibid. He gains a Lord Marcher of China to his party, 146 60. That Lord's Oration unto Tamerlane, He offers to lead fifty thousand Tartars into China, besides the wall, 147.10, 20. etc. Calibes advice vp●n the Enterprise, ibid. Tamerlane keeps his own resolution secret, 147.60. He delivers fifty thousand Men to the Prince of Thanais and the Chinois Lord, to pass the Mountains, whilst himself and his Army make show of assaulting the wall, 148.10. The Chinois overthrown, and the wall won at once, 148.30. The Chinois affrightment, and new Army, ibid. Tamerlane rewards the Chinois Lord, and beats down the wall, ibid. Makes Axalla General of the Foot, 149.1. Odmar great March of sixty miles a day, ibid. Tamerlane advanceth with his Army further up the Country, ibid. Beleagers' the City Paguinfou, 149.10. The Country thereabouts revolts to him, ibid. Axalla wins a Suburb of Paguinfou, the scite of the Town, ibid. Battered, the wall won and lodged upon by the Tartars, 150.1. The Governor slain. The Town yielding, hath fair quarter given it, 150.10. Axalla refuses the Government, the Prince of Thanais accepts it, with the Title of Viceroy, ibidem. The Chinois Army advances the Golden Magnificence of it. Tamerlane chooses the place of battle. His order, 150.40, 50, etc. The Chinois disorderly March, 151.20. The sight. Tamerlanes Vanguard overthrown. Odmar re-enforces the fight, 141.40. Axalla and Tamerlane press upon the King of Chinois Guards, wound him and take him Prisoner. The Victory, 152.1, 10. The King of Chinois Brother rallees some Horse together. He takes in Panni●u. The Modesty of Tamerlane, and the proud Speech of the King of China to Tamerlane, 152.40. The Chinois fortifies Quantoufu, 1●5. 1. Which Tamerlane besieges. The Chinois thinks to relieve it by a Bridge of Boats, which the Tartars burn with Wild Fire, and kill fifty thousand Enemies, 153.20, 30. The Town is yielded, ibid. A Peace treated and concluded▪ between Tamerlane and the Chinois, the conditions, 154.1, 10, 20.30. etc. The bounds of Tamerlanes Conquests. He commands one God to be worshipped. He returns home, 154.50. He honours and rewards Axalla, and is welcomed home by the Great Chan, at Cambalu, 155.10.20 Tamerlane advices Bajazet the Great Turk, to forbear meddling with Greece, 155. His notable Saying, and Dream, his preparations against the Turk, 156.1, 10. His March by Moscovie to Trepisond and Georgia, ibid. Tamerlane still begins with Prayers, ibid. His Martial Discipline, ibid. He musters 300000. Horse and 500000. Foot, 156.50, 60. His Rendezvous at Gianich, 157.1. His Stratagem to delude Bajazet, ibid. What Tamerlane used to read before a Battle, 157.40 The Armies meet, his directions for the fight, ibid. He ever expects the charge, 148.30. The Victory gotten by his own Wisdom, ibid. 60. The number of the slain, 159.1. He gets Baiazet's Children, 159.30. Sends Baiazet's Sword to the Great Chan, 160.10. His Modesty and demeanour after Victory, He returns to Samarcand, 160 30. His Vow to God. His study to increase the place of his Birth, 160.50. Rewards his Soldiers, 161.1. Gives new Conditions of Peace to the Chinois, Buries the Great Chan, 161.30 Tamerlane made Chief Emperor of the Tartars, 161.40 Would have his Son go bareheaded and why, 162.30. His notable Sayings concerning his Successor, and his own Recreations, 162.40, 50. He publicly sits in justice thrice a Week, 163.50. Seldom changed his Servants, ibidem. His death, 164.1 Tanais the River, divideth Asia from Europe, 11.40. Breath of it, 11.60. It is the limit of the East part of Russia, 12.1. The head of it, ibid. The length of it, It falls into the Euxine Sea, ibid. Rubruquis Error concerning it, 12.1. in margin. Tanais head in the Rip●aean Mountains, 54.30 Tanais or Don, parts Europe from Asia falls into Maeotis, 415.40 Passage by it to Constantinople, etc. ibid. Tanais called the Don, 233.10. Falls into the Euxine, ibidem. Whereabouts, 2.10. & 12.1 Tanauquir a River, 255.1. Portugal's fight with the Pirates there, ibid. Taniampura in java, 253.40 Tandoia, the I'll, 285.10. And City. Tangarruan the Island, 308.40. Tanguth the Province, where, 22.60.75.40 Tanning with Milk thicked and salted, in Tartary, 7.40 Tapers borne by condemned persons, 435.1 Taprobana the Island, now called Zeilan or Celan, 110.10 Tar made of the Fir-tree, 417.40 Tarsa the Kingdom, whence the three Kings or Wisemen came to worship our Saviour, 109. Hence the Tartars pretend to invade Christendom to fetch home those three Kings from Cullen. Their Race are not Idolaters but Christians, ibid. Tartar Emperor married a Daughter of theirs, 116.50. & 117.40 Tartary, the Carriages used there, 2.50. And, 10.40. None comes to their Prince without a Present, 2.60. & 9.20. etc. Tartar's their true and natural place of beginning, 15.10 Tartars, the vulgar Error concerning their Original, 60.40. & in margin, & 61.30. They invade Poland, Bohemia and Hungary, and when, 60.60. & 61.1, 10. The Crusado preached against them, 61.1. Fasting, Prayer and Almes●●eds done against them, 61.10 Tartars inhabit Scythia, 3.30 Confine upon Persia, 74. & 75 saepe. Tartar's Dominions in Persia, 78 & 79. On both sides the Danubius, 2.30. & 3.30 Tartars of the East, the names of their Countries, 798.1. in marg. Betwixt Russia and Cathay. Their Countries, and several Dukes, 799 Tartars, the beginning of their Reign, & their four Brethren, 70.20 Tartars beyond the River Vistula, their Inroads upon Poland, 629 50. Their Customs, Mahometans, ibid. Tartars hold themselves Lords of the World, 59.50. & 64.30. They command the Pope to do personal homage to them, 59.40. Their fatal Expedition, and the miraculous way left them by the Sea, 112.60. & 113.1. They send three Armies to conquer Asia, 113.40. Overcome the Georgians, 113.40. And the Turks, 114.1. And India the Less, 114.40. And Persia, 116 1. And Baldach, 116.20. And Aleppo, 117.1 Tartars their Original, 77.30 Their Prince's descents, 78.10 Their first Habitations, 111.10 Why they will be called Moal, and not Tartars, 57.20 Tartars, their warfare, 79.10. The Officers of their Armies, their provisions, numbers, and horses, ibid. Tartar's their Bows, 61.40. Stronger in the arms than others, ibid. Excellent Archers▪ 6●. 10. & 64.50. Their slaughtery made in Comania, and of the Ruthenians and Hungarians, 61.40, 50. The Hungarians require aid against them, 61.60. They divide their Army into three parts, 62.1 Their persons described, 62.10. & 64.40. Their dispositions, 64.30 40▪ 50 Tartars pass Rivers upon Skins sewed together, and blown full of wind, 62.10. How they live in the wars, 62.10. Their Spies in Christendom, 62.30. The Pope suspects them set up by the Emperor, 63.10. The Emperor stirs up Christendom against them, 63.10 Tartars, the Civil wars betwixt them, 117.40. They and the Christians fall out in the Holy Land, 117.50. Beaten out of the Holy Land by the Saracens, 117.60. The Sultan of Egypt soweth discord amongst the Tartars, 118.20 Tartars have small store of Armour, 48.40. What they be, 48 50 Tartars Ensigns▪ are the Sun and Moon, 82●●, 40. And Gerfalcon, 82.40 Two Tartars overthrown, 60.20 When they broke out, ibid. 1. Their Conquests in Europe, 60 50. They flee from the Christian Army, 64.1. Their Founders they call Gods, 64.30. And Sons of God, 59.50. Their Festivals for them, 64.30. The suddenness of their Expeditions, 64.50. Their resolutions, ibid. Their pretences to invade Christendom, 64.60. & 65.1. Defeated near Damascus, by opening the Sluices, 124.30, 40. Tartar's their Manners and Ceremonies of Drinking and Feasts, 4.30, 40, 50 etc. And 39 ●0. Thrif●y in Food and Raiment, 52 20. Eat no Swine's flesh, 15.50 Are Man-eaters, 119.10. Their feeding upon Carrion, 5.10. And wind●dryed flesh, ibid. Their Co●kery, 5.20. Their Feasts, 5.20. Their Slaves will dine with puddle water, 6.10. Their men's Apparel, 6.20▪ &. 40. They wear two gowns at once, 6.30 Their women's Apparel, 6.60. & 7.10. They wash not their Apparel, 7.20. How they cut their hair, 6.50 Tartars shave their upper-lips, and war with the Persians, for not doing so, 239.40. justice in one of them, 240.10 Tartars true ones, 107.1. Their impudent begging of Strangers, 8.40. & 9.30. Their Ingratitude, 9.1. They hold themselves Lords of all Men, 9.1. They are bold thieves▪ 10.40. Their beastliness, 11 30 Tartars dealing with Travellers, 25.40. Their Pride, 26.1. They beheld the barefooted Friars, as they had been Monsters, 26.20. Their jealousy of Strangers, 27.30 Their Apparel, Arms, Valours, Obedience, and Religion, 78.50. etc. Their Idol Natigai, ibid. Their Houses, described, 3.30 Tartars stink a foreign, 169 60. And 170.1. Anoint themselves with blood, and why, ibid. Their Habit, 170.30. Their manner of hunting, 6.30. & 40 Tartars confess nothing by torture, 63.10. Their Cunning, ibid. Their Cruelties where they conquer, 61.30. & 63.50, 60 Tartarians take it ill, if their Gifts be not accepted, 46.40. Their Religion described, 88.40. Their Customs ibidem. Their Religion, Marriages, Warfare, Hospitality, etc. Described, 127.1, 10, 20. etc. Desire much, to have Men pray for their lives, 27.50. Their Questions concerning France, 28.10. They kiss their right Hands of whom they ask pardon, 28.30. Desire to dye the death of Christians, 42.40. They confess● one God, 43.1. Their Opinion of the Christians doing contrary to the Scriptures, ibidem. Though Christened, yet will not be called Christians, 14.40. Taught to worship the Cross, 31.50. & 32▪ 1, 60. Their Sick not visited, 8.30. How watched, why, ibidem. Their Mourning for their Friends, 8.10. Their Sepulchers, ibidem. Tartar's Images of Felt, are to represent their dead Friends, and not God, 22.30. Their Marriages, and what Degree● of Consanguitie they keep, 7.40. Their Widows do not Marry▪ and why, 7.40. The Bridegroom forces his wife, 7.50 Tartarian wives most faithful, 73 20. Obedient and industrious, 78.30, 40. Their Marriages, 78.20, 30. They marry their dead children that die unmarried, 79.1. Their women fat and flat nosed, held fairest, 7.20. They grease their faces, ibid. And anoint them with black Ointment, 9.40. They lie not in, after Childbirth, ibid. They ride astride, ibid. Their works and Duties to milk Kowes, as the men's is, to milk the Mares and to churn Cosmos, 7.20, 30. Their sluttishness, 7.20, 30 Tartarian Ladies shaved to the skull, 30.40 Tartars their general Rules, 443 1. Their Laws and justice, 7.60. What offences punished with death, 801 Tartars how they choose their Emperors, 58.50. Prince's chief Palace at Ciangamur, 80.30 Tartarian Courts their Order, and their jangi, 28.60.5.20. Three several Princes of them, are subject to their Great Chan, 126.10. His Residence in Cathay, at jong, or jons. The power of these Princes, 126.20.30. etc. Tartarian Princes sit upon beds, 27 40 Tartarian Princes keep correspondency, 47.60 Tartars reverence to their Prince's Court, 40.1. They get their victories under colour of peace, 40.20 Tartarians meet their Prince's messengers with Bread and Drink, as Melchisedecke did Abraham, or as the Germans do Ambassadors. 20.1. They go singing before them, 20.40. Subjects tread not on the Prince's threshold. 17.1. & 31.30. Rubruquis companion kept Prisoner for stumbling at it, 31.40. & 32.30 Tartarian Princes Fleet of fifteen thousand Sail, where kept, 95.20 Tartars Fustian letters to the Pope▪ 58.30 Tartars, twelve Masters of Requests, 84.40 Tartars, the revenues of the rich, for drink, 5.50. etc. And for Bread, 6.1. Their trucking with Rams and skins, 6.1. & with apparel, 10.20 Tartars trade for Furs into Siberia, 526.10 Tartars year begins February, the first, 84.30 Tartarian days post, is threescore and four miles English, 53.40 & in margin. Tararians' questions about: Popish Images. 30.50 Tartars admirable sentence upon the negligent Califa, 70.30 Tartars. The colour of their Ensigns, 278 1. Manner of embattelling, ibid. Scaling Ladders, and warlike Engines, ibid. Tartarian Compliments, 278.50 & 279.1. State of their Camp Royal, 279.1. Their King's State, and Tributary Kings, 279.30. His Habit Royal, ibid. His wondering at the bigness of the World, ibid. They retire out of China, 280.10. Their Monks and Nuns Chastity, 281.10. Their Opinion of the Resurrection, ibid. Their King's Burial place, 281.20. Their theeveries in the Borders, 314 60. Their Custom to cease upon the Goods of Strangers deceased, 313. & 316.10. When They conquered China; how long they held it, and how expelled. See, 376.20 Tartars, vide Crim Tartars. Nagayan Tartars, Mordwit Tartars, Chicasce Tartars & Cheremisse Tartars, etc. Tatami, are japonian Mats, 326 10 Taurica Chersonesus, now Cassaria, 53.30 Taurica Chersonesus described, from pag. 632. Unto 643. The length of the bank, 636.1. The soil, 636.50. The Seasons, Soil, Bounds, Original, Princes, etc. 637. Part belongs to the Turk, and part to the Tartars, ibid. Taurinum the City, where, 49 40 Tauris in Persia, the Merchandise of it, 70.40 Taute and Manse, Islanders of Cathaya, 34.10 Tayth City in Catay, 800.50. Described, ibid. Tebeth the Province, now a Wilderness, 90.20. How Travellers pass it, ibid. They desire Strangers to take their Daughter's Maidenheads, 90 40. They are great Negromancers, 90.60. And 91 20 Tebet, a Tartarian people, that for pity eat their Dead Parents, 23.1. They make Cups of their Skulls, 23.10, 30. They have much Gold, 23.10 Teeth covered with Gold, 92 20 Teeth, the fume of Quicksilver makes them fall out, 950.1 Telegas, or Wagons in the Russian, 242.20 Temple of the Sun in the Indies, 893.60. Converted into a Monastery, 895.60 Temple and Statue erected to a Governor; 328 Temple, a most huge one, 281 1. With gilded Steeples, 265. & 267.10 Temples of Peru, 1032. Of Mexico described, 1033. & 1133 40 Temples of Mexico described, 1133.30. Their Muniton kept in them, 1134.1 Temples of the Mexicans have Cloisters and Covents, 1049 30 Tempests yearly in China, and strange ones, 198.1.39.60 Tempests cruel ones, in the Mountains of Cathay, 36.20 Layed, ibid. Tempests extreme ones in Hispaniola, 997.1 Tempests usual at the new Moon, 256 Tempests raised by the Devil, 974 60 Tenduch the Province of the Tartarian Presbyter john, 710.20 Tenerise in the West Indies, the scite and distance from Santa Martha, Villages about it, mines, etc. 885.40. Rivers, ibid. Tennis play of the Mexicans, the fashion of it, 1127.40.50 Tensa, the Lords of it, command all in japon, 324.20. They are as Heirs apparent, 325.40 Tenth of the Spoils, due to the Prince of the Crim Tartars, 641 40 Tenths of Wool, the great Cham hath, 88.22 Tents, the huge number and richness of the Tartarian Princes, 86.20 Tenure in Capite in Russia, 424.10 Tephelis or Tiflis, the Georgians chief City, 55.1 Term for Law suits in Island, 650.50 Terzas, the Armenian Christians in Persia, 400 Testimonial in the Russes Coffin, 218.1 Tezcalipuca, the Mexican Idol, his great Festival the cause and manner, 1047 Thaican or Thracian the Castle, where, 73.20 Thebeth, Chesmir, Sensim, and Bachfi, orders of Soothsayers in Tartary, 81.1.20 thieves, their Thumbs cut off, 264.50 thieves how punished in China, 204.10 thieves all the way betwixt the Dominion of the Mogores and Cathay, 311.312. etc. Thievery, ignominions to Posterity, 335.40 Theft dispensed withal upon Confession before the Sacrament, 37.20.30 Theodosia or Capha the City in Taurica, 636.20. Christianity de●ayed there, ibid. How far from Constantinople, ibid. Theologie of the Chinois, 397 Theodulus of Acon his foolish message to Mangu-Chan, 29.10.20. etc. Thistles with Stalks four inches square, in the Indies, 897.60 Tholoman the Province, Gold plentiful there, 94.30 Thomas Edge his Voyage, 464.60. His return, 466.1. And second Voyage, ibid. His second Voyage and Commission, 709. His third Voyage, 467.10. His Island, ibid. His fourth Voyage, ibid. Another Voyage, 468.30. Another, 469.10 Thomas Perez Ambassador to China, how used, 267.20 Sir Thomas Button, confident to find the Northwest Passage, 848.40 Sir Thomas Smith Ambassador into Russia 747. His stately entertainment, puts the Russes out of their Compliment, ibid. Denies to give the Copy of his Embassage beforehand, 748.10. His Audience, ibid. His entertainment, 749. His second audience, 750.40. Take his leave, and returns for England, 751.20. A message sent to him from Demetrius 759.20 Sir Thomas smith's Island, 730.10. A barren place, ibid. Sir Thomas smith's Inlet, discovered to the furthest end, 725.30 Sir Thomas smith's Sound, the Latitude, 847 Saint Thomas buried in Malepur, 138.40 Saint Thomas his Tomb, strange things concerning it, 105.1.40.50 Thornsting Province in West Island 665.10 Thorro King of Go●land, etc. Made and a God. 659.50 Thread made of Indian Nuts, and how, 71.50 Thread of Coney's hair, 1132.40 Thread gotten out of a Leaf▪ 557.10 Threshold the Tartars touch not, 84.20 Throne a most stately one, 279.30 Throne of the King reverenced in his absence, 392.40 Thule, whether it be Island, 643.50 Thule is not Island, 655.10. But one of the British Isles, or Scandia, or Tylemarke in Norway, 655.50. marg. Thunder in 70. Degrees, 42. minutes North, 580 Thunder worshipped by the Mexicans, their odd opinion one, 1027.30 Thunderbolts frequent in the West Indies, where, 885.1.890.40 Thunderbolt, one Beast killed with it, exempts the H●ard from tribute, 87.50 Thursday the Etym●n, 664.50 Tibaldo de Vesconti di Piacenza, the Pope's Legate at Acon, 67.1. Chosen Pope, and called Gregory the tenth, 67.10. Sendeth Preachers into Tartary, ibid. Tiburon the Cape, on the West of Hispaniola, 859.10 Tickes of the water troublesome in the West Indies, their cure, 975.10 Tien tautec, what, in Chinese, 201.40 Tiflis the Metropolitan City of the Georgians, 49.10 Tiger devours a man, ● story of it, 902.50 Tigers their battles with the Crocodile, 931 Tigers of the West Indies, can distinguish an Indian from a Spaniard, 963.30 Tigers of India described, how killed a Tiger tamed, 991 Tigris the head of it, 49.30 Timber how Island is supplied with, 662.40 Timochaim in Persia, 70.50. & 72.20 Tingoesi the people described, 527.30.551.40. Speak like Turkey-cocks, ibid. Nations beyond them, 528.10. Their dexterity to take Fowl, Fish, and Venison, ibid. See also, 530.20. near to China, 543.60. & 546 Tingui the City, 96.40 Tinguigui the City, Drunkenness well overtaken there, 97.40 Tinna the chief City of the Russes in the Samoieds Country, 526.10 Tinlau a River, 257.30 Tipany in Lapland, 560.20 Tides in the Sea, where none, 518.30 Tides a discourse of them, 930.1.10.20. etc. Tids their Course come from the North, 492 Tides the chief Argument of the Northwest passage, 848.40, Tylemarke in Norway is Thule. 655. marg. Time of the day finely declared, 409 30 Tyras, the River Nester in Moldavia, 633.1 Tithes paid in Groneland, 520.1 Tithes paid in the West Indies, 908.50 Titicaca Lake, the greatness, thickness of the water, sorts of the Fishes, and Fowls, and the taking of them, 932.20 Title of the King of Sweden, 771. Of the Emperor of Russia, See Russian Emperor, or Emperor of Russia, of the King of Poland, 783.1 Titles the Chinois Ambition of them, 393.1 Titles a great Merchandise in japon, 324.10 Titubul the City, 291.30 Tlacaellec, a valiant Mexican General, his Acts, 1011.1012.1013. etc. Wins a battle only with Children, 1014.10. Refuses the Kingdom, 1015. His great Honour, Death, and Funeral, 1016.10 Toad found alive in the Timber of a Ship, 626.10 Toads as big as Cats, not venomous, their singing, and noises, 976.20 Tobacco the benumbing quality, of it, used by the Mexicans in their Devilish unction, and Physic, 1043.40 Tobacco lighted by the Sun at midnight in Greeneland, 737.50 Tobacco Pipes of Earth and Copper, 587.50. Cape Cod, ibid. 30 Grapes and Roses and Tobacco grow near it, ibid. Discovered, when, 588.10 Tobalsko Castle in Siberia, near to the Dominions of the King of Alteene, 798.1. How far thence, through Alteene to China, ibid. 60. The Commodities and Trading there, 544.50. The way from Pechora thither, ibid. See 552 Tocoatican the Island, 308.40 Tocci the Mexicans Idol, a Youngman worshipped in a Woman's skin, 1004.1. & 1031.30 Tococ what, in Chinese, 306.10 Toera the River, navigable after a Thaw, 525 Toes with two Nails, 394.20 Tolle and Customs paid at Bridges in China, 330 Toll taken at Bridges in Russia, 754 40 Tomb a strange one, 265. & 266. Inscriptions upon them in China, ibid. 50 Tom Mastangue an Armenian, his adventures, 254 Tomineios, an Indian Bird as small as a Bee or Fly, 965.20.977.10 Tomo Castle in Siberia, how far from the Dominions of Altine and Cathaya, 798. & 527 Tongue of a Bird like a Quill, 980.20 Tools made of Cow's bones, where, 877.40 Tools that cut Stone, made of a Cement of sand and blood, 1129.40. And of Flint for Goldsmiths and Gravers, 1132.50 Tooma the new City, where, 527.1 Tooth of a Giant found, as big as a man's first, 1002.10 Torchillus the Islander, his last Will, 665.50 Tortoises of India, which take fifteen men to draw them out of the water, the manner of taking them: they lay Eggs and feed on shore, 987.10 Tortoises of the West Indies, described: when good Meat, and when Poison, 976.40 Tortuga I'll in the West Indies, 866.30 Tosa an Island, 253.20 Towers wonderful ones in China, 204.60 Tower of ten Stories high, 328.30 Trades given over in Russia, and why, 432 Trades, none bound unto in China, 367.20 Tradesmen in Tartary, work one day in the Week for the Prince, 88.20 Trading in Muscovie granted to the English, 221 Traditions made equal with Scriptures, 452 Traditions in China, 196.50 Traditions learned by heart in Mexico, 1052. And in Peru, 1053.10 Travail, the difficulties of it in the North and North-Eastern parts, 66.20.60 Travailing fifteen days together upon Bushes, 960 Travailing by the Compass in Iseland, 649.50 Travelers out of Russia punished with loss of Life and Goods, and why, 433.10 Travelers in Russia, what they must carry, 224.20 Transubstantiation imitated by the Devil in his Idoll-Ceremonies, 1041.10. in marg. Trapesunda the City, 2.20 Traitors punishment in China, 406.40 Treason forfeits all Privileges, 388.1 Treason unheard of in Peru, 1055.10 Treasurer of the bones of the Dead, 274.20 Treaty of a League betwixt Russia, Denmark, and Sweden, against the Pole, 757.1 Tree borne in Procession, 227.20 Tree of the Sun, where, 72.20 Tree, whose pith is Meal for Bread 104. The wood sinks in the water, Lances made of it, etc. ibid. Tree of Silver, a most Artificial one in Tartary, 35.50. Described, ibid. Trees that have lain since Noah's Flood, 223.60 Trees none in the frozen Countries of Nova Zembla, Lapland, etc. 517.40 Trees in Peru, half of which yields fruits for one six Months, and the other side, another, 961.50 Trees taken up by the roots, & carried by Elephants, to the Great Cham's Gardens, 83.30 Trees of the West Indies, lose not their Leaves, 983.30. Not deep rooted, ibid. Trees and Thickets of the West Indies, 960.10. Huge Trees, ibid. Trees, Fruits and Plants of West India, 981 Trees hollow that will hold a hundred men, 982.20 Tribunals stately ones, 272.1 Tributes paid to the King of Mexico, see page, 1080. etc. Some pretty Story about that, 1006.20 Tribute of the Ruff, paid in Commodities, 428 Trigautius, his discourse of China, 380 Trimecau, a strange Sect, 277.1 Trinidad Island, discovered, the shape, etc. 866.1.10 Trinity Harbour in Greenland, our King's Arms set up there, 722.40. And possession taken for him, ibid. The Latitude and Variation, ibid. Trinity some mention of it, 397.60 Trinity imitated by the Devil in Peru, 1045.20 Trondon the Town in Norway, 618.20. The King of Denmark's seat, ibid. Saint Olaus the King buried there, ibid. Tropickes, the causes of temperature and habitableness betwixt them, 921.922. Constant Brise's betwixt the Tropickes, 924. Western winds without them always, and why, 925.40 Tropickes, when most rain within or without them, and the reason, 918.50. in margin. & 919.20.30. Causes of temperature there, 920. etc. Truth well rewarded, 194.30 Trumpa the kind of Whale that yields the Sperma Caeti, & Amber Greece, 471.50 Trumpets of the Cannibals of shells of Weelkes, 992.20 Tsaritzna the Island, 243.60 Tucaman Province in the West Indies, bounds of its jurisdiction, Towns in it and their Latitudes, Mines, Wool, Gilt-leather, Husbandry, Rivers, etc. 897.40 Tudinfu, a noble Kingdom 95.10. Great trading there, ibid. Tufaune, a Tempest usual in China 197.40.263.50 Tuinians, a people of Cathay, 24.20 Tuinians opinion, that the Soul of every thing, is the God of it, 41.40. They will not have the secrets of their Religion searched into, 41.60. They are Manichees, 42.10 Tumblers in China, 302.40 Tumen in Tartary, the trade there, the way thither from Pechora in Russia, 556.20 Tumen a Tartarian money worth ten Marks, 34.10 Tumultuous multitude, an example of them in Russia, 753.20 tunal Tree of India, the strange growing of it, which bears fruit, and Cochinell, 957.30. One in Mexico, growing out of a Man's heart, the strange story of it, 1003.40. & 1004.40.50. tunal Tree, again described, with his fruit, 1131.30 Tunas a West Indian fruit, makes the urine like Blood, 984.40 Tundi or Bishops in japon, 324.20 Turfs in stead of Mortar in Island 662. Two sorts of Turfs, inventor of Turfs, ibid. Turk's their manner of living, 69.40 Turks trade into China, 362.10. Their Commodities and gulling the China King, with a feigned tribute, ibid. Turkey wasted by the Tartars, 119.1. The Kingdom of it refused by the Armenian, 119.20. The weak Estate of it, in Rubruquis his time, 51.60. & 52.1.10 Turkemannia the Country, 237.1. Their manner of living and feeding, ibid. Turkemannia, inhabited by Turks, Grecians, and Armenians, 69.40. All under the Tartars, when, ibid. Turkish Army overthrown by the Ruff, 740 Turkey Carpets, 69.40 Turkisses where found, 71.1 Turlock Haven in Island, 647.50 Turquestan the Kingdom, 109.20. Won by the Tartars, 114.20 Tusce, what in Chinese, 312.60 Tutelare Gods respected in China, 396.60 Tutia and Spodio, where made and how, 72.10 Tutia good for the Eyes, ibid. Twelfe-dayes-solemnities, 498.60. Kept january the fourth in Russia 225 V VAchen the Country, Gentiles, 232.30 Vaigats straits and Island Discovered, 463.20. Inhabited by the Somoeds, ibid. Impassable for Ice, 463.40. It is an Island, 250.30 Vaigates straits, whence so full of Ice and floating Wood, 527.50. Sometimes open from the Ice, 526.40. The Rivers and Inlets about it, 545.1. The way thence to the River Obi, 550.60 Vaigats or Weygates, 477.60. A great Sea beyond it, ibid. An Island South of it, 478.10. The Rocks by it, 479.1. The elevation, and Creatures there, ibid. 20. near to the Tartarian Sea, ibid. The Course of Weygates, 480.1. The Samoeds there speak the Russian, ibid. Valani and Valania, the people and Country of the Coma●ians, 11.1. Where seated, and the extent of it, ibid. Called Alania by Isidore, ibid. Vandals speak the Sclavonian or Bohemia Tongue, 19.1 Valignanus the jesuit, goes into India and China, 320.1. His Book of China, ibid. Goes to japon, ibid. Sends for Ricius, 320.50. Institutes Jesuits at Amacao. Carries Princes to Rome, ibid. Valour of the West Indians, 1025 Vapours nourish Plants, how, 892.20. & in marg. Varella the River, 253.60. The head, 254.10 Vari arcolini, Beasts that bear Furs, 107.1 Variation of the Compass, in 57 Degrees 35. Minutes, 810.20. In 61. Degrees 40. Min. 812.50. In 55. Deg. 30. Min. 813.20. In 55. Deg. 31. Min. ibid. 30. In 55. Deg. 0. Min. ibid. 40. At the Nase of Norway, 814.40. By Fa●re I'll, ibid. 50. In 59 Deg. 50. Min. 815.20. In 56. Deg. 10. Min. 822.30. In 59 Deg. 40. Min. ibid. 40. In 58. Deg. 30. Min. ibid. 60. In 59 Degrees 0. Min. 823.10. In 58. Degr. 30. Min. ibid. 30. In 63. Deg. 33. Minutes, ibid. 40. In 63 Deg. 20. Min. 824. In 58. Deg. 36. Min. 826.20. In 59 Deg. 10. ibid. 30. In 57 Degrees 53. Min. 828.20. In 57 Deg. 57 Min. ibid.▪ 40. In 58. Deg. 3. min. ibid. 50. In 56. Deg. 0. Minute's. 829.1. In 56. Deg. 48. min. 829.30. In 65. deg. 25. min. 832.30. In 67. deg. 0 min. 833.20. In 58. deg. 50. min. ibid. 40. In 57 deg. 20. min. ibid. 60. In 57 degr. 26. min. 834. In 58. deg. 4. min. ibid. 10. In 58. deg. 30. min. ibid. 10. In 60. degr. 10. min. ibid. 40. In 60. deg. 10. min. ibid. 60. In Buttons Isles, in about 62. Deg. 837.60. In 61 deg. 30. min. 838.1. In 63. deg. 24. min. 839.10. Admirable strange and sudden Variation near the Northwest Passage, 844.30. Where the greatest Variation in the world is, 847.1. In 37. Degrees, 25. Minutes, 589.10. In 37. deg. 45. minutes, ibid. 1. In 38. degr. 13. minutes, 588.60. In 39 deg. 11. minutes, ibid. 50. In 42 deg. 56. min. 586.60. In 43. degrees, 56. minutes, ibid. 40. In 44. degrees, 27. min. 585.10. In 44. degrees, 10. minutes, 584.40. In 43. degrees 41. min. ibid. 30. In 43. deg. 16. Min. ibid. 10. In 44. degr. 58. min. 583.40. In 51. deg. 24. min. ibid. 1. About the North Cape, 574.60. In 61. deg. 14. minutes, 567. In 74. deg. 15. min. 700.20 In 76. degr. 50. minutes, 701.1. In 79. degrees, 15 minutes, 704.1. In 78. degr. 24. minutes, 705. In 61. deg. 30. min. 716.10. In 76. deg. 55. min. ibid. 20. In 78. deg. 24. min. 717.1. In 76. degree● 55. min. 717.50. In 77. deg. 40. min. 719.40. In 69. degr. 0. min. 720.20. In 68, degr. 0. min. 720.30. In 67. degrees, 5. minutes, ibid. 30 In 79. degrees, 34. min. 722.50. In 79. degr. 8. minutes, 727.50. In 71. degrees, 0. min. 730.20 Variation of the Compass none, where, 581.60 & 582.30 Variation of the Compass, none in 57 Degrees 55. Minutes, 810.20 Variation of the Compass, see Compass. Varnish excellent in China, 354.30.40. Whence it is, 382.40 Varnish bitumenous and shining, 334.20 Vasco Caluo his Fortunes, 277.40 Vasco d● Gama, first Discoverer of the Indies, 252.50 Vastac●s, Messengers, 26.60 Vastell in Sweden, subject to Denmark, 618 Vain glory in a Chinois Captain 191.40 etc. Vchoog what, in Russian, 244 30 Udders of Cows and Mares, placed in the Tartar houses, 4.30 Venomous Worms none about C●z●o in Peru, 894.50 Venomous Apples of India, 985.20 Venezuela, in the West Indies, the distance from Granada the new, the Mines in it, two Harvests in a year, Commodities which it sends forth, Town's first inhabiting, occasion of the Name, Attitudes, excellent Air, 866.40 Veracruz, a City in the West Indies, the Situation, the Latitude, 875 Ve●agua in the West Indies, the Latitude and Extent, Gold Mines, Soils, Towns, Wars of the Indians, Ports, Rivers, Bays, Points, and their Latitudes 883.884 Ver●paz Province in the West Indies, the Site, Extent; Commodities, Pictures of Feathers, Beasts, Fish, Rivers, etc. 879.20 vermilion found in Silver Mines, 894.10. Quicksilver gotten out of it▪ ibid. This Quicksilver makes a poisonous colour in Painting. Vermilion, see page, 948.949 Versts, the measure in Russia, 223.60. & 224.30. About a mile 243.60 Versed of Russia, is three quarters of an English mile, 414.30 Vessels of Whale fins, to boil meat in, 817.50 Veils, men ride in them in Pequin, 342.20 Veils worn at Church in Norway, 617.40 Vgo●ta, a Coast Town upon the River Ob or Oby in Tartary▪ 479.40 Vgorskai, Samoeds on the Ob, 805.1 Via Lactea called, The Hall of Heaven, 409.1 Via Lactea, more bright in the South parts; black spots seen in it, 918.40 Vihuella, the Swordfish described▪ 988.30 Victima, the Etymon of it, 1037.30 Victuals the price in China, 199.50 Victuals of the Mexicans, 1133.10 Vicugnes a West Indian Beast described, how Hunted: Cloth medicinable made of their Hair, his Flesh sovereign for the Eyes, 967.20 etc. Vigils how observed in Russia, 45●. 30. Their great Vigil, ibid. The Emperor than eats and lies with his Empress; 457.20 Villa Lobos, his Voyage to the Philippin●●s, 282 Villages forsaken in Russia, and why, 432 Vilna in Lituania, Caluenisme there, 628 Vincentius Beluacensis his Relation of the Tartars, 58.40 Vinegar made of the Sappe of a Tree, 957.20 Vipers of West India, leap up to bite, the deadliness of their Poison, 975.50 Virginia, the excellency of the Air and Soil, 852.30 The commodiousness of the Situation. A Passage that way to the South Sea or Indian Ocean, etc. ibid. Vision of a Labouring man in Mexico, 1021 Visions of the Devil in Mexico, how procured, 1043.20.30 Visitation performed by sending Papers beforehand, 391.30. Their tediousness, ibid. Visitation of the Sick, not used in Tartary, 8.30 Visitors of Colleges, and other Officers in China, 184.30.40.50 Vitzliputzli, the Devill-idoll of the Mexicans, his Story, 1002.1003. His horrible Sacrifices, ibid. 30. His Image, 10●0. 20. His Festival day, 1040 Vladislaus Prince of Poland, elected Emperor of Russia, 782.40.50. The Articles betwixt him and the Russes, 783.784.785.786. Not to alter their Religion, to have one Roman Church in the Moscho, to suffer the jews still in Russia, not to spoil the Churchmen, or Temporali●e, His Poles, not to be judges in Courts, not to alter private men's conditions, 784. To continue the former Pensions to Strangers, and Officers, to continue the League with Poland. Injuries to be forgotten, Captives released, demolished Cities to be repaired, 785. Merchants to have free trade, Garrison Towns to be continued, or restored to Russia. Vor, or Demetrius the Impostor to be slain. His Wife to be taken off, Vladislaus to be Rebaptised in the R●sse Religion. Not to send foreign Soldiers into Moscow, 786. His Answer to the former Demands of the Russians, 787. Promises to come in Person into Russia. The high Style of his Letters. Per●●its the Greek Religion, and Clergies: threatens Rebels, ibid. The Articles confirmed in his Name by the Polish General, 788.40. And assented unto by the King his Father, 789.20. Rejected again by the Russes, His great design utterly diverted by other Wars, 790. His Father sends another Army in behalf of him, an Accord made, 791.30 Vlusses, a Tartarian hoard, 799.10.20. etc. Several names of them, ibid. Unctions or anointings of the Mexican Priests; with Poison and Tobacco, a hideous Story of it, 1043.10 Vngut, fair Women in Tartary, for the Great Chans' Concubines, 82.50. The manner of their Choice and usage, ibid. Unicorns or Rhinocerotes, 93.50 Unicorns, their description, 103.40. & 104.1 Unicorn's horn, for the Russian Emperor's Staff, 741.30. Cost seven thousand Marks, ibid. Unicorns (or Sea-fish) horn, 465.1 Unicorns, are but Fishes, 651.40. marg. Unicorn is a Fish, store of them whereabouts, 843.60. & 846.20.30 Universities in China, in what manner, 338.60. etc. 344.40. In every Mother City, ibid. & 345.60 University in Tartary, 280.60 University of Mexico in the Indies, 871.50. Of Los Reyes, or Lima, 892.50 Vobsko in Russia, besieged by the Pole, the Enemy repelled by Suskoy, 424.50. Suskoy thrust into a Monastery and killed, ibid. Vochan the Province, 74 Vogel Hooke, where, 569.40 Voiavod signifies a General, 436.30 Volcans', or burning Mountains▪ many in the West Indies, 870.30. One melted a Cauldron, 880.60.891.20. diverse named and described, 933. Philosophical discourse of them, 940. Thought to cause the Earthquakes, ibid. Volga a mighty River, 12.40. The Course of it, ibid. The distance from Tanais, ibid. Volga the River, called Rha or Edel, 525.30. falls into the Caspian sea, ibid. The head and breadth of it, 16.1. Two thousand miles long, 242.10. Five week's travel on the bank of it, 18. It hath seventy mouths, 234 Volga, the Country about it conquered, 231.60 Vologda in Russia, 214. The Commodities, the Houses described, 224.20. The way from thence to Moscow, ibid. How far from the Moscow, 744 Vologda River in Russia, the head, it falls into the Caspian Sea, 415.30 Warrant the Ruff Impostor, the troubles raised by him. See Demetrius. diverse of that name pretenders, 788.30 Vows usually made at Feasts, in Norway, 656.40 Vows of Women for fruitfulness, 449.1 Voices heard in Mexico, before the Ruin of their Empire, 1020.40.60. & 1021 Vraba the Gulf, how far from the Equinoctial: the North Star from thence is seen very low, 975.1 Urgence, a City, 236.50 Urns of the dead Mexicans, their jewels buried with the Ashes, 1029.50 Vtosci, is Gold beaten into powder, 325.20. Curious enamelling with it, ibid. And Painting, 326.10 Vsting City, 224.1. & 243 W WAlachia, some places in it, 633.1 Walking Captain in Russia, his Office, 437 Walking Castle in Russia, 438.10 Wall of China against Tamerlanes invasions, 142.60. & 146.40. Impregnable, 147.20. The Guards, 798.40 Wall of China, described, the height, Materials, Towers, Beacons, the length, number of Gates, 800.20.30 Wall of China, the building, described, 268. Called Chanfancau, ibid. Interrupted by Hills and Rivers, ibid. The Fortifications of that Wall on both sides, ibid. Man●ed by Slaves or Condemned men, ibid. The Prison where they are first kept, 273.20. They serve there six years, 273.30. The number there, ibid. Wall of China, the length, etc. 315.1. & in marg. A particular Governor it hath, ibid. Wall three hundred miles long, 168 10 Walls of mighty breadth, 342.1▪ Walls of Towns have a Surveyor in China, 170.50 Walls of Thistles in the Indies, 897.60 Wardhouse, the strongest Hold in Finmarke, 212. Described, 223.10 Warp, a Sea term, what 565. marg. Wars of the Mexicans, mostly to take Prisoners for their Sacrifices 1039.20. The Ceremonies of denouncing it in Mexico, 101●. 1 Warfare of the Crim Tartars, 640. etc. Warfare the manner in Russia, 436.437 etc. Their Officers, Musters Arms, Marching, Provisions for the Field, Discipline, Ensigns, Charging, Ambushes, Engines, Ordnance, Rewards, etc. 438 Warfare of the West Indians, 992.20 Warsovia on the River Vistula, 629 Warts growing on men's faces under the Equinoctial, occasioned by eating of Fish, 889.10 Warwick's Foreland in America, the Latitude, and the seven Lands by it. How the Land bears and appears, 810.50. The Inlets and setting of the Currents about it. Water, why it is not moved about with the Primum Mobile, 924.50 Water of the Sea, good against Poison, 985 Water bursting fourth of the Earth, that destroyed a Country, 906.1 Waters wonderful ones in Island, that turn Wood into Iron and Stone, cure the French Disease, and other Marvels, 647.648 Waters of the West Indies, of several properties, 933.20 Water fr●ezing as it falls, 415.1 Water warm mixed with the Wine, in the Sacrament in Russia, and why, 452.10 Water clarified with Allome, 364.1 Water alone, not drunk by the Tartars, 6.1 Water procuring looseness, 72.1 Water causing Webs on the Eyes, 868.30. Believed to restore Youth, 868.50 Water fall a fearful one, the desperate attempt of some Spaniards to pass it, 934.1 Water-Hawkes in Hispaniola, 997.50 Watches, admired in China, 321.30 Watch and Ward, the manner in Catay, ●00 Watch and Ward duly in China, 395.20. A pretty Order for it, 173.1 Watching all night at Church, 456.30 Wat●sfiordur Haven in Island, 655.1 Wax boiling out of a Fountain, 647.60 Wax Candles in China, 292.40 Way from Cascar to Catay 〈◊〉 242.50 Ways four admirable one● in Peru, 894.50 Way-Markes in Tartary, 87.60. & 88.1 Weapons not worn by the Tartars, 639.1. Nor by the Chinois, 344.40 Weavers of the West Indies, 968.30 Weavers in China, 407.1 Weaver's Shop in a Chestnut Tree, 960.50 Weddings of the Chinois. See Marriages. Wednesdays fasted by the Russians, 218.1. But upon a false reason, 456.20 Wednesday the Etymon of it, 664.50 We praise thee O God, used in the Russian Service, 450.40 Weeding of Rice by Ducks in China, 174.40 Weeks of the Mexicans of thirteen days, 1050.20 Weeks of years in Mexico, 1136.10 Weight, all things sold by in China, 199.40 welshmen's ancient sailing to the West Indies, a discourse of that 807.10 Wendovers' Relations of the Tartars, 60.20 Wenne● in men's throats, by drinking bad water, 74.60 West, the mahometans turn towards in Prayer, & why, 313.30 West Indies divided into two parts, 860.20. Viceroy in each Division, ibid. How much of them under the Spanish Dominion, 856. 5●. They are not joined to our World, 963.20. in marg. How Men, Beasts, and Fowls, come first thither, in Acostae● judgement, 963.964 West Indies, the supreme Counsel, Precedent, etc. The number of the Archbishops, Bishops, Monasteries, and Universities, how the Clergy is maintained there, 908. Church government, provisions for Prehends, and other Church business 909. Names of all the Officers, 916: Orders for the goods of the Deceased, for Married men, Spanish Inquisition, etc. 910. Orders for the Supreme Counsel, 911. Indian Courts diverse, 912. Officers, 913 Other Orders for Government, 914. Laws, 915. etc. West Indians diminished by the Spaniards, 996.40. Troubled in their Religion, ibid. Westmen, who in the Norwegian speech, 657.30 Weygates, see Vaigats. Whale's store, near the Northwest Passage, 844.40. Difficulties of taking them, ibid. 20 Whale monstrous one, taken in the I'll of Thanet described. His Eye a Cart load, his Liver two Cart load, etc. 737. etc. Whale endangers a Ship, 571.20 Whale his bigness, thickness, Fins, etc. Discovered by his own spouting of water, the manner of Hunting and killing him. How he revenges himself. He spouts blood. How they take his fat, 470. The making of his Oil, 471.20. His Fins how taken, ibid. Eight several sorts of Whales, 471.40. What sorts yield Oil, Whale-bone, Sperma Caeti, and Ambergris, and what, nothing, ibid. And which is good meat, 472.10. The manner of taking him described in a Map, 472 Whales eight sorts of them, 710.20 Their several quantities of Oil. Whales not afraid of Ships, 715.40 Whales huge, 223.1. Cry in engendering, ibid. Whales give sucks to their young, 930.50. marg. Whale built within Island, 649.60. The dwellers in them dream of Shipwreck, 650 Whalefishing begun in Greenland, 465.10 Whalefishing 〈◊〉 admirable manner, in the Indies, 931.30.40 Whalefishing in Groneland, 519.10 Whale killing taught us by Biskayners, 715.30 Whale Sound, the Latitude, 846.60 Whale Bay, 464.40 Whey the Islanders drink, 663.60 Wheat cheap in Russia, 416.1.10 Wheat where in the Indies it will not grow, and why, 954.20. See Baruolents. Wheel of the Mexicans containing fifty two years, the Art of it, 1050.30 Whips and Whipping, the manner in China, 188.40. Worse than hanging, ibid. & 202.40 Whipping with Caves, the manner, 319.50. & 396.30 Whips of Sinews, or Whitleather, 434.40 Whirlpool of Malestrand, 222.60 Whirl-pooles hinder sailing, where 520.40 Whistling Arrows in Tartary, 29.30 Whistling Language, men understand one another in it in Mexico, 1135.10 Whores in China are all blind, 176.50. And all Slaves, 182.40. An Officer set over them, ibid. Whoredoms unpunished in Russia, 460.50 Whoredom for a morsel of Bread, 646.40. Scarce punished in Iseland, ibid. White, the Tartars hold for a sign of good luck, 84.50 White the Festival Colour of the Muscovites, 214. The mourning colour in China, 368.1.165.50 White Creatures in cold Countries, 649.50 White people under the Tor●id● Zone, 898.20 White men rarely borne in Mexico 1128.50 White Castle, a City in Catay, described, 801.10 White Sea, 515.40. The breadth, it is upon Lapland, ibid. See 531.10 Wiccings, are Piracies, 620.1 Wichida in Russia, made habitable, 432.50. The projectors of it ryfled, ibid. Wichida the River, the Samoi●ds trade by it into Russia, 522.20. The head, 525.20 Widows in Tartary Mary not, and why, 7.40 Widows continuing so, rewarded in China, 344.50. And honoured, 393.1 William Baffin his Voyage to Greenland, 716 William Helye his Actions in Greenland, 468.469. etc. William Barents his first Voyage, 474.20. Returns into Holland, 478.10. Sets out again, ibid. Returns, 482.30. His third Voyage, 483.1. Dies by Nova Zembla, 508 William Bouchier a French Goldsmith found in Tartary, 28.40. His curious Workmanship, 35.50 & 37.40. How he came thither, 39.20 Williams Island, the height of the Sun there, 474.60 Willoughbies Voyage to Denmark, 780.10 Willoughby Land, 462.60. And 212.50. It is Greene-land, 579 Windows first made in the Roofs of houses, 662 Winter nine Months long in Groneland, 651.30. & 609 Winter not known in some places of the Indies, 921.60. 〈◊〉 Where, little or none is, 526.60 Winter short and mild in Taurica, 637.1 Winter and Summer, where contrary to curs in Europe, 896.30 Wisera the River his head & course, 525.30 Witch of Malinalco, her Story, 1003 Witches of Peru, their Arts, 1043 1044 Witches Sound in Greenland, the latitude, 725 Wile of a Portugal, to save his life, 1029.30 Wild beasts of China, 381.60 Wild beasts more acceptable in Sacrifice, then tame, 272.60 Wind in Winter, none in Tartary, and why, 27.1 Wind extreme hot in Ormuz: it stifled an Army, 71.50 Wind preserve: from corruption, 647.40 Winds sold to Seafaring men in Island, 653. & 646.20 Wind, sold to Mariners by the Witches of Lapland a Fable, 444.1 Winds temper the Torrid Zone, 921.40. Their differences, properties and Causes in general, 922 Winds which the Spaniards are to observe in their Navigations to the West Indies, and how far each carries them, 924. & so, to and from the Philippin●s, ibid. A Philosophical Discourse of Winds, from pag. 922. to pag. 928. Strange effects of Winds, 926 Wine of Dates 〈◊〉, 103. 50●. Of Indian Nuts, ibid. Wine of Rice, 366.1. Drunk hot, ibid. Wine of Peru, the taste, 938.1 Wine of Palmtree, 284.20 Wine made of the sap of a tree, 957 20 Wine drinking held a sin, 109.10 Wine-drinkers not admitted to be Witnesses, 105.10 Wives the Chinois keep as many as they are able, 359.60. They are bought and sold, 367.50 Wives sit at table, and Concubines wait, 394. They bring no portions, 394.1 Wives, the father's 〈◊〉 for assurance of her Maidenhead, 454 10. Used as servants, 456.1 Wives and servants slain to wait on their Master in the next World, 1029.20 Woden, in our Saxon Stories, is Odinus, 664.50 Women the fairest in the World, where, 72.20 Women in China have no names, 394.50. They are seldom seen. They do all the work within doors in China, 189.10 Women, Goldsmiths and Carvers in the West Indies, 1123.10 Women Warriors in the Indies, 886.20. & 992.40 Women brought to bed, the Men lie in, 92.30 Women sold in Sweden, 631.10 women's Lands in Groneland, the latitude▪ 845 Wonders of Island, 647.648 Wood held by the Chinois for an Element, 345 Wood in Ormu●, which will not endure nailing, 71.50 Wood mighty store in the West Indies, 960 Wood floating in the Sea, 531. Whence it 〈◊〉, 527.50 Wood shining in the night, 983.20 Wooing-presents in Russia, 454 10. Wooing with whips, 229.50 Wool in China and in cloth made of it, 382.1 Wor, see Vor. Works of Piety in China, 271.30 World, the Mexicans belief of the end of it, 1050.40 Worms troublesome ones in the Indies, 975 Worm breeding in men's legs, 23● Of an 〈…〉▪ how got out, ibid. Writing with Pencils and in Characters. 34.10. & 370.30. From the right hand to the left, ibid. Upward, ibid. Downward, ibid. Writing of China, from the right hand to the left, and the lines drawn downward, 384. Fair writing very ●●are there, 340 Writing by Pictures in Mexico, 1052.60. And in Peru, 1053.20 Writing and reading in Peru by knots upon coards: and by small stones upon a W●●ele 10●3. Writing the lines up or down, 1054 X XAgu●, an Indian tree, 〈…〉 and nature of the sap of it, 28. ●0 Xalisco, or New Gallicia in the West Indies, the Council, and bounds of it, 876.20. The Bishop's Sea removed thence to Guadalaiara: when first discovered, a sickly country, the latitude, 876, 50 Xamabusis, Pilgrims of japon: their Confessions a fearful Story of that, 1042.30 Xancheum in China described, 334 40 Xandu the City, 80.40 Xata● and Xambalu, for Catay and Cambalu, 310 Xaverius the jesuit, called the Indian Apostle, 317.30. Canonised at Rome, 316.60. B●asts to have converted 300000. souls 317.30. His travels, 318.1. Goes to Cangoxima in japon, & there publishes the Decalogue, 318 40 Opposed by the japonian Priests, ibid. Returns to India to fetch an Ambassador, gets himself made the Pope's Nuntio opposed by Aluarus, who falls into a Leprosy, 318.60 Xaviers zeal and behaviour towards him, 319.1. Gets himself carried into China, where he is forsaken and dies, 319.10 Xauxan, a flower that makes bread in the Indies, 954.10 Xylobalsamum what properly, 95● 30 Xinaleygrau, the Signiory, 281.30 Y YAik a River, 241.50 Yamsu the River, the course of it, 340.40. 〈◊〉 by the two 〈◊〉 Cities in China, ibid. Yara City in Catay, 800.50. Described▪ Yaskent, a City, 240.40 Yehuri, the Mexican Priests that heard Confessions, 1041.60 Year of the Tartars begins in February, 84.30. This is 〈◊〉 solemnest day, ibid. They f●●st th●● in white garments, 84.50. Their New years gifts, ibid. They reckon their years by Twelves, and how, 88.40 Year in Russia begins with September, 447.20. And the September before ours, 746.28. & why, 757.50 Year when it begins in China, 392 40 〈…〉, how solemnised, 394.1. Their Year 〈…〉▪ ●62. 10. & 265 50. Gods of the Year, ibid. It begins in March, 196.50 Year begun in the middle of january in Norway of old, 659.50 Year of the Samoieds is but half a Year, 556 Years of the Mexicans, 1135.30 1136.1. Their manner of reckoning them, 1050. The beginning, end, and l●st days of it, ibid. Year of the Peruians, 1051.1 Year in Peru begins in December, 1040.1. & 1045.1 Yedzo land: the latitude▪ 842.50 Yielding, the Ceremony of it, in Mexco, 1013.20, 50 Yellow Mugals, 799.20 Yellow River in China, the course, 340. Sacrificed unto, ibid. 10000 ships in it, Proverb of it, ibid. Yellow, the King of Chinois colour, which none else may be of, 392.50 Yellow hats a great honour, 201.20 Yem, the River, 235.20 Yemps a Town, 224.1 Yenis●e or jenisse River, falleth into the Sea Naromzie, 546.20. Not far from China, ibid. Yguanas, a strange West Indian beast, that both swims and climbs trees, their shape▪ 966.40 See Yuanas. Yiu a Festival day in Peru, the Ceremonies of it, 1046.20 Young's Cape, 567.60 Yopes the River in the West Indies, 871.60 Youga River in Catay, falls into the Black Sea, 800.40 Youth how educated in Mexico, 1064 Yperpe●a ● C●i●e, 10.20 Yea, a great Feast in Peru, the solemnity 〈◊〉, 1035. ●0. etc. Yuana● West Indian Serpent described, delicate meat, 976.50 〈◊〉 for the French●oxe ●oxe, 977.1 Y●c●, the chief food of Brasile, 903 10. How they make bread of it: the juice is poison, and the substance bread, where this bread is most used, 954.10 Yucatan Province in the West Indies under the Government of Mexico, its bounds, etc. 870.30 A Peninsula, the extent, temperature, no River in it, nor metal, long lived people, Towns & their latitudes, etc. 87.10.20. etc. Yun-lo the China King▪ 389.30 You de Narbona his Letter and Discourse about the Tartars, 63 40 Z ZAcatecas, the Province in the West Indies, rich in Silver Mynes; three Towns of Spaniards in it: distance from Guadalaiara, 876. And from Mexico. Other mines there, Villages, etc. 877.1.10 Zacatula the Province and Village in the West Indies: the latitude, distance from Mexico▪ Zamachie in Media, a Staple for Silk, 442.50. The Ruff trades thither, & gave 〈◊〉 to the English, the Commodities, ibid. Zamatia an Island of the Moluccas, i● Taprobana, 904.30 Zar, or Czar, one of the Russian Emperors Titles, 793.30 Zavorat in Russia, the latitude, 545 30 Zeilan the best Island of the World, 104.20. 'tis Traprobana, 110.10 Zenam Island, 223.1 Zenam on the Coast of Finmarke, ●61. 10. & 581.40 Zeni, two Brethren their Fortunes, 610. etc. Zeno● Chersonesus, where, 633▪ 30 Zenu the 〈…〉 in the West Indies, the distance from Car●agena, Salt made there, 88● 50 Zere, the Island, 246.40 Zichmui Prince of Friesland his Story, 610. etc. Zielensa Lands, 543.30. In Russia. Zikia the City, 2.20 Zipangu the golden Island, 102.20 Taken by the Tartars, ibid. The Islanders call Mangi, Chin, or China, 102.50 Zodiac, as it is more straight, or more oblique makes the days or nights, of diverse lengths, 920.40 Zona Torrida, why in some places under it, the rain still falls in the afternoon, 918.50. Why so much under it, when the Sun is hottest, 919.20, 30, 40. Why in some places under it there falls no rain, nor are any springs, etc. 919 60. Temperate in many places, in others hot, cold, etc. And the causes, 920.10, 20, 30, etc. Reasons of the diversities of tempers, 921. The heat though violent, yet short: the greatest heat in the morning, and why, 921.50. Western wind blows seldom there, 923.40. It is the greatest of the five Zo●●●s, 923. Why men sail under it from East to West, and not back again, 924.50. Se● Equinoctial. The land-winds cool it by night, and the Sea-winds by day, 926.10. Cal●ses often under it, ibid. Many Lakes under some parts of it, 933.10. Most of the West Indies lie under it, 9●5. 10. The Countries under it, are all hilly & why, 936.1 Torride Zo●●, most inhabited of all the West Indies; and by white Men, and they most warlike: it is of the temperature of Spain: few waters & rain seldom under it, 898.10, 20, 30▪ Zorzania, 〈◊〉 Georgia, 69.50 Zubu the Island, 282.10 FOr the use of this 〈◊〉, the Reader may see the advice given him over the head of the Letter A; In the beginning of t●is 〈◊〉. This is so printed 〈◊〉 the end of the Index, that it may be the better seen. FINIS. LONDON, Printed by William Stansby, for Henry F●therstone, and are to be sold at his Shop in Paul's Churchyard at the sign of the Rose, 1625.